
Glass 33 ^4 
Book . ^ ^S6 



/oo w 



A 

DICTIONARY OF THE BIBLE, 



COMPRISING ITS 



ANTIQUITIES, BIOGRAPHY, GEOGRAPHY, 



AND 



NATURAL HISTORY, 



WITH 



NUMEEOUS ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS. 



EDITED 

By, WILLIAM SMITH, LL.D., /r/3-^3 

CLASSICAL EXAMINER IN THE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON, AND 

EDITOR OP THE DICTIONARIES OF "GREEK AND ROMAN ANTIQUITIES,' 

"BIOGRAPHY AND MYTHOLOGY," AND "GEOGRAPHY." 




IWHe Of Shew Bread. From the Arch of Titus, 



BOSTON: 
D. LOTHROP & CO., 

FRANKLIN AND HAWLEY STREETS. 






\ 



PEEFAOE. 

^ 

The Bible, which an eminent Englishman has felicitously and tixily 
named the "Book for the People," is nevertheless, with multitudes 
even who profess to value it, "as the words of a book that is sealed, which 
""t^eu deliver to one that is learned, saying. Read this I pray thee : and he 
4 saith, I cannot ; for it is sealed: and the book is delivered to him that is not 
learned, saying, Read this, I pray thee : and he saith, I am not learned." 
(Isaiah xxix. 11. 12.) 

There is much in the Bible to which only the Holy Spirit by His influ- 
ence on the heart can give the key ; and thus the child and the unlettered 
man may find in it a wondrous revelation though "sealed" to the undevout 
scholar, for "the testimony of the Lord is sure, making wise the simple." 
There is much too in these ancient Sacred Writings, that cannot be under- 
stood and enjoyed except by the aid of research and learning. Biblical 
scholarship is needed to help us not only to fathom the depth of meaning, 
bu: often to interpret even the real thought and import of what is read. The 
most patient, prayerful and profound investigation of scholarly and devout 
minds along the ages, has been addressed to the elucidation and unfoldiig 
of the Bible, that no part of it may be "sealed" to the lowliest and unlet- 
tered, and that its divine significance may be comprehended by all. To 
search the libraries of Christian lands, gather the results of the Biblical 
learning of centuries and give them to the people, as a help in their reading 
of the Divine Word was a vast and most praiseworthy enterprise. A few 
years since, Dr. William Smith of the University of London, and the most 
eminent lexicographer in the English-speaking world, associated with him- 
self seventy distinguished Divines and Authors of both Europe and this 
country, in the great task of preparing a complete Dictionary of the Bible, 
and supplying the want which had been long felt by the religious Public. 
The result of these labors has appeared in three large octavo volumes of 
over three thousand double-columned pages in small type. This Dictionary 
is not only unsurpassed, but far outrivals all other similar works and has 
the unqualified praise and confidence of Christian scholars in this and other 
lands. It is in itself a great library— the condensation of thousands ot 
volumes of essays, histories, travels and commentaries, so that the Bible is 
elucidated and illustrated as never before. The labors and learning of cen- 
turies are gathered into this one focus, to throw a clear, strong light upon 
every page of the Inspired Word. Whatever of Civil and Natural History, 
of Biography, Geography, Archaeology and Literature relating to the Bible 
miofht perplex and baffle the reader, is explained by the amplest discussion 



II 

r 

and most reliable statement. Hardly a question can be started pertaining to 
the Scriptures, to which an answer may not be found here. Animals and 
plants ; historical incidents and traditions ; domestic and national customs 
and institutions ; manners, dress, and habits of life and thought ; supersti- 
tions, forms of worship and doctrines ; conflicts and revolutions ; national 
and religious progress or decline — all that the Bible contains is opened aiid 
illuminated, so that the reader may study and understand the times 
and peoples referred to, as if living then and among them, and "^bus may 
more fully and accurately comprehend the lessons God has st>ught to teach 
in His Word. Historic research, antiquarian investigation, the study of 
languages and dialects, the discoveries of the modern travellers and explor- 
ers in the East, — Robinson, Rawlinson, Fergusson, Layard, Offert and 
Stanley — and the largest, ripest scholarship o' the Christian world have 
been employ^i to unseal the Sacred Book and help both the clergy and laity 
to understand it better and love it more. 

The large cost and affluent learning of this gi-eai uoik however place 
it beyond the reach of the mass of the people. Nor was it designed for 
such, but especially for persons of scholarly pursuits and attainments. 
Dr. Smith has therefore abridged it and prepared an edition for Young Per- 
sons, Sabbath School Teachers and Families. He says in his Preface, '*The 
'Larger Dictionary of the Bible' is mainly intended for Divines and Schol- 
ars. I have accordingly drawn up this 'Smaller Dictionary' 7j.yi>el/\ and 
have spared no pains to adapt it to the wants of the persons for whom it is 
intended. Judgment is needed in knowing what ought to be omitted, as 
well as inserted in such a work. It contains every name in the Bible re- 
specting which any thing can be said ; it gives an account of each of the 
books of the Bible ; it explains the civil and religious institutions, the man- 
ners and customs of the Jews, as well as of the various nations mentioned 
or alluded to in Scripture." The vvork which the American publishers here 
furnish, is what it claims to be, a reprint, without a single omission^ of this 
Dictionary by Dr. Smith. Some additions have l)een made to it from the 
"Larger Dictionary," to give an ampler discussion of some topics, yet with- 
out oppressing or confusing ordinary readers with what — if not familiar 
with the speculations of Rationalism and Infidelity, nor with the original 
languages of the Scriptures — is beyond their reach, and therefore would be 
useless to them. Every subject, — person, place, event and thing — of which 
any mention is made in the Bible and which is treated of in the " Larger 
Dictionary " is included in this, with such fulness and fidelity as to supply 
all that is essential to the explanation and comprehensive knowledge of it 
The list of the proper names in the Old and New Testaments, with biographies 
or historical sketches annexed, is more complete than that contained in any 
other Dictionary or even Cruden's great Concordance. An examination of 
the work will surprise one by the abundance and accuracy of the reference*- 
to chapters and verses, which it contains. 



Ill 

This republication has several excellences, (besides being much cheaper 
than any other,) that commend it to the patronage of the Public. 

(1) It is printed in type of a heavy, distinct and very legible ftice. 

(2) The most careful endeavor and accurate scholarship have been en- 
listed, to avoid reproducing the errors which crept into the English edition. 

(3) The pronunciation of names is the only matter in which Dr. S. is 
open to serious criticism. English authorities differ from American. Our 
standard lexicographers have here been followed, so as to adapt the work 
to the American People, and give it a merit possessed by no other reprint. 

(4) This is also the only reprint by an American publisher of the abridg 
ment made by Dr. Smith's own hand. 

Illustrating and embellishing their work with over one hundred wood- 
cuts from both the "Larger" and "Smaller Dictionary" of Dr. Smith, with 
valuable Maps, and twenty-four large and costly steel and wood-engravings 
of ancient Cities and memorable Places, and putting it in the most attrac- 
tive and durable form, as respects typography and binding, the Publishers 
confidently expect that the readers of the Bible who desire to study it with 
clearer light and with greater profit, will appreciate the service here render- 
ed to the cause of Biblical interpretation and knowledge. 

"The fairest flower that ever clomb up the cottage window," said Cole- 
ridge, "is not to my eyes so beautiful as the well-worn Bible on the cottage 
table." In every household, this Dictionary should lie beside the Divine 
Word, as the best aid in the study of it. By every Sabbath School Teach- 
er, by every person who wishes, in accordance with the direction of the Great 
Teacher, to "search the Scriptures," and obtain "the riches of the wis- 
dom of God" this key should be used to unlock the exhaustless treasury. 

Two disciples who had been taught by Christ during three years had 
[ailed to comprehend the import of the Scriptures and learn the real charac- 
ter and mission of their Master. Travelling to Emmaus just after His 
crucifixion they were overtaken by a stranger, who, discovering their dark- 
r;ess and despondency " beginning at Moses and all the prophets, opened" 
to them " the Scriptures." And of the others of the Eleven it is also sai^ 
" Then opened He their understanding that they might understand the 
Scriptures." 

Reverent study and sanctified learning have here sought to do for Christ's 
disciples, for those who are to become teachers, apostles, for our homes and 
Sabbath schools and churches what He did for His chosen ones. They have 
*' opened for them the Scriptures." 

That this valuable auxiliary may be the vade mecum with multitudes, 

and that the help of the Spirit may ever accompany it, so that the Word of 

God may not be to any as " a book that is sealed," nor misunderstood by the 

unlearned, is the desire of the 

American Publishers. 



\ 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 



1 BETHLEHEM, To face page 

2 ANCIENT HARBOR OF CAESAREA, 

3 COLOSSAE, 

4 CORINTH, 

5 GAZA, • 

6 POOL OF HEZEKIAH, 

7 LAODICEA, 

8 CHAIN OF LEBANON, 

9 NAZARETH, 

10 SAMARIA, 

11 SIDON FROM THE NORTH, 

12 MOUNT TABOR, 

13 TARSUS, 

14 TIBERIAS AND LAKE, LOOKING TO THE NORTH, .... 

15 THYATIRA, 

16 COAST OF TYRE AND SIDON, 



85 
95 
117 
119 
205 
239 
337 
347 
443 
601 
651 
681 
685 
701 
707 
773 



:iVt^I'S. 



17 MAP OF THE HOLY LAND IN THE TIME OF CHRIST,. . 

18 MAP OF THE HOLY LAND IN THE TIME OF DAVID,. . 
H GENERAL MAP OF THE COUNTRIES MENTIONED IN 

THE BIBLE 



291 

485 

511 



LIST OF WRITERS. 



ALFORD, REV. HENRY, D.D., 

Dean of Canterbury, 
BAILEY, REV. HENRY, B. D., 

Wardea of St. Augustine's, Coll. Canterbury. 
BARRY, REV. ALFRED, B.D., 

Principal of Cheltenham College. 
BEVAN, REV. WILLIAM L., M.A., 

Vicar of Hay, Brecknockshire. 
BLAKESLEY, REV. JOSEPH W.,B.D., 

Canon of Canterbury. 
BONAR, REV. HORATIUS, D.D., 

Kelso, N. B., Author of " The Land of Promise,"&c. 
BROWN, REV. THOiMAS E., M.A., 

Vice- Principal of King William's Coll., Isle of Man. 
BROWNE, REV. ROBERT W., M.A., 

Archdeacon of Bath. 
BROWNE, REV. E. HAROLD, D.D., 

Lord Bishop of Ely , 
BULLOCK, REV. WILLIAM T., M.A., 

Sec. of the Soc. for the Propagation of the GospeL 
CLARK, REV. SAMUEL, M.A., 

Vicar of Bredwardine with Brobury , Herefordshire. 
COOK, REV. F. C, M.A., 

Canon of Exeter. 
COTTON, REV. GEORGE E. L., D.D., 

Lord Bishop of Calcutta. 
DAVIES, REV. J. LLEWELYN, M.A., 

Rector of Christ Church, Marylebone. 
DAY, REV. GEORGE E., D.D., 

Prof, of Kiblical Theology, Yale Coll., New Haven. 
DEUrSCH, EMANUEL, M.R.A.S., 

Uaiversity of Berlin and British Museum. 
DRAKE, REV. WILLIAM, M.A . 

Hon Canon of Worcester. 
EDDRUP, REV. EDWARD P., M.A., 

Principal of the Theological College, Salisbury. 
ELLlCOTr, REV. CHARLES J., D.D., 

Lord Bishop of Gloucester and Bristol. 
ELWIN, REV. WHITWELL, B. A., 

Rector of Booton, Norfolk. 
FARRAR. REV. FREDERICK W., M.A., 

A3si3t;mt Master of Harrow School. 
FELTO.Nf, C. C, LL.D., 

Prof, of Greek Lit., Harv. Univ., Cambridge, Mass. 
FERGUSSON, JAMES, F.R.S., F.R.A.S., 

Royal Institation of British Architects. 
FFOULKES, EDxMUND S., M.A., 

Late Fellow of Jesus Coll., Oxford. 
FITZGERALD, REV. WILLIAM, D.D., 

Lord Bishop of Killaloe. 
GARDE>}, REV. FRANCIS, M.A., 

Subdean of the Chapel Royal. 
GOTCH, F. W., LL.D., 

Hebrew Examiner, University of London. 
GROVE, GEORGE, 

Crystal Palace, Sydenham. 
HACKETT, REV. HORATIO B., D.D., 

Prof, of Bib. Literature, Theo'l Sem. Newton, Ms. 
SAWKINS, REV. ERNEST, B.D., 

Canon of Westminste" 
HAYMAN, REV. HENRY, M.A., 

Head Master of Grammar School, Cheltenham. 
HERVEY, LORD ARTHUR C, M.A., 

Author of "Genealogies of our Lord Jesus Christ." 
HESSEY, REV. JAMES A., D.C.L., 

Head Master of Merchant Tailors' School. 
HOOKER, JOSEPH D., M.D., F.R.S., 

Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. 
HORNBY, REV. J. J., M.A., 

Principal of Bishop Cosin's Hall. 
HOUGHTON, REV. WILLIAM, M./> 

Rector of Preston, Salop. 



[HOWSON, REV. JOHN S., D.D., 

Joint-Author of " Life and Epistles of St. Paul." 
HUXTABLE, REV. EDGAR, M.A., 

Subdean of AVells. 
JONES, REV. W. BASIL, M.A., 

Prebendary of York and St. David's. 
LAYARD, AUSTEN H., D.C.L., M.P., 

Author of "Nineveh and its Remains," &c. 
LEATHES, REV. STANLEY, M.A., M.R.S.L 

Professor of Hebrew, King's College, London. 
LIGHTFOOT, REV. JOSEPH B., D.D., 

Hulsean Professor of Divinity, Cambridge, Eng. 
MARKS, REV. D. W., 

Professor of Hebrew, University Toll. London. 
MEYRICK, REV. FREDERICK, M.A., 

Her Majesty 's Inspector of Schools. 
OPPERT, PROF. JULES, 

Author of "Chronology of Babvlon;" Paris. 
ORGER, REV. EDWARD R., M A., 

Fellow of St. Augustine's, College. Canterbury. 
ORMEROD, REV. THOMAS J., M.A., 

Archdeacon of Suffolk. 
PEROWNE, REV. JOHN J. S., B.D., 

Vice Principal of St. David's Coll., Lampeter. 
PEROWNE, KEV. THOS. T., B.D., 

Fellow and Tutor, Corpus Christi Coll., Cambridce 
PHILLOTT, REV. H. W., M.A., 

Rector of Staunton-on-Wye. 
PLUMFTRE, REV. EDWARD H., M.A., 

Professor of Divinity, King's Coll., London. 
POOLE, E. STANLEY, M.R.A.S., 

South Kensington Museum. 
POOLE,, R. STUAR'l, M.R S.L., 

Author of " Horae Aegyptiacae," &c. 
PORTER, REV. J. LESLIE, M.A., 

Authorof "Handbook of Syria and Palestine." 
PRITCHARD, REV. CHAS., M.A., F.R.S., 

Late Fellow of St. John's Coll., Cambridgt;, Eng. 
RAWLINSON, REV. GEORGE, M A., 

Author of "Great Monarchies of Anc. World." 
ROSE, REV. HENRY J., B.D., 

Rector of Houghton Conquest, Bedfordshire. 
SELWYN, REV. WILLIAM W., B.D., 

Margaret Professor of Divinity, Cambridge, Erg. 
SMITH, REV. D. T., D.D., 

Prof, of Sac. Lit., Theo'l Fern., Bangor, Me. 
SMITH, WILLIAM, LL.D., (Editor), 

Classical Examiner, University oi London. 
STANLEY, REV. ARTHUR P., D.D., 

Dean of Westminster. 
STOWE, REV. CALVIN E., D.D., 

Late Prof, of Sac. Lit., Theo'l Sem. Andover, Mase- 
THOMPSON, REV. JOSEPH P., D.D., 

Authorof "Egypt, Past and Present," N. Y. City 
THOMSON, REV. WILLIAM, D.D., 

Lord Archbishop of York. 
THRUPP, REV. JOSEPH F., M.A., 

Vicar of Barrington. 
TREGELLES, SAMUEL P., LL.D., 

Author, "Ace. of the Irinted Text of theGr.N.T. 
TRISTRAM, REV. H. B., M.A., F.L.S., 

Author of "The Land of Israel." 
TWISLETON, HON. EDW., M.A., 

Late Fellow of Baliol Coll., Oxford. 
VENABLES, REV. EDMUND, M.A., 

Bonchurch, Isle of Wight. 
WESTCOTT, REV. BROOKE F., M.A., 

Author of "Tntroduc'n to the Study of the Gospels.'* 
WORDSWORTH REV.CHRISTOPHER.D 0. 

Archdeicon of Westminster. 
WRIGHT, WILLIAM ALDIS, M.A., 

Librarian of Trinity Coll., Cambridge, Eag 



ABBREVIATIONS. 



AC. for After Christ. 

A. D Anno Dommi. (Latin) =ln the year of 

our Lord. 
Am .... Amos, (0 T.) 

anc ancient. 

Ann Annals of Tacitus, a Roman historian. 

Ant Antiquities. 

Apoe Apocrypha. 

Ar. or Arab. Arabic or Arabia. 

A. U. C. . . . anno urbis conditef =in the year of the 

building of the city, Rome. 

A. V the authorized or English Tersion of the 

Bible. 

B. & D. . . . Hist, of Bel and the Dragon, (Apoe.) 
Bar Baruch, (Apoc.j 

B. C Before Christ. 

B. R Biblical Researches, by Dr. Robinson. 

Cantn . . . Canticles or Song of Solomon, (0. T.) 

of conferer, (French)=compare. 

ch & chs. . . chapter and chapters, respectively. 
Chal .... Chaldaea or Chaldsean. 

1 Chr 1st Book of Chronicles, (0. T.) 

1 Chr 2d Book of Chronicles, (0. T.) 

Chrys. Horn. i/omj//es of Chrysostom, A. D. 344-407. 

Cic M.T Cicero, a Roman orator, B.C. 105-43 

Cic. in Verr. Cicero's oration against Verres. 
cir. or circ . ci>'ca.( Latin )=about. 

Col Ep. to the Colossians, (N. T.) 

Comm. . . . Commentary, 
comp compare. 

1 Cor Ist Ep. to the Corinthians, (N. T.) 

2 Cor. . . . . 21 Ep. to the Corinthians, (N. T.) 
Cyc Cyclopedia. 

Dan Daniel, (0. T.) 

Deut Deuteronomy, (0. T.) 

Diet Dictionary. 

Eccl Ecclesiastes, (0. T.) 

Ecclus. . . . Ecclesiasticus, (Apoe.) 

e ' edition. 

e. g exempli gratia (Latin)=for example. 

Kng England or English. 

ep & epp. . epistle and epistles, respectively. 
Eph Ep. to the Ephesians, (N. T.) 

1 Ksd 1st Book of Esdras, (Apoe.) 

2 Esd 2d Book of Esdras, (Apoe.) 

Esth Esther, (0 T.) 

Euseb . . . Eusebius, a Gr. historian, who died A. 

Ex Exodus. (0. T ) [D. 340. 

Ez Ezekiel, (0. T.) 

Ezr Ezra. (0 T.) 

f following (verse or page.) 

fem feminine. 

ff following (verses or pages ) 

Gal Ep. to the Galatians, (N. T.) 

Gen Genesis, (O. T.) 

Gr Greek. 

Hab Habakkuk. (0. T.) 

Hag Haggai, (0 T.) 

Handb. . . . Handbook. 

HE Ecclesiastical History hjT&nsQhvxs. 

Heb Hebrew oi Ep. to the Hebrews, (N T.) 

Herod Herodotus, a Gr. historian B. C. 484. 

Hist History. 

Hor. Sat. . . Satires of Horace, a Roman poet B. C. 

Hos Hosea, (0 T.j [65-8. 

ib. or ibid. . . ibidem, (Latin,)=in the same place. 

id idem, (Latin, )=the same. 

i. e z'rf esi, (Latin, )=that is. 

iu loc. . . . m /oco, (Latin, )=in the place, or on thto 

passage cited. 
Is. . .... Isaiah, (0. T.) 

Jas Ep. of James, (N. T.) 

Jud Judith, fApoc.) 

Jer Jeremiah. (0. T.) 

Jon Jonah, (0. T.) 

Jos Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews. 

Jos B. J. . . Jos. Bellum Judaicum=3&msih War. 

Jo.sh Joshua, (0. T.| 

Judg. ... Judges, (0. T.J 



Juven. Sat. for Satires of Juvenal, a Rooan «r^f. 

IK 1st Book of Kings, (0. T.) 

2 K 2d Book of Kings, (0. T.) 

Lam Lamentations of Jeremiah, (0. 1.) 

1- c ^oco CTtoio, (Latin)=at the pla3e sited. 

II cc .... Zocjs ci^aZis, ( Latin )=at the pU»ces cited 

Lev Leviticus, (0. T.) 

lib liber, (Latin)=book. 

Lin. or Linn. Linnaeus, the Swedish n^iTuralist. 

lit Mteral, or literally. 

Liv Livy, a Roman historian. 

i^XX The Seventy, i. e. the Septuagint. 

M Monsieur, ( French, )=Mr. 

1 Mace. ... 1st Book of Maccabees, (Apoc.J 

2 Mace. ... 2d Book of Maccabees, (Apoe.) 

3 Mace. ... 3d Book of Maccabees, (Apoe.) 
Mai Malachi, (0. T.) 

marg margin or marginal. 

Mart. . . . Martial, a Roman poet A. D. 40-100. 
masc. . . masculine. 

Matt Gospel according to Matthew 

Mic Micah, (0. T.) 

Mod. Eg. . . Modern Egyptians, by Lane. 

MS Manuscript. 

MSS Manuscripts. 

Nah Nahum, (0. T.) 

Neh Nehemiah, (0. T.) 

Nin. & Bab. Nineveh and Babylon, by Layard. 

>J- T New Testament. 

>um Numbers, (0. T ) 

Ob Obadiah, (0. T.». 

0. T Old Testament. 

p. & pp. . . . page and pages, respectively. 

Pal Palestine. 

Pent Pentateuch. 

Pers Persian. 

1 Pet 1st Ep. of Peter, (N. T.) 

2 Pet 2d Ep. of Peter. (N. T ) 

Phil Ep to the PhiUppians, (N. T.) 

Philem. . , , Ep. to Philemon, (N. T.) 

Polyb Polybius, a Gr. historian B. C 205-12S 

Polyc Polycarp. martyred A. D. 167. 

Prov Proverbs, (0. T ) 

Ps. & Pss. . Psalm or Psalms, (0. T ,) respectively 

Ptol Ptolemy. 

R Rabbi, (before a Jewish name.) 

Rawl Rawlinson. 

Rev Revelation, or Apocalypse, (N. T.) 

Rom Ep. to the Romans, (N. T ) 

Sacr. Lit. . . Sacred Literature. 
Sam Samaritan Pentateuch. 

1 Sam 1st Book of Samuel. (0. T.) 

2 Sam 2d Book of Samuel, (0. T.) 

S & P. . . . Sinai and Palestine, by Stanley. 

sc scilicet (Latin)=:that is to say. 

sq. or seq . . sequens, ( Latin )=following (verse.) 
sqq. or seqq. Sfquentia. ( Latin )=follo wing (verses.) 

Suet Suetonius, a historian, A. D. 100. 

Sus History of Susanna, (Apoe.) 

Syr Syria or Syriac. 

Tac Tacitu», a Roman historian A D. 66-136. 

1 Thess. . . 1st Ep to the Thessalonians, (N T.) 

2 Thess. ... 2d Ep. to the Thessalonians, (N. T ) 

1 Tim. . 1st Ep. to Timothy. (N. T.) 

2 Tim. . . 2d Ep to Timothy, (N. T.) 
Tit Ep to Titus, (N. T.) 

Tob Tobit, (Apoe.) 

ver verse or verses. 

viz videlicet. (Latin) ^namely. 

vol volume. 

Vulg Vulgate. 

Wisd Wisdom, (Apoe.) 

Zech Zechariah, (Q. T.) 

Zeph Zephaniah, (0. T.) 

§ ..... denotes section or subdivision of ch 

= denotes equivalent to. 

Words in brackets and printed in small capit.4L? 
thus [Talmub.] refer the reader to those articles in the 
Dictionary for further information 



DICTIONARY OF THE BIBLE. 



A. 



l^aTO^l, the son of Arnrara and Jochebed, 
*ua tofo elder brother of Moses and Miriam 
(iS««iii. Kxvi. o9, xxxiii. 39). He was a 
Leritc, and is first mentioned in Ex. iv. 14, 
as one who could "' speak well." He was 
appointed by Jehovah to be the Interpreter 
and " Mouth " (Ex. iv. 16) of his brother 
Moses, who was "slow of speech;" and 
accordingly lie was not only the organ of 
pommunicatiuti with the Israelites and with 
Pharaoh (Ex. iv. 30, vii. 2), but also the 
actual instrunient of working most of the 
miracles of the Exodus. (See Ex. vii. 19, 
ftic.) Thus on the way to Mount Sinai, 
luring the battle with Amalok, Aaron is 
mentioned with Hur, as staying up the 
.reary hands of Moses, when they were 
lifte<l up for the victory of Israel (not in 
|"rayer, as is sometimes explained, but) to 
'•ear the rod of God. (See Ex. xvii. 9.) 
Through all this period he is mentioned as 
lependent upon his brother, and deriving 
all his authority from him. The contrast 
between them is even more strongly marked 
on the arrival at Sinai. Moses at once acts 
as the mediator (Gal. iii. 19) for the people, 
to come near to God for them, and to speak 
His words to them. Aaron only approaches 
with Nadab, and Abihu, and the seventy 
elders of Israel, by special command, near 
enough to see God's glory, but not so as to 
enter His immediate presence. Left then, 
on Moses* departure, to guide the people, 
Aaron is tried for a moment on his own 
responsibility, and he fails from a weak in- 
ability to withstand the demand of the peo- 
ple for visible " gods to go before them." 
Possibly It sefjmed to him prudent to make 
an image of Jehovah, in the well-known 
form of Egyptian idolatry (Apis or Mnevis), 
rather than to risk the total alienation of 
the peoj)le to false gods ; and his weakness 
was rewaided by seeing a "feast to the 
Lord " (Ex. xxxii. 5) degraded to the lowest 
form of heathenish sensuality, and knowing, 
Pr«un Moses' words and deeds, that the cov- 



AARON 

enant with the Lord was utterly broken. Hf 
repented of his sin, and Moses gained for- 
giveness for him (Deut. ix. 20). — Aaroo 
was now consecrated by Moses to the new 
office of the high-priesthood. The order 
of God for the consecration is found in Ex. 
xxix., and the record of its execution in 
Lev. viii. The solemnity of the office, and 
its entire dependence for sanctity on the 
ordinance of God, were vindicated by the 
deatli of his sons, Nadab and Abihu, for 
" offering strange fire " on the altar (Lev. 
X. I, 2). From this time the history of 
Aaron is almost entirely that of the priest- 
hood, and its chief feature is the great re- 
bellion of Korah and the Levites against 
his sacerdotal dignity, united with that of 
Dathan and Abiram and the Reubenites 
against the temporal authority of Moses. 
[Korah.] — The only occasion on which 
his individual character is seen is one of 
presumption. The murmuring of Aaron 
and Miriam against Moses clearly pro- 
ceeded from their trust, the one in his 
priesthood, the other in her prophetic in- 
spiration, as equal commissions from God 
(Num. xii. 2). On all other occasions he 
is spoken of as acting with Moses in the 
guidance of the people. Leaning as he 
seems to have done wholly on him, it is not 
strange that he should have shared his sin 
at Meribah, and its punishment [Moses] 
(Num. XX. 10-12). Aaron's death seems 
to have followed very speed'ly. It took 
place on Mount Hor, after the tran>ferenc6 
of his robes and office to Eleazar (Num. xx. 
28). This mount is still called the • ' Moun- 
tain of Aaron." [Hor.] — The wife of 
Aaron was Elisheba (Ex. vi. 23) ; and the 
two sons who survived him, Eleazar and 
Itharaar. The high-priesthood descended 
to the former, and to his descendants until 
the time of Eli, who, although of the house 
of Ithamar. received the high-priesthood, 
and transmitted it to his children ; with 
them it continued till the accession of Solo- 

(7\ 



AB 



A.B1A 



cnon, wijo took it from Abiathar, and re- 
stored it to Zadok (of the house of Eleazar). 
r Abiathar. J 

Ab (father), an element in the composi- 
tion of n-.any proper names, of which Abba 
is a Chaldaic form, the syllable affixed giv- 
ine: the emphatic force of the definite arti- 
cle. A pplied to God by Jesus Christ (Mark 
jfiv. 36), and by St. Paul (Rom. viii. 15; 
G.nl. iv. 6). 

Ab. [Months.] 

Abad'don. [Apollyon.] 

Abag'tha, one of the seven eunuchs in 
the Persian court of Ahasuerus (Esth. i. 
10). 

Ab'ana., one of the " rivers of Damas- 
cus " (2 K. V. 12). The Barada and the 
Awaj are now the cliief streams of Damas- 
cus', the former representing the Abana and 
the latter the Pharpar of the text. The 
Barada rises in the Antilibanus, at about 
23 miles from the city, after flowing through 
wliich it runs across the plain, till it loses 
itself in the lake or marsh Bahret el-Kih- 
Liyeh. 

Ab'arim, a mountain or range of high- 
lands on the east of the Jordan, in the land 
of MoaL, iai;ing Jericho, and forming the 
eastern wall of the Jordan valley at that 
part. Its most elevated spot was " the 
Mount Nebo, ' head ' of ' the ' Pisgah," from 
which Moses viewed the Promised Land 
before his death. These mountains are 
aiennoned in Num. xxvii. 12, xxxiii. 47, 48, 
j'.nd Dent, xxxii. 49. 

Ab'ba. [Ab.] 

Ab'da. I. Father of Adonirara (1 K. 
'V. 6). 2. Sm of Shammua (Neh. xi. 17), 
called Obadiah in 1 Chr. ix. 16. 

Ab'deel, father of Shelemiah (Jer. 
vxxvi. 26). 

Ab'di. 1. A Merarite, and ancestor of 
Ethan the singer (1 Chr. vi. 44). 2. The 
father of Kish, a Merarite, in the reign of 
Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 12). 3. One of 
the Bene-Elam in the time of Ezra, who 
had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 26). 

Ab'diel, son of Guni and father of Ahi, 
one of the Gadites who were settled in the 
land of Bashan (1 Chr. v. 15) in the days 
•f Jotham king of Judah. 

Ab'don. 1. A judge of Israel (Judg. 
xii. 13, lo), perhaps the same person as 
Bedan in I Sam. xii. 11. 2. Son of 
Shashak (1 Chr. viii. 23). 3. First-born 
son of Jehiel, son of Gibeon (1 Chr. viii. 
30, =x. 35, 36). 4. Son of Micah, a con- 
temporary of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxiv. 20), 
called AcHBOR in 2 K. xxii. 12. 5. A city 
in tlie tribe of Asher, given to the Gershon- 
itcs (Josh. xxi. 30; 1 Chr. vi. 74). 

Abed'negO (i. e. servant of Nego, per- 
naps the same as Nebo), the Chaldaean 
name given to Azariah, one of the three 
friends of Daniel, miraculously save'! i <m 
the fiery furnace (Dan. iii.). 



A'bel, the name of several j ac«;» l^ 
Palestine, probably signifies a meadow. It 
A'bel- beth-ma'ach AH, a town of some im^ 
portance (2 Sam. xx. 19), in the extreme 
N. of Palestine, which fell an early prey ta 
the invading kings of Syria (1 K, xv. 20) 
and Assyria (2 K. xv. 29). In the parallel, 
passage, 2 Chr. xvi. 4, the name is changed 
to Abel-maim, "Abel on the waters." It! 
is also called simply Abel (2 Sam. xx. li, 
18). 2. A'bel-mizra'im, i. e. the mourn- 
ing of Egypt, the name given ty the 
Canaanites to the floor of Atad, at whicl 
Joseph, his brothers, and the Egyptian» 
made their mourning for Jacob (Gen. 1. 11). 
It was beyond (on the east of) Jordan 
[Atad.] 3. A'bel-shit'tim, *' the meadov 
of the acacias," in the " plains " of Moab, 
on the low level of the Jordan valley 
Here — their '.ast resting-place before cross 
ing the Jordan — Israel "pitched froa 
Bethjesimoth unto A. Shittim " (Num 
xxxiii. 49). The place is most frequentlj 
mentioned by its shorter name of Shittim 
[Shittim.] 4. A'bel-me'holah (" meadow 
of the dance "), in the N. part of the Jordar 
valley (IK. iv. 12), to which the routed 
Bedouin host fled from Gideon (Judg. vii. 
22). Here Elisha was found at his plough 
by Elijah returning up the valley from 
Horeb (1 K. xix. 16-19). 5. A'bel- 
ce'ramim, in the A. V. rendered "the 
plain of the vineyards," a place eastward 
of Jordan, beyond Aroer (Judg. xi. 33). 6 
"The great ' Abel,' in the field of Joshuj 
the Bethshemite" (1 Sam. vi. 18). By 
comparison with 14 and 15, it would seem 
that for Abel should be read Eben = stone. 
Our translators, by the insertion of " stone 
of," take a middle course. 

A'bel (i. e. breath, vapor, transitori- 
ness, probably so called from the shortness 
of his life), the second son of Adam, mur 
dered by his brother Cain (Gen. iv. 1-16). 
Jehovah showed respect for Abel's oflering, 
but not for that of Cain, because, according 
to the Epistle to the Hebrews (xi. 4), Abel 
" by faith offered a more excellent sat rifice 
than Cain." The expression "sin," i. t. 
sin-offering " lieth at tlie door " (Geu. iv. 
7), seems to imply that the need of sacri- 
fices of blood to obtain forgiveness was 
already revealed. Our Lord spoke of Abel 
as the first martyr (Matt, xxiii. 35) ; so did 
the early church subsequently. The tradi- 
tional site of his murder and his gravd are 
pointed out near Damascus. 

A'bez, a town in the possession of Issa- 
char, named between Kisldon and Remeth, 
in Josh. xix. 20, only, 

A'bi, mother of king Hezekiah (2 K. 
xviii. 2), written Abijah in 2 Chr. xxis. 1. 

Abi'a, Abi'ah, or Abi'jah. 1. Son 
of Becher, the sou of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 
8). 2. Wife of Hezron (1 C\ir. ii. 24). 3. 
Second son of Samuel, whom tofeetner vi ith 



I 



ABI-ALBON 



9 



ABIHAIL 



liis eldest sen Joel he made judge in Beer- 
Bbeba (1 Sam. viii. 2; 1 Chr. vii. 28). The 
corruptness of their administration was the 
reason alleged by the Israelites for their 
demanding a king. 4. Abijah, or Abijam, 
Ihe son of Rehoboam (1 Chr. iii. 10; Matt, 
i. 7). 5. Mother of king Hezekiah. [Abi.] 
6. T>escendant of Eleazar, and chief of the 
eij^hih of the 24 courses of priests (Luke i. 
'i; ; the same as Abijah, 4. 
Abi-al'bon. [Abiel.] • 
Abi'asaph (Ex. vi. 24), otherwise 
written Ebi'asaph (1 Chr. vi. 23, 37, ix. 
19), the head of one of the families of the 
Korhites (a house of the Kohathites). In 
Ex. vi. 24, he appears at first sight to be 
represented as one of the sons of Korah, 
and as the brother of Assir and Elkanah. 
But in 1 Chr. vi. he appears as the son of 
Rlkanah, the son of Assir, the son of Korah. 
Among the remarkable descendants of Abi- 
asaph, according to the text of 1 Chr. vi. 
33-37, were Samuel the prophet and El- 
kanah his father (1 Sam. i. 1), and Heman 
the singer; but Ebiasaph seems to be im- 
properly inserted in ver. 37. 

Abi'athar, high-priest and fourth in 
descent from Eli, who was of the line of 
Ithamar, the younger son of Aaron. Abia- 
khar was the only one of all the sons of 
AMmelech the high-priest who escaped the 
slaughter inflicted upon his father's house 
by Saul, in revenge for his having inquired 
of the Lord for David, and given him the 
shew-bread to eat (1 Sam. xxii.). Abiathar 
having become high-priest fled to David, 
and was thus enabled to inquire of the Lord 
tor him (1 Sam. xxiii. 9, xxx. 7; 2 Sam. ii. 
1, V. 19, &c.). He adhered to David in his 
wanderings while pursued by Saul ; he was 
with him while he reigned in Hebron (2 
Sam. ii. 1-3), the city of the house of Aaron 
(Josh. xxi. 10-13) ; he carried the ark be- 
?ore him when David brought it up to 
Jerusalem (1 Chr. xv. 11; IK. ii. 26); he 
continued faithful to him in Absalom's re- 
bellion (2 Sam. XV. 24, 29, 35, 36, xvii. 
15-17, xix. 11); and "was afflicted in all 
wherein David was afflicted." When, how- 
ever, Adonijah set himself up for David's 
successor on the throne, in opposition to 
Solomon, \biathar sided with him, while 
Zadok was on Solomon's side. For this 
Abiathar was deprived of the hi^h-priest- 
JK^od, and we are told that " Zadok the 
priest lid the king put in the room of Abia- 
thar " (1 K. ii. 27, 35), thus fulfilling the 
prvjphecy of 1 Sam. ii. 30. — Zadok was 
descended from Eleazar, the elder son of 
Aaron. He is first mentioned in 1 Chr. 
xii. 23, and is said to have joined David 
while he reigned in Hebron. From this 
time we read, both in the books of Samuel 
and Chronicles, of " Zadok and Abiathar 
the priests." There were, henceforth, two 
^igh-priests in the reign of David, and till 



the deposition of Abiathar by Solo non, 
when Zadok became the sole high-priest. 
In Mark ii. 26, we find Abiathar spoken of 
as the high-priest in whose time David ate 
the shew-bread : this may perhaps be ac- 
counted for, if Abiathar was the person 
who persuaded his father to allow David to 
have the bread, and if the loaves were 
given by him with his own hand to David. 

A'bib. [Months.] 

Abi dah or Abi'da, a son of Midian 
(Gen. XXV. 4; 1 Chr. i. 33.) 

Abi dan, chief of the tribe of Benja- 
min at the time of the Exodus (Num. i. 11, 
ii. 22, vii. 60, 65, x. 24). 

A'biel. 1. Father of Kish, and oonse* 
quently grandfather of Saul (1 Sam. ix. 1), 
as well as of Abner, Saul's commander-in- 
chief (1 Sam. xiv. 51). This is seen b« 
the following table : — 

Abiel 



Kish 

I 
Saul 



Ner 

I 
Abner 



2. One of David's mighty men (1 Chr. 
xi. 32). In 2 Sam. xxiii. 31 he is called 
Abi-albon. 

Abi-e'zer. 1. Eldest son of Gilead, 
and descendant of Manasseh (Josh. xvii. 2 ; 
1 Chr. vii. 18; Num. xxvi. 30, where tho 
name is given in the contracted form Jeb- 
zer). He was the ancestor of the great 
judge Gideon. [Gideon.] The name also 
occurs in Judg. vi. 34, viii. 2 ; and in an 
adjectival form (** the Abiezrite ") in Judg 
vi. 11, 24, viii. 32. 2. One of David's 
" mighty men " (2 Sam. xxiii. 27; 1 Chr. 
xi. 28, xxvii. 12). 

Abigail. 1. The beautiful wife of 
Nabal, a wealthy owner of goats and sheep 
in Carmel. When David's messengers 
were slighted by Nabal, Abigail supplied 
David and his followers with provisions, 
and succeeded in appeasing his anger. Ten 
days after this Nabal died, and David sent 
for Abigail and made her his wife (1 Sam. 
XXV. 14, &c.). By her he had a son, called 
Chileab in 2 Sam. iii. 3 ; but Daniel in 1 
Chr. iii. 1. 2. A sister of David, married 
to Jcther the Ishmaelite, and mother, by 
him, of Amasa (1 Chr. ii. 17). The state 
ment in 2 Sam. xvii. 25 that the mother ol 
Amasa was an Israelite is doubtless a tran- 
scriber's error. 

Abiha'il. 1. Father of Zuriel, chief 
of the Levitical family of Merari, a con- 
temporary of Moses (Num. iii. 36). 2. 
Wife of Abishur (1 Chr. ii. 29). 3. Son 
of Huri, of the tribe of Gad (1 Chr. v. 14). 
4. Wife of Rehoboam. She is called the 
daughter, i. e. descendant of Eliab, the 
elder hrother of David (2 Chr. d. 18). 5 



ABIHU 



10 



A.L.SHAG 



Father of Esther and uncle of Mordecai 
i^Estli. ii. 16, ix. 29). 

A.bi'hu, the second son (Num. iii. 2) of 
A.aron by Elisheba (Ex. vi. 23). Being, 
together with his elder brother Nadab, 
guilty of ofi'ering strange fire to the Lord, 
be was consumed by fire from heaven (Lev. 
X. 1, 2). 

Abi'hucL, son of Bela and grandson of 
Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 3). 

Abi'jah or Abi'jam. 1. Son and suc- 
cessor of Kehoboam on the throne of Ju- 
dah (1 K. xiv. 31 ; 2 Chr. xii. 16). He is 
ealled A-Bijah in Chronicles, Abijam in 
Kings, He began to reign b. c. 959, and 
reigned three years. He endeavored to re- 
cover the kingdom of the Ten Tribes, and 
made war on Jeroboam. He was success- 
ful in battle, and took several of the cities 
of Israel. We are told that he walked in 
all the sin.i of Rehoboam (idolatry and its 
attendant immoralities, 1 K. xiv. 23, 24), 
and that his heart "was not perfect before 
God, as the heart of David his father." He 
was succeeded by Asa. 2. The second 
son of Samuel, called Abiah in our ver- 
sion. [Abia, Abiah, No. 3.] 3. Son of 
Jeroboam I. king of Israel, died in his 
childhood, just after Jeroboam's wife had 
been sent in disguise to seek help for him, 
in his sickness, from the prophet Abijah (1 
K. xiv.) 4. A descendant of Eleazar, who 
ga^'e his name to the eighth of the twenty- 
four courses into which the priests were di- 
rided by David (1 Chr. xxiv. 10 ; 2 Chr. 
viii. 14; Neh. xii. 4, 17). To the course 
of Abijah or Abia belonged Zacharias the 
father of John the Baptist (Luke i. 5). 6. 
One of the priests who entered into a cov- 
nnant with Nehemiah to walk in God's law 
•^Neh. x. 7) ; unless the name is rather tliat 
)f a family, and the same with the pre- 
ceding. 

Abi'jam. [Abijah, No. 1.] 

Ab'ila. [Abilene.] 

Abile'ne (Luke iii. 1), a tetrarchy 3f 
which the capital was Abila, a city situated 
on the eastern slope of Antilibanus, in a 
district fertilized by the river Barada. Its 
name probably arose from the green luxu- 
riance of its situation, '* Abel " perhaps de- 
noting '* a grassy meadow." [See p. 8.] 
The name, thus derived, is quite sufficient 
to account for the traditions of the death of 
Abel, which are associated with the spot, 
and which are localized by the tomb called 
Nehi Hahil. on a height above the ruins of 
the city. The city was 18 miles from Da- 
mascus, and stood in a remarkable gorge 
called Suk Wady Barada, where the river 
breaks down through the mountain towards 
tlie plain of Damascus. 

Abim'ael, a descendant of Joktan (Gen. 
X. 28: 1 Chr. i. 22), and probably the pro- 
ijenitor of an Arab tribe. 

Abim'elecb ( father of the king), the 



name of se 'eral Philistine kings was proD 
ably a common title of these kings, likt 
that of Pharaoh among the Egyptians, and 
that of Caesar and Augustus among the 
Romans. Hence in the title of Ps. xxxiv. 
the name of Abimelech is given to the 
king, who is called Achish in 1 Sam. xxi. 
11. — 1. A Philistine, king of Gerar (Gen 
XX., xxi.), who, exercising the right claimed 
by Eastern princes, of collecting all the 
beautiful .women of their dominions into 
their harem (Gen. xii. 15 ; Esth. ii. 3), sent 
for and took Sarah. A similar account i^ 
given of Abraham's conduct on this occa- 
sion, to that of his behavior towards Pha 
raoh. [Abraham.] 2. Another king of 
Gerar in the time of Isaac, of whom a sim- 
ilar narrative is recorded in relation to Re- 
bekah (Gen. xxvi. 1, &c.). 3. Son of the 
judge Gideon by his Shechemite concubine 
(Judg. viii. 31). After his father's death he 
murdered all his brethren, 70 in number, 
with the exception of Jotham, the youngest, 
who concealed himself; and he then per- 
suaded the Shechemites to elect him king. 
Shechem now became an independent state, 
and threw off the yoke of the conquering 
Israelites. When Jotliam heard that Abim- 
elech was made king, he addressed to the 
Shechemites his fable of the trees choosing 
a king (Judg. ix. 1). After Abimelech had 
reigned three years, the citizens of Shechem 
rebelled. He was absent at the time, but 
he returned and quelled the insurrection. 
Shortly after he stormed and took Thebez, 
but was struck on the head by a woman 
with the fragment of a mill-stone (comp. 2 
Sam. xi. 21) ; and lest he should be said to 
have died by a woman, he bade his armor- 
bearer slay him. Thus God avenged the 
murder of his brethren, and fulfilled the 
curse of Jotham. 

Abin'adab. 1. A Levite, a native of 
Kirjath-jearim, in whose house the ark re- 
mained 20 years (1 Sam. vii. 1, 2; 1 Chr. 
xiii. 7). 2. Second son of Jesse, who fol- 
lowed Saul to his war against the Philis- 
tines (1 Sam. xvi. 8, xvii. 13). 3. A son 
of Saul, who was slain with his brothers at 
the fatal battle on Mount Gilboa (1 Sam. 
xxxi. 2). 4. Father of one of the twelve 
chief officers of Solomon (1 K. iv. 11). 

Abin'oam, the father of Barak (Judg. 
iv. 6, 12, V. 1, 12). 

Abi'ram. 1. A Reubenite, son of Eli- 
ab, who with Dathan and On, mt- a of the 
same tribe, and Korah a Levite, organized 
a conspiracy against Moses and Aaron 
(Num. xvi.). [For details, see Korah ] 
2. Eldest son of Hiel, the Bethelite, who 
died when his father laid the foundatione 
of Jericho (IK. xvi. 34), and thus accom- 
plished the first part of the cuise of Joshua 
(Josh. vi. 26). 

Ab'ishag, a beautiful Shunammite, 
taken into David's harem to com^urt hiiu 



ABISHAl 



11 



ABRAHAM 



CD hi8 extreme old age (1 K. i. 1-4), After 
David's death Adonijah induced Bathsheba, 
the queen-mother, to ask Solomon to give 
hira Abishag in marriage ; but this impru- 
dent petition cost Adonijah his life (1 K. ii. 
13, &c.). [Adonijah.] 

Abisha'i, the eldest of the three sons 
of Zeruiah, Davii's sister, and brother to 
Joab and Asahel (1 Chr. ii. 16). Like his 
two brotheis he was the devoted follower 
of David. He was his companion in the 
desperate night expedition to the camp of 
Saul (1 Sara. xxvi. 6-9). On the outbreak 
of Absalom's rebellion he remained true to 
tlie king, and commanded a third part of 
the army in the decisive battle against Ab- 
salom. He rescued David from the hands 
of a gigantic Philistine, Ishbi-benob (2 
Sam. xxi. 17). His personal prowess on 
this, as on another occasion, when he fought 
single-handed against three hundred, won 
for him a place as captain of the second 
three of David's mighty men (2 Sam. xxiii. 
18; 1 Chr. xi. 20). 

Abish'aloiu, father or grandfather of 
Maachah, who was the wife of Rehoboam, 
and mother of A.bijah (1 K. xv. 2, 10). He 
is called Absalom in 2 Chr. xi. 20, 21. 
This person must be David's son (see 
LXX., 2 Sam. xiv. 27). 

Abishu'a. 1. Son of Bela, of the tribe 
of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 4). 2. Son of 
Phinehas, the son of Eleazar, and father 
of Bukki, in tiie genealogy of the bigh- 
priests (1 Chr. vi. 4, 5, 50, 51 ; Ezr. vii. 4, 5). 

Ab'ishur, son of Shammai (1 Chr. ii. 

rs). 

Ab'ital, one of David's wives (2 Sara, 
iu. 4; 1 Chr. iii. 3). 

Ab'itub, son of Shaharaim bv Hushim 
(I Chr. viii. 11). 

Abi'ud, descendant of Zorobabel in the 
genealogy of Jesus Christ (Matt. i. 13). 

Ablution. [Purification.] 

Ab'ner. 1. Son of Ner, who was the 
brother of Kish (1 Chr. ix. 36), the father 
of Saul. Abner, therefore, was Saul's first 
cousin [see Table, p. 9], and was made by 
him commander-in-chief of his army (1 
Sara. xiv. 51, xvii. 57, xxvi. 3-14). After 
tlie death of Saul David was proclaimed 
king of Judah in Hebron ; and some time 
subsequently Abner proclaimed Ishbosheth, 
Saul's son, as king of Israel, at Mahanaim 
beyond Jordan. War soon broke out be- 
tween the two rival kings, and " a very 
tore battle " w as fought at Gibeon between 
the men of Israel under Abner, and the 
men of Judah under Joab, son of Zeruiah, 
David's sister (1 Chr. ii. 16). When the 
amy of Ishbosheth was defeated, Joab's 
youngest brother Asahel pursued Abner, 
and in spite of warning refused to leave 
hi.n, 30 that Abner in self-defence was 
forced to kill hira. After this the war con- 
iLDGed. success inclining more and more to 



the side of David, till at last the imprudence 
of Ishbosheth deprived him of the counsels 
and generalship of the hero who was in 
truth the only support of bis tottering 
throne. Abner had married Rizpah, Saul's 
concubine, and this, according t4) the views 
of Oriental courts, might be so interprettjd 
as to imply a design upon the throne. Right- 
ly or wrongly, Ishbosheth so understood it, 
and he even ventured to reproach Abner 
with it. Abner, incensed at his ingratitude, 
opened negotiations with David, l)y whom 
he was most favorably received at Hebron 
He then undertook to procure his recogni- 
tion throughout Israel; but after leavijig 
his presence for the purpose was enticed 
back by Joab, and treacherously murdered 
by him and his brother Abishai, at the gate 
of the city, partly, no doubt, from fear lest 
so distinguished a convert to their cause 
should gain too high a place in David's fa- 
vor, but ostensibly in retaliation for the death 
of Asahel. This murder caused the great- 
est sorrow and indignation to David; but 
as the assassins were too powerful to be. 
punished, he contented himself with show- 
ing every public token of respect to Abner'a 
meraory, by following the bier and pouring 
forth a simple dirge over the slain (2 Sam 

i iii. 33, 34). 2. The father of Jaasiel, chief 
of the Benjamites in David's reign (1 Chr 
xxvii. 21) : probably the same as the pre- 
ceding. 

I Abomination of Desolation, men- 
tioned by our Savior as a sij];n of the ap- 
proaching destruction of Jerusalem, with 
reference to Dan. ix. 27, xi. 31, xii. 11. 

! The Jews considered the prophecy of Dan- 
iel as fulfilled in the profanation of the 
Temple under Antiochus Epiphanes, wher 

I the Israelites themselves erected an idol 
atrous altar upon the sacred altar, and of 

1 fered sacrifice thereon. This altar is de- 

I scribed as "an abomination of desolation ' 
(1 Mace. i. 54, vi. 7). The prophecy, how- 
ever, referred ultimately to the destruction 
of Jerusalem by the Romans, and conse- 
quently the " abomination " must describe 

, some occurrence connected with that event. 
It appears most probable that the profani- 
ties of the Zealots constituted the abomi- 
nation, which was the sign of impeniling 
ruin. The introduction of the Roman stan- 
dards into the Temple, regarded by many 
as the *' desolation," took place aj^er the 

] destruction of the city. 

I Abraham or A'bram, as his name ap- 
pears in the earlier portion of the history, 
was the son of Terah, and founder of the 
great Hebrew nation. His family, a branch 
of the descendants of Shem, was settled in 

i Ur of tlie Chaldees, beyond the Euphrates. 
Terah had two other sons, Nahor and 
Haran. Haran died before his father in 
Ur of tlie Chaldees, leaving a son Lot; and 
Terah. taking with" him Abram, with SaraJ 



ABRAHAM 



12 



ABR.VHAM 



Us wife, and his grandson Lot, emigrated 
to Ilaran in Mesopotamia, where he died. 
On the death of his father, Abram, then in 
the 75th year of his age, with Sarai and 
Lot, pursued his course to the land of 
Canaan, whither he was directed by divine 
command (Gen. xii. 5), when he received 
the general promise that he should become 
the founder of a great nation, and that all 
the families of the earth should be blessed 
In him. He passed through the heart of 
the country by the great highway to She- 
chem, and pitched his tent beneath the 
terebinth of Moreh (Gen. xii. 6). Here 
he received in vision from Jehovah the 
further revelation that this was the land 
which his descendants should inherit (xii. 
7). The next halting-place of the wander- 
er was on a mountain between Bethel and 
Ai (Gen. xii. 8). But the country was suf- 
fering from famine, and Abram, finding 
neither pasture for his cattle nor food for 
his household, journeyed still southwards 
to the rich corn-lands of Egypt. There, 
fearing that the great beauty of Sarai miglit 
tempt the powerful monarch of Egypt and 
expose his own life to peril, he arranged 
that Sarai should represent herself as his 
sister, which her actual relationship to 
him, as probably the daughter of his broth- 
er Haran, allowed her to do with some 
semblance of truth. But her beauty was 
reported to the king, and she was taken 
Into the royal harem. The deception was 
discovered, and Pharaoh with some indig- 
nation dismissed him from the country (xii. 
ll>-20). Abram left Egypt with great pos- 
sessions, and, accompanied by Lot, re- 
turned by the south of Palestine to his 
former encampment between Bethel and 
Ai. The increased wealth of the two kins- 
men was the ultimate cause of their sepa- 
ration. The soil was not fertile enough to 
support them both: their herdsmen quar- 
relled; and, to avoid dissensions in a 
country where they were surrounded by 
enemies, Abram proposed that each should 
follow his own fortune. Lot chose the fer- 
tile plain of the Jordan, rich and well 
watered as the garden of Jehovah ; while 
Abram quitted the hill-fastness between 
Bethel and Ai, and pitched his tent among 
ihe oak-groves of Mamre, close to Hebron 
(Gen. xiii.). The chiefs of the tribes who 
peopled the plain of the Jordan had been 
subdued in a previous irruption of north- 
ern warriors, and for twelve years had 
been the tributaries of Chedorlaomer, king 
of Elam. Their rebellion brought down 
ajon Palestine and the neighboring coun- 
tries a fresh flood of invaders from the 
north-east, who joined battle with the re- 
volted chieftains in the vale of Siddim. 
The king of Sodom and his confederates 
were defeated, their cities plundered, and a 
bost of captives accompanied the victori- 



ous army of C'hedorlaomer. Among them 
were Lot and his family. Abram, then con- 
federate with Mamre the Amorite and his 
brethren, heard the tidings from a fugitive, 
and hastily arming his trusty slaves, started 
in pursuit. He followed the track of the 
conquerors along the Jordan valley, came 
up with them by Dan, and in a night attach 
completely routed their host, and checked 
for a time the stream of northern immigra* 
tion. The captives and plunder were all 
recovered, and Abram was greeted on hit 
return by the king of Sodom, and by Mel- 
chizedek, king of Salem, priest of the Most 
High God, who mysteriously appears upon 
the scene to bless the patriarch, and re- 
ceive from him a tenth of the spoil (Gen. 
xiv.). After this, the thrice -repeated prom- 
ise that his descendants should become a 
mighty nation and possess the land in which 
he was a stranger, was confirmed with all 
the solemnity of a religious ceremony (Gen. 
XV.). Ten years had passed since, in obe- 
dience to the divine command, he had left 
his father's house, and the fulfilment of the 
promise was apparently more distant than 
at first. At the suggestion of Sarai, who 
despaired of having children of her own, he 
took as his concubine Hagar, her Egyptian 
maid, who bore him Ishmael in the 86th 
year of his age (Gen. xvi.). [Hagar ; Ish- 
mael.] But this was not the accomplish- 
ment of the promise. Thirteen years 
elapsed, dvririg which Abram still dwelt in 
Hebron, when the last step in the revela- 
tion was made, that the son of S'irai, and 
not Ishmael, should inherit both the tem- 
poral and spiritual blessings. The cove- 
nant was renewed, and the rite of circum- 
cision established as its sign. This most 
important crisis in Abram's life is marked 
by the significant change of his name to 
Abraham, "father of a multitude;" while 
his wife's from Sarai became Sarah. In 
his 99th year Abraham was circumcised, in 
accordance with the divine command, to- 
gether with Ishmael and all the males of 
his household, as well the slaves bora in ■ i 
his house as those purchased from the for- w\ 
eigner (Gen. xvii.). The promise that 
Sarah should have a son was repeated in 
the remarkable scene described in ch. xviii. 
Three men stood before Abraham as he sat 
in his tent door in the heat of he day. 
The patriarch, with true Eastern hosspital* 
ity, welcomed the strangers, and bade 
them rest and refresh themselves. The 
meal ended, they foretold the birth of 
Isaac, and went on their way to Sodom. 
Abraham accompanied them, and is repre- 
sented as an interlocutor m a dialogue with 
Jehovah, in which he pleaded in vain to 
avert the vengeance threatened to the de« 
voted cities of the plain (xviii. 17-33). In 
remarkable contrast with Abraham's firm 
faith with regm d to the matrnificent for- 



ABRAHAM 



13 



ABSALOM 



cunes of Lis posterity stands the incident 
which occurred during his temporary resi- 
dence among the Philistines in Gerar, 
whither he had, for some cause, removed 
after the destruction of Sodora. Sarah's 
beauty won the admiration of Abimelech, 
the king of the country ; the temporizing 
policy of Abraham produced the same re- 
sults as before; and the narrative of ch. 
XX. is nearly a repetition of that in ch. xii. 
11-20. Abimelech's dignified rebuke taught 
him that he was not alone in recognizing a 
God of justice. At length Isaac, the long- 
looked- for child, was born. His birth was 
welcomed by all the rejoicings which could 
greet the advent of one whose future was 
of such rich promise. Sarah's jealousy, 
aroused by the mockery of Ishmael at the 
"great banquet" which Abraham made to 
celebrate the weaning of her son (Gen. xxi. 
B), demanded that, with his mother Hagar, 
he should be driven out (Gen. xxi. 10). 
The patriarch reluctantly consented, con- 
soled by the fresh promise that Ishmael too 
should become a great nation. But the 
severest trial of his faith was yet to come. 
For a long period the liistory is almost si- 
lent. At length he receives the strange 
command to take Isaac, his only son, and 
offer him for a burnt-offering at an ap- 
pointed place. Such a bidding, in direct 
opposition to the promptings of nature and 
the divine mandate against the shedding of 
human blood, Abraham hesitated not to 
obey. His faith, hitherto unshaken, support- 
ed him in this final trial, " accounting that 
God was able to raise up his son, even 
from the dead, from whence also he re- 
ceived him in a figure" (Heb. xi. 19). 
The sacrifice was stayed by the angel of 
Jehovah, the promise of spiritual blessing 
for the first time repeated, and Abraham 
with his son returned to Beersheba, and 
for a time dwelt there (Gen. xxii.). But 
we find nim after a few years in his origi- 
nal residence at Hebron, for there Sarah 
died (Gen. xxiii. 2), and was buried in 
the cave of Machpelah, which Abraham 
purchased of Ephron the Hittite, for the 
exorbitant price of 400 shekels of silver. 
The mosque at Hebron is believed to stand 
upon the site of the sepulchral cave. The 
remaining years of Abraham's hfe are 
marked by but few incidents. In his ad- 
ranced age he commissioned the faithful 
steward of his house to seek a wife for 
Isaac from the family of his brother Nahor, 
binding liim by the most solemn oath not 
to contract an alliance with the daughters 
of the degraded Canaanites among whom 
hf dwelt (Gen. xxiv.). After Isaac's mar- 
riage with Rebekah, and his removal to 
Lahai-roi, Abraham took to wife Keturah, 
by whom he had six children, Zimran, 
Jokshan, Medan, Midian, Ishbok, and 
Bbuah, who became the ancestors of 



'nomadic tribes inhabiting the countriea 
south and south-east of Palestine. Ketu- 
rah occupied a position inferior to that of 
a legitimate wife. Her cliildren, like Ish- 
mael, were dismissed with presents, and 
settled in the East country during Abra- 
ham's lifetime, and Isaac was left sole heir 
of his father's wealth. Abraham lived to 
see the gradual accomplishment of the 
promise in the birth of his grandchildrer 
Jacob and Esau, and witnessed their growth 
to manhood (Gen. xxv. 26). At the good- 
ly age of 175 he was •' gathered to his peo- 
ple," and laid beside Sarah in the tomb of 
Machpelah by his sons Isaac and Ishmae* 
(Gen. xxv. 7-10). From the intimate com* 
munion which Abraham held with the Al- 
mighty, he is distinguished by the high 
title of "the 'friend' of God" (2 Chr. xx 
7 ; Is. xli. 8 ; Jam. ii. 23) ; and El-Ehaltly 
*' the friend," is the appellation by which 
he is familiarly known in the traditions of 
the Arabs, who have given the same name 
to Hebron, the place of his residence. 

Ab'salom {father of peace) ^ third son 
of David by Maachah, daughter of Taln?ai 
king of Geshur, a Syrian district adjoining 
the N. E. frontier of the Holy Land. Ab- 
salom had a sister, Tamar, who was violated 
by her half-brother Amnon, David's eldest 
son by Ahinoam the Jezreelitess. The nat- 
ural avenger of such an outrage would b«> 
Tamar's full brother Absalom. He brooded 
over the wrong for two years, and then in** 
vited all the princes to a sheep-she&rinn 
feast at his estate in Baal-hazor> on the bor- 
ders of Ephraim and Beujamin. Here hn 
ordered his servants to murder Amnon, and 
then fled for safety to his grandfather's court 
at Geshur, where he remained for three 
years. At the end of that time he was 
brought back by an artifice of Joab, who 
sent a woman of Tekoah to entreat th€ 
king's interference in an imaginary cast 
similar to Absalom's. David, however, 
would not see Absalom for two more years ; 
but at length Joab brought about a recon- 
ciliation. Absalom now began at once to 
prepare for rebellion, urged to it partly by 
his own restless wickedness, partly perhaps 
by the fear lest Bathsheba's child should 
supplant him in the succession, to which 
he would feel himself entitled as being now 
David's eldest surviving son. Absalom tried 
to supplant his father by courting popular- 
ity, standing in the gate, conversing with 
every suitor, and lamenting the difficulty 
wliich he would find in getting a hearing. 
He also maintained a splendid retinue 
(2 Sam. XV. 1), and was admired for his 
personal beauty and the luxuriant growth 
of his hair, on grounds similar to those 
which had made Saul acceptable (1 Sam. 
X. 23). It is probable too that the great 
tribe of Judah had taken some offence at 
David's govornment, perhaps front finding 



AUCAD 



14 



ACHAJS 



ckemselves coiiipletely merged in one united 
Israel. But whatever the causes may have 
been, Absalom raised the standard of revolt 
at Hebron, the old capital of Judah, now 
supplanted by Jerusalem. The revolt was 
at first completely successful; David fled 
from his capital over the Jordan to Maha- 
oaim in Gilead. Absalom occupied Jeru- 
salem, and by the advice of Ahithophel took 
po8888sion of David's harem, in which he 
had '.eft ten concubines. This was consid- 
ered to imply a formal assumption of all his 
father's royal rights (comp. the conduct of 
Adonijah, 1 K. ii. 13 ff.), and was also a 
fulfilment of Nathan's prophecy (2 Sam. 
xii. 11). But David had left friends who 
watched over his interests. The vigorous 
counsels of Ahithophel were afterwards 
rejected through the crafty advice of Hushai, 
who insinuated himself into Absalom's 
CQTifidenee to work his ruin, and Ahithophel 
himself, seeing his ambitious hopes frus- 
trated, went home to Giloh, and committed 
suicide. At last, after being solemnly 
anointed king at Jerusalem (xix. 10), 
Absalom crossed the Jordan to attack his 
father, who by this time had rallied round 
him a considerable force, whereas had 
Ahithophel's advice been followed, he would 
probably have been crushed at once. A 
decisive battle was fought in Gilead, in the 
wood of Ephraira. Here Absalom's forces 
were totally defeated, and as he himself 
••fas escaping, his long hair was entangled 
\n the branches of a terebinth, where he 
was left hanging while the mule on which 
he was riding rar. away from under him. 
tis was despatched by Joab in spite of the 
prohibition of David, who, loving him to 
the last, had desir'^d that his life might be 
spared. He was buried in a great pit in the 
forest, and the conquerors threw stones 
over his grave, an old proof of bitter hos- 
cility (Josh. v'l. 26). 

Ac'cad, ')ne of the cities in the land of 
Shinar (Gen. x. 10). Its position is quite 
uncertain. 

Ac'earon. [Ekron.] 

Ac'cllO(the Ptolemais of the Maccabees 
and N. T.), now called Acca, or more usu- 
ally by Europeans, ^S*^. Jean d'Acre, the 
most important sea-port town on the Syrian 
coast, about 30 miles S. of Tyre. It was 
situated on a slightly projecting headland, 
at the northern extremity of that spacious 
bay, which is formed by the bold promon- 
tory of Carmel on the opposite side. In 
the division of Canaan among the tribes, 
Accho fell to the lot of Asher, but was nev- 
er wrested from its original inhabitants 
(Judg. i. 31) ; and hence it is reckoned by 
ttie classical writers among the cities of 
Phoenicia. No further mention is made of 
it in the O. T. history, but it rose to impor- 
tance after the dismemberment of the Mace- 
donian empire. Along with the r^st of 



Phoenicia it fell to the lot of Egypt, and 
was named Ptolemais, after one of the 
Ptolemies, probably Soter. It was after- 
wards taken by Antiochus the Great, and 
attached to his kingdom. The only notice 
of it in the N. T. is in connection with St. 
Paul's passage from Tyre to Caesarea (Acts 
xxi. 7). 

Acel'dama, "the field of blood; ' th« 
name given by the Jews of Jerusalem to a 
field near Jerusalem purchasttd by Judas 
with the money which he received for tJie 
betrayal of Christ, and so called from his 
violent death therein (Acts i. 19). Tliis in 
apparently at variance with the account of 
St. Matthew (xxvii. 8), according to which 
the "field of blood " was purcliased by the 
priests with the 30 pieces of silver, aftei 
they had been cast down by Judas, as a 
burial-place for strangers, the locality being 
well known at the time as "the field of the 
Potter." And accordingly ecclesiastical 
tradition appears, from the earliest times, 
to have pointed out two distinct spots as re- 
ferred to in the two accounts. The " field 
of blood " is now shown on the steep south- 
ern face of the valley or ravine of Hinnom. 
It was believed in the middle ages that the 
soil of this place had the power of very 
rapidly consuming bodies buried in it, and 
in consequence either of this, or of the 
sanctity of the spot, great quantities of the 
earth were taken away ; amongst others by 
the Pisan Crusaders in 1218 fortheir Campo 
Santo at Pisa, and by tiie Empress Helena 
for that at Rome. 

Acha'ia signifies, in the N. T., a Roman 
province, which included the whole of the 
Peloponnesus and the greater part of Hel- 
las proper with the adjacent islands. This 
province, with that of Macedonia, compre- 
hended the whole of Greece ; hence Achaia 
and Macedonia are frequently mentionec 
together in the N. T. to indicate all Greecf 
(Acts xviii. 12, xix. 21 ; Rom. xv. 26, xvi 
5; T Cor. xvi. 15; 2 Cor. ii. 1, ix. 2, xi. 10 
IT «ss. i. 7,8). Inthe timeof theEmpe ik 
ror Claudius, it was governed by a Procon- * 
sul, translated in the A. V. " deputy " of 
Achaia (Acts xviii. 12). 

Acha'icus, a name of a Christian (1 
Cor. xvi. 17, subscription No. 25). 

A'chan (troubler), an Israelite of the 
tribe of Judah, who, when Jericho ani all 
that it contained were accursed and devoted 
to destruction, secreted a portion of the 
spoil in his tent. For this sin Jehovah 
punished Israel by their defeat in the attack 
upon Ai. When Achan confessed his guilt, 
and the booty was discovered, he was stoned 
to death with his whole family by the peo- 
ple in a valley situated between Ai and Jer^ 
icho, and their remains, together with hi« 
property, were burnt (Josh. vii. 16^22), 
From this event the valley receive I the 
name of Achor Ci- e. trouble). TAcroB.! 



achak 



15 



ACTS OF THE AP0STLE8 



A'char = A-clian (1 Chr. ii. 7). 

A'cha?i = Ahaz, king of Judah (Matt. 
1.9). 

Aeh'bor. 1. father of Baal-hanan, 
Sung of EJom (Gen. xxxvi. 38, 39; I Chr. 
i. 49). 2. Son of Michaiah, a contempo- 
rary of Josiah (2 K. xxii. 12, 1-i ; Jer. xxvi. 
22, xxxvi. 12), called Abdon in 2 Chr. 
xxxiv. 20. 

Actum, son of Sadoc, and father of 
Eliul, in our Lord's genealogy; the fifth in 
succession before Joseph, the husband of 
Mary (Matt. i. 14). The Hebrew form of 
the name would be Jachin, which is a short 
form of Jehoiachin, the Lord will establish. 

A'chish, a Philistine king of Gath, who 
in the title to the 34th Psalm is called Abim- 
elech. David twice found a refuge with 
him when he fled from Saul. On the first 
occasion, being recognized by the servants 
of Acliish as one celebrated for his victories 
over the Philistines, he was alarmed for his 
safety, and feigned madness (1 Sam. xxi. 
10-13). [David.] From AcMsh he fled 
to the cave of AduUam. On a second occa- 
sion David fled to Achish with 600 men (1 
Sam. xxvii. 2), and remained at Gath a 
year and four months. 

Aeh'metha. [Ecbatana.] 

A'chor, Valley of, or " valley of trou- 
ble," the spot at which Achan, the " trou- 
bler of Israel," was stoned (Josh. vii. 24, 
26). On the N. boundary of Judah (xv. 7 ; 
Also Is. lx\. 10; Hos. ii. 15). 

Ach'sa (1 Chr. ii. 49). [Achsah.] 

Ach'sah, daughter of Caleb. Her 
father promised her in marriage to whoever 
should take Debir. Otimiel, her father's 
younger brother, took that city, and accord- 
ingly received the hand of Achsah as his 
reward. Caleb, at his daughter's request, 
added to her dowry the upper and lower 
springs, which she had pleaded for as pecu- 
liarly suitable to her inheritance in a south 
country (Josh. xv. 15-19; Judg. i. 11-15). 

Ach'shaph., a city within the territory 
of Asher, named between Beten and Alam- 
melech (Josh. xix. 25) ; originally the seat 
of a Canaanite king (xi. 1, xii. 20). 

Aoh'zib. 1. A city in the lowlands of 
Judah, named with Keilah and Mareshah 
(Josh. XV. 44; Mic. i. 14). It is probably 
tiie same with Chezib and C'hozeba, which 
Bee. 2. A town belonging to Asher (Josh. 
xix. 29), from which the Canaanites were 
not expelled (Judg. i. 31) ; afterwards 
Ecdippa. It is now es-Zib, on the sea- 
shore, 2 h. "20 m. N. of Acre. 

AotS of the Apostles, a second 
treatise by the author of the third Gospel, 
traditionally known as Luke. The identity 
of the writer of both books is strongly 
shown by their great similarity in style and 
idiom, and the usage of particular words 
and compound forms. It is, at first sight, 
<03iewhat surprising that notices of the 



author are wanting, generally, in the Epis- 
tles of St. Paul, whom he must have aceom* 
panied for some years on his travels. Bui 
no Epistles were, strictly speaking, written 
by St. Paul while our writer was in his 
company, before his Roman imprisonment; 
for he does not seem to have joined him at 
Corinth (Acts xviii.), where the two Epis- 
tles to the Thessalonians were written, r.or 
to have been with him at Ephesus (ch. xi c), 
whence, perhaps, the Epistle to che GjJa- 
tians was written; nor again to have "win- 
tered with him at Corinth (ch. xx. 3) at t\w 
time of his writing the Epistle to the Ro- 
mans, and, perhaps, that to the Galatians. 
The book commences with an inscription to 
one Theophilus, who was probably a man 
of birth and station. But its design must 
not be supposed to be limited to the edifica- 
tion of Theophilus, whose name is prefixed 
only, as was customary then as now, by 
way of dedication. The readers were evi- 
dently intended to be the members of the 
Christian Church, whether Jews or Gen- 
tiles ; for its contents are such as are of 
the utmost consequence to the whole 
Church. They are The fulfilment of the 
promise of the Father by the descent of 
the Holy Spirit, and the results of thai 
outpouring , by the dispersion of the Gos- 
pel among Jews and Gentiles. Under these 
leading heads all the personal and subor^ 
dinate details may be ranged. Immediately 
after the Ascension, St. Peter, the first oi 
the Twelve, designated by our Lord as the 
Rock on whom the Church was to be built, 
the holder of the keys of the kingdom, 
becomes the prime actor under God in the 
founding of the Church. He is the centre 
of the first great group of saymgs and 
doings. The opening of the do'^-r to Jews 
(ch. ii.) and Gentiles (ch. x.) i.* his office, 
and by him, in good time, is accomplished. 
But none of the existing twehe Apostle* 
were, humanly speaking, fittpd to preach 
the Gospel to the cultivated (jentilf; world. 
To be by divine grace tlie spiritual con- 
queror of Asia and Europe, God raised up 
another instrument, from among the highly 
educated and zealous Pharisees. The prep- 
aration of Saul of Tarsus for the work to 
be done, the progress, in his hand, of that 
work, his journeyings, preachings, and per- 
ils, his stripes and imprisonments, his testi- 
fying: in Jerusalem and being brought to 
testify in Rome, — these are the subjects of 
the latter half of the book, of which the 
great central figure is the Apostle Paul. It 
seems most probable that the place of writ- 
ing was Rome, and tlie time about two year* 
from the date of St. Paul's arrival there, aa 
related in ch. xxviii. 30. This would give 
us for the publication the year 63 a. d., 
according to the most probable assignment 
of the date of th*^' arrival of St. Pau,' at 
Rome. 



A.DADAH 



16 



ADAMANT 



Ad'adah. one of the cities in the 
extreme south of Judah named with Di- 
oaonah and Kedesh (Josh. xv. 22). 

A'dah {ornament , beauty). 1. The 
first of the two wives of Lamech, by whom 
were born to him Jabal and Jubal (Gen. iv. 
19). 2. A Hittitess, one of the three wives 
Oif Esau, mother of Eliphaz (Gen. xxxvi. 2, 
10, 12, 16). In Gen. xxvi. 34 she is called 
Bashemath. 

Adai'ah. 1. Maternal grandfather of 
king Josiah, and native of Boscath in the 
lowlands of Judah (2 K. xxii. I). 2. A 
Levite, of the Gershonite branch, and ances- 
tor of Asaph (1 Chr. vi. 41). In v. 21 he 
is called Iddo. 3. A Benjamite, son of 
Shimhi (1 Chr. viii. 21), who is apparently 
the same as Shema in v. 13. 4. A priest, 
8on of Jehoram (1 Chr. ix. 12; Neh. xi. 
12). 5. Ancestor of Maaseiah, one of the 
captains who supported Jehoiada (2 Chr. 
xxiii. 1). 6. One of the descendants of 
Ban! who had married a foreign wife after 
the return from Babylon (Ezr. x. 29). 7. 
The descendant of another Bani, who had 
also taken a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 39). 8. 
A man of Judah, of the line of Pharez 
(Neh. xi. 5). 

Adali a, the fifth son of Haman (Esth. 
is. 8). 

AoL'am, the name given in Scripture to 
the first man. It apparently has reference 
U) the ground from wliich he was formed, 
which is called in Hebrew Adamah. The 
idea of redness of color seems to be inhe- 
rent in either word. The creation of man 
was the work of the sixth day. His forma- 
tion was the ultimate object of the Creator. 
It was with reference to him that all things 
were designed. He was to be the "roof 
and crown" of the whole fabric of the 
world. In the first nine chapters of Gen- 
esis there appear to be three distinct histo- 
ries relating more or less to the Life of 
Adam. The first extends from Gen. i. 1 to 
ii. 3, the second from ii. 4 to iv. 26, the 
third from v. 1 to the end of ix. The word 
at the commencement of the two latter nar- 
ratives, which is rendered there and else- 
wuere generations, may also be rendered 
history. The object of the first of these 
narratives is to record the creation ; that of 
the second to give an account of paradise, 
the original sin of man, and the immediate 
posterity of Adam ; the third contains main- 
ly the liistory of Noah, referring, it would 
seem, to Adam and his descendants princi- 
pally in relation to that patriarch. The 
name Adam was not confined to the father 
<j{ the human race, but like homo was 
applicable to woman as well as man, so 
that we find it said in Gen. v. 2, '* male and 
female created He them, and called their 
name Adam in the day when they were 
created." The man Adam was placed m a 
garden which the Lord God had planted 



•' eastward in Eden," for the purpose of 

dressing it and keeping it. [Ei'EN.] Adam 
was permitted to eat of the fruit of every 
tree in the garden but one, which was called 
the " tree of the knowledge of ^ood and 
evil." The prohibition to taste the fruit cf 
this tree was enforced by the menacs of 
death. There was also another tree which 
was called "the tree of life." Some sup- 
pose it to have acted as a kind of medicine, 
and that by the continual use of it our firsi 
parents, not created immortal, were pre 
served from death. While Adam was in 
the garden of Eden, tliC beasts of the field 
and the fowls of the air were brougiit to him 
to be named, and whatsoever he called 
every living creature that was the name 
thereof. Thus the power of fitly designat- 
ing objects of sense was possessed by the 
first man, a faculty which is generally con- 
sidered as indicating mature and extensive 
intellectual resources. Upon the failure of 
a companion suitable for Adam among the 
creatures thus brought to him to be named, 
the Lord God caused a deep sleep to fall 
upon him, and took one of his ribs from 
him, which He fashioned into a woman and 
brought her to the man. At this time they 
are both described as being naked without 
the consciousness of shame. Such is the 
Scripture account of Adam prior to the 
Fall. The first man is a true man, wifj> 
the powers of a man and the innocence of 
a cliild. He is moreover spoken of by St. 
Paul as being " the figure of Him that was 
to come," the second Adam, Christ Jesus 
(Rom. V. 14). By the subtlety of the ser- 
pent, the woman who was given to be with 
Adam, was beguiled into a violation of the 
one command which had been imposed upon 
them. She took of the fruit of the forbid- 
den tree and gave it to her husband. The 
propriety of its name was immediately 
shown in the results which followed : self- 
consciousness was tlie first-fruits of sin; 
their eyes were opened and they knew that 
they were naked. Though the curse of 
Adam's rebellion of necessity fell upon him, 
yet the very prohibition to eat of t)ie tree 
of life after his transgression was probabl> 
a manifestation of Divine mercy, I ecause 
the greatest malediction of all would have 
been to have the gift of indestructible life 
superadded to a state of wretchedness and 
sin. Adam is stated to have lived 930 
years. His sons mentioned in Scripture art 
Cain, Abel, and Seth; it is imphed how 
ever that he had others. 

Ad'am, a city on the Jordan " beside 
Zaretan," in the time of Joshua (Josh. iii. 
16). 

Ad'amah, one of the " fencec cities" 
of Naphtali, named between Chinneretb 
and ha-Ramah (Josh. xix. 36). 

Adamant, the translation of the Hebrew 
word Shamir in Ez. iii. 9 and Zech. vii. 12. 



ADA Ml 



r 



aDNAB 



tn Jer. xvii. 1 it is translate-l • ilianiond." 
[n these thrive passages tlit «^ord is the 
representative of some stone of excessive 
hardness, and is used metaphorically. 
Since the Hebrews appear to have been 
!inacquainted with the true diamond, it is 
rery probable, from the expression in Ez. 
iii. y, of " adamant /iarc?er than flint," that 
by SJidmir is intended Emery, a variety of 
Corundum, a mineral inferior only to the 
diamond in hardness. Emery is extensively 
used for polishing and cutting gems and 
other hard substances, 

Ad' ami, a place on the border of Naph- 
tali (Josh. xix. 33). 

A'dar, a place on the south boundary 
ol Judah (Josh. xv. 3). 

A'dar. [Months.] 

Ad'asa, a place in Judaja, about 4 miles 
from Bethhoron (1 Mace. vii. 40, 45). 

Ad'beel, a son of Islmiael (Gen. xxv. 
13; 1 Chr. i. 29), and probably the progen- 
itor of an Arab tribe. 

Ad'dan, one of the places from which 
some of the captivity returned with Zerub- 
babel to Judaia who could not show their 
pedigree as Israelites (Ezr. ii. 59). In the 
parallel list of Nehemiah (vii. 61) the 
name is Addon. 

Ad'dar. son of Bela (1 Chr. viii. 3), 
called Ard in Num. xxvi. 40. 

Ad'der. This word is used for any 
poisonous snake, and is applied in this gen- 
eral sense by the translators of the A. V. 
They use in a similar way the synonymous 
terra asp. The word adder occurs five 
times in the text of the A. V. (see below), 
and three times in the margin as synony- 
mous with cockatrice, viz. Is. xi. 8, xiv. 29, 
lix. 6. It represents four Hebrew words : 
1. 'AcsMb is found only in Ps. cxl. 3, 
" They have sharpened their tongues like 
a serpent, adders' poison is under their 
lips." The latter half of this verse is 
quoted by St. Paul from the LXX. in Rom. 
iii. 13. 'Acshuh may be represented by the 
Toxicoa of Egypt and North Africa. 2. 
Pethen. [Asp.] 3. Tsepha, or Tsiphoni, 
occurs five times in the Hebrew Bible. In 
Prov. xxiii. 32 it is translated adder, and 
in Is. xi. 8, xiv. 29, lix. 5, Jer. viii. 17, it is 
rendered cockatrice. From Jeremiah we 
learn that it was of a hostile nature, and 
from the parallelism of Is. xi. 8 it appears 
that the Tsiphoni was considered even 
more dreadful than the Pethen. 4. She- 
phivhdn occurs only in Gen. xlix. 17, where 
it is used to characterize the tribe of Dan : 
■' Dan shall be a serpent by the way, an 
adder in the path, that biteth the horse's 
heels, so that his rider shall fall backward." 
The habit of lurking in the sand and biting 
at the horse's heels, here alluded to, suits the 
character of a well-known species of ven- 
om<)us snake, and helps to identify it with 
ihe celebrated horned viper, the asp of 
2 



Cleopatra (Cerastes), which is found abun> 
dantly in the dry sandy deserts of Egypt 
Syria, and Arabia. The Cerastes is ex- 
tremely venomous ; Bruce compelled a 
specimen to scratch eighteen pigeons upoD 
the thigh as quickly as possible, and they 
all died in nearly the same interval of time 

Ad'di. (Luke in. 28.) Son of Cosam, 
and father of Melchi, in our Lord's geneal • 
ogy ; tlie third above Salathiel. 

Ad'don. [Addan.] 

A'der, a Benjamite, son of Beriah, 
chief of the inhabitants of Aijalon (1 Chr. 
viii. 15). The name is more correctly 
Eder. 

A'diel. 1. A prince of the tribe of Sim- 
eon, descended from the prosperous family 
of Shimei (1 Chr. iv. 36). He took part 
in the murderous raid made by his tribe 
upon the peaceable Hamite shepherds of 
the valley of Gedor in the reign of Heze- 
kiah. 2. A priest, ancestor of Maasiai (1 
Chr. ix. 12). 3. Ancestor of Azraaveth, 
David's treasurer (1 Chr. xxvii. 25). 

A'din, ancestor of a family who returneci 
with Zerubbabel, to the number of 45% 
(Ezr. ii. 15), or 655 according to the par- 
allel list in Nell. vii. 20. Fifty-one more 
accompanied Ezra in the second caravan 
from Babylon (Ezr. viii. 6). They joined 
with Nehemiah in a covenant to separate 
themselves from the heathen (Neh. x. 16). 

Ad'ina, one of David's captains beyond 
the Jordan, and a chief of the Reubenite* 
(1 Chr. xi. 42). According to the A. V. 
and the Syr. he had the command of thirty 
men ; but the passage should be rendered 
" and over him were thirty," i. e. the 
thirty before enumerated were his supe- 
riors. 

Adi'no, the Eznite, 2 Sam. xxiii. 8. 
See Jashobeam. 

Aditha'im, a town belonging to Judab, 
lying in the low country, and named, be- 
tween Sharaim and hag-Gederan, in Josa. 
XV. 36 only. 

Adla'i, ancestor of Shaphat, the over- 
seer of David's herds that fed in the broad 
valleys (1 Chr. xxvii. 29). 

Ad'mah, one of the "cities of the 
plain," always coupled with Zeboim (Gen. 
X. 19, xiv. 2, 8 ; Deut. xxix. 23 ; Hos. xi. 8). 

Ad'matha, one of the seven princes of 
Persia (Esth. i. 14). 

Ad'na. 1 . One of tne family of Pahath- 
Moab who returned with Ezra and married 
a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 30). 2. A priest, 
descendant of Harim in the days of Joia- 
kim, the son of Jeshua (Neh. xii. 15). 

A-d'nall. 1. A Manassite who deserted 
from Saul and joined the fortunes of David 
on his road to Ziklag from the camp of the 
Philistines. He was captain of a thousand 
of his tribe, and fought at David's side in 
the pursuit of the Amalekites (1 Chr. jdi. 
20). 2. The captain over 300,000 men t^ 



ADONI-BEZEK 



l^ 



ADORAM 



Jvidixh who were in Jehoshaphat's army (2 
Jhr. XA'ii. H). 

Adon'i-Be'zek (lord of Bezek), king 
of Tiezek, a city of the Canaanites. |^Be- 
rEB.| This chieftain was vanquished by 
the tribe of Judah (Judg. i. 3-7), who cut 
off his thumbs and great toes, and brought 
him prisoner to Jerusalem, where he died. 
He confessed that he had inflicted the same 
cruelty upon 70 petty kings whom he had 
conquered. 

Adoni'jah (my Lord is Jehovah). 1. The 
fourth son of David by Haggith, born at 
Hebron, while his father was king of Ju- 
dah (2 Sam. iii. 4). After the death of his 
three brothers, Amnon, Chileab, and Absa- 
lom, he became eldest son ; and when his 
father's strength was visibly declining, put 
forward his pretensions to the crown. 
David promised Bathsheba that her son 
Solomon should inherit the succession (1 
K. i. 30), for there was no absolute claim 
of primogeniture in these Eastern monar- 
chies. Adonijah's cause was espoused by 
Abiathar and Joab, the famous commander 
of David's army. [Joab.] His name and 
influence secured a large number of fol- 
lowers among the captains of the royal 
army belonging to the tribe of Judah (comp. 
1 K. i. 9, 25) ; and these, together with all the 
princes, except Solomon, were entertained 
by Adonijah at a great sacrificial feast held 
»' by the stone Zoheleth, which is by En- 
rogcl." [Enrogel.] Nathan and Bath- 
eheba, now thoroughly alarmed, apprised 
David of these proceedings, who immedi- 
ately gave orders that Solomon should be 
conducted on the royal mule in solemn 
procession to Gihon, a spring on the W. of 
Jerusalem (2 Chr. xxxii. 30). [Gihon.] 
Here he was anointed and proclaimed king 
by Zadok, and joyfully recognized by the 
people. This decisive measure struck ter- 
ror into the opposite party, and Adonijah 
fled to sanctuary, but was pardoned by 
Solomon on condition that he should '* show 
himself a worthy man," with the threat 
that " if wickedness were found in him he 
should die " (i. 52). The death of David 
quickly followed on tliese events ; and 
Adonijah begged Bathsheba, who as "king's 
mother " would now have special dignity 
and influence [Asa], to procure Solomon's 
consent to his marriage with Abishag, who 
had been the wife of David in his old age 
(1 K. i. 3). This was regarded as equiva- 
Unt to a fresh attempt on the throne [Ab- 
salom; Abner] ; and therefore Solomon 
ordered him to be put to death by Benaiah, 
U5 accordance with the terms of his pre- 
vious pardon. 2. A Levite in the reign of 
Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 8). 3. (Nch. x. 
16.) [Adonikam.] 

Adoui'kam.. The sons of Adonikam, 
666 in number, were among those who 
returned Irom Babylon with Zerubbabel 



(Ezr. ii. 13; Neh. vii. 18; 1 Esd. v. H; 
In the last two passages the num])er is 667 
The remainder of the family returned with 
Ezra (Ezr. viii. 13; 1 Esd. viii. 39). Thf 
name is given as Adonijah in Neh. x. 16. 

Adoni'ram (1 K. iv. 6; by an unusual 
contraction Adoram, 2 Sam. xx. 24, and 
1 K. xii. 18; also Hadoroi, 2 Chr. x. 18), 
chief receiver of the tribute during tlie 
reigns of David (2 Sam. xx. 24), Solomon 
(1 K. iv. 6), and Rehoboam (1 K. xii. 18). 
This last monarch sent him to collect the 
tribute fi'om the rebellious Israelites, by 
whom he was stoned to death. 

Ado'ni-ze'dek (lord of justice), the 
Amorite king of Jerusalem who organized 
a league with four other Amorite princes 
against Joshua. The confederate kings 
having laid siege to Gibeon, Joshua marched 
to the relief of his new allies and put the 
besiegers to flight. The five kings took 
refuge in a cave at Makkedah, whence they 
were taken and slain, their bodies hung on 
trees, and then buried in the place of their 
concealment (Josh. x. 1-27). 

Adoption, an expression metaphorical- 
ly used by St. Paul in reference to the 
present and prospective privilege^5 of Chris- 
tians (Rom. viii. 15, 23 ; Gal. iv. 5 ; Eph. i. 
5). He probably alludes to the Roman cus- 
tom of adoption, by which a person, not 
having children of his own, might adopt as 
his son one born of other parents. The ef- 
fect of it was that the adopted child wao 
entitled, to the name and sacra privata oi 
his new father, and ranked as his heir- 
at-law : while the father on his part wafe 
entitled to the property of the son, and exer> 
cised towards him all the rights and privi- 
leges of a father. In short, the relation- 
ship was to all intents and purposes the 
same as existed between a natural father 
and son. The selection of a person to be 
adopted implied a decided preference and 
love on the part of the adopter : and St. 
Paul aptly transfers the well-known feel- 
ings and customs connected with the act to 
illustrate the position of the Christianized 
Jew or Gentile. The Jews themselves 
were unacquainted with the process of 
adoption : indeed it would have been in- 
consistent with the regulations of the Mo- 
saic law affecting the inheritance of proj)- 
erty : the instances occasionally adduced ap 
referring to the custom (Gen. xv. 3, xvL d> 
XXX. 5-9) are evidently not cases of adop- 
tion proper. 

Ado'ra or A'dor. [Adoraim.] 

Adora'im, a fortified city built by Re- 
hoboam (2 Chr. xi. 9), in Judah. Adoraim 
is probably tlie same place with Adora (1 
Mace. xiii. 20), unless that be Dor, on the 
sea-coast below Carmel. Robinson identi- 
fies it with DUra, a " large village " on i 
rising ground west of Hebron. 

Ado'ram. [Adonikam; Hadoram.J 



ADORATICVN 



19 



ADULLAM 



adoration. The acts and postures ty 
»rhich the Hebrews expressed adoration 
bear a great similarity to those still in use 
among Oriental nations. To rise up aud 
suddenly prostrate the body was the most 




Adoration. Modern Egyptian. (Lane.) 

Simple method; but, generally speaking, 
the prostration was conducted in a more 
formal manner, the person falling upon the 
knee and then gradually inclining the body 
antil the forehead touched tlie ground. 
Such prostration was usual in the worship 
of Jehovah (Gen. xvii. 3; Ps. xcv. 6). But 
It was by no means exclusively used for 
that purpose; it was the formal mode of 
receiving visitors (Gen. xviii. 2), of doing 
obeisance to one of superior station (2 
Sam. xiv. 4), and of showing respect to 
equals (1 K. ii. 19). Occasionally it was 
repeated three times (1 Sam. xx. 41), and 
even seven times (^Gen. xxxiii. 3). It was 
Accompanied by such acts as a kiss (Ex. 
tviii. 7), laying hold of the knees or feet 
of the person to whom the adoration was 
paid (Matt, xxviii. 9), and kissing the 
ground on which he stood (Ps. Ixxii. 9 ; 
Mic. vii. 17). Similar adoration was paid 
to idols (1 K. xix. 18) : sometimes how- 
erer prostration was omitted, and the act 
consisted simply in kissing the hand to the 
object of reverence (Jobxxxi. 27), and in 
kissing the statue itself (Hos. xiii. 2). 

Adram'melech. 1. The name of an 
idol introduced into Samaria by the colo- 
nists from Sepharvaim (2 K. xvii. 31). He 
was worshipped with rites resembling those 
of Molech, children being burnt in his 
honor. The first part of the word proba- 
bly means fire. Adrammelech was probably 
the male power of the sun, and Anamme- 
LECH, who L" mentioned with Adrammelech 
as a companior-god, the female power of 
the sun. 2. Son of the Assyrian king Sen- 
nacherib, who, together with his brother 
Sharezer, murdered their father in the 
temple of Nisroch at Nineveh, after the 
failure of the Assyrian attack on Jerusalv»m. 
The parricides escaped into Armenia (2 K. 
xix. 37; 2 Chr. xxxii. 21; Is. xxxvii. 38). 
The date of this event was b. o. 080. 

A.draniyt'tiuin. a seaport in the i»'*ov- 



ince of Asia [Asia], situated in the dis- 
trict anciently called Aeolis, and also Mysi* 
(see Acts xvi. 7). Adramyttium gave, 
and still gives, its name to a deep gulf on 
this coast, opposite to the opening of which 
is the island of Lesbos. [MixTLEyK.' It 
has no Biblical interest, except as illustr^tt- 
ing St. Paul's voyage from Caesaroa in a 
ship belonging to this place (Acts xx\ii. 
2). Ships of Adramyttium must have been 
frequent on this coast, for it was a place 
of considerable traffic. The modern Adra- 
myti is a poor village, but it is still a place 
of some trade and shipbuilding. 

A'dria, more properly A'drias. It i» 
important to fix the meaning of this word 
as used in Acts xxvii. 27. The word seems 
to have been derived from the town of 
Adria, near the Po ; and at first it denoted 
the part of the Gulf of Venice which is in 
that neighborhood. Afterwards the signifi- 
cation of the name was extended, so as to 
embrace the whole of that gulf. Subse- 
quently it obtained a much wider exten- 
sion, and in the apostolic age denoted that 
natural division of the Mediterranean which 
had the coasts of Sicily, Italy, Greece, and 
Africa for its boundaries. This definition 
is explicitly given by almost a contempo- 
rary of St. Paul, the geographer I*tolemy, 
who also says that Crete is bouiided on the 
west by Adrias. Later writers state that 
Malta divides the Adriatic sea from the 
Tyrrhenian sea, and the isthmus of Corinth 
the Aegean from the Adriatic. It is through 
ignorance of these facts, or through the 
want of attending to them, that writers have 
drawn an argument from this geographical 
term in favor of the false view which places 
the apostle's shipwreck in the Gulf of 
Venice. [Melita.] 

A'driel, son of Barzillai, to whom Saul 
gave his daughter Merab, although he had 
previously promised her to David (1 Sam. 
xviii. 19). His five sons were amongst the 
seven descendants of Saul whom David sur- 
rendered to the Gibeonites in satisfaction 
for the endeavors of Saul to extirpate them 
(2 Sam. xxi. 8). 

Adullam, Apocr. Odollam, a city of 
Judah in the lowland of the Shefelah (Josh. 
XV. 35) ; the seat of a Canaanite king (Josh, 
xii. 15), and evidently a place of great anti- 
quity (Gen. xxxviii. 1, 12, 20). Fortified 
by Rehoboam (2 Chron. xi. 7), it was oim 
of the towns reoccupied by the Jews after 
thei^ return from Babylon (Neh. xi. 36), 
and still a city in the times of the Macca- 
bees (2 Mace. xii. 38). Adullam was prob- 
ably near Deir Bubbdn, 5 or & miles N. of 
Eleutheropolis. The limestone cliffs of the 
whole of that locality are pierced with ex- 
tensive excavations, some one of which ii 
doubtless the "cave of Adullam," the refU^e 
of David (1 Sam. xxii. 1 ; 2 Sam. xziii. 13: 
1 Chr. xi. 16V 



ADULTERY 



W 



AGE 



Adultery. The parties to this crime 
» ere a married woman and a man who was 
non her husband. The toleration of polyg- 
amy, indeed, renders it nearly impossible 
to make criminal a similar offence com- 
mitted by a married man with a woman 
Tiot his wife. The Mosaic penalty was that 
hoth the guilty parties should be stoned, 
and it applied as well to the betrothed as 
to the married woman, provided she were 
free (Deut. xxii. 22-24). A bondwoman 
80 offending was to be scourged, and the 
man was to make a trespass offering (Lev. 
xix. 20-22). At a later time, and when, 
owing to Gentile example, the marriage 
tie became a looser bond of union, public 
feeling in regard to adultery changed, and 
the penalty of death was seldom or never 
inflicted. Thus, in the case of the woman 
brought under our Lord's notice (John 
viii.), it is likely that no one then thought 
of stoning her in fact, though there re- 
mained the written law ready for the pur- 
pose of the caviller. It is likely also that 
a divorce, in which the adulteress lost her 
dower and rights of maintenance, &c., 
was the usual remedy, suggested by a wish 
to avoid scandal and the excitement of com- 
miseration for crime. The expression in 
St. Matthew (i. 19) "to make her a pub- 
lic example," probably means to bring the 
case before the local Sanhedrim, which was 
the usual course, but which Joseph did not 
propose to take, preferring repudiation, be- 
cause that could be managed privately. 
The famous trial by the waters of jealousy 
(Num. V. 11-29), was probably an ancient 
custom, which Moses found deeply seated, 
nnd which is said to be paralleled by a form 
of ordeal called the "red water" in West- 
em Africa. The forms of Hebrew justice 
all tended to limit the application of this 
test. When adu'tery ceased to be capital, 
as no doubt it did, and divorce became a 
matter of mere convenience, it would be 
absurd to suppose that this trial was con- 
tinued. And when adultery became com- 
mon, it would have been impious to expect 
the miracle which it supposed. 

Adurn'mim, "the going up to" or 
" OF," one of the landmarks of the boun- 
dary of Benjamin, a rising ground or pass 
"over against Gilgal," and "on the south 
side of the * torrent ' " (Josh. xv. 7, xviii. 
17), which is the position still occupied by 
the road leading up from Jericho and the 
Jordan valley to Jerusalem, on the south 
face of the gorge of the Wady Kelt. The 
pass is still infested by robbers, as it was in 
tiie days of our Lord, of whose parable of 
the Good Samaritan this is the scene. 

Ae'gypt. [Egypt.] 

Aene'as, a paralytic at Lydda healed 
by St. Peter (Acts ix. 33, 34). 

Ae'non, a place "near to Salim," at 
vrhich John baptized (John ji. 23). It was 



evidently west of the Jordaq (romp. lli. 22, 
with 26, and with i. 28), and alv/unded in 
water. T'his is indicated by the nainef 
wliich is merely a Greek version of a Chal- 
dee word, signifying "springs." Aenon i» 
given in the Onomasticon as 8 miles south 
of Scythopolis " near Salem and the Jor- 
dan." 

Aera. [Chronology.] 

Aethio'pia. [Ethiopia.] 

AflB.nity. [Marriage.] 

Ag'abus, a Christian prophet in the 
apostolic age, mentioned in Acts xi. 28 and 
xxi. 10. He predicted (Acts xi. 28) that a 
famine would take place in the reign of 
Claudius " throughout all the world." As 
Greek and Roman writers used " the world " 
of the Greek and the Roman world, so a 
Jewish writer would use it naturally of the 
Jewish world or Palestine. Josephus men- 
tions a famine which prevailed in Judaea 
in the reign of Claudius, and swept away 
many of the inhabitants. This, in all prob- 
ability, is the famine to which Agabus re- 
fers. 

A'^ag, possibly the title of the kings of 
Amalek, like Pharaoh of Egypt. One king 
of this name is mentioned in Num. xxiv. 7, 
and another in 1 Sam. xv. 8, 9, 20, 32. The 
latter was the king of the Amalekites, whom 
Saul spared, together with the best of the 
spoil, although it was the well-known wUl 
of Jehovah that the Amalekites shouP be 
extirpated (Ex. xvii. 14; Deut. xxv 17). 
For this act of disobedience Samu .1 was 
commissioned to declare to Saul Ids rejec- 
tion, and he himself sent for Agag and cul 
him in pieces. [Samuel,.] — Haman is 
called the Agagite in Esth. iii. 1, 10, viii 
3, 5. The Jews consider him a descendani 
of Agag the Amalekite, and hence accounf 
for the hatred witli which he pursued theu 
race. 

A'gagite. [Agag.] 

A'gar, [Hagar.] 

Agate is mentioned four times in the 
text of the A. V. ; viz. in Ex. xxviii. 19, 
xxxix. 12; Is. liv. 12; Ez. xxvii. 16. In 
the two former passages, where it is repre- 
sented by the Hebrew word sltehd, it is 
spoken of as forming the second stone in 
the third row of the high priest's breast- 
plate ; in each of the two latter places the 
original word is cadced, by which, no doubt, 
is intended a different stone. [Ruby.] — 
Our English agate derives its name from 
the Achates, on the banks of which, accord- 
ing to Theophrastus and Pliny, it was first 
found ; but as agates are met with in almost 
every country, this stone was doubtless 
from tlie earliest times known to the Orien- 
tals. It is a silicious stone of the quartz 
family. 

Age, Old. In early stages of civiliza- 
tion, when experience is the only source of 
practical knowUulge, old age has its soeciaJ 



I 



AGEE 



21 



AGRIUULTUKE 



ralue, and consequently its special honors. 
A. further motive was superadded in the 
case of the Jew, who was taught to con- 
ftider old age as a reward for piety, and a 
signal token of God's favor. For these 
reasons tlie aged occupied a prominent 
place in tlie social and political system of 
the Jews. In private life they were looked 
up to as the depositaries of knowledge (Job 
XV. 10) : the young were ordered to rise up 
in their presence (Lev. xix. ?>2) : they al- 
lowed them to give their opinion first (Job 
xxxii. 4) : they were taught to regard gray 
hairs as a " crown of glory " and as the 
"beauty of old men" (Prav. xvi. 31, xx. 
29). The attainment of old age was re- 
garded as a special blessing (Job v. 26), not 
only on account of the prolonged enjoy- 
ment of life to the individual, but also be- 
cause it indicated peaceful and prosperous 
times (Zech. viii. I; 1 Mace. xiv. 9; Is. 
Ixv. 20). In piLblic affairs age carried 
weight with it, especially in the infancy of 
the state : it formed under Moses the main 
ijualification of those who acted as the 
representatives of the people in all matters 
of difficulty and deliberation. The old men 
or Elders thus became a class, and the title 
gradually ceased to convey the notion of 
lige, and was used in an official sense, like 
Patres, Senatores, and other similar terms. 
[Elders.] Still it would be but natural 
Uiat such an office was generally held by 
men of advanced age (IK. xii. 8). 

Ag'ee, a Hararite, father of Shammah, 
one of David's three mightiest heroes (2 
Bam. xxiii. 11). 

Agriculture. This, though promi- 
aent in the scriptural narrative concerning 
Adam, Cain, and Noah, was little cared for 
by the patriarchs. The pastoral life was 
che means of keeping the sacred race, 
whilst yet a family, distinct from mixture 
and locally unattached, especially whilst in 
Egypt. When, grown into a nation they 
conquered their future seats, agriculture 
supplied a similar check on the foreign 
intercourse and speedy demoralization, 
especially as regards idolatry, which com- 
merce would have caused. Thus agricul- 
ture became the basis of tlie Mosaic com- 
monwealth. Taken in connection with the 
inalienable character of inheritances, it 
gave each man and each family a stake in 
the soil, and nurtured a hardy patriotism. 
" The land is Mine " (Lev. xxv. 23) was a 
di ',tum which made agriculture likewise 
the basis of the theocratic relation. Thus 
every family felt its own life with intense 
keenness, and had its divine tenure which 
it was to guard from alienation. The pro- 
hibition of culture in the sabbatical year 
formed, under this aspect, a kind of rent 
reserved by the Divine Owner. I-and- 
marks were deemed sacred (Deat. xix. 14), 
•nd the inalienability '>f th*^ heritage was 



insured by its reversion to the owner in the 
year of jubilee ; so that only so many years 
of occupancy could be sold (Lev. xxv. 8- 
16, 23-35). The prophet Isaiah (v. 8) de- 
nounces the contempt of such restrictions 
by wealthy grandees, who sought to "add 
field to field," erasing families and depopu- 
lating districts. 

Rain. — The abundance of water in Pal- 
estine, from natural sources , made it a 
contrast to rainless Egypt (Deut. viii. 7, 
xi. 8-12). Rain was commonly expocted 
soon after the autumnal equinox. The com- 
mon scriptural expressions of the " early" 
and the " latter rain" (Deut. xi. 14 ; O'er. t. 
24 ; Hos. vi. 3 ; Zech. x. 1 ; Jam. v. 7) ar» 
scarcely confirmed by modern experience, 
the season of rains being unbroken, though 
perhaps the fall is more strongly marked at 
the beginning and the end of it. 

Crops. — The cereal crops of constant 
mention are wheat and barley, and more 
rarely rye and millet (?). Of the two for- 
mer, together with the vine, olive, and fig, 
the use of irrigation, the plough and the 
harrow, mention is made in the book of 
Job (xxxi. 40 ; xv. 33 ; xxiv. 6 ; xxix. 19 ; 
xxxix. 10). Two kinds of cumin (the 
black variety called " fitches,*' Is. xxviii. 
27), and such podded plants as beans ani 
lentiles, may be named among the staple 
produce. 

Ploughing and Sowing. — The plough 
was probably very light, one yoke of oxen 
usually sufficing to draw it. Mountains 
and steep places were hoed (Is. vii. 25). 
New ground and fallows, the use of which 
latter was familiar to the Jews (Jer. iv. 3 ; 
Hos. x. 12), were cleared of stones and of 
thorns (Is. v. 2) early in the year, sowing 
or gathering from "among thorns " being a 
proverb for slovenly husbandry (Job v. 5 ; 
Prov. xxiv. 30, 31). Sowing also took 
place without previous ploughing, the seed, 
as in the parable of the sower, being scat- 
tered broadcast, and ploughed in after" 
wards. The soil was then brushed over 
with a light harrow, often of thorn bushes. 
In highly irrigated spots the seed was 
trampled in by cattle (Is. xxxii. 20), as ia 
Egypt by goats. Tiie more formal routine 
of heavy western soils must not be made 
the standard of such a naturally fine tilth 
as that of Palestine generally. During the 
rains, if not too heav)', or between their 
two periods, would be the best time foi 
these operations ; thus 70 days before the 
passover was the time prescribed for sow- 
ing for the " wave-sheaf," and probably, 
therefore, for that of barley generally. 
The oxen were urged on by a goad like « 
spear (Judg. iii. 31). The custom of watch- 
ing ripening crops and threshing floors 
against theft, or damage, is probably an- 
cient. Thus Boaz slept on the floor (Ruth 
iii. 4, 7). Barley ripened a week or two 



aGLUCULTUKE 



22 



AHAB 



iefoie Mrbeat, and as flne harv^est weather 
was certain (l*rov. xxvi. 1 ; 1 Sam. xii. 17 ; 
Am. iv. 7), the crop chiefly varied with the 
quantity of timely rain. The proportion 
of harvest gathered to seed sown was often 
vast; a hundred fold is mentioned, but in 
such a way as to signify that it was a limit 
rarely attained (Gen. xxvi. 12 ; Matt. xiii. 
8). Sowing a field with divers seeds was 
forhidden (Deut. xxii. 9). 

Reaping and Threshing. — The wheat, 
&X,., were reaped by the sickle, or pulled up 
by the roots. They were bound in sheaves 
— & process prominent in Scripture. The 
sheaves or heaps were carted (Am. ii. 13) 
to the floor — a circular spot of hard 
ground, probably, as now, from 50 to 80 or 
100 feet in diameter. Such floors were prob- 
ably permanent, and became well known 
spots (Gen. 1. 10, 11; 2 Sam. xxiv. 16, 18). 
On these the oxen, &c., forbidden to be 
muzzled (Deut. xxv. 4), trampled out the 
grain, as we find represented on the Egyp- 
tian monuments. At a later time the Jews 
used a threshing sledge called morag (Is. 
xli. 15 ; 2 Sam. xxiv. 22 ; 1 Chr. xxi. 23), 
probably resembling the ndreg, still em- 
ployed in Egypt — a stage with three rollers 
ridged with iron, which, aided by the dri- 
ver's weight, crushed out, often injuring, 
the grain, as well as cut or tore the straw, 
which thus became fit for fodder. Lighter 
grains were beaten out with a stick (Is. 
xxviii. 27). The use of animal manure is 
proved frequent by such recurring expres- 
sions as " dung on the face of the earth, 
field," &c. (Ps. IxxxiiL 10; 2 K. ix. 37 ; Jer. 
fiii. 2, &c.). 




Threshing-floor. The oxen driven round the heap ; con- 
trary to the UBual custom. (Wilkinson, Thebes.) 

Winnowing. — The " shovel " and *' fan " 
(Is. xxx. 24), thcijprecise difi'erence of 
which is doubtful, iWaicate the process of 
winnowing — a conspicuous part of ancient 
husbandry (Ps. xxxv. 5 • Job xxi. 18 ; Is. 
XV ii. 18), and important, owing to the slov- 
enly Threshing. Evening was the favorite 
time (Ruth in 2), when there was mostly 
a breeze. The " fan " (Matt. iii. 12) was 
perhaps a broad shovel which threw the 
grail' up against the wind. The last pro- 
cess was the shaking in a sieve lo separate 
dirt and refuse (Am. ix. 9). 

Fields and floors were not commonly en- 



closed; vineyards ff>ostly were, with » 
tower and other buildings (Num. xxii. 24 j 
Ps. Ixxx. 13 ; Is. V. 5 ; Matt. xxi. 83 ; comp. 
Judg. vi. 11). Banks of mid from ditchei 
were also used. — With regard t( occu- 
pancy, a tenant might pay a fixed monej- 
rent (Cant. viii. 11), or a stipulated sharf 
of the fruits (2 Sam. ix. 10 ; Matt. xxi. 34), 
often a half or a third ; but local custom 
was the only rule. A passer-by might eat 
any quantity of corn or grapes, but not reap 
or carry off" fruit (Deut. xxiii. 24, 26 ; ISlatt. 
xii. 1). — The rights of the corner to be 
left, and of gleaning [Cornek ; Gleaning], 
formed the poor man's claim on the soil for 
support. For his benefit, too, a sheaf for- 
gotten in carrying to the floor was to be 
left; so also with regard to the vineyard 
and the ohve-grove (Lev. xix. 9, 10 ; Deut. 
xxiv. 19). Besides there seems a proba- 
bility that every third year a second tithe, 
besides the priests', was paid for the poor 
(Deut. xiv. 28, xxvi. 12 ; Am. iv. 4 ; Tob. 
i. 7). 

Agrip'pa. [Hekod.] 

A'gur, the son of Jakeh, an unknown 
Hebrew sage, who uttered or collected the 
sayings of wisdom recorded in Prov. xxx. 

A'hab. 1. Son of Omri, seventh king 
of Israel, reigned b. c. 919-896. He mar- 
ried Jezebel, daughter of Ethbaal king of 
Tyre ; and in obedience to her wishes, 
caused a temple to be built to Baal in Sa- 
maria itself, and an oracular grove to be 
consecrated to Astarte. (See 1 K. xviii. 
19.) How the worship of God was restored, 
and the idolatrous priests slain, in conse- 
quence of " a sore famine in Samaria," is 
related under Elijah. One of Ahab's chief 
tastes was for splendid architecture, which 
he showed by building an ivory house and 
several cities. Desiring to add to his pleas- 
ure-grounds at Jezreel the vineyard of his 
neighbor Naboth, he proposed to buy it or 
give land in exchange for it ; and when this 
was refused by Naboth, a false accusation 
of blasphemy was brought against him, and 
not only was he himself stoned to death, 
but his sons also, as we learn from 2 K. ix. 
26. Thereupon Elijah declared that the 
entire extirpation of Ahab's house was the 
penalty appointed for his long course of 
wickedness, now crowned by this atrocious 
crime. The execution, however, of the 
sentence was delayed in consequence ^f 
Ahab's deep repentance (1 K. xxi.). — 
Ahab undertook three campaigns against 
Benliadad II. king of Damascus, two de- 
fensive and one offensive. In the first, 
Benliadad laid siege to Samaria, but was 
repulsed with great loss (1 K. xx. 1-21). 
Next year Benhadad again invaded Israel 
by way of Aphek, on the E. of Jordan. 
Yet Ahab's victory was so complete that 
Benhadad himself fell into his hands ; but 
was released (contrarj to the will of God 



AilARAH 



23 



AIIASUi^RUS 



^ anaoLDced by a prophet) on condition 
of restoring- all the cities of Israel which lie 
held, and making "streets" for Ahab in 
Damascus ; that is, admitting into his capi- 
tal permanent Hebrew commissioners, in 
an independent position, with special dwell- 
ings for themselv^es and their retinues, to 
watch over the commercial and political in- 
t*^ rests of Ahab and his subjects (1 K. xx. 
22-34). After this great success Ahab 
enjoyed peace for three years, when he 
attacked Ramoth in Gilead on the east of 
Jordan, in conjunction with Jehoshaphat 
king of Judah, which town he claimed as 
belonging to Israel. But God's blessing 
did not rest on the expedition, and Ahab 
was told by the prophet Micaiah that it 
would fail. Ahab took the precaution of 
disguising himself, so as not to offer a con- 
spicuous mark to the archers of Benhadad ; 
but he was slain by a " certain man who 
drew a bow at a venture." When he was 
brought to be buried in Samaria, the dogs 
licked up his blood as a servant was wash- 
ing his chariot ; a partial fulfilment of Eli- 
jah's prediction (IK. xxi. 19), which was 
iiore literally accomplished in the case of 
his son (2 K. ix. 26). 2. A lying proph- 
et, who deceived the captive Israelites in 
Babylon, and was burnt to death by Neb- 
u'lhadnezzar (Jer. xxix. 21). 

Ahar'ah, third son of Benjamin \l Chr. 
viii. 1). [Aher; Ahiram.] 

Ahar'hel, a name occurring in an ob- 
scure fragment of the genealogies of Judah. 
"The families of Aharhel" apparently 
traced their descent through Coz to Ashur, 
the posthumous son of Hezron. The Tar- 
gum (^f R. Joseph on Chronicles identifies 
him ^'ith " Hur the firstborn of Miriam " 
(1 Chr. iv. 8). 

Ahas'al, a priest, ancestor of Maasiai 
(Neh. xi. 13) ; called Jahzerah in 1 Chr. 
ix. 12. 

Ahas'bai, father of Eliphelet, one of 
David's thirty-seven captains (2 Sam. xxiii. 
84). In the corrupt list in 1 Chr. xi. 35, 
Eliphelet appears as " Eliphal the son of 
Ur." 

Ahasue'niS, the name of one Median 
and two Persian kings mentioned in the 
O. T. The following is a list of the Medo- 
Persian kings fromCyaxares to Artaxerxes 
Longimanus, according to their ordinary 
classical names. The Scriptural names 
conjectured to correspond to them are 
added in italics. 1. Cyaxares, king of 
Media, son of Phraortes, grandson of Dei- 
oces and conqutror of Nineveh, began to 
reign b. c. 634 : Ahasuerus. 2. Astyages 
his son, last king of Media, b. c. 594 : Darius 
the Mede. 3. Cyrus, son of his daughter 
Mandane and Cambyses, a Persian noble, 
fit St king of Persia, 659 : Cijrus. 4. Cam- 
byses liis SOD, 529 : Ahasuerus. 5. A Ma- 
<iau UFnrper, who personated Smerdis, the 



younger son of Cyrus, 521 : Artaiemteft 

6. Darius Hystaspis, raised to the throne 
on the overthrow of the Magi, 521 : Darius. 

7. Xerxes his sou, 485 ; Ahasuerus. 8. 
Artaxerxes Longimanus (Macrocl eii), bis 
son, 465-425 : Artaxerxes. 1. In Dan ix. 
], Ahasuerus is said to be the fat it r ul 
Darius the Mede. Now it is almost ceilo-io 
that Cyaxares is a form of Ahasuerus, Gi^e 
cized into Axares with the prefix Cy or Kai 
The son of this Cyaxares was xVstyages, nud 
it is no improbable conjecture that Darius 
the Mede was Astyages, set over Babylon 
as viceroy by his grandson Cyrus, and al- 
lowed to live there in royal state. [Darius.] 
This first Ahasuerus, then, is Cyaxares, the 
conqueror of Nineveh. And, in accordance 
with this view, we read in Tobit xiv. 15 
that Nineveh was taken by Nabuchodonosor 
and Assuerus, i. e. Cyaxares. 2. In Ezr. 
iv. 6 the enemies of the Jews, after the 
death of Cyrus, desirous to frustrate the 
building of Jerusalem, send accusations 
against them to Ahasuerus king of Persia. 
This must be Cambyses. He was plainly 
called after his grandfather, who was noi 
of royal race, and therefore it is very likely 
that he also assumed the kingly name oi 
title of Cyaxares, which had been borne by 
his most illustrious ancestor. 3. The third 
is the Ahasuerus of the book of Esther. 
Having divorced his queen Vashti for re- 
fusing to appear in public at a banquet, he 
married, four years afterwards, the Jewess 
Esther, cousin and ward of Mordecai. 
Five years after this, Haman, one of his 
counsellors, having been slighted by Mor- 
decai, prevailed upon the king to order the 
destruction of all the Jews in the empire. 
But before the day appointed for the mas- 
sacre, Esther and Mordecai overthrew the 
influence which Haman had exercised, and 
so completely changed his feelings in the 
matter, that they induced him to put Ilaman 
to death, and to give the Jews the right of 
self-defence. This they used so vigorously . 
that they killed several thousands of their 
opponents. This Ahasuerus is probably 
Xerxes (the names being identical) : and 
this conclusion is fortified by the resem- 
blance of character, and by certain chrono- 
logical indications. As Xerxes scourged; 
the sea, and put to death the engir eers of 
his bridge because their work w.is injured, 
by a storm, so Ahasuerus repudiated his" 
queen Vashti because she would not viiJatc 
the decorum of her sex, and ordered the- 
massacre of the whole Jewish people to 
gratify the malice of Haman. In the tlrrd 
year of the reign of Xerxes was held ar 
assembly to arrange the Grecian war. 1». 
the third year of Ahasuerus was held a 
great feast and assembly in Shushan tlie 
palace (Esth. i. 3). In the seventh year 
of his reign Xerxes returned defeate 1 fron* 
Greece, and consoled himse'if by the plpa&- 



AHAVA 



24 



AHIAH 



ares of th*. harem. In the seventh year of 
his reign "fair young virgins were sought" 
for Ahasuerus, and he replaced Vashti by 
marrying Esther. The tribute he " laid 
upon the laad and upon the isles of the 
sea" (Esth. x. 1) may well have been the 
result of the expenditure and ruin of the 
Greeicin expedition. 

AhaVa, a place (Ezr. viii. 15), or a 
river (viii. 21), on the banks of which Ezra 
collected the second expedition which re- 
tarred V ith him from Babylon to Jerusalem. 
Perhaps it is the modern Hit, on the Eu- 
piiratij?, due east of Damascus. 

A'haz, eleventh king of Judah, son of 
Jutham, r2igned 741-726. At the time of 
hi.s accession, Rezin king of Damascus and 
Pekah king of Israel had recently formed 
a league against Judah, and they proceeded 
to lay siege to Jerusalem. Upon this Isaiah 
hastened to give advice and encourage- 
ment to Ahaz, and it was probably owing 
to the spirit of energy and religious devo- 
tion which he poured into his counsels, 
that the allies failed in their attack on Jeru- 
salem (Is. vii. viii. ix.). But the allies in- 
flicted a most severe injury on Judah by 
the capture of Elath, a flourishing port on 
the Red Sea ; while the Philistines invaded 
the W. and S. (2 K. xvi. ; 2 Chr. xxviii.). 
The weak-minded and helpless Ahaz sought 
deliverance from these numerous troubles 
by appealing to Tiglath-pileser, king of 
Assyria, who freed him from his most for- 
midable enemies by invading Syria, taking 
Damascus, killing Rezin, and depriving 
Israel of its Northern and trans-Jordanic 
districts. Bat Ahaz had to purchase this 
help at a costly price : he became tributary 
to Tiglath-pileser, sent him all the treasures 
of the Temple and his own palace, and 
even appeared before him in Damascus as 
a vassal. He also ventured to seek for 
safety in heathen ceremonies ; making his 
son pass through the fire to Molech, con- 
sulting wizards and necromancers (Is. viii. 
19), sacrificing to the Syrian gods, intro- 
ducing a foreign altar from Damascus, and 
probably the worship of the heavenly bodies 
fioin Assyria and Babylon; and "The 
altars on the top (or roof) of the upper 
chamber of Ahaz " (2 K. xxiii. 12) were 
connected with the adoration of the stars. 

Ahazi'ah. 1. Son of Ahab and Jezebel, 
eighth king of Israel, reigned b. c. 896-895. 
After the battle of Ramoth in Gilead, in 
which Ahab perished [Ahab], the vassal 
king of Moab r-^fused his yearly tribute of 
|f)0,000 lambs and 100,000 rams with their 
wool ^^comp. Is. xvi. 1). Before Ahaziah 
could take measures for enforcing his 
claim, he was seriously injured by a fall 
through a lattice in his palace at Samaria. 
In his health 1 e had worshipped his 
mother's gods, and now he sent to inquire 
of the oracle of Baalzebub ir the Philistine 



city of Ekron whether he should recovei 
his health. But Elijah, who now for the 
last time exercised the prophetic office, re- 
buked him for tliis impiety, and announced 
to him his approaching de<ith. The only 
other recorded transaction of liis reign, hig 
endeavor to join the king of Judah in trad- 
mg to Ophir, is related under Jehosha- 
PHAT (1 K. xxii. 49-53 ; 2 K. 1. ; 2 Chr. xx. 
35-37). 2. Fifth king of Judah, son of 
Jehoram and Athaliah (daughter of Ahab), 
and therefore nephew of the preceding 
Ahaziah, reigned one year, b. c. 884. He 
is called Azakiah, 2 Chr. xxii. G, probably 
by a copyist's error, and Jeiioahaz, 2 Chr. 
xxi. 17. He was 22 years old at his acces- 
sion (2 K. viii. 26 ; his age, 42 in 2 Chr. xxii. 
2, is also a copyist's error). Ahaziah was 
an idolater, and he allied hiinself with 
his uncle Jehoram king of Israel, brother 
and successor of the preceding Ahaziah, 
ag.iinst Hazael, the new king of Syria. 
The two kings were, however, defeated at 
Ramoth, where Jehoram was severely 
wounded. The revolution carried out in 
Israel by Jehu under the guidance of Elisha 
broke out while Ahaziah was visiting hi8 
uncle at Jezreel. As Jehu approached the 
town, Jehoram and Ahaziah went out to 
meet him; the former was shot through 
the heart by Jehu, and Ahaziah was pur- 
sued and mortally wounded. He died when 
he reached Megiddo. 

Ah'ban, son of Abishur, by his wife 
Abihail (1 Chr. ii. 29). He was of the 
tribe of Judah. 

A'her, ancestor of Hushim, or rather 
"the Hushim," as the plural form seems 
to indicate a family rather than an indi- 
vidual. Tiie name occurs in an obscure 
passage in the genealogy of Benjamin (1 ■ 
Chr. vii. 12). It is not improbable that Bj 
Aher and Ahiram (Num. xxvi. 38) are 
the same; unless the former belonged to 
the tribe of Dan, whose genealogy is 
omitted in 1 Chr. vii. ; Hushim being a 
Danite as well as a Benjamite name. 

A'hi. I. A Gadite, chief of a family 
who lived in Gilead in Bashan (1 Chr. v. 
15), in the days of Jotham, king of Judalu 
2. A descendant of Shamer, of the tribt? 
of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 34). The name, ac- 
cording to Gesenius, is a contraction of 
Ahijah. 

Ahi'ah or Ahi'jah. 1. SonofAhitub, 
grandson of Phinehas, and great-grandson 
of Eli, succeeded his father as high-priest 
in the reign of Saul (1 Sam. xiv. 3, 18) 
Aliiah is probably the same person as 
Ahimelech the son of Ahitub. However it is 
not impossible that Ahimelech may have 
been brother to Ahiah. 2. One of Sulo- 
mon's princes (1 K. iv. 3). 3. A prophet 
of Shiloh (1 K. xiv. 2), hence called the 
Shilonite (xi. 29) in the days of SolomoE 
and of Jeroboam king if Israel, of wl^oi 



A.flIAM 



•25 



aHITHC PHEL 



re have two remarkable prophecies extant : 
the one in 1 K. xi. 31-39, addressed to 
Jeroboam, announcing the rending of the 
ten tribes from Solomon : the other in 1 K. 
uv. 6-16, delivered in the prophet's extreme 
,:1J age to Jeroboam's wife, in which he 
f(>rctold the death of Abijah, the king's 
son, who wa^ sick, and the destruction of 
Jircboam's house on account of the images 
irhich ho had set up. Jeroboam's speech 
soncernii.g Ahijah (1 K. xiv. 2, 3) shows 
the rstimation in which he held his truth 
ani prophetic powers (comp. 2 Chr. Lx. 
29 . 4." Father of Baasha, king of Israel 
(1 K. XV. 27, 33). 5. Son of Jerahmeel 
(1 Chr. ii. 25). 6. Son of Bela (1 Chr. 
viii. 7). 7. One of David's mighty men 
(1 Chr. X. 36). 8. A Levite in David's 
reign (1 Chr. xxvi. 20). 9. One of "the 
heads of the people " who joined in the 
covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 26). 

Ahi'am, son of Sharar the Hararite (or 
of Sacar, 1 Chr. xi. 35), one of David's 
tliirty mighty men (2 Sam. xxiii. 33). 

Ahi'an, a Manassite, of the family of 
Shemidah (1 Chr. vii. 19). 

Ahie'zer. 1. Son of Ammishaddai, 
hereditary chieftain of the tribe of Dan 
(Kum. i. 12, ii. 25, vii. 6Q). 2. The 
Benjamite chief of a body of archers in 
the time of David (1 Chr. xii. 3). 

Ahi'hud. 1. The son of Shelomi, and 
prince of the tribe of Asher (Num. xxxiv. 
27). 2. Chieftain of the tribe of Benja- 
min (1 Chr. viii. 7). 

Ahi'jall. [Ahiah.] 

Ahi'kani, son of Shaphan the scribe, 
an influential officer at the court of Josiah, 
was one of the delegates sent by Hilkiah to 
consult Huldah (2 K. x^ii. 12-14). In the 
reign of Jehoiakim he successfully used his 
influence to protect the prophet Jeremiah 
(Jer. xxvi. 24). He was the father of 
Gedaliah. [Gedahah.] 

Ahi'lud. 1. Father of Jehoshaphat, 
the recorder or chronicler of the kingdom 
in the reigns of David and Solomon (2 
Sam. viii. 16, xx. 24 ; 1 K. iv. 3 ; 1 Chr. 
xviii. 15). 2. The father of Baana, one 
of Solomon's twelve commissariat officers 
(1 K. iv. 12). It is uncertain whether he 
is the same with the foregoing. 

Ahim'aaz, son of Zadok, the high- 
priest in David's reign, and celebrated for 
his swiftness of foot. During Absalom's 
rebellion he carried to David the important 
intelligence that Ahithophel had counselled 
an immediate attack upon David and his 
folio*" ers, and that, consequently, the king 
nmst cross the Jordan without the least 
delay (2 Sam. xv. 24-37, xvii. 15-22). 
Shortly afterwards he was the first to bring 
to the k ing the good news of Absalom's de- 
fept, suppressing his knowledge of the death 
of his son, which was announced soon af- 
terwards by another (2 Sam. xviii. 19-o3\ 



Ahi'man, one of the three giant Ana kin 
who inhabited Mount Hebron (Num. xiii. 
22, 33), seen by Caleb and the spies. The 
whole race were cut off by Joshua (Josh, 
xi. 21), and the three brothers were slain 
by the tribe of Judah (Judg. i. 10). 

Ahim'elech, son of Ahitub (1 Sam. 
xxii. 11, 12), and high-priest at Nob in the 
days of Saul. He gave David the shew- 
bread to eat, and the sword of Goliath, 
and for so doing was, upon the accusation 
of Doeg the Edomite, put to death with his 
whole house by Saul's order. Abiathar 
j alone escaped. [Abiathar.] 

Ahi'motll, a Levite, apparently in tht 
time of David (1 Chr. vi. 25). In ver. 35, 
for Ahimoth we find 3fahath, as in Lake 
iii. 26. 

Ahin'adab, son of Iddo, one of Solo- 
mon's twelve commissaries who supplied 
provisions for the royal household (IK. 
iv. 14). 

Ahin'oam. 1. The daughter of Ahim- 
aaz and wife of Saul (1 Sam. xiv. 50). 
2. A native of Jezreel who was married 
to David during his wandering life (1 Sam. 
XXV. 43). She lived with him and his other 
wife Abigail at the court of Achish (xxvii, 
3), was taken prisoner with her by the 
Amalekites when they plundered Ziklag 
(xxx. o), but was rescued by David (18). 
She is again mentioned as living with him 
when he was king of Judah in Hebron (2 
Sam. ii. 2), and was the mother of his 
eldest son Amnon (iii. 2). 

AM'o. 1. Con of Abinadab, who ac- 
companied the ark when it was brought 
out of his father's house (2 Sam. vi, 3, 4 ; 
1 Chr. xiii. 7). 2. A BenjamitP, one of 
the sons of Beriah who drove o»it the in* 
habitants of Gath (1 Chr. viii. 14). 3. 
A Benjamite, son of Jehiel, father oi 
founder of Gibeon (1 Chr. viii. *]1, ix. 37). 

Ahi'ra, chief of the tribe '^f Naphtah 
when Moses took the census in the yeai 
after the Exodus (Num. i. K», ii. 29, vii, 
78, 88, X. 27). 

Ahi'ram, one of the sons -if Benjamin, 
and ancestor of the Ahikaxites (Nuna. 
xxvi. 38). In the list of Benjamin's chi".- 
dren, in Gen. xlvi. 21. the name of Ahiram 
appears as " Ehi and Rosh. ' the formei 
being probably the true reaching, of which 
the latter was an easy corruption. It is un- 
certain whether Ahiram is the same as Ahei 
(1 Chr. vii. 12), or Aharah (i Chr viu. 1.) 

Ahis'amach, a Danite, father of Aho- 
liab, one of the architects of tne taDeruacle 
(Ex. xxxi. 6, XXXV. 34, xxxviii. 23). 

Ahish-'ahar, one of the sons of Bilhan^ 
the grandson of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 10). 

Ahi'shar, the controller of Solomon's 
household (1 K. iv. 6). 

Ahith'ophel (brother of foolishness) ^ 
a native of Giloh, was a privy councilloi 
of Da^ id, whose wisdon -ras higldy en- 



AHITUB 



'ZQ 



41JELETI1 SUAHAK 



teemed, though his name had an exactly 
oppositf signification (2 Sam. xvi. 23). He 
was the grandfather of Bathsheba (comp. 
2 Sam. 2.1. 3 with xxiii. 34). When Ahith- 
ophel joined the conspiracy of Absalom, 
I>avid prayed Jehovah to turn his counsel 
to foolishness (xv. 31), alluding possibly 
to the signification of his name. David's 
grief at the treachery of his confidential 
firiend found expression in the Messianic 
prophecies (Ps. xli. 9, Iv. 12-14). — In 
order to show to the people that the breach 
between Absalom and his father was irrep- 
arable, Ahithophel persuaded him to take 
possession of the royal harem (2 Sam. xvi. 
21). David, to counteract his counsel, 
sent Husbai to Absalom. Ahithophel had 
recommenJed an immediate pursuit of 
David; but Hushai advised delay, his 
abject being to send intelligence to David, 
and to give him time to collect his forces 
for a decisive engagement. When Ahith- 
ophel saw that Hushai's advice prevailed, 
he despaired of success, and returning to 
Ills own home " put his household in order 
and hanged himself" (xvii. 1-23). 

Ahi'tub. 1. Father of Ahimelech, or 
A-hijah, the son of Phinehas, and grand- 
son of Eli, and therefore of the family of 
Ithamar (1 Sam. xiv. 3, xxii. 9, 11). 2. 
Son of Amariah, and father of Zadok the 
high-priest (1 Chr. vi. 7,8; 2 Sam. viii. 
17), of the house of Eleazar. 3. The 
genealogy of the high-priests in 1 Chr. vi. 
11, 12, introduces another Ahitub, son of 
another Amariah, and father of another 
Zadok. But there are reasons for believ- 
ing that the second Ahitub and Zadok are 
spurious. 

Ah'lab, a city of Aiher from which the 
Canaanites were not driven out (Judg. i. 31). 

Ahla'i, daughter of Sheshan, whom, 
javing no issue, he gave in marriage to his 
Egyptian slave Jarha (1 Chr. ii. 31, 35). 
In consequence of the failure of male issue, 
she became the foundress of an important 
branch of the family of the Jerahme elites, 
and from her were descended Zabad, one 
of David's mighty men (1 Chr. xi. 41), and 
A2ariah, one of the captains of hundreds 
in the reign of Joash (2 Chr. xxiii. 1). 

Aho'ah, son of Bela, the son of Benja- 
min (1 Chr. viii. 4). In 1 Chr. viii. 7, he 
is called Ahiah. The patronymic, Aho- 
HiTE, is found in 2 Sam. xxiii. 9, 28; 1 
Chr. xi. 12, 29, xxvii. 4. 

Aho'hite. [Ahoah.] 

Aho'Iah, and Aholibah, two sym- 
bolical names, are described as harlots, the 
former representing Samaria, and the latter 
Judah (Ez. xxiii.). 

AJio'liab, a Danite of great skill as a 
weaver and embroiderer, whom Moses ap- 
pointed with Bezaleel to erect the taber 
iiacle (Ex. xxxv. 30-35). 

Ahollba'mah, one (probably the sec- 



ond) of the three wives of Esau Slw 
was the daughter of Anah, a descendant of 
Seir the Horite (Gen. xxxvi. 2, 25). In the 
earlier narrative (Gen. xxvi. 34) Aholiba* 
mah is called Judith, daughter of Beeri 
the Hittite. It appears that her propei 
personal name was Judilh, and that Aholi- 
bamah was the name which she received as 
the wife of Esau and foundress of tliret 
tribes of his descendants. 

Aliu'niai, son of Jahath, a descend.uu 
of Judah, and head of one of the families 
of the Zorathites (1 Chr. iv. 2). 

Ahu'zam, properly Ahuzzam, son of 
Ashur, the father or founder of Tekoa, bj 
his wife Naarah (1 Chr. iv. 6). 

Ahuz'zath, one of the friends of the 
Philistine king Ahimelech, who accom- 
panied him at his interview with Isaac 
(Gen. xxvi. 26). 

A'i (heap of ruins). 1. A city lying 
east of Bethel and " besida Bethaven ** 
(Josh. vii. 2, viii. 9). It was the second 
city taken by Israel after the passage of 
the Jordan, and was " utterly destroyed " 
(Josh. vii. 3-5, viii., ix. 3, x. 1, 2, xii. 9). 
2. A city of the Ammonites, apparently 
attached to Heshbon (Jer. xlix. 3). 

Ai'all. 1. Son of Zibeon, a descendant 
of Seir, and ancestor of one of the wives 
of Esau (1 Chr. i. 40), called in Gen 
xxxvi. 24, A.rAH. He probably died before 
his father, as the succession fell to his 
brother Anah. 2. Father of Rizpah, the 
concubine of Saul (2 Sam. iii. 7, xxi. 8. 
10, 11. 

Ai'ath, a place named by Isaiah (x. 28), 
in connection with Migron and Michmasb 
probably the same as Ai. 

Ai'ja, like Aiath, probably a variation 
of the name Ai, mentioned with Michmasb 
and Bethel (Neh. xi. 31). 

Aij'alon, '' a place of deer or gazelles.' 

1. A city of the Kohathites (Josh. xxi. 24; 
1 Chr. vi. 69), originally allotted to the tribe 
of Dan (Josh. xix. 42; A. V. " Ajalon "), 
which tribe, however, was unable to dis 
possess the Amorites of the place (Judg. L 
35). Aijalon was one of the towns fortified 
by Rehoboam (2 Chron. xi. 10), and the las! 

we hear of it is as being in the hands of the | 
Philistines (2 Chr. xxviii. 18; A. V. " Ajiv 
Ion"). Being on the very frontier of the 
two kingdoms, we can understand how Ai- 
jalon should be spoken of sometimes (1 (,'lir. 
vi. 69, comp. with 66) as in Ephraim, and 
sometimes (2 Chr. xi. 10; 1 Sam. xiv. 31 ; as 
in Judah and Benjamin. It is repseseuted 
by the modern Ydlo, a little to the N. of the 
Jaffa road, about 14 miles out of Jerusalem. 

2. A place in Zebulun, mentioned as the 
burial-place of Elon, one of the Judges 
(Judg. xii. 12). 

Aij'eleth Sha'har (i. e. the hind of 
the morning dawn), found once only in the 
Bible, in the title of Ps xxii. It probaM; j 



AiN 



27 



ALEXANDER in. 



Jpscribes to the musician the melody to 

wliich the psalm was to be played, — "a 
Psalm of David, addressed to the music- 
master who presides over the band called 
the Morning Hind." 

Ain. 1. One of the landmarks on the 
eastern boundary of Palestine (Num. xxxiv. 
11). It is probably 'Am el-'Azy, the main 
source of the Orontes. 2. One of the 
southernmost cities of Judah (Josh. xv. 
32), al'terwards allotted to Simeon (Josh, 
xix. 7; 1 Clir. iv. 32) and given to the 
priests (Josh. xxi. 16). 

A'jah = Aiah, 1 (Gen. xxxvi. 24). 

Aj'alon. [AijALON.] 

A'kan, son of Ezer, one of the " dukes" 
or chieftains of the Horites, and descend- 
ant of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 27). He is called 
Jakan in 1 Clir. i. 42 = Jaakan, which last 
is probably the true reading in both cases. 

Ak'kub. 1. A descendant of Zerub- 
babel and son of Elioenai (1 Chr. iii. 24). 

2. One of the porters or doorkeepers at 
the east gate of the Temple. His descend- 
ants succeeded to his office, and appear 
among those who returned from Babylon. 

3. One of the Nethinim, whose family re- 
turned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 45). 4. 
A. Levite who assisted Ezra in expounding 
the law to the people (Neh. viii. 7). 

Akrab'bim, " the ascent of," and 
"the going LP to;" also "Maileh- 
ACKABBiM "(=" the scorpion-pass"). A 
pass between the south end of the Dead 
Sea and Zin, forming one of the landmarks 
on the south boundary at once of Judah 
(Josh. XV. 3) and of the Holy Land (Num. 
xxxiv. 4). Also the boundary of the 
Amorites (Judg. i. 36). As to the name, 
scorpions abound in the whole of this dis- 
trict. 

Alabaster occurs in the N. T. only in 
the notice of the alabaster-box of ointment 




Alabaster Vessels. From the British Museum. The in- 
scription on the centre vessel denotes the quantity it holds. 

yhich a woman brought to our Lord when 
Ue sat at meat in the house of Simon the 



leper at Bethany, the con tents of whicb 
she pitured on the head of the Savioui (Matt, 
xxvi. 7; Mark xiv. 3; Luke vii. 37). The 
ancients considered alabaster to be the best 
material in which to preserve their oint' 
ments. In Mark xiv. 3, the woman who 
brought " the alabaster-box of oiutment of 
spikenard " is s«tid to break the box before 
pouring out the ointment, which probably 
only means breaking the seal which kept 
the essence of the perfume from evaporat 
ing. 

Aramoth, properly Alemeth, one of the 
sons of Becher, the son of Benjamin (1 
Chr. vii. 8). 

Alam'nielech ("king's oak"), a place 
within the limits of Asher, named between 
Achshaph and Amad (Josh. xix. 26 only), 

Al'amoth (Ps. xlvi. title; 1 Chr. xv.. 
20), a word of exceedingly doubtful mean- 
ing, some interpreting it to mean a musical 
instrument, and others a melody. 

Al'emeth, a Benjamite, son of Jehoa- 
dah or Jarah (1 Chr. viii. 36, ix. 42), and 
descended from Jonathan the son of SauL 

Alexan'der III., king of Macedon, 
surnamed the great, the son of Philip 
and Olympias, was born at Pella, b. c. 356, 
and succeeded his father b. c. 336. Two 
years afterwards he crossed the Hellespont 
(b. c. 334) to carry out the plans of his 
father, and execute the mission of Greece 
to the civilized world. The battle of the 
Granicus was followed by the subjugation 
of western Asia ; and in the following year 
the fate of the East was decided at Issus 
(b. c. 333). Tyre and Gaza were the only 
cities in western Syria which offered Alex- 
ander any resistance, and these were re- 
duced and treated with unusual severity 
(b. c. 332). Egypt next submitted to him; 
and in b. c. 331 he founded Alexandria, 
which remains to the present day the most 
characteristic monument of his life and 
work. In the same year he finally defeated 
Darius at Gaugamela; and in b. c. 330 his 
unhappy rival was murdered by Bessus, 
satrap of Bactria. The next two years 
were occupied by Alexander in the consoli- 
dation of his Persian conquests and the re- 
duction of Bactria. In b. c. 327 he crossed 
the Indus, penetrated to the Hydaspes, and 
was there forced by the discontent of his 
army to turn westward. He reached Susa, 
B. c 325, and proceeded to Babylon, b. c 
324, which he chose as the capital of hi» 
empire. In the next year (b. c. 323) he 
died there in the midst of his gigantic 
plans ; and those who inherited his con- 
quests left his designs unachieved and un- 
attempted (cf. Dan. vii. 6, viii. 5, xi. 3). 
The famous tradition of the visit of Alex- 
ander tr Jerusalem during his Phoenician 
camp-iign, which is related by Josephus, 
ha? been a fruitful source of controversy 
The Jews, it is said. h»d provoked lu» 



AJLifiXANDER BALA8 



2» 



ALEXANDRIA 



anger by refusing to transfer their alle- 
giance to him when summoned to do so 
during the siege of Tyre, and after the re- 
duction of Tyre and Gaza he turned to- 
wards Jerusalem. Jaddua (Jaddus) the 
high-priest (Neh. xii. 11, 22) went out to 
meet him, clad in his robes of hyacinth 
and gold, and accompanied by a train of 
priests and citizens arrayed in white. Al- 
exander was so moved by the solemn spec- 
tacle that he did reverence to the holy name 
inscribed upon the tiara of the high-priest ; 
and when Parmenio expressed surprise, he 
replied that "he had seen the god whom 
Jaddua represented in a dream at Dium, 
encouraging him to cross over into Asia, 
and promising him success." After this it 
ig said that he visited Jerusalem, offered 
sacrifice there, heard the prophecies of 
Daniel which foretold his victory, and con- 
ferred important privileges upon the Jews. 
In the prophetic visions of Daniel the em- 
blem by which Alexander is typified (a he 
goat) suggests the notions of strength and 
speed; and the universal extent (Dan. viii. 
6, . . . from the west on the face of the 
whole earth) and marvellous rapidity of his 
conquests (Dan. I. c, he touched not the 
ground) are brought forward as the char- 
acteristics of his power, which was directed 
by the strongest personal impetuosity (Dan. 
riii. 6, in the fury of his power). He 
ruled with great dominion, and did accord- 
ing to his will (xi. 3), " and there was none 
ttiat could deliver . . . out of his hand " 
viii. 7). 




Coin of LysimachuB, King of Thrace, repreeenting head 
of Alexander the Great as a young Jupiter Ammon. 

Aloxan'der Ba'las was, according to 
some, a natural son of Antioehus IV. Epiph- 
anes, but he was more generally regarded 
as an impostor who falsely assumed the 
connection. He claimed the throne of Syr- 
ia, in 152 B. c, in opposition to Demetrius 
Soter, and gained the warm support of 
Jonathan, the leader of the Jews (1 Mace. 
ix. 73). In 150 b. c. he completely routed 
the forces of Demetrius, who himself fell 
in the retreat (1 Mace. x. 48-50). After 
this, Alexander married Cleopatra, the 
daughter of Ptolemy VI. Philometor. But 
bis triumph was of short duration. After 
obtaining power he gave himself jp to a 
life of indulgence ; and when Demotrius 
Kicatoi, the son of Demstrius Soter, 



landed in Syria, in 147 b. c, the new pre- 
tender found powerful support (1 Mace. x. 
67 ff.) In the following year Pttlem/ de- 
serted Alexander, who was defeated (1 
Mace. xi. 15), and tied to Abae in Arabia, 
where he was murdered, b. c. 146 (1 Mace, 
xi. 17). The narrative in 1 Mace, shows 
clearly the partiality which the Jews en- 
tertained for Alexander ; and the same feel- 
ing was exhibited afterwards in the zeal 
with which they supported his son Antio 
chus. [Antiochus VI.] 

Alexan'der. 1. Son of Simon tlu 
Cyrenian, who was compelled to bear the 
cross for our Lord (Mark xv. 21), 2. One 
of the kindred of Annas the high-priest 
(Acts iv. 6). 3. A Jew at Ephesus, whom 
his countrymen put forward during the tu- 
mult raised by Demetrius the silversmith 
(Acts xix. 33), to plead their cause with 
the mob. 4. An Ephesian Christian, rep- 
robated by St. Paul in 1 Tim. i. 20, as 
having, together with one Hymenaeus, put 
from him faith and a good conscience, and 
so made shipwreck concerning the faith. 
This may be the same with 5. Alexan- 
der the coppersmith, mentioned by the 
same apostle (2 Tim. iv. 14) as having 
done him many mischiefs. 

Alexan'dria (3 Mace. iii. 1; Acts 
xviii. 24, vi. 9), the Hellenic, Roman, and 
Christian capital of Egypt, was founded by 
Alexander the Great, b. c. 332, who him- 
self traced the ground-plan of the city. 
The work thus begun was continued after 
the death of Alexander by the Ptolemies. 
Under the despotism of the later Ptolemies 
the trade of Alexandria declined, b*it its 
population and wealth were enormous. Its 
importance as one of the chief corn -porta 
of Rome secured for it the general favor of 
the first emperors. Its population was 
mixed from the first. According to Jose- 
phus, Alexander himself assigned to the 
Jews a place in his new city. Their num- 
bers and importance were rapidly increased 
under the Ptolemies by fresh immigrations ■ 
and untiring industry. The Septuagint ■ 
translation was made for their benefit, 
under the first or second Ptolemy. Philo 
estimates the number of the Alexandrine 
Jews in his time at little less than 1,000,000 ; 
and adds, that two of the five districts of 
Alexandria were called " Jewish districts," 
and that many Jews lived scattered in th« 
remaining three. Julius Caesar and Au- 
gustus confirmed to them the privileges 
which they had enjoyed before, and they 
retained them, with various interruptions, 
during the tumults and persecutions of 
later reigns. According to the common 
legend, St. Mark first "preached the Gos- 
pel in Egypt, and founded the first Church 
in Alexandria." At the beginning of the 
second century the number of Christians at 
Alexandria must have been very large, and 



Ji 



ALEXANDRIANS 



29 



ALLIANCES 



the great leaders of Gnosticism who arose 
there (Basilides, Valcntinus) exhibit an 
exaggeration of the tendency of the Church. 

Alexan'drians, the Jewish colonists 
of Alexandria, who were admitted to the 
privileges of citizenship, and had a syna- 
gogue at Jerusalem (Acts vi. 9). 

Algum or Almug Trees ; the former 
occurring in 2 Chr. ii. 8, Lx. 10, 11, the lat- 
ter in 1 K. X. 11, 12. There can be no 
question that these words are identical. 
From 1 K. x. 11, 12; 2 Chr. ix. 10, 11, we 
learn that the almug was brought in great 
plenty from Ophir for Solomon's Temple 
and house, and for the construction of mu- 
sical instruments. It is probable that this 
tree is the red sandal wood, which is a na- 
tive of India and Ceylon. The wood is 
very heavy, hard, and fine grained, and of 
a beautiful garnet color. 

Ali'ah. [Alvah.] 

Ali'an. [Alvan.] 

Allegory, a figure of speech, which has 
been defined by Bishop Marsh, in accord- 
ance with its etymology, as " a representa- 
tion of one thing which is intended to excite 
the representation of another thing ; " the 
first representation being consistent with 
itself, but requiring, or capable of admitting, 
a moral or spiritual interpretation over and 
above its literal sense. In every allegory 
there is a twofold sense ; the immediate or 
historic, which is understood from the 
words, and the ultimate, which is concerned 
with the things signified by the words. 
The allegorical interpretation is not of the 
words, but of the things signified by them ; 
and not only may, but actually does, coex- 
ist with the literal interpretation in every 
allegory, whether the narrative in which it 
is conveyed be of things possible or real. 
An illustration of this may be seen in Gal. 
iv. 24, where the apostle gives an allegori- 
cal interpretation to the historical narrative 
of Hagar and Sarah ; not treating that nar- 
rative as an allegory in itself, as our A. V. 
would lead us to suppose, but drawing 
from it a deeper sense than is conveyed by 
the immediate representation. 

Allelu'ia, so written in Rev. xix. 7, foil., 
or more properly Hallelujah, " praise ye 
Jehovah," as it is found in the margin of 
Ps. civ. 35, cv. 45, cvi., cxi. 1, cxii. 1, cxiii. 
1 (comp. Ps. cxiii. 9, cxv. 18, cxvi. 19, cxvii. 
2). The literal meaning of " Hallelujah" 
sufficiently indicates the character of the 
Psalms in which it occurs, as hymns of 
praise and thanksgiving. They are all 
founa in the last book of the collection, and 
bear marks of being intended for use in the 
Temple-service; the words " praise ye Je- 
hovah " being taken up by the full chorus 
of Levites. In the great hymn of triumph 
m heaven over the destruction of Babylon, 
the apostle in vision heard the multitude in 
shorua like the voice of mighty thunderings 



burst forth, ** Alleluia, for the Lord God 
omnipotent reigneth," responding to the 
voice which came out of the throne saying, 
" Praise our God, all ye his servants, and 
ye that fear him, both small and great" 
(Rev. xix. 1-6). In this, as in the offering 
of incense (Rev. viii), there is evident al- 
lusion to the service cf the Temple, as the 
apostle had often witnessed it in its fading 
grandeur. 

Alliances. On the first establishment 
of the Hebrews in Palestine no connections 
were formed between them and the sur- 
rounding nations. But with the extension 
of their power under the kings, they were 
brought more into contact with foreigners, 
and alliances became essential to the secu- 
rity of their commerce. Solomon con- 
cluded two important treaties exclusively 
for commercial purposes ; the first with 
Hiram, king of Tyre, originally with the 
view of obtaining materials and workmen 
for thfc erection of the Temple, and after- 
wards for the supply of ship-builders and 
sailors (1 K. v. 2-12, ix. 27) : the second 
with a Pharaoh, king of Egypt ; by this he 
secured a monopoly of the trade in horses 
and other products of that country (1 K. x 
28, 29). After the division of the kingdom 
the alliances were of an offensive and de- 
fensive nature. When war broke out be 
tween Amaziah and Jeroboam II. a coali- 
tion was formed between Rezin, king cf 
Syria, aJlid Pekah on the ono side, and Ahas 
and Tiglath-pileser, king of Assyria, on the 
other (2 K. xvi. 5-9). By this means an 
opening was afforded to the advances of the 
Assyrian power ; and the kingdoms of Israel 
and Judah, as they were successively at- 
tacked, sought the alliance of the Egyptians, 
who were strongly interested in maintaining 
the independence of the Jews as a barrier 
against the encroachments of the Assyrian 
power (2 K. xvii. 4, xLx. 9, 36 ; Is. xxx. 2^. 
On the restoration of independence Judas 
Maccabeus sought an alliance with the 
Romans as a counterpoise to the neighbor- 
ing state of Syria (1 Mace. viii.). Treaties 
of a friendly nature were at the same peri- 
od concluded with the Lacedaemonians (1 
Mace. xii. 2, xiv. 20). — The formation of 
an alliance was attended with various re- 
ligious rites : a victim was slain and divided 
into two parts, between which the contract- 
ing parties passed (Gen. xv. 10). That 
this custom was maintained to a late period 
appears from Jer. xxxiv. 18-20. Generally 
speaking the oath alone is mentioned in the 
contracting of alliances, either between na- 
•'^s (Josh. ix. 15) or individuals (Gen. 
XX 28, xxxi. 53; 1 Sam. xx. 17; 2 K. xi. 
4). The event was celebrated by a feast 
(Gen. I. c. ; Ex. xxiv. 11; 2 Sam. iii. 12. 
20). SaJt, as symbolical of fidelity, waa 
used on these occasions. Occasionally a 
pillar or a heap of stones was set up as i 



AJ.LOH 



30 



ALPHA ED b 



memorial of the alliance (Gen. xxxi. 62). 
Presents were also sent by the party soli- 
ciiing the alliance (1 K. xv. 18 ; Is. xxx. 6 ; 
I Mace. XY. 18). The fidelity of the Jews 
to theis* engagements was conspicuous at 
all periods of their history (Josh. ix. 18), 
and any breach of covenant was visited 
irith very severe punishment (2 Sam. xxi. 
I; Ez. xvii. 16). 

Al'lon, a Simeonite, ancestor of Ziza, a 
prince of his tribe in the reign of Hezekiah 
(1 Chr. iv. 37). 

Al'lOD, a large strong tree ol son'.e de- 
Bcriptioi ; probably an oak. The word is 
found in two names in the topography of 
Palestine. 1. Allon, more accurately 
Elon, a place named among the cities of 
Naphtali (Josh. xix. 33). Probably the 
more correct construction is to take it with 
the following word, i. e. " the oak by Zaa- 
nannim," or " the oak of the loading of 
tents," as if deriving its name from some 
nomad tribe frequenting the spot. [Elon.] 
2. Al'lon-ba'chdth ("oak of weeping"), 
the tree under which Rebekah's nurse, Deb- 
orah, was buried (Gen. xxxv. 8). 

Almo dad, the first, in order, of the 
descendants of Joktan (Gen. x. 26 ; 1 Chr. 
i. 20), and the progenitor of an Arab tribe. 
His settlements must be looked for, in com- 
mon with those of the other descendants of 
Joktan, in the Arabian peninsula. 

Al'mon, a city within the tribe of Ben- 
jamin, with " suburbs " given to the priests 
(«io^h. xxi. 18). In the parallel list in 1 
Chr. vl. it is found as Aleraeth. [Alemeth.] 

Armon-diblatha'im, one of the latest 
•Nations of the Israelites, between Dibon- 
gad and the mountains of Abarim (Num. 
Kxxiii. f6, 47). It is probable that Alraon- 
diblathaim is identical with Beth-dibla- 
tliaim. 

Almond-Tree; Almond. This word 
is found in Gen. xliii. 11 ; Ex. xxv. 33, 34, 
xxxvii. 19, 20; Num. xvii. 8; Eccles. xii. 
6; Jer. i. 11, in the text of the A. V. It is 
invariably represented by the same Hebrew 
word (shAMd)y which sometimes stands 
for the whole tree, sometimes for the fruit 
or nut. The almond-tree, whose scientific 
oame is Amygdalus communis, is a native 
of Asia and North Africa, but it is cultivated 
in the milder parts of Europe. The height 
cf the tree is about 12 or 14 feet ; the flow- 
ers are pink, and arranged for the most 
part in pairs ; the leaves are long, ovate, 
with a serrated margin, and an acute point. 
The covering of the fruit is downy and suc- 
culent, enclosing the hard shell which con- 
tains the kernel. It is curious to observe, 
in connection with the almond-bowls of the 
golden candlestick, that, in the language 
of lapidaries, Almfionds are pieces of rock- 
crystal, even now used in adorning branch- 
candlesticks. 

Alms. The duty of alms-giving, espe- 



cially in kind, consisting chiefly in portion! 
to be left designedly from produce of the 
field, the vineyard, and the ohveyard (Lev. 
xix. 9, 10, xxiii. 22 ; Deut. xv. 11, xxiv. 19, 
xxvi. 2-13; Ruth ii. 2), is strictly enjoined 
by the Law. Every third year also (Deut. 
xiv. 28) each proprietor was directed to 
share the tithe of his produce with "the 
Levite, the stranger, the fatherless, and the 
widow." The theological estimate of alms- 
giving among the Jews is indicated in the 
following passages : — Job xxxi. 17; Pro v. 
X. 2, xi. 4 ; Esth. ix. 22 ; Ps. cxii. 9 ; Acts 
ix. 36, the case of Dorcas; x. 2, of Cor- 
nelius ; to which may be added, Tob. iv. 
10, 11, xiv. 10, 11; and Ecclus. iii. 30, xl. 
24. And the Talmudists went so far as to 
interpret righteousness by alms-giving in 
such passages as Gen. xviii. 19 ; Is. liv. 14; 
Ps. xvii. 15, — The Pharisees were zealous 
in alms-giving, but too ostentatious in their 
mode of performance, for which our Lord 
finds fault with them (Matt. vi. 2). — The 
duty of relieving the poor was not neglected 
by the Christians (Matt. vi. 1-4 ; Luke xiv. 
13; Acts XX. 35; Gal. ii. 10). Every 
Christian was exhorted to lay by on the first 
day of each week some portion of his prof- 
tts, to be applied to the wants of the needy 
(Acts xi. 30 ; Rom. xv. 25-27 ; 1 Cor. xvi. 
1-4). It was also considered a duty special- 
ly incumbent on widows to devote them- 
selves to such ministrations (1 Tim. v. 10) 

Almug-Trees. [Algdm-Trees.] 

Aloes, Lign Aloes (in Heb. Ahdllm, 
Ahdldth), the name of a costly and sweefr- 
smelling wood which is mentioned in Num. 
xxiv. 6 ; Ps. xiv. 8 ; Prov. vii. 17 ; Cant. iv. 
14 ; John xix. 39. It is usually identified 
with the Aquilaria Agallochum, a tree 
which supplies the agallochum, or aloes- 
wood of commerce, much valued in India 
on account of its aromatic qualities for 
purposes of fumigation and for incense. 
This tree grows to the height of 120 feet, 
being 12 feet in girth. It is, however, un- 
certain whether the Ahdlim or Ahdldth is 
in reality the aloes-wood of commerce ; it 
is quite possible that some kind of odorifer- 
ous cedar may be the tree denoted by 
these terms. 

A'loth, a place or district, forming with 
Asher the jurisdiction of the ninth of Solo- 
mon's commissariat oflicers (1 K. iv. 16). 

Al'pha, the first letter of the Greek al- 
phabet, as Omega is the last. Its signifi' 
cance is plainly indicated in th^ context, 
" I am Alpha and Omega, the beginning 
and the end, the first and the last" (Rev. 
i. 8, 11, xxi. 6, xxii. 13), which may be 
compared with Is. xli. 4. Both Greeks and 
Hebrews employed the letters of the alpha- 
bet as numerals. 

Alphabet. [Writing.] 

Alphae'us, the father of the Apostle 
James the Less (Matt. x. 3 ; Ma rk iii 18 ' 



AUrAR 



31 



ALTAK 



Luk3 vi. 15; Acts i. IS), and husband, of 
that Mary who, with the mother of Jesus 
and others, was standing by the cross dur- 
ing the crucifixion (John xix. 25). [Mary.] 
In tliis latter place he is called Clopas (not, 
as in the A. V., Cleophas). 

Altar. (A.) The first altar of which 
we have any accour.t is that built by Noah 
when he left the ark (Gen. viii. 20). In 
the early times altars were usually built in 
certain spots hallowed by religious associa- 
tions, e. g. where God appeared (Gen. xii. 
7, xiii. 18, xxvi. 25, xxxv. 1). Generally 
of course they were erected for the offer- 
ing of sacrifice ; but in some instances they 
appear to have been only memorials. Al- 
tars were most probably originally made of 
earth. The Law of Moses allowed them to 
be made either of earth or unhewn stones 
(Ex. XX. 24, 25). In later times they 
were frequently built on high places, espe- 
cially in idolatrous worship (Deut. xii. 2). 
(B.) The Law of Moses directed that two 
altars should be made, the one the Altar of 
Burnt-offering (called also simply the Al- 
tar), and the other the Altar of Incense. 
I. The Altar of Burnt-offering. It dif- 
fered in construction at different time^ 
(1.) In the Tabernacle (Ex. xxvii. 1 ff. 
>Dtxviii, 1 ff.) it was comparatively small 
and portable. In shape it was square. It 
was five cubits in length, the sam^ in 
breadth, and three cubits high. It was 
made of planks of shittim (or acacia) wood 
overlaid with brass. The interior was hol- 
low (Ex. xxvii. 8). At the four corners 
were four projections called horns, made, 
like the altar itself, of shittim-wood over- 
laid with brass (Ex. xxvii. 2) . They proba- 
bly projected upwards; and to them the 
victim was bound when about to be sacri- 
iced (Ps. cxviii. 27). On the occasion of 
the consecration of the priests (Ex. xxix. 
12) and the offering of the sin-offering 
(JiCv iv. 7 ff.) the blood of the victim was 
sprinkled on the horns of the altar. 
Round the altar, midway between the top 
and Dottom, ran a projecting ledge (A. V. 
" compass "), on which perhaps the priests 
Btood when they officiated. To the outer 
edge of this, again, a grating or net- work 
of brass was affixed, and reached to the 
bottom of the altar, which thus presented 
the appearaice of being larger below than 
above. At the four corners of the net- 
work were four brazen rings, into which 
rere inserted the staves by which the altar 
was carried. These staves were of the 
■mme materials as the altar itself. As the 
priests were forbidden to ascend the altar 
by steps (Ex. xx. 26), it has been conjec- 
tured that a slope of earth led gradually up 
to the ledge from which they officiated. 
The place of the altar was at " the door of 
Ae tabernacle of the congregation " (Ex. 
J 29). r2.) Ir Solomon's Teuplo the 



altar was considerably larger in its diinen 
sions. Like the former it was square; but 
the length and breadth were now twenty cu- 
bits, and the height ten (2 Chr. iv. 1). It 




Altar of Burnt Offering. From Surenhusius' JUishna. 

differed, too, in the material of which it was 
made, being entirely of brass (1 K. viii. 64 ; 
2 Chr. vii. 7). It had no grating: and in- 
stead of a single gradual slope, the ascent 
to it was probably made by three succes- 
sive platforms, to each of which it has been 
supposed that steps led, as in the figure 
annexed. (3.) The altar of burnt offer- 
ing in the second (Zerubbabel's) teinple. 
Of this no description is given in the Bible. 
We are only told (Ezr. iii. 2) that it was 
built before the foundations of the Temple 
were laid. According to Josephus it was 
placed on the same spot on which that of 
Solomon had originally stood. (4.) The 
altar erected by Herod, which is thus de- 
scribed by Josephus : "In front of the Tem- 
ple stood the altar, 15 cubits in height, and 
in breadth and length of equal dimensions, 
viz. 50 cubits ; it was built foursquare, with 
horn-like corners projecting from it; and 
on the south side a gentle acclivity led up 
to it. Moreover it was made without any 
iron tool, neither did iron ever touch it at 
any time." According to Lev. vi. 12, 13, 
a perpetual fire was to be kept burning on 
the altar. This was the symbol and token 
of the perpetual worship of Jehovah. IL 
The Altar of Incense, called also the golden 
altar to distinguish it from the Altar of 
Burnt-offering, which was called the bror- 
zen altar (Ex. xxxviii. 30). (a.) That in 
the Tabernacle was made of acacia-wood, 
overlaid with pure gold. In shape it was 
square, being a cubit in length and breadth, 
and 2 cubits in height. Like the Altar of 
Burnt- offering it had horns at the four cor* 
ners, which were of one pieco with the rest 
of the altar. Its appearance may be illus- 
trated by the following figure. This altar 
stood in the Holy Place, "before the -vail 
that is by the ark of the testimony " (Ex. 
XXX. ft. xl. 5^, (6.) The Altar in Solomon't 



ALTASCHITH 



3*2 



A.MAR1AB 



Temple was similar (1 K. vii. 48; 1 Chr. 
xxviii. 18), but was made of cedar overlaid 
with gold, (c.) The Altar of Incense is 
mentioned as having been removed from 




Sunposed form of the Altar of Incense. 

the Temple of Zerubbabel by Antiochus 
Epiphanes (1 Mace. i. 21). Judas Macca- 
baeus restored it, together with the holy 
vessele, &c. (1 Mace. iv. 49). (C.) Other 
altars. (1.) Altars of brick. There seems 
to be an allusion to such in Is. Ixv. 3. (2.) 
An Altar to an Unknown God. What altar 
this was has been the subject of much dis- 
cussion. St. Paul merely mentions in his 
speech on the Areopagus that he had liim- 
iolf seen such an altar in Athens. As to 
the origin of these altars, we are told by 
Diogenes Laertius that in the time of a 
plague, when the Athenians knew not what 
god to propitiate in order to avert it, Epi- 
raenides caused black and white sheep to 
be let loose from the Areopagus, and wher- 
ever they lay down, to be offered to the 
respective divinities. It was probably on 
this or similar occasions that altars were 
dedicated to an Unknown God, since they 
knew not what god was offended and re- 
quired to be propitiated. 

Al-tas'chith, found in the introductory 
rerse to the four following Psalms, Ivij , 
Iriii., lix., Ixxv. Literally rendered, the 
Import of the words is "destroy not," prob- 
ably the beginning of some song or poem 
to the tune of which those psalms were to 
be chanted. 

A'lusll, one of the stations of the Isra- 
elites on their journey to Sinai, the last 
before Rephidira (Num. xxxiii. 13, 14). 

Al'vah, a duke of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 
iO), written Aliah in 1 Chr. i. 51. 

Al'van, a Horite, son of Shobal (Gen. 
rx-xvi. 23), written Alian in 1 Chr. i. 40. 

A'mad, an unknown place in Asher, 
t>etween Alammelech and Misheal (Josh. 
tiz. 26 only). 



Amad'atha (Esth. xvi. 10, 17), and 
Amad'athus (Esth. xii. 6). [Hammed- 
atha.] 

A'mal, an Asherite, son of Helem (1 
Chr. vii. 35). 

Am'alek, son of Eliphaz by his concB- 
bine Timnah, grandson of Esau, and chief* 
tain ("duke" A. V.) of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 
12, 16; 1 Chr. i. 36). 

Am'alekites, a nomadic tribe, wbioh 
occupied the peninsula of Sinai and the 
wilderness intervening between the south- 
ern hill-ranges of Palestine and the border 
of Egypt (Num. xiii. 29 ; 1 Sam. xv. 7 ; 
xxvii. 8). Arabian historians represer.i 
them as originally dwelhng on the shores 
of the Persian Gulf, whence tliey were 
pressed westwards by the growth of the 
Assyrian empire, and spread over a portion 
of Arabi* at a period antecedent to its occu- 
pation by the descendants of Joktan. The 
physical character of the district which the 
Amalekites occupied necessitated a nomadic 
life, which they adopted to its fullest extent, 
taking their families with them even on 
their military expeditions (Judg. vi. 6), 
Their wealth consisted in flocks and herds 
Mention is made of a " town " (1 Sam. xv. 6), 
\>\it their towns could have been little mon' 
than stations, or nomadic enclosures. The 
kings or chieftains were perhaps distin- 
guished by the hereditary title Agag (Num. 
xxiv. 7; 1 Sam. xv. 8). Th« A.malekite8 
first came in contact with the Israelites at 
Rephidim, but were signally defeated (Ex 
xvii.). In union with the Canaanites they 
again attacked tne Israelites on the borders 
of Palestine, and defeated them near Hor- 
mah (Num. xiv. 45). Saul undertook an 
expedition against them, overrunning their 
whole district from Ha vilr'^ toShur, and in- 
flicting an immense loss upon them (1 Sam. 
xv). Their power w.is thenceforth broken, 
and they degenerated mto a horde of ban- 
ditti. Their destruction was completed by 
David (1 Sam. xxvii., xxx.). 

A'xnam, a city in the south of Judah-, 
named with Shema and Molad?'* in Josh. 
XV. 26 only. 

A'man. [Ham an.] (Esth. x. 7, xii ft. 
Alii. 3, 12, xiv. 17, xvi. 10, 17). 

Am' ana, apparently a mountain m or 
near Lebanon (Cant. )v. 8). It v.- comm n- 
ly assumed that this is the mountain in 
which the river Abana (2 K. ^ 12) has it« 
source, but in the absence ol further re- 
search in the Lebanon this is mere assuiiip- 
tion. 

Amari'ah. 1. Father of Ahltub, ac- 
cording to 1 Chr. vi. 7, 52, and son of Me- 
raioth, in the line of the high-pyiests. 2. 
The high-priest in the reign of Jehoshaphat 
(2 Chr. xix. 11). He was the son of Aza- 
riah. 3. The head of a Levitical house 
of the Kohathites in the time of David (J 
Chr. xxiii. 19, xxiv. 23). 4. The head 



I 



J 



AMAhA 



33 



AMETHYST 



one of the twenty-four courses of priests, 
rhich was nan. ed after him, in the times of 
David, of Hezekiah, And of Nehemiah (1 
Chr. xxiv. 14 ; 2 Chr. xxxi. 15 ; Neh. x. 3, 
Kii. 2, 13). In the first passage the name 
is written Iinmer, but it seems to be the 
sante name. Another form of the name is 
Imti (1 Chr. ix. 4), a man of Judah, of the 
sons of Bani. 5. One of the sons of Bani 
in the time of Ezra, who had married a for- 
eign wife (Ezr. x. 42). 6. A priest who re- 
^u^ned with Zerubbabel (Neh. x. 3, xii. 2,13). 
7. A descendant of Pharez, the son of Judah 
(\eh. xi. 4), probably the same as Imri in 
I Chr. ix. 4. 8. An ancestor of Zepha- 
aiah the propliet (Zeph. i. 1). 

Am'asa. 1. Son of Ithra or Jether, by 
Abigail, David's sister (2 Sam. xvii. 25). 
He joined Absalom in his rebellion, and 
was by him appointed commander-in-chief 
in th3 place of Joab, by whom he was to- 
tally defeated in the forest of Ephraim (2 
Sam. xviii. 6). When Joab incurred the 
displeasure of David for killing Absalom, 
David forgave the treason of A'raasa, rec- 
ognized him as his nephew, and appointed 
him Joab's successor (xix. 13). Joab after- 
wards, when they were both in pursuit of . 
the rebel Sheba, pretending to salute Amasa, 
stabbed him with his sword (xx. 10), which 
he held concealed in his left hand. 2. A 
prince of Ephraim, son of Hadlai, in the 
reign of Ahaz (2 Chr. xxviii. 12). 

Amasa'i. 1. A Kohathite, father of 
Mahath, and ancestor of Samuel and He- 
man the singer (1 Chr. vi. 25, 35). 2. 
Chief of the captains of Judah and Ben- 
jamin, who deserted to David while an 
outlaw at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 18). 3. One 
of the priests who blew trumpets before the 
Ark, when David brought it from the house 
of Obededom (1 Chr. XV. 24). 4. Another 
Kohathite, father of another Mahath, in 
the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 12), 
unless the name is that of a family. 

Amasha'i, son of Azareel, a priest in 
the time of Nehemiah (Neh. xi. 13), ap- 
parently the same as Maasiai (1 Chr. ix. 
1?). 

Amasi'ah., son of Zichri, and captain 
of 200,000 warriors of Judah, in the reign 
r*i Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 16). 

A'math. [Hamath.] 

Amazi'ah. 1. Son of Joash, and eighth 
king of Judah, reigned b. c. 837-809. He 
succeeded to the throne at the age of 
^5, on the murder of his father, and pun- 
ished the murderers. In order to restore 
his kingdom to the greatness of Jehosha- 
phat's days, he made war on the Edomites, 
defeated them in the valley of Salt, south 
of the Dead Sea, and took their capital, 
Selah or Petra, to which he gave the name 
of Jokterl, i. e. "God-subdued." Flushed 
with liis success, he had the foolish arro- 
l(Aace to challenge Joash, king of Israel, to 
3 



battle. But Judah was completely defeated, 
and Amaziah himself was taken prisoner, 
and conveyed by Joash to Jerusalem, which 
opened its gates to the conqueror. Ama- 
ziah lived 15 years after the death of Joasli ; 
and in the 29th year of liis reign was mm- 
dered by conspirators at Lachish, wliitht : 
he had retired for safety from Jerusalem f l* 
Chr. XXV. 27). 2. A descendant of Simecn 
(1 Chr. iv. 34). 3. A Levite (1 Chr. y\. 
45). 4. Priestof the golden calf at Beth' ;1, 
who endeavored to drive the prophet Amo« 
from Israel into Judah (Am. vii. 10, 12, 14). 

Ambassador. The earliest examples 
of ambassadors employed occur in the 
cases of Edom, Moab, and the Amorites 
(Num. XX. 14, xxi. 21; Judg. xi. 17-19), 
afterwards in that of the fraudulent Gibeon- 
ites (Josh. ix. 4, &c.), and in the instances 
of civil strife mentioned Judg. xi. 12, and 
XX. 12. They are alluded to more fre- 
quently during and after the contact of the 
great adjacent monarchies of Syria, Baby- 
lon, &c., with those of Judah and Israel, as 
in the invasion of Sennacherib. They 
were usually men of high rank. In the 
case quoted the chief captain, the chief cup- 
bearer, and chief of the eunuchs, were met 
by delegates of similar dignity from Heze- 
kiah (2 K. xviii. 17, 18 ; see also Is. xxx. 
4). Ambassadors are found to have been 
employed, not only on occasions of hostile 
challenge or insolent menace (2 K. xiv. 8 ; 
1 K. XX. 2, 6), but of friendly complime.U, 
of request for alliance or other aid, of sub- 
missive deprecation, and of curious inquiry 
(2 K. xiv. 8, xvi. 7, xviii. 14 ; 2 Chr. xxxii. 
31). 

Amber (Heb. chashmal) occurs oniy m 
Ez. i. 4, 27, viii. 2. It is usually supposed 
that the Hebrew word chashmal denotes a 
metal, and not the fossil resin called amber. 

Amen, literally, "true;" and, used as 
a substantive, "that which is true," 
"truth" (Is. Ixv. 16); a word used in 
strong asseverations, fixing as it were the 
stamp of truth upon the assertion which it 
accompanied, and making it binding as an. 
oath (comp. Num. v. 22). According to> 
the Rabbins, "Amen" involved the ideas-, 
of swearing, acceptance, and truthfulness. 
In the synagogues and private houses itc 
was customary for the people or members- 
of the family who were present to say 
" Amen " to the prayers which were offered; 
by the minister or the master of the house, 
and the custom remained in the early Chris- 
tian Church (Matt. vi. 13; 1 Cor. xiv. 16). 
And not only public prayers, but those of- 
fered in private, and doxologies were ap- 
propriately concluded "w^ith " Amen " (Horn. 
ix. 5, xi. 36, XV. 33, xvi. 27; 2 Cor, xiii. 
13, &c.). 

Amiethyst (Heb. achldmdh). Men- 
tion is made of this precious stone, which 
formed the third in the third row of the 



AMI 



34 



AMMON 



high-priest's I renstplate, in Ex. xxriii. 19, 
xxix. 12), " And the third row a ligure, an 
agate, and an amethyst." It occurs also in 
the N. T. (Rgv. xxi. 20) as the twelfth stone 
wrhich garnished the foundations of the wall 
of the heavenly Jerusalem. Commentators 
generally are agreed that the amethyst is 
'the stone indicated by the Hebrew word, an 
opinion which is abundantly supported by 
the ancient versions. 

A'mi, one of " Solomon's servants " 
(Ezr. ii. 57) : called Amon in Neb. vii. 59. 

Amin'adab (Matt. i. 4; Luke iii. 33). 

fAMMINADAB 1.] 

Amit'tai, father of the prophet Jonah 
(2 K. xiv. 25; Jon. i. 1). 

Am'mah, The hill of, a hill " facing " 
Giah by the way of the wilderness of 
Gibeon, named as the point to which Joab's 
pursuit of Abner after the death of Asahel 
extended (2 Sam. ii. 24). 

Am'mi, i. e. as explained in the marg. 
of A. V. "my people," a figurative name, 
applied to the kingdom of Isi*ael in token 
of God's reconciliation with them, in con- 
traiSt with the equally significant name Lo- 
ammi given by the prophet Hosea to his 
second son by Gomer the daughter of Dib- 
laira (Hos. ii. 1). In the same manner 
Ruhamah contrasts with Lo-Ruhamah. 

Am'miel. 1. The spy selected by 
Moses from the tribe of Dan (Num. -xiii. 
12). 2. Father of Machir of Lodebar (2 
Sam. ix. 4, 5, xvii. 27). 3. Father of 
Bathsheba (1 Chr. iii. 5), called Eliam in 
2 Sam. xi. 3. He was the son of Ahitho- 
phel, David's prime minister. 4. The 
sixth son of Obed-Edom (1 Chr. xxvi. 5), 
ind one of the doorkeepers of the Temple. 

Am'mihud. 1. An Ephraimite, father 
of Elishama, the chief of the tribe at the 
time of the Exodus (Num. i. 10, ii. 18, vii. 
48, 53, X. 22; 1 Chr. vii. 26), and, through 
him, ancestor of Joshua. 2. A Simeon- 
ite, fathor of Shemuel, prince of the tribe 
(Num. xxxiv. 20) at the time of the divis- 
ion of Canaan. 3. The father of Pedahel, 
prince of the tribe of Naphthali at the 
•ame time (Num. xxxiv. 28). 4. The 
father of Talmai, king of Geshur (2 Sam. 
xiii. 37). 5. A descendant of Pharez, son 
of Judah (1 Chr. ix. 4). 

Ammin'adab. 1. Son of Ram or 
Aram, and father of Nahshon, or Naasson 
(as it is written, Matt. i. 4; Luke iii. 32), 
who was the prince of the tribe of Judah, 
at the first numbering of Israel in the sec- 
ond year of the Exodus (Num. i. 7, ii. 3 ; 
Ruth iv. 19, 20 ; 1 Chr. L 10). He was the 
fourth generation after Judah, the patri- 
arch uf his tribe, and one of the ancestors 
ol Jesis Christ. 2. The chief of the 
112 sons of Uzziel, a junior Levitical house 
of the family of the Kohathites (Ex. vi. 
18), in the days of David, whom that king 
•fnt rfor.itocrether with other chief fathers 



' of Le> itical houses, to bring the arX. ul 

|Gcd to Jerusalem (1 Chr. xv. 10-12). 3. 

In 1 Chr. vi. 22, Izhar, the son of Kohath, 

; and father of Korah, is called Amminadab, 

but it is probably only a clerical error. 

Ammin'adib. In Cant. vi. 12, it is 
uncertain whether we ought to read. Am' 
minadih, with the A. V., or my willing peth 
pie, as in the margin. 

Ammishad'dai, the father of Ahi»» 
zer, prince of the tribe of Dan at the time 
of the Exodus (Num. i. 12, ii. 25, vii. eMi, 
71, X. 25). 

Ammiz'abad, the son of Benaiah, who 
apparently acted as his father's lieutenant, 
and commanded the third division of Da- 
vid's array, which was on duty for the 
third month (1 Chr. xxvii. 6). 

Am'mon, Am'monites, Children 
of Ammon, a people descended from 
Ben-Ammi, the son of Lot by his younger 
daughter (Gen. xix. 38 ; comp. Ps. Ixxxiii. 
7, 8), as Moab was by the elder; and dat- 
ing from the destruction of Sodom. Tlie 
near relation between the two peoples indi- 
cated in the story of their origin continued 
throughout their existence (comp. Judg. x 
6 ; 2 Chr. xx. 1 ; Zeph. ii. 8, &c.). Indeed, 
so close was their union, and so near theii 
identity, that each would appear to bo oc- 
casionally spoken of under the name of the 
other. Unlike Moab, the precise position 
of the territory of the Ammonites is not 
ascertainable. In the earliest mention of 
them (Deut. ii. 20) they are said to have 
destroyed the Rephaim, whom they called 
the Zamzummim, and to have dwelt in their 
place, Jabbok being their border (Num. 
xxi. 24; Deut. ii. 37, iii. 16). "Land" 
or "country" is, however, but rarely 
ascribed to them, nor is there any reference 
to those habits and circumstances of civili- 
zation, which so constantly recur in the al- 
lusions to Moab (Is. XV., xvi. ; Jer. xlviii.). 
On the contrary, we find everywhere tracei 
of the fierce habits of marauders in their 
incursions (1 Sam. xi. 2; Am. i. 13), and 
a very high degree of crafty cruelty to theii 
foes (Jer. xli. 6, 7 ; Jud. vii. 11, 12). It ap- 
pears that Moab was the settled and civ- 
ilized half of the nation of Lot, and that 
Ammon formed its predatory and Bedouin 
section. On the west of Jordan they never 
obtained a footing. The hatred in which 
the Ammonites were held by Israel is stated 
to have arisen partly from their opposition, 
or, rather, their denial of assistance (Deut, 
xxiii. 4), to the Israelites on their approach 
to Canaan. But whatever its origin the 
animosity continued in force to the latest 
date. The last appearances of the Am- 
monites in the biblical narrative are in tlie 
books of Judith (v., vi., vii.) and of tb€ 
Maccabees (1 Mace. v. 6, 30-43), and it 
has been already remarked that their chief 
characteristics — clyse alliance with Moab. 



AMMONITESS 



35 



AJMOS 



natred of Israel, and cunning cruelty — 
are maintained tc the end. The tribe was 
governed by a king (Judg. xi. 12, &c. ; 1 
Sam. xii. 12 ; 2 Sam. x. 1 ; Jer. xl. 14) and 
by "princes " (2 Sara. x. 3; 1 Chr. xix. 3). 
It has been conjectured that Nahash (1 
Sam. xi. 1 ; 2 Sam. x. 2} was the official 
title of the king, as Pharaoh was of the 
Egyptian monarchs ; but this is without any 
sure foundation. The divinity of the tribe 
was Molech, generally named in the O. T. 
under the altered form of Milcom — "the 
abomination of the children of Ammon ; " 
and occasionally as Malcham. In more 
than one passage under che word rendered 
" their king" in the A. V. an allusion is in- 
tended to this idol. [Molech.] 

Ammoni'tess, a woman of Ammonite 
race. Such were Naamah, the mother of 
llehoboam, one of Solomon's foreign wives 
CI K. xiv. 21, 31 ; 2 Chr. xii. 13), and Shim- 
eath, whose son Zabad or Jozachar was 
one of the murderers of Joash (2 Chr. 
.txiv. 26). For allusions to these mixed 
marriages see 1 K. xi. 1, and Neh. xiii. 23. 

Am'non. 1. Eldest son of David by 
Ahinoam the Jezreelitess, born in Hebron 
while his father's royalty was only acknowl- 
edged in Judah. He dishonored his half- 
sister Tamar, and was in consequence mur- 
iered by her brother (2 Sam. xiii. 1-29). 
2. Son of Shimon (1 Chr. iv. 20). 

A'mok, a priest who returned with Ze- 
iMbbabel (Neh. xii. 7, 20). 

A'mon, an Egyptian divinity, whose 
rame occurs in that of No Amon (Nah. iii. 
'*), in A. V. "populous No,'' or Thebes, 
Oeo called No. [No.] The Crreeks called 




Th« god Amon (WilkinioB). 

cbia ''ivinity Ammon . The ancient Egyp- 
tian name is Amen. Amen was one of the 
eigl *. g jds of the first order, and chief of 
che triad of Thebes. He was worshipped at 
hat citv as Ameo-Ra, or "Amen the sun." 



A'mon. King of Judah, son and suc- 
cessor of Manasseh, reigned two years, 
from B. c. 642 to 640. Following his 
father's example, Amon devoted liimself 
wholly to the service of false gods, but vt a« 
killed in a conspiracy. The people avenged 
liim by putting all the conspirators to death, 
and secured the succession to his sen Jo- 
siah. To Amon's reign we must refer the 
terrible picture which the propliet Zepha- 
niah gives of the moral and religious state 
of Jerusalem. 

Amorite, the Amorites, i. t. the 
dwellers on the summits — mountaineern — 
one of the cliief nations who possessed the 
land of Canaan before its conquest by the 
Israelites. In the genealogical table of 
Gen. X. " the Amorite " is given as the 
fourth son of Canaan, with " Zidon, Heth 
[Hittite], the Jebusite," &c. As dwelling 
on the elevated portions of the country, 
they are contrasted with the Canaanites, 
who were the dwellers in the lowlanas : 
and the two thus formed the main broad 
divisions of the Holy Land (Num. xiii. 29 ; 
and see Josh. v. 1, x. 6, xi. 3 ; Deut. i. 7, 

20, "mountain of the A.;" 44). In the 
very earliest times (Gen. xiv. 7) they are 
occupying the barren heights west of the 
Dead Sea, at the place which afterwards 
bore the name of Engedi. From this point 
they stretched west to Hebron, where 
Abram was then dwelling under the " oak- 
grove " of the three brothers, Aner, Eshcol, 
and Mamre (Gen. xiv. 13; comp. xiii. 18). 
At the date of the invasion of the country, 
Sihon, their then king, had taken the rich 
pasture-land south of the Jabbok, and had 
driven the Moabites, its former possessors, 
across the wide chasm of the Arnon (Num. 
xxi. 13, 26), which thenceforward formed 
the boundary between the two hostile peo- 
ples (Num. xxi. 13). This rich tract, 
bounded by the Jabbok on th« north, the 
Arnon on the south, Jordan on the west, 
and " the wilderness " on the east (Judg. 
xi. 21, 22), was, perhaps, in the most special 
sense the "land of the Amorites" (Num. 
xxi. 31 ; Josh. xii. 2, 3, xiii. 9 ; Judg. xi. 

21, 22) ; but their possessions are distinctly 
stated to have extended to the very foot of 
Hermon (Deut. iii. 8, iv. 48), embracing 
" all Gilead and all Bashan" (iii. 10), i»ith 
the Jordan valley on the east of the rirer 
(iv. 49). After the conquest of Canaan 
nothing is heard in the Bible of the Am- 
orites, except the occasional mention oi 
their name among the early inhabitants of 
the country, 

A'mos. A native of Tekoa in Judah, 
about six miles S. of Bethlehem, originally 
a shepherd and dresser of sycamore-trees, 
who was called by God's Spirit to be a 
prophet, although not trained in any of the 
regular prophetic schools (1. 1, vii. 14, 16). 
He travelled from Judah into the northcp;* 



AMOZ 



36 



A^AKIM 



tingdom of Israel or Ephralm, and thtre 
exercised his ministry, apparently not for 
any long time. His date cannot be later 
than the 15th year of Uzziah's reign (b. c. 
808) ; for he tells us that he prophesied 
" in the reigns of Uzziah king of Judah, 
and Jeroboam the son of Joash king of 
Israel, two years before the earthquake." 
But his ministry probably took place at 
an earli<}r period, perhaps about the mid- 
dle of Jeroboam's reiq"i The book of the 
prophecies of Amos seems divided into four 
principal portions closely connected to- 
gether. (1) From i. 1 to ii. 3 he denounces 
the sins of the nations bordering on Israel 
and Judah, as a preparation for (2), in 
which, from ii. 4 to vi. 14, he describes the 
state of those tvo kingdoms, especially the 
former. This is followed by (3) vii. 1 to ix. 
10, in which, after reflecting on the previous 
prophecy, he relates his visit to Bethel, and 
sketches the impending punishment of 
Israel which he predicted to Amaziah. 
After this in (4) he rises to a loftier and 
more evangelical strain, looking forward to 
the time when the hope of the Messiah's 
kingdom will be fulfilled, and His people 
forgiven and established in the enjoyment 
of God's blessings to all eternity. The 
chief peculiarity of the style consists in the 
number of allusions to natural objects and 
agricultural occupations, as might be ex- 
pected from the early life of the author. 
See i. 3, ii. 13, iii. 4, 6, Iv. 2, 7, 9, v. 8, 19, 
vi. 12, vii. 1, ix.3,9, 13, 14. The references 
to it in the N. T. are two : v. 25, 26, 27 is 
quoted by St. Stephen in Acts vii. 42, 43, 
and ix, 11 by St. James in Acts xv. 16. 

A'moz, father of the prophet Isaiah, 
and, according to Rabbinical tradition, 
brother of Amaziah king of Judah (2 K. 
XIX. 2, 20, XX. 1 ; 2 Chr. xxvi. 22, xxxii. 20, 
32 ; Is. i. 1, ii. 1, xiii. 1, xx. 2, xxxvii. 2, 
21, xxxviii. 1). 

Amphip'olis, a city of Macedonia, 
tlirough which Paul and Silas passed on 
their way from Philippi to Thessalonica 
(Acts xvii. 1). It was distant 33 Roman 
miles from Philippi. It stood upon an 
eminf nee on the left or eastern bank of the 
river Strymon, just below its egress from 
the lake Cercinitis, and at the distance of 
about thrae miles from the sea. Its site is 
now occupied by a village esdled Neokhdrio, 
in Turkish Jeni-Keniy or "New Town." 

Am'plias, a Christian at Rome (Rora. 
xvi. 8). 

Ara'ram. 1. A Levite of the family 
of the Kohathites, and father of Moses, 
Aaron, and Miriam (Ex. vi. 18, 20; Num. 
iii. 19; 1 Chr. vi. 2, 3, 18). He is called 
the " son " of Kohath, but it is evident that I 
in the genealogy several generations must ' 
have been omitted ; for from Joseph to 
Joshua ten ge aerations are recorded, while 
&om Levi to Moses there are but three. 



2. A son kA D.sJion and descendant of Sru 
(1 Chr. i. 41); properly " Hamran " jai 
Hemdan in Gen. xxxvi 26. 3. One of 
the sons of Bani in the time of Ezra, whc 
had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 34). 

Am'ramites. A branch of the great 
Kohathite family of the tribe of Levi (Num. 
iii. 27 ; 1 Chr. xxvi. 23) ; descended frotr 
Amram the father of Moses. 

Am'raphel, perhaps a Hamite king of 
Shinar or Babylonia, who joined tlie victo- 
rious incursion of the Elamite Chedorlaomer 
against the kings of Sodom and Gomorrah 
and the cities of the plain (Gen. xiv.). 

Amulets were ornaments, gems, scrolls, 
&c., worn as preservatives against the powei 
of enchantments, and generally inscribed 
with mystic forms or characters. The 
word does not occur in the A. V., but the 
" earrings " in Gen. xxxv. 4 were obviously 
connected with idolatrous worship, and 
were probably amulets taken from the 
bodies of the slain Shechemites. They are 
subsequently mentioned among the spoils 
of Midian (Judg. viii. 24). Again, in Hos. 
ii. 13, "decking herself with earrings" ia 
mentioned as one of the signs of the "days 
of Baalim." The •' earrings " in Is. iii. 20 
were also amulets. 

Am'zi. 1. A Levite of the family of 
Merari, and ancestor of Ethan the minstrel 
(1 Chr. vi. 46). 2. A priest, whose de- 
scendant Adaiah with his brethren did the 
service for the temple in the time of Nehe- 
miah (Neh. xi. 12). 

A'nab, a town in the mountains of 
Judah (Josh. xv. 50), named, with Debir 
and Hebron, as once belonging to the 
Anakim (Josh. xi. 21). 

A'nah, the son of Zibeon, the son of 
Seir the Horite (Gen. xxxvi. 20, 24), a 
" duke " or prince of his tribe, and father 
of Aholibamah, one of the wives of Esau 
(Gen. xxxvi. 2, 14, 25). There is no reason 
to suppose that he is other tlian the same 
Anah who found the "hot springs" (not 
" mules," as in the A. V.) in the desert as 
he fed the asses of Zibeon his father, though 
Bunsen considers him a distinct personage, 
the son of Seir and brother of Zibeon. 

Anah'arath, a place within the border 
of Issachar, named with Shihon and Rab- 
bith (Josh. xix. 19). 

Anai'ah. 1. Probably a priest: one 
of those who stood on Ezra's right hand as 
he read the law to the people (Neh. viii. 4). 
2. One of " the heads of the people" who 
signed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. 
X. 22). 

An'akim, a race of giants, descendants 
of Arba (Josh. xv. 13, xxi. 11), dwelUng in 
the southern part of Canaan, and particu- 
larly at Hebron, which from their progeni- 
tor received the name of "city (f Arba." 
Besides the general designation Anakim 
they are variously called son? ^f ^najb 



anamim 



37 



AJ^DREW 



^Num> xiii. 33), descendants of ^^ nak (Num. 
xiii. 22), and sons of A.nakim (Deut i. 28). 
These designations serve to show that we 
m\ ^t regard Anak as the name of the race 
rather than that of an individual, and this 
is confi''.ned by what is said of Arba, their 
progCxiitor, that he " was a great man 
a^ong the Anakim" (Josh. xiv. 15). The 
race appears to have been divided into 
tliree tribes or families, bearing the names 
Sheshai, Ahiman, and Talmai. Though 
the warlike appearance of the Anakim had 
struck the Israelites with terror in the time 
of Moses (Num. xiii. 28 ; Deut. ix. 2), they 
were nevertheless dispossessed by Joshua, 
and utterly driven from the land, except a 
small remnant that found refuge in the 
Philistine cities, Gaza, Gath, and Ashdod 
(Josh. xi. 21, 22) . Their chief city Hebron 
became the possession of Caleb, who is said 
to have driven out from it the three sons 
of Anak mentioned above, that is the three 
families or tribes of the Anakim (Josh. xv. 
14 ; Judg. i. 20) . After this time they 
vanish from history. 

Au'amini, a Mizraite people or tribe, 
respecting the settlements of which nothing 
certain is known (Gen. x. 13 ; 1 Chr. i- 11). 

Anarn'melech, one of the idols wor- 
oLipped by the colonists introduced into 
Samaria from Sepharvaim (2 K. xvii. 31). 
He was worshipped with rites resembling 
those of Molech, children being burnt in 
his honor, and is the companion-god to 
Adrammelech. As Adrammelech is the 
male power of the sun, so Anammelech is 
the female power of the sun. 

A'nan. One of "the heads of the peo- 
ple " who signed the covenant with Nehe- 
miah (Neh. x. 26). 

Ana'ni, the seventh son of Elioenai, 
descended through Zerubbabel from the 
royal line of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 24). 

Anani'ah. Probably a priest, and an- 
cestor of Azariah, who assisted in rebuild- 
ing the city wall in the days of Nehemiah 
(Neh. iii._ 23). 

Anani'all, a place, named between 
Nob and Hazor, in which the Benjamites 
li^ed after their return from captivity (Neh. 
xi. 32). 

Anani'as. 1. A high-priest in Acts 
xxxii. 2-5, xxiv. 1. He was the son of 
Nebedaous, succeeded Joseph son of Camy- 
dus, and preceded Ismael son of Phabi. 
He was nominated to the office by Herod 
king of Chaleis, in a.d. 48 ; was deposed 
shortly before Felix left the province, and 
assassinated by the sicarii at the beginning 
of the last Jewish war. 2. A disciple at 
Jerusalem, husband of Sapphira (Acts v. 
i-ll') . Having sold his goods for the bene- 
fit 01 the church, he kept back a part of 
she price, bringing to the apostles the re- 
"'ainder, as if it were the whole, his wife 

»o being pr'"^ tv the s^'heme. St. Peter 



denounced the fraud, and Ananias fell down 
and expired. 3. A Jewish disciple at 
Damascus (Acts ix. 10-17), of high repute 
(Acts xxii. 12), who sought out Saul dur- 
ing the period of blindness and dejection 
which followed his conversion, and an- 
nounced to him his future commission as a 
preacher of the Gospel. Tradition makes 
him to have been afterwards bishop of 
Damascus, and to have died by martyrdom. 

A'nath, father of Shamgar (Judg. iii. 
31, V. 6). 

Anath'ema, which literally means « 
thing suspended, is the equivalent of th« 
Hebrew word signifying a thing or person 
devoted. Any object so devoted to Jehovah 
was irredeemable : if an inanimate object, 
it was to be given to the priests (Num. 
xviii. 14) ; if a living creature or even & 
man, it was to be slain (Lev. xxvii. 28, 29). 
The word anathema frequently occurs in 
St. Paul's writings, and is generally trans- 
lated accursed. Many expositors have re- 
garded his use of it as a technical term for 
judicial excomnmnication. That the word 
was so used in the early Church there can 
be no doubt, but an examination of the 
passages in which it occurs shows that it 
had acquired a more general sense as ex- 
pressive either of strong feeling (Rom. ix. 
3) or of dislike and condemnation (1 Ccr. 
xii. 3, xvi. 22; Gal. i. 9). 

An'athoth.. 1. Son of Becher, a son 
of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 8). 2. One of 
the heads of the people who signed the 
covenant in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. x. 
19) ; unless, as is not unlikely, the name 
stands for "the men of Anathoth" enu- 
merated in Neh. vii. 27. 

An'athoth, a priests' city, belonging to 
the tribe of Benjamin, with " suburbs " 
(Josh. xxi. 18 ; 1 Chr. vi. 60). Anathoth 
lay on or near the great road from the 
north to Jerusalem (Is. x. 30), and is placed 
by Eusebius and Jerome at 3 miles from 
the city. Its position has been discovered 
by Robinson at Andta, on a broad ridge 14 
hour N. N. E. from Jerasalem. The culti- 
vation of the priests survives in tilled fields 
of grain, with figs and olives. There are 
the remains of walls and strong foundations, 
and the quarries still supply Jerusalem 
with building stones. 

An'drew, one among the first called of 
the Apostles of our Lord (John i. 40 ; Matt, 
iv. 18) ; brother (whether elder or younger 
is uncertain) of Simon Peter (ibid.). He 
was of Bethsaida, and had been a discipte 
of John the Baptist. On hearing Jesus « 
second time designated by him as the Lamb 
of God, he left his former master, and, in 
company with another of John's disciples^ 
attached himself to our Lord. By his 
means his brother Simon was brought to 
Jesus (John i. 41). The apparent dis- 
crepancy in Matt. iv. li ff , Mark i. 16 C 



ANDRONICCrS 



38 



ANGELS 



where the two appear to have been called 
togetb er, is no real one ; St. John relating 
the first introduction of the brothers to 
Jesus, the other Evangelists their formal 
call to follow Him in his ministry. In the 
catalogue of the Apostles, Andrew appears, 
in Matt. x. 2, Luke vi. 14, second, next 
after his brother Peter ; but in Mark iii. 16, 
Acts i. 13, fourth, next after the three, 
Peter, James, and John, and in company 
with Philip. And this appears to have been 
his real place of dignity among the Apostles. 
The traditions about him are various. Eu- 
»ebius makes him preach in Scythia; Je- 
rome and Theodoret in Achaia (Greece) ; 
Nicephorus in Asia Minor and Thrace. 
He is said to have been crucified at Patrae 
in Achaia. Some ancient writers speak of 
ttn apocryphal Acts of Andrew. 

Androni'cus. 1. An officer left as 
viceroy (2 Mace. iv. 31) in Antioch by An- 
tiochus Epiphanes during his absence (b. 
c. 171). At the instigation of Menelaus, 
Andronicus put to death the high-priest 
Onias. This murder excited general indig- 
nation : and on the return of Antiochus, 
Andronicus was publicly degraded and exe- 
cuted (2 Mace. iv. 31-38). 2. Another 
officer of Antiochus Epiphanes who was 
left by him on Garizem (2 Mace. v. 23), 
probably in occupation of the temple there. 
3. A Christian at Rome, saluted by St. 
Paul (Rom. xvi. 7) together with Junias. 

A'neni, a city of Issachar, with " sub- 
urbs," belonging to the Gershonites (1 Chr. 
vi. 73). 

A'ner, a city of Manasseh west of Jor- 
dan, with "suburbs" given to the Koha- 
thites (1 Chr. vi. 70). 

A'n6r, one of the three Amorite chiefs 
of Hebron who aided Abraham in the pur- 
suit after the four invading kings (Gen. 
xiv. 13, 24). 

Aneth'othite (2 Sam. xxiii. 27), 
Anet'othite (1 Chr. xxvii. 12), and An'- 
tothite (1 Chr. xi. 28, xii. 3), an inhabi- 
tant of Anathoth of the tribe of Benjamin. 

Angels. By the word " angels " (i. e. 
" messengers " of God) we ordinarily un- 
derstand a race of spiritual beings, of a 
nature exalted far above that of man, al- 
though infinitely removed from that of God, 
whose office is "to do Him service in 
heaven, and by His appointment to succor 
and defend men on earth." I. Scriptural 
use of the word. — There are many passages 
in which the expression the " angel of 
God," " the angel of Jehovah," is certainly 
used for a manfestation of God himself. 
This is especially the case in the earlier 
books of the Old Testament, and may be 
86 =u at once by a comparison of Gen. xxii. 
11 with 12, and of Ex. iii. 2 with 6 and 14; 
where He, who is called the " angel of 
Jehovah" in one verse, is called "God," 
and oven ' Jehorah " in those wh' ^.i fol- 



low, and accepts the worship due to God 
alone. It is to be observed also, that, si»le 
by side with these expressions, we read of 
God's being manifested in tie form of man; 
as to Abraham at Mamre (Gen. xviii. 2, 22, 
comp. xix. 1), to Jacob at Penuel (Gen. 
xxxii. 24, 30), to Joshua at Gilgal (Josh. v. 
13, 15), &c. It is hardly to be doabte'l 
that both sets of passages refei to the same 
kind of manifestation of the Divine Pres- 
ence. The inevitable inference istliatbj 
the " Angel of the Lord " in such passages 
is meant He, who is from the beginning 
the "Word,"*. «. the Manifi Bter or Re- 
vealer of God. Besides this, which is the 
highest application of the word " angel," 
we find the phrase used of any messengers 
of God, such as the prophets (Is. xlii. 19; 
Hag. i. 13; Mai. iii. 1), the priests (Mai. 
ii. 7), and the rulers of the Christian 
churches (Rev. i. 20). II. Nature of an- 
gels. — Little is said of their nature as dis- 
tinct from their office. They are termed 
"spirits" (as in Heb i. 14); but it is not 
asserted that the anofelic nature is incor- 
poreal. The contrary seems expressly im- 
plied by the words in which our Lord de- 
clares, that, after the Resurrection, men 
shall be " like the ang'^ls " (Luke xx. 36) ; 
because (Phil. iii. 21) their bodies, as well 
as their spirits, shall have been made en- 
tirely like His. The angels are revealed to 
us as beings, such as man might be and 
will be when the power of sin and death ib 
removed, partaking in their measure of the 
attributes of God, Truth, Purity, and Lov^e, 
because always beholding His face (Matt, 
xviii. 10), and therefore being "made like 
Him" (1 John iii. 2). This, of course, 
implies finiteness, and therefore (in the 
strict sense) " imperfect'on " of nature, and 
constant progress, both moral and intellec- 
tual, through all eternity. Such imperfec- 
tion, contrasted with the infinity of God, 
is expressly ascribed to them in Job iv. 18 ; 
Matt. xxiv. 36; 1 Pet. i. 12. The finite- 
ness of nature implies capacity of tempta* 
tion ; and accordingly we hear of * ' fallen 
angels." Of the nature of their tempta- 
tion and the circumstances of their fall, we 
know absolutely nothing. All that is cer- 
tain is, that they " left their first estate," 
and that they are now "angels of the 
devil" (Matt. xxv. 41; Rev. xii. 7, 9), 
partaking therefore of the falsehood, un- 
cleanness, and hatred, which are his pecu- 
liar characteristics (John viii. 44). On the 
other hand, the title especially assigned to 
the angels of God, that of the "holy ones" 
(see Dan. iv. 13, 23, viii. 13 ; Matt. xxv. 
31), is precisely the one which is given to 
those men who are renewed in Christ's 
image, but which belongs to them in actual- 
ity and in perfection only hereafter. (Conip. 
Heb. ii. 10, v. 9, xii. 23.). III. Office of 
the angels. — Of their office in Idven. w 



ANIAM 



39 



ANOINTIJSU 



likve, of itourse, only vague proplietic 
glimpses (as in 1 K. xxii. 19; Is. vi, 1-3; 
Oan. vii 9, 10; Rev. vi. 11, &c.), which 
ihow us nothing but a never-ceasing adora- 
tion. Their office towards man is far more 
fully described to us. They are represent- 
ed as being, in the widest sense, agents of 
God's Providence, natural and supernat- 
ural, to the body and to the soul. More 
particularly, however, angels are spoken 
of a« ministers of what is called supernat- 
uril Pro> idence of God ; as agents in the 
great scheme of the spiritual redemption and 
sanctification of man, of which the Bible is 
the record. During the prophetic and 
kingl} period, angels are spoken of only as 
minisU)rs of God in the operations of na- 
ture. But in the captivity angels are re- 
vealed in a fresh light, as watching, not 
only over Jerusalem, but also over heathen 
kingdoms, under the Providence, and to 
work out the designs, of the Lord. (See 
Zech. passim, and Dan. iv. 13, 23, x. 10, 
13, 20, 21, &c.) The Incarnation marks a 
new epoch of angelic ministration. " The 
Angel of Jehovah," the Lord of all created 
angels, having now descended from heaven 
to earth, it was natural that His servants 
should continue to do Him service there. 
The New Testament is the history of the 
Church of Christ, every member of which 
is united to Him. Accordingly, the angels 
are revealed now, as " ministering spirits" 
to each individual member of Christ for 
His spiritual guidance and aid (Heb. i. 14). 
In one word they are Christ's ministers of 
grace now, as they shall be of judgment 
hereafter (Matt. xiii. 39, 41, 49, xvi. 27, 
xxiv. 31, &c.). That there are degrees of 
the angelic nature, fallen and unfallen, and 
special titles and agencies belonging to 
each, is clearly declared by St. Paul (Eph. 
I. 21 ; Rom. viii. 38), but what their gen- 
eral nature is, it is useless to speculate. 

A'niam, a Manassite, son of Shemidah 
(1 Chr. vii. 19). 

A'nim, a city in the mountains of Judah, 
named with Eshtemoh and Goshen (Josh. 
XV. 50). 

Anise. This word occurs only in Matt. 
cxiii. 23. It is by no means a matter of 
certainty whether the anise {Pimpinella 
j^iisum, Lin.) or the dill (^Anethum graveo- 
lens) is here intended, though the proba- 
oility is more in favor of the latter plant. 

Anklet. This word does not occur in 
tfie A. v., but anklets are referred to in Is. 
iii. 16, 18, 20. They were fastened to the 
ankle-band of each leg, were as common 
as bracelets and armlets, and made of 
much the same materials ; the pleasant 
jingling and tinkling which they made as 
they knocked against each other, was no 
doubt one of tlie reasons why they were ad- 
mired (" the bravery of their tinkling orna- 
ments "). They are still worn in the East. 



An'na. A " prophetess " in Jeriisaieui 
at the time of our Lord's presentation in 
the Temple (Luke ii. 36). She was of the 
tribe of As her. 

An'nas, the son of one Seth, was a|»- 
puinted high-priest in the year a. d. ? by 
Quirinus, the imperial governor of Syria; 
but was obliged by Valerius Gratus, pro- 
curator of Judaea, to give way to Isniael, 
son of Phabi, at the beginning of the reign 
of Tiberius, a. d. 14. Ismael was suc- 
ceeded by Eleazar, son of Annas ; then fol- 
lowed, after one year, Simon, son of Canu- 
tlms, and then, after another year (about 
A. D. 25), Joseph Caiaphas, son-in-law of 
Annas (Johnxviii. 13). But in Luke iii. 2, 
Annas and Caiaphas are both called high- 
priests, Annas being mentioned first. Our 
Lord's first hearing (John xviii. 13) wa«* 
before Annas, who then sent liim bound to 
Caiaphas. In Acts iv. 6, Annas is plainly 
called the high-priest, and Caiaphas merely 
named with others of his family. Some 
maintain that the two, Annas and Caiaphas, 
were together at the head of the Jewish 
people, — Caiaphas as actual high-priest, 
Annas as president of the Sanhedrim. 
Others again suppose that Annas held the 
office of sagan, or substitute of the high- 
priest. He lived to old age, having had 
five sons high-priests. 

Anointing, in Holy Scripture, is either 
I. Material, with oil, or II. Spiritual, 
with the Holy Ghost. 1. Material. - 
1. Ordinary. Anointing the body or 
head with oil was a common practice with 
the Jews, as with other Oriental nations 
(Deut. xxviii. 40; Ruth iii. 3; Mic. vi. 15). 
Abstinence from it was a sign of mourning 
(2 Sam. xiv. 2 ; Dan. x. 3 ; Matt. vi. 17). 
Anointing the head with oil or ointment 
seems also to have been a mark of respect 
sometimes paid by a host to his guests 
(Luke vii. 46 and Ps. xxiii. 5). 2. Official. 
It was a rite of inauguration into each of 
the three typical offices of the Jewish com- 
monwealth, (a) Prophets w^re occasion- 
ally anointed to their office (^1 K. xix. 16), 
and are called messiahs, or anointed (I 
Chr. xvi. 22; Ps. cv. 15). (Z ) Priests, at 
the first institution of the Levitical priest- 
hood, were all anointed to their offices, the 
sons of Aaron as well as Aaron himself 
(Ex. xl. 15; Num. iii. 3): but afterwards, 
anointing seems not to have been rcp^a ted 
at the consecration of ordinary priests, bui 
to have been especially reserved f( r the 
high-priest CEx. xxix. 29; Lev. xvi. 32); 
so that "the priest that is anointed" (Lev. 
iv, 3) is generally thought to mean t'^ 
high-priest, (c) Kings. Antintiag was 
the principal and divinely-appointed cere- 
mony in the inauguration of the J<^wish 
kings (1 Sam. ix. 16, x. 1 ; 1 K. i. 3*. J9). 
The rite was sometime n performed more 
than once. David was thrice anointed te 



aN'1' 



40 



ANTICHKIST 



Dte king. After the separation into t»vo 
kingdoms, the kings both of Judah and of 
Israel seem still to have been anointed (2 
K. ix. 3, xi. 12). (d) Inanimate objects 
also were anointed with oil in token of their 
being set apart for religious service. Thus 
Jacob anointed a pillar at Bethel (Gen. 
Kxxi. 13) ; and at the introduction of the 
Mosaic economy, the tabernacle and all its 
furniture were consecrated by anointing 
(Ex. XXX 26-28). 3. Ecclesiastical. An- 
ointing with oil in the name of the Lord is 
prescribed by St. James to be used to- 
gether with prayer, by the elders of the 
church, for the recovery of the sick (James 
T. 14). Analogous to this is the anointing 
frith oil practised by the twelve (Mark vi. 
13). II. Spiritual. — 1. In the O. T. a 
Deliverer is promised under the title of 
Messiah, or Anointed (Ps. ii. 2 ; Dan. ix. 
25, 26) ; and the nature of his anointing is 
described to be spiritual, with the Holy 
Ghost (Is. Ixi. 1 ; see Luke iv. 18). In the 
N. T. Jesus of Nazareth is shown to be the 
Messiah, or Christ, or Anointed of the Old 
Testament (John i, 41 ; Acts ix. 22, xvii. 
2, 3, xviii. 4, 28) ; and the historical fact 
of his being anointed with the Holy Ghost 
is asserted and recorded (John i. 32, 33 ; 
Acts iv. 27, x. 38). 2 Spiritual anointing 
with the Holy Ghost is conferred also upon 
Christians by God (2 Cor. i. 21), and they 
are described as having an unction from 
the Holy One, by which they know all 
things ( 1 John ii. 20, 27). 

Ant (Heb. nemdldh). This insect is 
uientioned twice in the O. T. : in Prov. vi. 
6, XXX. 25. In the former of these passages 
the diligence of this insect is instanced by 
the wise man as an example worthy of imi- 
tation ; in the second passage the ant's wis- 
dom is especially alluded to, for these in- 
sects, " though they be little on the earth, 
are exceeding wise." It is well known that 
the ancient Greeks and Romans believed 
that the ant stored up food, which it col- 
lected in the summer, ready for the win- 
ter's consumption; but this is an error. 
The European species of ants are all dor- 
mant in the winter, and consequently re- 
quire no food; and the observations of 
modem naturalists seem almost conclusive 
tliat no ants lay up for future consumption. 

Antichrist. This term is employed 
by the Apostle John alone, and is de- 
fined by him in a manner which leaves 
no doubt as to its intrinsic meaning. With 
regard to its api)lication there is less cer- 
tainty. In the first passage (1 John ii. 18) 
in which it occurs tlie apostle makes direct 
reference to the false Clirists, whose com- 
ing, it had been foretold, sliould mark the 
last days. ''Little children, it is the last 
time : and as ye have heard that the Anti- 
cnrist cometh, even now have there been 
many Antichrists ; whereby we know that 



it is the last time." The allusit n to Matt 
xxiv. 24 was clearly in the mind of the Syr- 
iac translator, who rendered Antichrist b^ 
" the false Christ." In ver. 22 we find, 
"he is the Antichrist that denieth the Fa- 
ther and the Son ; " and still more positive- 
ly, " every spirit that confVsseth not thai 
Jesus Christ is come in the flesh "• is of 
Antichrist (comp. 2 John 7). From thest^ 
emphatic and repeated definitions it has 
been supposed that the object of the apostle 
in his first epistle was to combat the errors 
of Cerinthus, the Docetae, and the Gnos- 
tics on the subject of the Incarnation. The 
Antichrists, against which he warned the 
churches of Asia Minor as being already in 
the world, had been of their own number ; 
" they went out from us, but they were not 
of us " (1 John ii. 19) ; and the manner in 
which they are referred to implies that the 
name was already familiar to those to whom 
the epistle was addressed, through the apos- 
tle's oral teaching (2 Thess. ii. 5). The 
coming of Antichrist was believed to be 
foretold in the " vile person " of Daniel's 
prophecy (xi. 21), which received its first 
accomplishment in Antiochus Epiphanes. 
but of which the complete fulfilment was 
reserved for the last times. He is identi- 
fied with " the man of sin, the son of per 
dition" (2 Thess. ii. 3), who should be re- 
vealed when he "who now letteth" wa* 
removed ; that is, according to the belief of 
the primitive church, when the Roman 
order of things ceased to be. This inter- 
pretation brings Antichrist into close con- 
nection with the gigantic power of evil, 
symbolized by the "beast" (Rev. xiii.), 
who received his power from the dragon 
{i. e. the devil, the serpent of Genesis), 
continued for forty and two months, and 
was invested with the kingdom of the ten 
kings who destroyed the harlot Babylon 
(Rev. xvii. 12, 17), the city of seven hills. 
The destruction of Babylon is to be followed 
by the rule of Antichrist for a short period 
(Rev. xvii. 10), to be in his turn overthrown 
in "the battle of that great day of God 
Almighty" (Rev xvi. 14) with the false 
prophet and all his followers (Rev. xix.). 
The personality of Antichrist is to be in- 
ferred as well from the personality of his 
historical precursor, as from that of Him to 
whom he stands opposed. Such an inter- 
pretation is to be preferred to that which 
regards Antichrist as the embodiment and 
personification of all powers and agencies 
inimical to Christ, or of the Antichrislian 
might of the world. But the language of 
the apostles is intentionally obscure, and 
this obscurity has been rather deepened 
than removed by the conflicting interpreta- 
tions of expositors. All that the dark hinti 
of the apostles teach us is, that they re- 
garded Antichrist as a power whose influ- 
ence was beginning to be felt eren i*^ then 



aNTIOCH 



41 



ANTIOClfUS III. 



flme, but whose full development was re- 
ierved till the passing away of the principle 
which hindered it, and the destruction of the 
power symboliz^ed by the mystical Babylon. 
Aji tioch. 1. In Syria. The capital 
of the Greek kings of Syria, and afterwards 
th^ residence of the Roman governors of 
th*^ province which bore the same name. 
This metropolis was situated where the 
::hain of Lebanon, running northwards, and 
'.he chain of Taurus, running eastwards, are 
brought to an abrupt meeting, Here the 
Orontcs breaks through the mountains ; and 
Antioch was placed at a bend of the river, 
partly on an island, partly on the level 
prhich forms the left bank, and partly on 
the steep and craggy ascent of Mount Sil- 
pius, which rose abruptly on the south. In 
the immediate neighborhood was Daphne, 
the celebrated sanctuary of Apollo (2 Mace. 
Iv. 33) ; whence the city was sometimes 
called Antioch by Daphne, to distinguish 
it from other cities of the same name. — 
No city, after Jerusalem, is so intimately 
connected with the history of the apostolic 
church. — The chief interest of Antioch, 




Gate of St Paul, Antioch. 

however, is connected with the progress 
of Christianity among the heathen. Here 
the first Gentile church was founded (Acts 
xi. 20, 21) ; here the disciples of Jesus 
Christ were first called Christians (xi. 26). 
It was from Antioch that St. Paul started 
on his three missionary journeys. The city 
was founded in the year 300 b. c, by Seleu- 
cus Nicator. Jews were settled there from 
the first in large numbers, were governed 
oy their own ethnarch, and allowed to have 
the same political privileges with the Greeks. 
Inrioch grew under the successive Seleu- 
cid kings, till it became a city of great ex- 
tent and of remarkable beauty. Some of 
the most magnificent buildings were on the 



island. One feature, which geems to hare 
been characteristic of the great Syrian 
cities, — a vast street with colonnades, in- 
tersecting the whole from end to end, — 
was added by Antiochus Epiphanes. By 
Pompey it was made a free city, and such it 
continued till the time of Antoninus Pius. 
Tiie early Emperors raised there some 
large and important structures, such aa 
aqueducts, amphitheatres, and baths. Herod 
the Great contributed a road and a colon- 
nade. 2. In Pisidia (Acts xiii. 14, xiv. 
19, 21; 2 Tim. iii. 11), on the borders of 
Phrygia, corresponds to Yalobatch, which 
is distant from AJc-sher six hours over the 
mountains. This city, like the Syrian An- 
tioch, was founded by Seleucus Nicator. 
Under the Romans it became a colonia, and 
was also called Caesarea. 

Anti'ochus II., king of Syria, sur- 
named the God^ succeeded his father An- 
tiochus Soter in b. c. 261. During the 
earlier part of his reign he was engaged in 
a fierce war with Ptolemy Philadelphus, 
king of Egypt, in the course of which Par- 
thia and Bactria revolted and became inde- 
pendent kingdoms. At length (b. c. 250) 
peace was made, and the two monarchu 
"joined themselves together" (Dan. xi. 6), 
and Ptolemy ("king of the south") gave 
his daughter Berenice in marriage to An- 
tiochus ("the king of the north"), who 
set aside his former wife, Laodice, to re- 
ceive her. After some time, on the death 
of Ptolemy (b. c. 247), Antiochus recalled 
Laodice and her children Seleucus and An- 
tiochus to court. Thus Berenice was "not 
able to retain her power ; " and Laodice, 
in jealous fear lest she might a second 
time lose her ascendency, poisoned Antio- 
chus (him "that strengthened her," t. e. 
Berenice), and caused Berenice and her in 
fant son to be put to death, b. c. 246 (Dan 
xi. 6). ^ 

Anti'ochus III., sumamed the Great, 
grandson of the preceding, sueca?ded hi? 
brother Seleucus Keraunos, who was as- 
sassinated after a short reign in b. c. 223. 
He prosecuted the war against Ptolemy 
Philopator with vigor, and at first with 
success. In b. c. 218 he drove the Egyp- 
tian forces to Sidon, conquered Samaria 
and Gilead, and wintered at Ptolemais bui 
was defeated next year at Raphia, near 
Gaza (b. c. 217), with immense loss, and 
in consequence made a peace with Ptolemy, 
in which he ceded to him the disputed 
provinces of Coele-Syria, Phoenicia and 
Palestine (Dan. xi. 11, 12). During the 
next thirteen years Antiochus was engaged 
in strengthening his position in Asia Minor, 
and on the frontiers of Parthia, and by his 
successes gained his surname of the Great 
At the end of this t'me, b. c. 205, Ptolemy 
Philopator died, and left his kingdom to 
his son Pto^ rniphanes. viho wa*" only fiv« 



^NTIOCHUS IV. 



42 



ANTiucnus IV. 



jrsars old. Antiochus availed himself of 
the opportunity which was offered by the 
weakness of a minority and the unpopu- 
larity of the regent, to unite with Philip 
III. of Macedon for the purpose of con- 
quering and dividing the Egyptian domin- 
ions. He succeeded in occupying the three 
disputed provinces, but was recalled to 
Asia by a war which broke out with At- 
talus, king of Pergamus ; and his ally 
Philip was himself embroiled with the Ro- 
mans. In consequence of this diversion, 
Ptolemy, by the aid of Scopas, again made 
himself master of Jerusalem, and recov- 
ered the territory which he had lost. In 
B. c 198 Antiochus reappeared in the field 
and gained a decisive victory near the 
sources of the Jordan; and afterwards 
captured Scopas and the remnant of his 
forces who had taken refuge in Sidon. 
His further designs against Egypt were 
frustrated by the intervention of the Ro- 
mans. From Egypt Antiocnus turned 
again to Asia Minor, and after various suc- 
cesses in the Aegaean crossed over to 
Greece, and by the advice of Hannibal 
entered on a war with Rome. His vic- 
torious course was checked at Thermopy- 
lae (b. c. 191), and after subsequent re- 
verses he was finally defeated at Magnesia 
in Lydia, b. c. 190. In b. c. 187 he at- 
tacked a rich temple of Belus in Elymais, 
and was *»laic by the people who rose in its 
defence 




Head of Antiochus in. (From a coin.) 

Anti'ochus IV., Epiph'anes {the 
(llustrious), was the youngest son of An- 
tiochus the Great. He was given as a 
hostage to the Romans (b. c. 188) after his 
father's defeat at Magnesia. In b. c. 175 
he was released by the intervention of his 
brother Seleucus, who substituted his own 
son Demetrius in his place. Antiochus 
was at Athens when Seleucus was assassi- 
nated by Heliodorus. He took advantage 
of his position, and, by the assistance of 
Eumenes and Attalus, easily expelled Heli- 
odorus who had usurped the crown, and 
himself "obtained the kingdom by flat- 
teries" (Dan. xi. 21) to the exclusion of 
his nephew Demetrius (Dan. viii. 7). The 
accession of Antiochus was immediately 
followed by d«;sperate efforts of the Hel- 



leuizing party at Jerusalem to asseri then 
supremacy. Jason, the brother of OniA* 
III., the high-priest, persuaded the king to 
transfer the high-priesthood tc him, and at 
the same time bought permission (2 Msec, 
iv. 9) to carry out his design of habituat 
ing the Jews to Greek customs (2 Mace 
iv. 7, 20). Three years afterwards, Mene> 
laus, of the tribe of Benjamin, supplanted 
Jason by offering the king a larger bi ibe. 
and was himself appointed high-priest (2 
Mace. iv. 23-26). Antiochus undertook 
four campaigns against Egypt, b. c. 171, 
170, 169, 168, with greater success than 
had attended his predecessor, and the com- 
plete conquest of the country was pre- 
vented only by the interference of the Ro- 
mans (Dan. xi. 24; 1 Mace. i. 16 ff. ; 2 
Mace. V. 11, ff.). On his return from his 
second Egyptian campaign (b. c. 170) he 
attacked Jerusalem. The Temple was 
plundered, a terrible massacre took place, 
and a Phrygian governor was left with 
Meneiaus in charge of the city (2 Mace. v. 
1-22; 1 Mace. i. 20-28). Two years af- 
terwards, at the close of the fourtli expedi- 
tion, Antiochus detached a force undei 
ApoUonius to occupy Jerusalem and fortify 
it (1 Mace. iv. 61, v. 8 ff. ; Dan. xi. 41). 
The decrees then followed which have 
rendered his name infamous. The Temple 
was desecrated, and the observance of the 
law was forbidden (1 Mace. i. 54). Ten 
days afterwards an offering was made upon 
the altar to Jupiter Olympius. At Jerusa- 
lem all opposition appears to have ceased ; 
but Mattatliias and his sons organized a 
resistance, which preserved inviolate the 
name and faith of Israel. Meanwhile An- 
tiochus turned his arms to the East, to- 
wards Parthia and Armenia (Dan. xi. 40). 
Hearing not long afterwards of the riches 
of a temple of Nanaea in Elymais, hung 
with the gifts of Alexander, he resolved to 
plunder it. The attempt was defeated; ; 
and though he did not fall like his father 
in the act of sacrilege, the event hastened 
his death. He retired to Babylon, and 
thence to Tabae in Persia, where he died 




Head of Antiochus IV., Epiphanes. (From a c«lB.) 

B. c. 164, having first heard of the eufi- 
cesses of the Maccabees in restoring i\v 
Temple-worship at Jerusalem !'! Mace, vj 
1-16; comp. 2 Mace. i. 7-1 7 ?V 



ANTIOCHUS V. 



43 



A.PHARS1THCHITES 



AJLti'ochus v., Eu'pator (0/ ywble 
descent), succeeded his father Antiachus 
IV. B. g. 164, while still a child, under the 
guardianship of Ljsias (1 Mace. iii. 32, vi. 
17), though Antiochus had on his death- 
bed assigne i this office to Philip, his own 
foster-brother (1 Mace. vi. 14, 15, 55; 2 
Mace. ix. 20). Shortly after his accession 
he marched against Jerusalem witli a large 
array to relieve the Sj'rian garrison, which 
was hard pressed by Judas Maccabaeus (1 
Mace. vi. 19 ff.). He repulsed Judas at 
Rethzacharia, and took Bethsura (Bethzur) 
alter a vigorous resistance (1 Mace. vi. 
81-50). But when the Jewish force in the 
Temple was on the point of yielding, Lys- 
ias persuaded the king to conclude a 
hasty peace that he might advance to meet 
Philip, who had returned from Persia and 
made himself master of Antioch (1 Mace, 
vi. 51 ff.). Philip was speedily over- 
powered; but in the next year (b, c. 162) 
Antiochus and Lysias fell into the hands 
of Demetrius Soter, the son of Seleucus 
Philopator, who caused them to be put 
to death (1 Mace. vii. 2-4; 2 Mace. xiv. 
1,2). 

Anti'ochus VI. was the son of Alex- 
ander Balas and Cleopatra. After his 
father's death (146 b. c.'' he remained in 
Arabia; but though still a child (1 Mace. 
xi. 54), he was soon afterwards brough*- 
forward (c. 145 b. o.) as a claimant to the 
throne of Syria against Demetrius Nicator 
by Tryphon or Diodotus (1 Mace. xi. 39), 
who had been an officer of his father. 




H«ad of Antioohua VL (From a coin.) 

Tryphon succeeded in gaining Antioch (1 
Mace. xi. 56) ; and afterwards the greater 
part of Syria submitted to the young An- 
tiochus. He afterwards defeated the troops 
of Demetrius at Hazor (1 Mace. xi. 67) 
near Cadesh (ver. 73) ; and repulsed a 
second attempt which he made to regain 
Palestine (1 Mace. xii. 24 ff.). Tryphon 
having now, with the assistance of Jona- 
than the high-priest, gained the supreme 
power in the name of Antiochus. no longer 
concealed his design of usurping the crown. 
As a first step he took Jonathan by treach- 
ery and put him to death, b. c. 143 (1 
Mace. xii. 40) ; and afterwards mi'^-lered 



the young king, and ascended the throne 
(1 Mace. xiii. 31). 
Anti'oelius VII., Side'tes (c/ Side, 

in Pamphylia), king of Syria, was the secv')nd 
son of Demetrius I. When his brother 
Demetrius Nicator, was taken prisoner (a 
141 b. c.) by Mithridates 1. (Arsaces VI., 1 
Mace. xiv. 1) king of Parthia, he married 
his wife Cleopatra and obtained possession 
of tlie tlirone (137 b. c), having expelled 
the usurper Tryphon (1 Mace. xv. Iff.). 
At first he made a very advantageous treaty 
with Simon, high-priest of the Jews, but 
when he grew independent of his help, he 
withdrew the concessions which he had 
made, and demanded the surrender of the 
fortresses which the Jews held, or an equiv- 
alent in money (1 Mace. xv. 26 ff.). A» 
Simon was unwilling to yield to his de- 
mands, he sent a force under Cendebaeus 
against him, who occupied a fortified posi- 
tion at Cedron (? 1 Mace. xv. 41), near 
Azotus, and harassed the surrounding 
country. After the defeat of Cendebaen* 
by tlie sons of Simon and the destruction 
of his works (1 Mace. xvi. 1-10), Antiochus 
laid siege to Jerusalem, but granted honor- 
able terms to John Hyrcanus (b. c. 133), 
who had made a vigorous resistance. In a 
campaign against the Parthians he was 
entirely defeated by Phraortes II. (Arsaces 
VII.), and fell in the battle c. b. c. 127-6. 

An'tipas, martyr at Pergamos (Rev. ii. 
13), and according to tradition the bisho|> 
of that place. 

An'tipas. [Herod.] 

Antipa'tris, a town to whien the sol- 
diers conveyed St. Paul by night on theii 
march (Acts xxiii. 31). Its ancient name 
was Capharsaba; and Herod, when he re- 
built the city, changed it to Antipatris, in 
honor of Ms father Antipater. The village 
Kef r- Saba still re+ains the ancient name of 
Antipatris. 

An'tothite, a dweller at Anathoth (1 
Chr. xi. 28, xii. 3). [Anathoth.] 

Antothi'jah. A Benjamite, one of the 
sons of Jeroham (1 Chr. viii. 24). 

A'nub. Son of Coz and descendant of 
Judah, through Ashur the father of Tekor 
(1 Chr. iv. 8). 

Aperies, a Christian saluted by St. 
Paul in Rom. xvi. 10. Tradition makes 
him bishop of Smyrna or Heraclea. 

Apes (Heb. kdphim) are mentioned in 
1 K. X. 22, and 2 Chr. ix. 21. There can be 
little doubt but that the apes were brought 
from the same country which supplied ivory 
and peacocks, both of which are common 
in Ceylon ; and Sir E. Tennent has drawn 
attention to the fact that the Tamil nameb 
for apes, ivory, and peacocks, are identical 
with the Hebrew. 

Aphar'sathchites, Aphar'sites, 
Aphar'sacites, the names of certain 
tribes, colonies from whicJ had been plancr 



AJPHEK 



44 



4lP0STLB 



ed in Samaria by the Assyrian leader As- 
aapper (Ezr. iv. 9, v. 6). The first and 
last ar(j regarded as the same. Whence 
these tribes came is entirely a matter of 
conjecture. 

A'phek, the name of several places in 
Palestine. 1. A royal city of the Canaan- 
ttes, the king of which was killed by Joshua 
(Josh. xii. 18), probably the same as Aphe- 
KAH in Josh. XV. 53. 2. A city, appar- 
ently in the extreme north of Asher (Josh. 
xix. 30), from which the Canaanites were 
not ejected (Judg. i. 31 ; though here it is 
Aphik). This is probably the same place 
as Aphek (Josh. xiii. 4), on the extreme 
north '* border of the Amorites," identi- 
fied with the Aphaca of classical times, the 
caodern Afka. 3. A place at which the 
Philistines encamped while the Israelites 
pitched in Eben-ezer, before the fatal bat- 
tle in which the sons of Eli were killed and 
the ark taken (1 Sara. iv. 1). This would 
be somewhere to the N. W. of, and at no 
great distance from Jerusalem. 4. The 
scene of another encampment of the Phi- 
listines, before an encounter not less dis- 
astrous than that just named, — the defeat 
and death of Saul (1 Sam. xxix. 1). It is 
possible that it may be the same place as 
the preceding. 6. A city on the military 
"oad from Syria to Israel (1 K. xx. 26). 
It is now found in Fik, at the head of the 
Wady Fik, 6 miles east of the Sea of Gal- 
ilee. 

Aphe'kah, a city of Judah, in the 
.nountains (Josh. xv. 53), probably the 
•ame as Aphek (1). 

Aphi'ah, one of the forefathers of king 
Saul (1 Sam. ix. 1). 

A'phik, a city of Asher from which the 
Canaanites were not driven out (Judg. i. 
31). Probably the same place as Aphek 

(2). 

Aph'rah, the house of, a place men- 
tioned in Mic. i. 10. Its site is uncertain. 

Aph-'ses, chief of the 18th of the 24 
courses in the service of the Temple (1 
(3hr. xxiv. 15). 

Apocalypse. [Kevelation.] 
Apoe'rypha. The collection of Books 
ID which this terra is popularly applied in- 
cludes the following (the order given is 
that in which they stand in the English 
version) : I. 1 Esdras ; II. 2 Esdras ; III. 
Tobit; IV. Judith; V. The rest of the 
chapters of tlie Book of Esther, which are 
found neither in the Hebrew nor in the 
Chaldee; VI. The Wisdom of Solomon; 
VII. The Wisdom of Jesus the Son of 
Sirach, or Ecclesiasticus ; VIII. Baruch ; 

IX. The Song of the Three Holy Children ; 

X. The ni«tory of Susanna; XI. The His- 
tory of the destruction of Bel and the 
Dragon; XII. The Prayer of Manasses, 
king of Judfh; XIII. 1 Maccabees; XIV. 2 
Maccabet^s The primary i neaning of Apoc- 






rypha, " hidden, secret," seems, towardh 
the close of the 2d century, to have been 
associated with the sigT'ification " spuri« 
ous," and ultimately to have settfed down 
into the latter. The separate books of this 
collection are treated of in distinct Articles 
Their relation to the canonical books of the 
Old Testament is discussed under Canon. 

ApoUo'nia, a city of Macedonia, 
through which Paul and Silas passed in 
their way from Philippi and Amphipolis to 
Thessalonica (Acts xvii. 1). According to 
the Antonine Itinerary it was distant 30 
Roman miles from Amphipolis, and 37 
Roman miles from Thessalonica. 

Apol'los, a Jew from Alexandria, elo- 
quent (which may also mean learned) and 
mighty in the Scriptures ; one instructed in 
the way of the Lord, according to the im- 
perfect view of the disciples of John the 
Baptist (Acts xviii. 25), but on his coming 
to Ephesus during a temporary absence of 
St. Paul^ A. D. 54, more perfectly taught 
by Aquila and Priscilla. After this he 
became a preacher of the Gospel, first in 
Achaia and then in Corinth (Acts xviii. 27, 
xix. 1), where he watered that which Paul 
had planted (1 Cor. iii. 6). When the 
apostle wrote his First Epistle to the Corin- 
thians, Apollos was with or near him (1 
Cor. xvi. 12), probably at Ephesus in a. d. 
57 : we hear of him then that he was un- 
willing at that time to journey to Corinth, 
but would do so when he should have con- 
venient time. He is mentioned but once 
more in the N. T., in Tit. iii. 13. After 
this nothing is known of him. Tradition 
makes him bishop of Caesarea. It has 
been supposed by some that Apollos was 
the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews. 

Apol'lyon, or, as it is literally in the 
margin of the A. V. of Rev. ix. 11, "a de- 
stroyer," is the rendering of the Hebrew 
word Abaddon, " the angel of the bottom- 
less pit." The angel Apollyon is further 
described as the king of the locusts which 
rose from the smoke of the bottomless pit 
at the sounding of the fifth trumpet. From 
the occurrence of the word in Ps. Ixxxviii. 
11, the Rabbins have made Abaddon the 
nethermost of the two regions into which 
they divide the lower world. But that in 
Rev. ix. 11, Abbadon is the angei and not 
the abyss, is perfectly evident in the Greek. 
There is no authority for connecKng it with 
"the destroyer" alluded to in 1 Cor. x. 10 

Apostle (one s(?nt forth), in the N. T., 
originally the official name of those Twelve 
of the disciples whom Jesus chose to send 
forth first to preach the Gospel, and to be 
with Him duiing the coarse of his ministry 
on earth. The word also appears to have 
been used in a non-cfficial sense to desig- 
nate a much wider circle of Christian mes- 
sengers and teachers. (See 2 Cor. viii. 23; 
Phil. ii. 25.) It is only of those who wer« 



APOSTLE 



45 



AITEAL 



offlc'idlly designated Apostles, that we treat 
in tliis article. The original qualification 
of an Apostle, as stated by St. Peter, on 
the occasion of electing a successor to the 
traitor Judas, was, that he should have 
been personally acquainted with the whole 
ministerial course of our Lord, from his 
baptism by John till the day when he was 
[aken up into Heaven. The Apostles were 
from the lower ranks of life, simple and 
uneducated; some of them were related 
to Jesus according to the flesh ; some had 
previously been disciples of John the Bap- 
tist. Our Lord chose them early in his 
public career, though it is uncertain pre- 
cisely at what time. Some of them had 
certainly partly attached themselves to Him 
before ; but after their call as Apostles 
they appear to have been continuously 
with Him, or in his service. They seem 
to have been all on an equality, both during 
and after the ministry of Christ on earth. 
Early in our Lord's ministry. He sent them 
out two and two to preach repentance, and 
perform miracles in his name (Matt. x. ; 
Luke ix.). This their mission was of the 
nature of a solemn call to the children of 
Israel, to whom it was confined (Matt. x. 
6, 6). The Apostles were early warned by 
their Master of the solemn nature and the 
danger of their calling (Matt. x. 17). They 
accompanied Him in his journeys of teach- 
ing and to the Jewish feasts, saw his 
wonderful works, heard his discourses ad- 
dressed to the people, and made inquiries 
of Him on religious matters. They recog- 
nized Him as the Christ of God (Matt. xvi. 
16 ; Luke ix. 20), and ascribed to Him su- 
pernatural power (Luke ix. 54) ; but in the 
recognition of the spiritual teaching and 
mission of Christ, they made very slow 
progress, held ba<;k as they were by weak- 
ness of apprehension and by national preju- 
dices. Even at the removal of our Lord 
from the earth, they were yet weak in their 
knowledge (Luke xxiv. 21; John xvi. 12), 
though he had for so long been carefully 
preparing and instructing them. And when 
that happened of which He had so often fore- 
warned them — his apprehension by the 
chief priests and Pharisees — they all for- 
sook Him and fled (Matt. xxvi. 56). They 
left his burial to one who was not of their 
number and to the women, and were only 
convinced of his resurrection on the very 
plainest proofs furnished by himself. On 
the Feast of Pentecost, ten days after our 
Lord's ascension, the Holy Spirit came down 
on the assembled church (Acts ii.) ; and from 
that time the Apostles became altogether dif- 
ferent men, giving witness with power of the 
life and death and resurrection of Jesus as 
He had declared they should (Luke xxiv. 
48; Acts i. 8, 22, ii. 32, iii. 15, v. 32, xiii. 
81). First of all the mother-church at 
Jerusalem grew up und3r theu* hands (Acts 



iii.-vii.), and their superioi dignity and 
power were universally ackn>)wledged by 
the rulers and the people (Acts v. 12 ff.) 
Even the persecution which arose about 
Stephen, and put the first check on the 
spread of the Gospel in Judaea, does not 
seem to have brought peril to the Apostlf (» 
(Acts viii. 1). Their first mission out oi 
Jerusalem was to Samaria (Acts viii. 5-25), 
where the Lord himself had, during liia 
ministry sown the seed of the Gospel. 
Here en^ls, properly speaking (or rather 
perhaps with the general visitation hinted 
at in Acts ix. 31), the first period of the 
Apostles' agency, during which its centre is 
Jerusalem, and the prominent figure is 
that of St. Peter. — The centre of th<» 
second period of the apostolic agency i*- 
Antioch, where a church soon was built up. 
consisting of Jews and Gentiles; and the 
central figure of this and of the subsequent 
period is St. Paul. The third apostolic 
period is marked by the almost entire di? 
appearance of the Twelve from the sacreo 
narrative, and the exclusive agency of St- 
Paul, the great apostle of the Gentiles. 
Of the missionary work of the rest of the 
Twelve, we know absolutely nothing from 
the sacred narrative. — As regards th« 
apostolic office, it seems to have been pre- 
eminently that of founding the churches, 
and upholding them by supernatural po'wrer 
specially bestowed for that purpose. It 
ceased, as a matter of course^ with its first 
holders ; all continuation of it, from the 
very conditions of its existence (cf. 1 Cor. 
ix. 1), being impossible. 

Appa'im. Son of Nadab, and descend- 
ed from Jerahmeel, the founder of an im- 
portant family of the tribe of Judah (1 
Chr. ii. 30, 31). 

Appeal. The principle of appeal wa* 
recognized by the Mosaic law in the estab- 
lishment of a central court under the 
presidency of the judge or ruler for tho 
time being, before which all cases too diflS- 
cult for the local courts were to be tried 
(Deut. xvii. 8, 9). According to the above 
regulation, the appeal lay in the time of 
the Judges to the judge (Judg. iv. 5), and 
under the monarchy to the king, who ap- 
pears to have deputed certain persons t(i 
inquire into the facts of the case, and record 
his decision thereon (2 Sam. xv. .'>). Je- 
hoshaphat delegated his judicial author- 
ity to a court permanently established for 
the purpose (2 Chr. xix. <*). Thewe courta 
were re-established by Ezra (Ezr. vii. 26). 
After the institution of the Sanhedrim the 
final appeal lay to them. St. J'aul, as • 
Roman citizen, exercised a right of appeal 
from the jurisdiction of the local court at 
Jerusalem to the emperor (Acts xxv. 11), 
Since the procedure in the Jewish courts at 
that period was of a mixed and undefined 
character, be availed himself of his on- 



APPHIA 



46 



ARABIA 



Aoubted piivilege tc be tried by the pure 
Roman law. 

Ap'pMa, a Christian woman addressed 
jointly with Philemon and Archippus in 
Philem. 2, apparently a member of Phile- 
mon's houselioid, and not improbably his 
wife. 

Ap'pii Fo'rum, a well-known station 
on the Appian Way, the great road which 
led from Rome to the neighborhood of the 
Bay of Naples (Acts xxviii. 13). There is 
ao difficulty in identifying the site with 
some ruins near Treponti. [Thbee Tav- 

ERK8.] 

Apple-Tree, Apple (Heb. tappHach). 
Mention of the apple-tree occurs in the A. 
V. in Cant. ii. 3, viii. 5, and Joel i. 12. The 
fruit of this tree is alluded to inProv. xxv. 
11, and Cant. ii. 5, vii. 8. It is a difficult 
mattCT to say what is the specific tree de- 
noted by the Hebrew word tapp'dach. 
Most modern writers maintain that it is 
either the quince or the citron. The quince 
has some plausible arguments in its favor. 
Its fragrance was held in high esteem by 
the ancients. The quince was sacred to 
Venus. On the other hand, Dr. Royle 
says, "The rich color, fragrant odor, and 
handsome appearance of the citron, wheth- 
er in flower or in fruit, are particularly 
•Kiited. to the passages of Scripture men- 
tioned above." But neither the quince nor 
ibe citron nor the apple appears fully to 
unsvi'er to all the Scriptural allusions. The 
orange would answer all the demands of 
the Scriptural passages, and orange-trees 
ire found in PaLstine; but there does not 
appear sufficient evidence that this tree was 
known in the earlier times to the inhab- 
itants of Palestine. The question of iden- 
tification, therefore, must still be left an 
open one. 

Aq'uila, a Jew whom St. Paul found at 
Corinth on his arrival from Athens (Acts 
wiii. 2). He was a native of Pontus, but 
uad fled, with his wife Priscilla, from Rome, 
m consequence of an order of Claudius 
commanding all Jews to leave the city. He 
became acquainted with St. Paul, and they 
abode together, and wrought at their com- 
mon trade of making the Cilician tent or 
hair-cloth. On the departure of the Apos- 
tle from Corinth, a year and six months 
after, Priscilla and Aquila accompanied 
hira to Ephesus. There they remained, 
and there they taught Apollos. At what 
time thay became Christians is uncertain. 

Ar, or Ar of Moab, one of the chief 
places of Maab (Is. xv. 1; Num. xxi. 28). 
In later times the place was known as 
Areopolis and Rabbath-Moab. The site is 
still called Rahha ; it lies about half way 
between Kerak and the Wady Mojeh^ 10 or 
11 miles from each, the Roman road pass- 
ing through it. 

A 'rVk% One of the suns of Jether, the 



head of a fatally of Asheritea (1 Cbr. vii 

38). 

A'rab, a city of Judah in the mountain 
ous district, probably in the neighborhood 
of Hebron, mentioned only in Josh. xv. 52. 

Ar'abah. Although this word appears 
in the A. V. in its original shape only in 
Josh, xviii. 18, yet in the Hebrew text it is 
of frequent occurrence. It indicates more 
particularly the deep-sunken valley or 
trench which forms the most striking among 
the many striking natural features of Pal- 
estine, and which extends with great 
uniformity of formation from the slopes 
of Hermon to the Elanitic Gulf (^Gulf 
of AkahaK) of the Red Sea; the most 
remarkable depression known to exist on 
the surface of the globe. Through the 
northern portion of this extraordinary fis- 
sure the Jordan rushes through the lakes 
of Huleh and Gennesareth down its tortu- 
ous course to the deep chasm of the Dead 
Sea. This portion, about 150 miles in 
length, is known amongst the Arabs by th^ 
name of el- Ghor. The southern boundary 
of the Ghor is the wall of cliffs which crosses 
the valley about 10 miles south of the Dead 
Sea. From their summits, southward to 
the Gulf of Akabah, the valley changes its 
name, or, it would be more accurate to say, 
retains its old name of Wady el-Arabah. 

Ara'bia, a country known in the O. T. 
under two designations. — 1. The East 
Country (Gen. xxv. 6) ; or perhaps the 
East (Gen. x. 30 ; Num. xxiii. 7 ; Is. ii. 
6) ; and Land of the Sons of the East 
(Gen. xxix. 1) ; Gentile name. Sons of the 
East (Judg. vi. 3, vii. 12; IK. iv. 30; Job 
i. 3 ; Is. xi. 14 ; Jer. xlix. 28 ; Ez. xxv. 
4). From these passages it appears that 
the Land of the East and Sons of the East 
indicate, primarily, the country east of 
Palestine, and the tribes descended from 
Ishmael and from Keturah; and that this 
original signification may have become grad- 
ually extended to Arabia and its inhabitants 
generally, though without any strict limi* 
tation. 2. 'Ardb and 'Arab, whence Arabia 
(2 Chr. ix. 14 ; Is. xxi. 13 ; Jer. xxv. 24 ; Ez. 
xxvii. 21). This name seems to have the 
same geographical reference as the former 
name to the country and tribes east of the 
Jordan, and chiefly north of the Arabian 
peninsula. — Arabia may be divided into 
Arabia Proper, containing the whole penin- 
sula as far as the limits of the northern 
deserts; Northern 4 raiia, constitilting the 
great desert of Arabia ; and Western Ara- 
bia, the desert of Petra and the peninsula 
of Sinai, or the country that has been called 
Arabia Petraea. I. A) abia Proper, or the 
Arabian peninsula, consists of high table- 
land, declining towards the north; its most 
elevated portions being the chain c f mcmn- 
tains running nearly parallel to the Red 
Sea, and the territory east of th* southern 



ARABIA 



47 



ARABIA 



part of tliis chain. So far as the interior 
has been explored, it consists of nionntain- 
ous and desert tracts, relieved bj' large 
districts under cultivation, well peopled, 
watered by wells and streams, and enjoying 
periodical rains. The most fertile tracts 
are those on the south-west and south. II. 
AortJtern Arabia, or the Arabian Desert, 
18 a high, undulating, parched plain, of 
rldch the Euphrates forms the natural 
boundary from the Persian Gulf to the 
frontier of Syria, whence it is bounded by 
the latter country and the desert of Petra 
on the north-west and west, the peninsula 
of Arabia forming its southern limit. It 
has few oases, the water of the wells is gen- 
erally either brackish or unpotable, and it 
is visited by the sand- wind called Samoom. 
The inhabitants were known to the ancients 
08 " dwellers in tents " (comp. Is. xiii. 20; 
Ter. xlix. 31 ; Ezek. xxxviii. 11) ; and they 
extended from Babylonia on the east (comp. 
Num. xxiii. 7; 2 Chr. xxi. 16; Is. ii. 6, 
sdii. 20), to the borders of Egypt on the 
west. These tribes, principally descended 
from Ishmael and from Keturah have always 
led a wandering and pastoral life. They con- 
ducted a considerable trade of merchan- 
dise of Arabia and India from the shores 
of the Persian Gulf (Ez. xxvii. 20-24), 
whence a chain of oases still forms caravan- 
rftations ; and they likewise traded from the 
western portions of the peninsula. The 
latter traffic appears to be frequently men- 
tioned in connection with Ishmaelites, 
Keturahites, and other Arabian peoples 
(Gen. xxxvii. 25, 28; IK. x. 15, 25; 2 
Chr. ix. 14, 24 ; Is. Ix. 6 ; Jer. vi. 20) : it 
seem", however, to have been chiefly in 
the hands of tlie inhabitants of Idumaea. 
III. Weste7'n Arabia includes the peninsula 
of Sinai [Sinai], and the desert of Petra, 
corresponding generally with the limits of 
Arabia Petraea. The latter name is proba- 
bly derived from that of its chief city ; not 
from its stony character. It was in the 
earliest times inhabited by a people whose 
genealogy is not mentioned in the Bible, 
the Horites or Horim (Gen. xiv. 6, xxxvi. 
20, 21, 22, 29, 30; Deut. ii. 12, 22). [Ho- 
rites.] But it was mostly peopled by de- 
scendaTits of Esau, and was generally 
known as the land of Edom, or Idumaea 
[Edom] ; as well as by its older appellation, 
the desert of Seir, or Mount Seir. [Seir.] 
The common origin of the Idumaeans from 
Esau and Ishmael is found in the niar- 
ruige of the former with a daughter of the 
latter (Gen. xxviii. 9, xxxvi. 3). The 
Nabathaeans succeeded to the Idumaeans. 
— Inhabitants. 1. The descendants of Jok- 
TAN occupied the principal portions of the 
south and south-west of the peninsula, with 
colonies in the interior. In Genesis (x. 30) 
it is said, "and their dwelling was from 
tMesha, as thou goest unto Sephar, a mount 



of the East \Kedem).'^ The principri 
Joktanite kingdom, and the chief state of 
ancient Arabia, was that of the Yemen, 
founded (according to the Arabs) by Yaa 
rub, the son (or descendant) of Kahti> 
(Joktan). This was the Biblical kingdon 
of Sheba. Its rulers, and most of its peo- 
ple, were descendants of Sebd (= Sheba) 
whence the classical Sabaei. The domi- 
nant family was apparently that of Him 
yer, son (or descendant) of Sebi. A mem- 
ber of this family founded the more mod- 
ern kingdom of the Himyerites. Native 
tradition seems to prove that the latter 
appellation represented the former only 
shortly before the Christian era. The rule 
of the Himyerites (whence the Homeritat 
of classical authors) probably extended 
over the modern Yem,en., HadramiLwt, and 
MahreJi. Their kingdom lasted until a. n. 
525, when it fell before an Abyssinian in- 
vasion. The other chief Joktanite king- 
dom was that of the Hijiz, founded by 
Jurhum, the brother of Yaarub, who left 
the Yemen and settled in the neighborhood 
of Mekkeh. This kingdom, situate in a 
less fertile district than the Yemen, and 
engaged in conflict with aboriginal tribes, 
never attained the importance of that of 
the south. 2. The Ishmaelites appear to 
have entered the peninsula from the north- 
west. That they have spread over the 
whole of it (with the exception of one or 
two districts on the south coast), and thi«,l 
the modern nation is predominantly Is2i- 
maelite, is asserted by the Arabs. They 
extended northwards from the Hijaz into 
the Arabian desert, where they mixed with 
Keturahites and other Abrahamic peoples ; 
and westwards to Idumaea, where they 
mixed with Edomites, &c. The tribes 
sprung from Ishmael have always been gov- 
erned by petty chiefs or heads of families 
(sheykhs and emeers) : they have gener- 
ally followed a patriarchal life, and havp 
not originated kingdoms, though they have 
in some instances succeeded to those of 
the Joktanites, the principal one of these 
being that of El-Heereh. With reference 
to the Ishmaelites generally, there is doubt 
as to the wide extension given to them by 
Arab tradition. 3. Of the descendants of 
Keturah the Arabs say little. They appear 
to have settled chiefly north of the penin- 
sula in Desert Arabia, from Palestine to 
the Persian Gulf. 4. In Northern and 
Western Arabia are other peoples, wliich, 
from their geographical position and mode 
of life, are sometimes classed with th«» 
Arabs. Of these are Amalek, ,he dtv 
scendants of Esau, &c. — Religion. The 
most ancient idolatry of the Arabs we must 
conclude to have been fetishism, of which 
there are striking proofs in the sacred trees 
and stones of historical times, and in th« 
worship of the heavenly bodies, or Sahae- 



ARABIA 



48 



AKAM 



ifin. Magianism, an importation from 
Chaldaea and Persia, must be reckoned 
among the religions of tlie Pagan Arabs ; 
but it never had very numerous followers. 
Christianity was introduced into Southern 
Arabia towards the close of the 2d cen- 
tury, and about a century later it had made 
great progress. It flourished chiefly in the 
Yemen, where many churches were built. 
Judaism was propagated in Arabia, princi- 
pally by Karaites, at the captivity, but it 
was introduced before that time : it became 
very prevalent in the Yemen, and in the 
Hijaz, especially at Kheybar and El-Me- 
deeneh, where there are said to be still 
tribes of Jewish extraction. — Language. 
Arabic, the language of Arabia, is the most 
developed and the richest of Shemitic lan- 
guages, and the only one of which we have 
an extensive literature ; it is, therefore, of 
great importance to the study of Hebrew. 
Of its early phases we know nothing ; while 
we have archaic monuments of the Him- 
yeritic (the ancient language of Southern 
Arabia), though we cannot fix their precise 
ages. It is probable that in the 14th or 13th 
cent. B. c, the Shemitic languages differed 
much less than in aftei times. But it ap- 
pears from 2 K. xviii. 26, that in the 8th 
cent. B. c. only the educated classes among 
the Jews understood Aramaic. With these 
evidences before us, we think that the Him- 
yeritic is to be regarded as a sister of the 
He'c^ew, and the Arabic (commonly so 
called) as a sister of the Hebrew and 
Aramaic, oi, in its classical phasis, as a de- 
scendant of a sister of these two, but that 
the Himy critic is mixed with an African lan- 
guage, and that the other dialects of Arabia 
are in like manner, though in a much less 
degree, mixed with an African language. — 
The manners and customs of the Arabs are 
of great value in illustrating the Bible. 
No one can mix with this people without 
being constantly and forcibly reminded 
either of the early patriarchs or of the 
settled Israelites. We may instance their 
pastoral life, their hospitality, their univer- 
sal respect for age (comp. Lev. xix. 32), 
their familiar deference (comp. 2 K. v. 13), 
their superstitious regard for the beard. 
References in the Bible to the Arabs them- 
8<!lves are still more clearly illustrated by 
the manners of the modern people, in their 
predatory expeditions, their mode of war- 
fare, their caravan journeys, «&c. — Com- 
merce. Direct mention of the commerce 
of the south does not appear to be made in 
the Bible, but it seems to have passed to 
Palestine principally through the northern 
tribes. The Joktanite people of Southern 
Arabia have always been, in contradistinc- 
tion to the Ishmaelite tribes, addicted to a 
seafaring life. The latter were caravan- 
merchants ; the former, the chief traders 
of the Red Sea, carrying their cowmerce 



to the shores of India, as well as to the 

nearer coasts of Africa. 

A.ra'biaiis, the nomadic tribes inhabit- 
ing the country lo the east and south of 
Palestine, who in the early times of He- 
brew history were known as Ishmaelites 
and descendants of Keturah. 

A'rad, a Benjamite, son of Beriah, who 
drove out the inhabitants of Gath (1 Chr. 
viii. 15). 

A'rad, a roj-al city of the Canaanites, 
named with Hormah and Libnah (Josli. xii. 
14). The wilderness of Judah was to " the 
south of Arad" (Judg. i. 16). It may be 
identified with a hill, Tel 'Ardd, an houi 
and a half N. E. by E. from Milh (Mcla- 
dah), and 8 hours from Hebron. 

A'rah. 1. An A she rite, of the sons of 
Ulla (1 Chr. vii. 39). 2. The sons of 
Arab returned with Zerubbabel in number 
775 according to Ezr. ii. 5, but 652 accord- 
ing to Neh. vii. 10. One of his descend- 
ants, Shechaniah, was the father-in-law of 
Tobiah the Ammonite (Neh. vi. 10). 

A'ram. 1. The name by which the He- 
brews designated, generally, the country \y^ 
ing to the north-east of Palestine ; the great 
mass of that high table-land which, rising 
with sudden abruptness from the Jordan 
and the very margin of the Lake of Gennes- 
areth, stretches, at an elevation of no less 
than 2000 feet above the level of the sea, 
to the banks of the Euphrates itself, con- 
trasting strongly with the low land border- 
ing on the Mediterranean, the •' land of 
Caanan," or the low country (Gen. xxxi. 18, 
xxxiii. 18, &c.). Throughout the A. V. the 
word is, with only a very few exceptions, 
rendered, as in the Vulgate and LXX., 
Syria. Its earliest occurrence in the book 
of Genesis is in the form of Aram-nahar 
raim, i. e. the " highland of or between the 
two rivers " (Gen. xxiv. 10, A. V. " Meso- 
potamia"), but in several succeeding chap- 
ters, and in other parts of the Pentateuch, 
the word is used without any addition, to 
designate a dweller in Aram-naharaim. Tn 
the later history we meet with a nurabef 
of small nations or kingdoms forming parts 
of tlie general land of Aram : — 1. Aram- 
Zobah, or simply Zobah (1 Sam. xiv. 47', 
2 Sam. viii. 3; 1 Chr. xviii. xix.). [Zobah.] 
2. Aram beth-rehob (2 Sam. x. 6;, cr Be- 
hob (x. 8). [Rehob.] 3. Aram-ma achah 
(1 Chr. xix. 6), or Maachah only (2 iSam. 
X. 6). [Maachah.] 4. Geshur, " in Aram* 
(2 Sam. XV. 8), usually named in connet tion 
with Maachah (Deut. iii. 14; Josh. xiii. 11, 
13, &c.). [Geshur.] 5. Arain-Damroe 
sek (Damascus) (2 Sam. viii. 5, 6; 1 Chr. 
xviii. 5, 6). The whole of these petty 
states are spoken of collectively under thu 
name of "Aram" (2 Sam. x. 13), but as 
Damascus increased in importance it grad- 
ually absorbed the smaller powers (1 BL 
XX. 1), and the name of Aiam was at last 



AHAM NAIiAKAlM 



49 



ARBELA 



applied to it alone (Is. vii. 8; also 1 K. xi. 
24, 25, XV. 18, &c.). In three passages 
-Iram would seem to denote Assyria (2 K. 
xviii. 26; Is. xxxvi. 11; Jer. xxxv. 11). 
2. Another Aram is named in Gen. xxii. 
21, as a son of Kemuel, and descendant of 
Nahor. 3. An Asherite, one of the sons 
of Shamer (1 Chr. vii. 34). 4. Son of 
Esrom. or Hezron, and the same as Ram 
rWatt. i. 3, 4; Luke iii. 33). 
A ram-nahara'im (Ps. Ix. title). 

[AUAM.] 

A'ram-zo'bah (Ps. Ix. title). [Aram, 1.] 

Arami'tess, a female inhabitant of 
Aram (1 Chr. vii. 14). 

A'ran, a Horite, son of Dishan and 
brother of Uz (Gen. xxxvi. 28 ; 1 Chr. i. 
42). 

Ar'arat, a mountainous district of Asia 
mentioned in the Bible in connection with 
the following events: — (1.) As the rest- 
ing-place of the Ark after the Deluge (Gen. 
viii. 4) : (2.) as tJie asylum of the sons of 
Sennacherib (2 K. xix. 37 ; Is. xxxvii. 38 ; 
A. V. has "the land of Armenia"): (3.) 
as the ally, and probably the neighbor, of 
Minni and Ashchenaz (Jer. li. 27). [Ar- 
menia.] The name Ararat was unknown 
to the geographers of Greece and Rome, 
as it still is to the Armenians of the pres- 
ent day : but that it was an indigenous and 
an ancient name for a portion of Armenia, 
appears from the statement of Moses of 
Chorene, who gives Araratia as the des- 
ignation of the central province. In its 
Biblical sense it is descriptive generally of 
ihe Armenian highlands — the lofty plateau 
which overlooks the plain of the Araxes on 
the N., and of Mesopotamia on the S. 
Various opinions have been put forth as 
to the spot where the Ark rested, as de- 
scribed in Gen. viii. 4 ; but Berosus the 
Chaldaean, contemporary with Alexander 
the Great, fixes the spot on the mountains 
of Kurdistan. Tradition still points to the 
Tehel Judi as the scene of the event. Eu- 
ropeans have given the name Ararat ex- 
clusively to the mountain which is called 
Massis by the Armenians, Agri-Dagh, i. e. 
Steep Mountain, by the Turks, and Kuli-i- 
Nuh, i. e. Noah's Mountain, by the Per- 
sians. It rises immediately out of tlie I 
plain of the Araxes, and terminates in two 
conical peaks, named the Great and Less j 
Ararat, about seven miles distant from 
each other ; the former of which attains an 
2levation of 17,260 feet above the level of 
the sea and about ]4,0(X) above the plain of 
the Araxes, while the latter is lower by 
4000 feet. The summit of the higher is 
covered with eternal snow for about 3000 
feet. It is of voh^anio origin. The sum- 
mit of Ararat was long deemed inacces- 
sible. It was first ascended in 1829 by 
Parrot, who approached it from the N. W. 
4'Quri, Ihf only • illage known to have 



been built on its slopes, was the spot m here, 
according to tradition, Noah planted hig 
vineyard. Lower down, in the plain of 
Araxes, is Nachdjevan, where the patriarch 
is reputed to have been buried. Return 
ing to the broader signification we have 
assigned to the term, " the mountains of 
Ararat," as co-extensive with the Armenian 
plateau from the base of Ararat in the N. 
to the range of Kurdistan in the S., we 
notice the following characteristics of that 
region as illustrating the Bible narrative : 
(1.) Its elevation. It rises to a height ci" 
from 6000 to 7000 feet above the level of 
the sea. (2.) Its geogravhical pos'Uion. 
The Armenian plateau stands equidistant 
from the Euxine and the Caspian seas oh 
the N., and between the Persian Gulf and 
the Mediterranean on the S. Viewed with 
reference to the dispersion of the nations, 
Armenia is the true centre of the world : 
and at the present day Ararat is tlie g/eat 
boundary-stone between the empires of 
Russia, Turkey, and Persia. (3.) Its, phys- 
ical character. The plains as well as the 
mountains supply evidence of volcanic 
agency. Armenia, however, differs ma- 
terially from other regions of similar geo- 
logical formation, inasmuch as it does not 
rise to a sharp well-defined central crest, 
but expands into plains or steppes, sepa- 
rated by a graduated series of subordinate 
ranges. (4.) The climate. AVinter lasts 
from October to May, and is succeeded by 
a brief spring and summer of intense heat. 
In April the Armenian plains are still cov- 
ered with snow ; and in the early part of 
September it freezes keenly at night. (5.) 
The vegetation. Grass grows luxuriantly 
on the plateau, and furnishes abundant 
pasture during the summer months to the 
tiocks of the nomad Kurds. Wheat, barley, 
and vines ripen at far higher altitudes than 
on the Alps and the Pyrenees ; and the 
harvest is brought to maturity with won- 
derful speed. 

Arau'nah, a Jebusite who sold his 
threshing-floor on Mount Moriah to David 
as a site for an altar to Jehovah, together 
with his oxen (2 Sam. xxiv. 18-24 ; 1 Chr. 
xxi. 25). 

Ar'ba, the progenitor of the Anakim, or.' 
sons of Anak, from whom their chief city 
Hebron received its name of Kirjath-Arba,. 
(Josh. xiv. 15, XV, 13, xxi. 11). 

Ar'bah. Hebron, or Kirjath-Arba, as 
''the city of Arbah" is always lendered. 
elsewhere (Gen. xxxv. 27). 

ArTbathite, The, /. e. a native of the 
Arabah or Ghor. [Arabah.] Abialbon. 
the A. was one of David's mighty men 
(2 Sam. xxiii. 31 ; I Chr. xi. 32). 

Arbe'la, menticbed in the Bible only 
in 1 Mace. ix. 2. It is identified with the 
modern Irbid, a site with a few ruins, west 
of Mejdel, on the south-east side of the 



ARlilTE 



50 



ARETAS 



Wady Hamdni^ in a sma!! plain at the foot 
f tlje hill of A\ run Haitin. 
Ar'bite, The. Paarai the Arbite was 
one of David's giiard (2 Sam. xxiii. 35). 
The word signifies a native of Arab. 

Archela'us, son of Herod the Great, 

by a Samaritan woman, Malthake, and, 

with his brother Antipas. brought up at 

Rome. At the death of Herod (b. c. 4) 

his kingdom was divided between his three 

sons, Heroi Antipas, Archelaus, and Philip. 

Archelaus never properly bore the title of 

king (Matt. ii. 22), but only that of eth- 

naroli. In the tenth year of his reign, or 

the ninth, according to Dion Cassius, i. e. 

A. D. 6, a complaint was preferred against 

him by his brothers and his subjects on the 

ground of his tyranny, in consequence of 

which he was banished to Vienne in Gaul, 

here he is generally said to have died. 

Ajchery. [Arms.] 

Ar'chevites, perhaps the inhabitants 

/f Erech, some of whom had been placed 

as colonists in Samaria (Ezr. iv. 9). 

Ar chip 'pus, a Christian teacher in 
Colossae (Col. iv. 17), called by St. Paul 
his "fellow-soldier," (Philem. 2). He was 
probably a member of Philemon's family. 

Ar'chite,The Cas if from a place named 
Erech), the usual designation of David's 
friend Hushai (2 Sam. xv. 32, xvii. 5, 14; 
J Clir. xxvii. 33). The word also appears 
in Josh. xvi. 2, where " the borders of 
Archi" {i. e. "the Archite") are named as 
somewhere in the neighborhood of Bethel. 
Architecture. Th , book of Genesis 
(iv. 17, 20, 22) appears to divide mankind 
into great characteristic sections, viz., the 
''dwellers in tents" and the "dwellers in 
cities." To the race of Shem is attributed 
(Gen. X. 11, 12, 22, xi. 2-9) the foundation 
of those cities in the plain of Shinar, Baby- 
lon, Nineveh, and others ; of one of which, 
Hesen, the epithet "great" sufficiently 
marks its importance in the time of the 
writer. It is in connection with Egypt 
that the Israelites appear first as builders 
of cities, compelled to Hbor at the build- 
ings of the Egyptian monarchs. Pithom 
and Raarases are said to have been built by 
them (Ex. i. 11). They were by occupa- 
tion shepherds, and by habit dwellers in 
tents (Gen. xlvii. 3). They had therefore 
originally, speaking properly, no archi- 
tecture. From the time of the occupation 
of Canaan they became dwellers in towns 
and in houses of stone (Lev. xiv. 34, 46 ; 
1 K. vii. 10) ; but these were not in all, nor 
Hid ed in most cases, built by themselves 
(Diut. vi. 10; Num. xiii. 19). The peace- 
ful reign and vast wealth of Solomon gave 
fijreat impulse to architecture ; for besides 
the Temple and his other great works, he 
built fortresses and cities in various places, 
among which Baalath and Tadmor are in 
all or ohabilitj represented by Baalbec arl 



Palmyra (IK. ix. 15, 24) Among the 
succeeding kings of Israel and of Judah, 
more than one is recorded as a builder : 
Asa (IK. XV. 23), Baasha (xv. 17), Omri 
(xvi. 24), Ahab (xvi. 32, xxii. 39), Ileze- 
kiah (2 K. xx. 20; 2 Chr. xxxii. 27-30), 
Jehoash, and Josiah (2 K. xii. 11, 12, xxii 
6); and, lastly, Jehoiakim, whose winter 
palace is mentioned (Jer. xxii. 14, xxx^ii 
22; see also Am. iii. 15). On the return 
from captivity the chief care of the rulera 
was to rebuild the Temple and the walls 
of Jerusalem in a substantial manner, with 
stone, and with timber from Lebanon (Ezr. 
iii. 8, V. 8 ; Neh. ii. 8, iii.). But the reigns 
of Herod and his successors were espe- 
cially remarkable for their great archi- 
tectural works. Not only was the Temple 
restored, but the fortifications and other 
public buildings of Jerusalem were enlarged 
and embellished (Luke xxi. 5). The town 
of Caesarea was built on the site of Strato's 
Tower; Samaria was enlarged, and re- 
ceived the name of Sebaste. Of the original 
splendor of these great works no doubt cai 
be entertained ; but of their style and ap 
pearance we can only conjecture that the) 
were formed on Greek and Roman models 
The enormous stones employed in tht ! 
Assyrian, Persepolitau, and Egyptian build 
ings, find a parallel in the substructions ol 
Baalbec and in the huge blocks which stih 
remain at Jerusalem, relics of the buildings 
either of Solomon or of Herod. But few 
monuments are known to exist m Palestme 
by which we can form an accurate idea of 
its buildings, and even of those which do 
remain no trustworthy examination has yet 
been made. It is probable, however, that 
the reservoirs known under the names of 
the Pools of Solomon and Hezekiah con- 
tain some portions at least of the original 
fabrics. 

Aretu'rus. The Hebrew words 'Ash 
and 'Aishy rendered " Arcturus " in the 
A. V. of Job ix. 9, xxxviii. 32, in conformity 
with the Vulg. of the former passage, are 
now generally believed to be identical, and 
to represent the constellation Ursa Major, 
known commonly as the Great Bear, o^ 
Charles's Wain. 

Ard. the son of Bela and grandson of 
Benjamin (Gen. xlvi. 21; Num. xxvi. 40"). 
In 1 Chr. viii. 3, he is called Addar. 

Ard'ites, the descendants of Ard o« 
Addar the grandson of Benjamin (Num. 
xxvi. 40). 

Ar'don, a son of Caleb, the son of Hez- 
ron, by his wife Azubah (1 Chr. ii. 18). 

Are'li< a son of Gad (Gen. xlvi. 16; 
Num. xxvi. 17). His descendants are 
called THE Arkhtes (Num. xxvi. 17). 

Areop'agite, a member of the court of 
•Areopagus (Acts xvii. 34). [Mars' Hill.") 
Areop'agUS. [Mars' Hill.] 
Are'tas. 1. A ontemporary of Ann- 



ARGOB 



51 



A.RK OF THE COVEN A]ST 



3chu8 Epipha.ies (b. c. 170; and Jason 
(2 Maic. V. 8). 2. The Aretas alluded to 
by St. Paul (2 Cor. xi 32) was father-in- 
law of Herod Antipas. 

Ar'gob, a tract of country on the east 
of tlie Jordan, in Bashan, the kingdom of 
Og, containing 60 great and fortified cities. 
In later times it was called Trachonitis, 
an J it is now apparently identified with the 
Lejjih^ a very remarkable district south of 
Damascus, and east of the Sea of Galilee 
(Dfcut. iii. 4, 13, 14). 

Ar'gob, perhaps a Gileadite ojficer, who 
was governor of Argob. He was either an 
accomplice of Fekah in the murder of 
I'ekahiah, or was slain by Pekah (2 K. xv. 
25). 

Ariara'thes, properly MithridatesIV., 
Philopator, king of Cappadocia b. c. 168- 
130, mentioned 1 Mace. xv. 22. He fell in 
B. c. 130, in the war of the Romans against 
Aristonicus. 

Arid'ai, ninth son of Haman (Esth. Ix. 
9). 

Arid'atlia, sixth son of Haman (Esth. 
ix. 8). 

Ari'eh. Either one of the accomplices 
of Pekah in his conspiracy against Pekahiah, 
or one of the princes of Pekahiah, who was 
put to death with him (2 K. xv. 25). 

A'riel. 1. One of the " chief men " who 
under Ezra directed the caravan which he 
led bick from Babylon to Jerusalem (Ezr. 
v\\\. 16). — The word occurs also in refer- 
ence to two Moabites slain by Benaiah (2 
Sam. xxiii. 20; 1 Chr. xi. 22). Many re- 
gard the wortl as an epithet, " lion-like ; " 
but it seems better to look upon it as a 
proper name, and translate "two [sons] of 
Ariel." 2. A designation given by Isaiah 
to the city of Jerusalem (Is. xxix. 1, 2, 7). 
Its meaning is obscure. We must under- 
stand by it either "Lion of God," or 
" Hearth of God." The latter meaning is 
suggested by the use of the word in Ez. 
xliii. 15, 16, as a synonyme for the altar of 
burnt offering. On the whole it seems 
nn;st probable that, as a name given to 
Jerusalem, Ariel means "Lion of God," 
"whilst the word used by Ezekiel means 
•' Hearth of God." 

Arimathae'a (Matt, xxvii. 57; Luke 
xxiii. 51; John xix. 38). St. Luke calls it 
•' a city of Judaea." It is identified by 
many with the modern Ramlah. 

A'rioch- 1. The king of Ellasar, one 
of the allies of Chedorlaomer in his expedi- 
ti(,ii against his rebellious tributaries (Gen. 
Kiv. 1). 2. The captain of Nebuchadnez- 
zar's body-guard (Dan. ii. 14, &c.). 3. 
I'ruperly Eirioch, or Erioch, mentioned in 
Jud. i. 6 as king of the Elymaeans. 

Aris'ai, eightli son of Haman (Esth. 
ix. 9). 

Alistar'chus, a TLessalonian (Acts 
fx. 4, xxvii. 2^, who acccmpanied St. Paul 



on his third missionary journey (Acta xix. 
29). He was with the apostle on his return 
to Asia (Acts xx. 4) ; and again (xxvii. 2) 
on his voyage to Rome. We trace him 
afterwards as St. Paul's fellow-prisoner in 
Col. iv. 10, and Philem. 24. Tradition 
makes him bishop of Apamea. 

Aristobu'lus. 1. A Jewish priest (2 
Mace. i. 10), who resided in Egypt in the 
reign of Ptolemaeus VI. Philometor. There 
can be little doubt that he is identical with 
the peripatetic philosopher of that name, 
who dedicated to Ptol. Philometor his alle- 
goric exposition of the Pentateuch. 2. A 
resident at Rome, some of whose house- 
hold are greeted in Rom. xvi. 10. Tradi- 
tion makes him one of the 70 disciples, and 
reports that he preached the Gospel in 
Britain. 

Ark, Noah's. [Noah.] 

Ark of the Covenant. The first 
piece of the tabernacle's furniture, for 
which precise directions were delivered 
(Ex. XXV.). — I. It appears to have been 
an oblong chest of shittim (acacia) wood, 
2i cubits long, by li broad and deep. 
Within and without gold was overlaid on 
the wood, and on the upper side or lid, 
which was edged round about with gold, 
the mercy seat was placed. The ark was 
fitted with rings, one at each of the four 
corners, and through these were passed 
staves of the same wood similarly overlaid, 
by which it was carried by the Kohathites 
(Num. vii. 9, x. 21). The ends of the 
staves were visible without the veil in tlie 
holy place of the Temple of Solomon (IK. 
viii. 8). The ark, when transported, was 
enveloped in the "veil" of the dismantled 
tabernacle, in the curtain of badgers' skins, 
and in a blue cloth over all, and was there- 
fore not seen (Num. iv. 5, 20). — II. Its 
purpose or object was to contain inviolate 
the Divine autograph of the two tables, 
that " covenant" from which it derived its 
title. It was also probably a reliquary for 
the pot of manna and the rod of Aaror 




Egyptian Ark. (Wilkinson, Jnc.^jwpt) 

Occupying the most holy spot of the sanc- 
tuary, it tended to exclude any idol from 
the centre of worship. It was also the 
support of the mercy seat, materially aym- 



ARKITE 



52 



ARMS, ARMOR 



ooliziiig, perhaps, the "covenant" as that 
«ii which " mercy " rested. — III. The chief 
facts in the earlier history of the ark 
^see Josh. iii. and vi.) need not be recited. 
Before David's time its abode was fre- 
quently shifted. It sojourned among sev- 
eral, probably Levitical, families (1 Sara, 
vii. 1 ; 2 Sam. vi. 3, 11 ; 1 Chr. xiii. 13, xv. 
24, 25) in the border villages of Eastern 
Judah, and did not take its place in the 
tabernacle, but dwelt in curtains, i. e. in a 
separate tent pitched for it in Jerusalem by 
David. Its bringing up by David thither 
was a national festival. Subsequently the 
Temple, when completed, received, in the 
installation of the ark in its shrine, the 
signal of its inauguration by the effulgence 
of Divine glory instantly manifested. When 
idolatry became more shameless in the 
kingdom of Judah, Manasseh placed a 
"carved image" in the " house of God," 
and probably removed the ark to make way 
for it. This may account for the subse- 
quent statement that it was reinstated by 
Josiah (2 Chr. xxxiii. 7, xxxv. 3). It was 
probably taken captive or destroyed by 
Nebuchadnezzar (2 Esdr. x. 22). Pri- 
deaux's argument that there must have 
been an ark in the second Temple is of no 
weight against express testimony, such as 
that of Josephus. 

Ark'ite, The, one of the families of 
the Canaanites (Gen. x. 17; 1 Chr. i. 15), 
and from the context evidently located in 
the north of Phoenicia. The site which 
now bears the name of ^Arka lies on the 
coast, 2 to 2h hours from the shore, about 
12 miles north of Tripoli, and 5 south of 
the Ndhr el-Kehir. 

Arraaged'don, " the hill, or city 
of Megiddo" (Rev. xvi. 16). The scene 
of the struggle of good and evil is suggested 
by that battle-field, the plain of EsJraelon, 
wMch was famous for two great victories, 
of Barak over the Canaanites, and of 
Gideon over the Midianites ; and for two 
^eat disasters, the death of Saul and of 
Josiah. 

Arme'llia is nowhere mentioned under 
that name in the original Hebrew, though 
it occurs in the English version (2 K. xix. 
37) for Ararat. Armenia is that lofty pla- 
teau whence the rivers Euphrates, Tigris, 
Araxes, and Acampsis, pour down their 
waters in different tlirections ; the two first 
to the Persian Gulf, the last two respectively 
to the Caspian and Euxine seas. It may 
W. termed the nucleus of the mountain sys- 
tem of Western Asia ; from the centre of 
U\e plateau rise two lofty chains of moun- 
mins, which run from E. to W., converging 
towards the Caspian sea, but parallel to i 
each other towards the W. The slight 
acquaintance which the Hebrews had with 
this country was probably derived from the 
Phoenicians. There are signs of th^ir 



knowh'dgo having been progressi^ e. tsaiah^ 
in his prophecies regarding Babylon, speaks 
of the hosts as coming from the " moun- 
tains" (xiii. 4), while Jeremiah employs 
the specific names Ararat and Minni (li, 
27). Ezckiel, apparently better acquainted 
with t\e country, uses a nvime which was 
familiar to its own inhabitants, Togarmah. 
(1.) Ararat is mentioned as the place 
whither the sons of Sennacherib fled (Is. 
xxxvii. 38). It was the central district 
surrounding the mountain of tliat name. 
(2.) Minni only occurs in Jer. li. 27. It 
is probably identical with the district Min- 
yas, in the upper valley of the Murad-su 
branch of the Euphrates. (3.) Togarmah 
is noticed in two passages of Ezekiel 
(xxvii. 14, xxxviii. 6), both of which are in 
favor of its identity with Armenia. 

Armlet, an ornament universal m the 
East, especially among women ; u.^sed by 
princes as one of the insignia of royalty, 
and by distinguished persons in general. 
The word is not used in the A. V., as even 
in 2 Sam. i. 10 they render it by " the brace- 
let on his arm." Sometimes only one was 
worn, on the right arm (Ecclus. xxi. 21). 
From Cant. viii. 6, it appears that the signel 
sometimes consisted of a jewel on the arm 




ABsyrian Armlet. (From Nineveh Marbles, BritUb 
Museum.) 

let. These ornaments were used by nrc»t 
ancient princes. They are frequent on tne 
sculptures of Persepolis and Nineveh, and 
were worn by the kings of Persia. 

Armo'ni, son of Saul by Rizpah (2 Sam. 
xxi. 8). 

Arms, Armor. The subject natu- 
rally divides itself into — I. Offensive 
weapons : Arms. II. Defensive weapons : 
Armor. — I. Offensive weapons. 1. Ap- 
parently the earliest known and most widely 
used was the Chereb, or " Sword." Very 
little can be gathered as to its shape, size, 
material, or mode of use. Perhaps if any 
thing is to be inferred it is that the Chereb 
is both a lighter and a shorter weapon than 
the modern sword. It was carried in a 
sheath (1 Sam. xvii. 51; 2 Sam. xx. 8; 1 
Chr. xxi. 27), slung by a girdle (1 Sam. 
XXV. 13) and resting upon the thigh (Ps. 
xlv. 3; Judg. iii. 16), or upon the hips (2 
Sam. XX. 8). Doubtless it was of metal, 
from the allusion to its brightness and 
" glittering; " but from Josh. v. 2, 3, we 
may perhaps infer that in early ^imes tae 
material was flint. 2. Next to the aword 



AliMS, ARMOR 



53 



ARMY 



tras the Spear •, and of this weapon we 
aieet with at least three distinct kinds, a. 
The Chaniih, a " Spear," and that of the 
largest kind. It was the weapon of Goli- 
ath (1 Sara. xvii. 7, 45 ; 2 Sam. Kxi. 19; 1 
Chr. XX. 5), and also of other giants (2 
San), xxiii. 21; 1 Chr. xi. 23) and mighty 
warriors (2 Sara. ii. 23, xxiii. 18 ; 1 Chr. 
xi. 11, 20). b. Apparently lighter than the 
preceding was the Ciddn, or "Javelin." 
»\ nen not in action the Ciddn was carried 
on the back of the warrior (1 Sam. xvii. 
6, A. V. "target"), c. Another kind of 
ipear was the RSmach. In the historical 
books it occurs in Num. xxv. 7, and 1 K. 
xviii. 28, and frequently in the later books, 
as in 1 Chr. xii. 8 (" buckler"), 2 Chr. xi. 
12. d. The Shelach was probably a lighter 
missile or " dart." See 2 Chr. xxiii. 10, 
xxxii. 5 ("darts"); Neh. iv. 17, 23 (see 
margin) ; Job xxxiii. 18, xxxvi. 12 ; Joel 
ii. 8. f. Shebet, a rod or staff, is used once 
imly to denote a weapon (2 Sam. xviii. 14). 
3. Of raissile weapons of offence the cliief 
»ras undoubtedly the Bow, Kesheth. It is 
met with in the earliest stages of the his- 
tory, in use both for the chase (Gen. xxi. 
'.^0, xxvii. 3) and war (xlvii. 22). The Ar- 
rows were carried in a quiver (Gen. xxvii. 
:i; Is. xxii. 6, xlix. 2; Ps. cxxvii. 5). 
^rum an allusion in Job vi. 4, they would 
»eem to have been sometiraes poisoned; 
md Ps. cxx. i may point to a practice of 
ising arrows «rith some burning material 
attached to them. 4. The Sling is first 
nentioned in Judg. xx. 16. This simple 
veapon with which David killed the giant 
Philistine was the natural attendant of a 
•'hepherd. Later in the monarchy, slingers 
brmed part of the regnhir array (2 K. iii. 
'?5). II. Armor. I. The Breastplate, 
i^numerated in the description of the arms 
of Goliath, a " coat of mail," literally a 
^^ breastplate of scales" (1 Sam. xvii. 5). 
This word has furnished one of the names 
of Mount Hermon (see Deut. iii. 9). 2. 
The habergeon is mentioned but twice — 





Assyri&ii Helmeti. 

M reference to the gown of the high-priest 
{h L. xxviii. 32, xxxix. 23). It was prob- 
%biy a quilted shirt or doublet. 3. The 
Helmet is referred to in 1 Sam. xvii. 5 ; 2 
rjhr yKvi. H; Ey k. xxvii 10. 4. Greaves, 



or defences for the feet made of brxss, are 
named in 1 Sam. xvii. 6, only. 5. Two 
kinds of Shield are distinguishable, a. 
The large shield, encompassing (Ps. v. 12^ 
the whole person. When not in actual con- 
flict, it was carried before the warri'^r (1 
Sam. xvii. 7, 41). b. Of smaller dimeci- 
sions was the buckler or target, probably 
for use in hand-to-hand fight (1 K. x. 16, 
47; 2 Chr. ix. 15, 16). 6. What kind of 
arm was the Shelet it is impossible to de- 
termine. By some translators it is ren- 
dered a " quiver," by some " weapons " 
generally, by others a " shield." It denot- 





Auyrian Shields. Egyptian Shield. 

ed certain weapons of gold taken by David 
from Hadadezer king of Zobah (2 Sam. 
viii. 7; 1 Chr. xviii. 7), and dedicated in 
the Temple (2 K. xi. 10 ; 2 Chr. xxiii. 9 
Cant. iv. 4). In Jer. Ii. 11; Ezek. xxvii. 
11, the word has the force of a foreign arm. 
Array. I. Jewish Army. — The coili- 
tary organization of the Jews commenced 
with their departure from the land of Egypt, 
and was adapted to the nature of the expe- 
dition on which they then entered. Every 
man above 20 years of age was a soldier 
(Num. i. 3) : each tribe formed a regiment 
with its own banner and its own leader 
(Num. ii. 2, x. 14) : their positions in the 
camp or on the march were accurately 
fixed (Num. ii.) : the whole army started 
and stopped at a given signal (Num. x. 6, 
6) : thus they came up out of Egypt ready 
for the fight (Ex. xiii. 18). On the ap- 
proach of an enemy, a conscription was 
made from the general body under the di- 
rection of a rauster-raaster (Deut. xx. 5 ; 2 
K. xxv. 19), by whom also the officers wert 
appointed (Deut. xx. 9). The army was 
then divided into thousands and hundreds 
under their respective captains (Num. xxxi. 
14), and still further into families (^Num. ii. 
84 ; 2 Chr. xxv. 5, xxvi. 12), the family 
being regarded as the unit in the Jewish 
polity. With the kings arose the custom 
of maintaining a body-guard, which formed 
the nucleus of a standing army. Thus SanJ 
had a bani^ of 3000 select warriors ( I Sam 



AKAn 



04 



ARPHAjlAD 



jmi. 2, Alv. 52, xxiv. 2), and David, before 
hie accession to the throne, 600 (1 Sam. 
xxiii. 13, XXV. 13). This band he retained 
after he became king, and added the Cher- 
ETHITE8 and Peletihtes (2 Sam. xv. 18, 
XX. 7), together with another class, Shali- 
shim officers of high rank, the chief of 
whom (2 K. vii. 2 ; 1 Chr. xii. 18) was im- 
mediately about the king's person. David 
further organized a national militia, divided 
into twelve regiments under their respec- 
tive officers, each of which was called out 
for one month in the year (1 Chr. xxvii. 
1) ; at the head of the army when in active 
service he appointed a commander-in-chief 
(1 Sam. xiv. 50). Hitherto the army had 
consisted entirely of infantry (1 Sam. iv. 
10, XV. 4), the use of horses having been 
restrained by divine command (Deut. xvii. 
IC) ; but we find that as the foreign rela- 
tions of the kingdom extended, much im- 
portance was attached to them. David had 
reserved a hundred chariots from the spoils 
of the Syrians (2 Sam. viii. 4) ; these prob- 
ably served as the foundation of the force 
which Solomon afterwards enlarged through 
his alliance with Egypt (1 K. x. 26, 28, 29). 
It does not appear that the system estab- 
lished by David was maintained by the 
kings of Judah ; but in Israel the proximity 
of the hostile kingdom of Syria necessitated 
the maintenance of a standing army. The 
militia was occasionally called out in time 
of peace (2 Chr. xiv. 8, xxv. 5, xxvi. 11) ; 
but such cases were exceptional. On the 
other hand the body-guard appears to have 
been regularly kept up (1 K. xiv. 28 ; 2 K. 
xi. 4, 11). Occasional reference is made 
to war-chariots (2 K. viii. 21) ; but in Hez- 
ekiah's reign no force of the kind could be 
maintained, and the Jews were obliged to 
seek the aid of Egypt for horses and char- 
iots (2 K. xviii. 23, 24; Is. xxxi. I). The 
oaiaintenance and equipment of the soldiers 
at the public expense dates from the estab- 
lishment of a standing army. It is doubt- 
ful whether the soldier ever received pay 
even under the kings. The numerical 
strength of the Jewish army cannot be as- 
certained with any degree of accuracy : the 
numbers, as given in the text, are mani- 
festly incorrect, and the discrepancies in 
Uie various statements irreconcilable. 

11. Roman Army. — The Roman army 
was divided into legions, the number of 
whicli varied considerably, each under six 
tribuni (" chief captains," Acts xxi. 31), who 
commanded by turns. The legion was sub- 
divided into ten conorts ("band," Acts x. 
1), the cohort into three maniples, and the 
maniple into two centuries, containing ori- 
ginally 100 men, as the name implies, but 
subsequently from 50 to 100 men, accord- 
ing to the strength of the legion. There 
were thus 60 centuries in a legion, each 
aodei the jcmmand of a centurion (Acts x. 



1, 22; Matt. viii. 5, xxvii. 54). In aidl 
tion to the legionary cohorts, independent 
cohorts of volunteers served under the Ro- 
man standards. One of these cohorts was 
named the Italian (Acts x. 1), as consist- 
ing of volunteers from Italy. The cohort 
named "Augustus" (Acts xxvii. 1) maj 
have consisted of the volunteers from Se- 
baste. Others, however, think that it waa 
a cohors Augusta, similar to the legio Au- 
gusta. The head-quarters of the Roman 
forces in Judaea were at Caesarea. 

Ar'nan. In the received Hebrew text 
" the sons of Arnan" are mentioned in the 
genealogy of Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 21). 

Ar'non, the river or torreut \«hicb 
formed the boundary between Moab and 
the Amorites, on the north of Moab (Num. 
xxi. 13, 14, 24, 26 ; Judg. xi. 22), and after- 
wards between Moab and Israel (Reuben) 
(Deut. ii. 24, 36, iii. 8, 12, 16, iv. 48 ; Josh, 
xii. 1, 2, xiii. 9, 16; Judg. xi. 13, 26) 
There can be no doubt that the Wady el- 
Mojeh of the present day is the Arnon. Its 
principal source is near Katrane, on the 
Haj route. 

A'rod, a son of Gad (Num. xxvi. 17), 
called Arodi in Gen. xlvi. 16. 

Ar'odi. [Aeod.] 

Ar'odites. [Arod.] 

Ar'oer. 1. A city on the torrent Ar- 
non, the southern point of the territory of 
Sihon, king of the Amo'^ites, and afterwards 
of the tribe of Reuben (Deut. ii. 36, iii. 12, 
iv. 48 ; Josh xii. 2, xiii. 9, 16 ; Judg. xi. 26; 
2 K. X. 33 ; 1 Chr. v. 8), but later again in 
possession of Moab (Jer. xlviii. 19). It is 
the modern Ard'ir, upon the very edge of 
the precipitous north bank of the Wady 
Mojeb. 2. Aroer "that is 'facing' Ral> 
baii" (Rabbali of Amnion), a town built by 
and belonging to Gad (Num. xxxii. 34; 
Josh. xiii. 25; 2 Sam. xxiv. 5). This is 
probably the place mentioned in Judg. xi. 
33, wliich was shown in Jerome's time. 
3. Aroer, in Is. xvii, 2, if a place at all, 
must be still farther north than eitlier of 
the two already named. 4. A town in Ju- 
dah, named only in 1 Sam. xxx. 28, perhaps 
Wady Ar'drahy on the road from Fetra to 
Gaza. 

Aro'erite. Hotlian the Aroerite wjm 
the father of two of David's captains (1 Chr. 
xi. 44). 

Ar'pad or Ar'phad (Is. xxxvi. 19, 
xxxvii. 13), a city or district in Syria, ap- 
parently dependent on Damascus (Jer. 
xlix. 23). No trace of its existence has 
yet been discovered (2 K. xviii. 34, xix. 13 ; 
Is. X. 9). 

Arphax'ad. 1. The son of Shem ana 
ancestor of Eber (Gen. x. 22, 24, xi. lOV 2 
Arphaxad, a king "who reigned ovei the 
Modes in Ecbatana " (Jud. i. 1-4) • p^rhape 
the same as Phraort°:s. who fell in a \Atti^ 
with the Assyrians, 6.)o n. c. 



AKliOWS 



o5 



ASA.FH 



Ar saces VI., a king of Vartliia, who 
assumed the royal title of Arsuces in addi- 
tion to liis proper name, Mi niiiiDATES I. 
(1 Mac3. xiv. 1-3). 

Artaxerx'es. 1. The first Aitaxerxes 
i» mentioned in Ezr. iv. 7, and appears 
identical with Smerdis, tJie Magian impos- 
tor, and pretended b"otl<er of Camhyses, 
who usurped the throne b. c. 522, and 
reigned eight months. 2. In Neh. ii 1 we 
have another Artaxerxes. We may safely 
identify him with Artaxerxes Macrocheir 
or Longimanus, the son of Xerxes, who 
reigned c. c. 464-425. 

Ar'temas, a companion of St. Paul 
(Tit. iii. 12). According to tradition he 
« as bishop of Lystra. 

Ar'ubotll, the third of Solomon's com- 
missariat districts (1 K. iv. 10). It in- 
cluded Sochoh, and was therefore probably 
a name for the rich corn-growing lowland 
country. 

Aru'inall, a place apparently in the 
Qeighborliood of Shechem, at which Abim- 
elech resided (Judg. ix. 41). 

Ar'vad (Ez. xxvii. 8, 11). The island 
Df Ruad, which lies off Tortosa (Tarius), 
2 or 3 miles from the Phoenician coast. In 
igreement with this is the mention of " the 
A.rvadite " in Gen. x. 18, and 1 Chr. i. 16, 
>.s a son of Canaan, with Zidon, Hamath, 
iiid other northern localities. 

Ar'vadite. [Arvad.] 

Ar'za, prefect of the palace at Tirzah to 
'^Aah king of Israel, who was assassinated 
vt a banquet in his house by Zimri (1 K. 
zvi. 9). 

A'sa. 1. Son of Abijah, and third king of 
fudah (b. c. 956-916). In his zeal against 
'leathenism he did not spare his grand- 
mother Maachah, who occupied the special 
dignity of " Icing's Mother," to wliich great 
importance was attached in the Jewisli 
court. Asa burnt the symbol of her re- 
ligion (IK. XV. 13), and threw its ashes 
into the brook Kidron, and then deposed 
Maachah from her dignity. He also placed 
in the Temple certain gifts which his father 
had dedicated, and renewed the great altar 
vliich the idolatrous priests apparently had 
desecrate! (2 Chr. xv. 8). Besides this, 
he fortified cities on his frontiers, and 
raised an army, amounting, according to 
2 Chr. xiv. 8, to 580,000 men, a number 
probably exaggerated by an error of the 
copyist. During Asa's reign, Zerah, at tlie 
head of an enormous host (2 Chr. xiv. 9), 
attacked Mareshah. There he was utterly 
defeated, and driven back with immense 
loss to Gerar. The peace which followed 
!ihis victory was broken by the attempt of 
Baasha of Israel to fortify Ramah. To 
Btop this Asa p 'rchased the help of Ben- 
hadad I. king of Damascus, by a large pay- 
ment of treasuie, forced Baasha to aban- 



don his purpose, and destroyed the worki 
which he liad begun at Ramah. In his old 
age Asa suflTered from tlie gout. He died 
greatly loved and honored in the 41st 
year of Ids reign. 2. Ancestor of B ^re- 
chiah, a Levite who resided in one of tlie 
villages of the Netophathites after the re- 
turn from Babylon (1 Chr. ix. 16). 

As'atiel. 1. Nephew of David, being tin- 
youngest son of his sister Zeruiah. llf 
was celebrated for his swiftness of foot. 
When fighting under the command of his 
brother Joab against Ishbosheth's army at 
Gibeon, he pursued Abner, who wa<5 obliged 
to kill him in self-defence (2 Sam. ii. 18 flP.). 
[Abner.] 2. One of the Levites in the 
reign of Jehoshaphat, who went throughout 
the cities of Judah to instruct tlie people in 
the knowledge of the law, at the time of 
the revival of the true worship (2 Chr. 
xvii. 8). 3. A Levite in the reign of Hez- 
ekiah, who had charge of the tithes and 
dedicated things in the Temple under Cono- 
niah and Shimei (2 Chr. xxxi. 13). 4. A 
priest, fiither of Jonathan in the time of 
Ezra (Ezr. x. 15). He is called Azael in 

1 Esd. ix. 14. 

Asahi'ah, a servant of king Josiah, 
sent by liim, together with others, to seek 
information of Jehovah respecting the book 
of the law which Hilkiah found in the Tem- 
ple (2 K. xxii. 12, 14 ; also called Asaiah. 

2 Chr. xxxiv. 20). 

Asai'ah. 1. A prince of one of the 
families of the Simeonites in the reign of 
Hezekiah, who prove out the Hamite shep- 
herds from Gedor (1 Chr. iv. 36). 2. A 
Levite in the reign of David, chief of the 
family of Merari (1 Chr. vi. 30). With 
120 of his brethren he took part in the sol- 
emn service of bringing tlie ark from the 
house of Obed-edom to the city of David 
(1 Chr. XV. 6, 11). 3. The firstborn of 
"the Shilonite," according to 1 Clir. ix. 5, 
who with his family dwelt in Jerusalem 
after the return from Babylon. In Neh. xi. 
5 he is called Maaseiah, and his- descent 
is there traced from Shiloni. 4. 2 Chr. 

xxxiv. 20. [ASAHIAH.] 

A'saph. 1. ALevite, son of B'^rerL.lali, 
one of the leaders of David's choir (1 Chr. 
vi. 39). Psalms 1. and Ixxiii.-lxxriii are 
attributed to him; and he A^as in after 
times celebrated as a seer as well as a mu- 
sical composer (2 Chr. xxix. 30; Noh. xji. 
46). 2. The father or ancestor of Joali, 
the recorder or chronicler to the kinglom 
of Judah in the reign of H*^zekiah (2 K. 
xviii. 18, 37; Is. xxxvi. 3, 22). Jt is not 
improbable that this Asaph is the sam<" as 
the preceding. 3. The keeper of the 
royal forest or "paradise" of Artaxt-rKes 
(Neh. ii. 8). His name would setm to in- 
dicate tliat he was a Jew, who, like Nehe- 
miah. was in high office at the court of 
Per-ia. 4. Ancestor ol Mattaniah, tlw 



ASAHKEL 



56 



ASHKENAZ 



conductor of the temple-choir after the re- 
turn from Babylon (1 Chr. ix. 15; Neh. xi. 
17). Most probably the same as 1 and 2. 

Asar'eel, a son of Jehaleleel, whose 
aame is abruptly introduced into the gen- 
ealogies of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 16). 

Asaro'lah., one of the sons of Asaph, 
rft apart by David to " prophesy with harps 
ind with psalteries and with cymbals" (1 
Jhr. XXV. 2) ; called Jesharelah in ver. 
U. 

As'calon. [Ashkelon.] 

As'enath, daughter of Potipherah, 
priest, or possibly prince, of On [Potiphe- 
rah], wife of Joseph (Gen. xli. 45), and 
mother of Manasseh and Ephraim (xli. 50, 
dvi. 20). 

A'ser, Luke ii. 36 ; Rev. vii. 6. [Asher.] 

Ash (Heb. dren) occurs only in Is. xliv. 
14. It is impossible to determine what is 
the tree denoted by the Hebrew word ; the 
LXX. and the Vulg. understand some 
species of pine-tree. Perhaps the larch 
{^Laryx Europaea) may be intended. 

A'slian, a city in the low country of 
Judah (Josh. xv. 42). In Josh. xix. 7, and 
I Chr. iv. 32, it is mentioned again as be- 
longing to Simeon. It has not yet been 
identified, unless it be the same as Ain 
(comp. Josh. xxi. 16 with 1 Chr. vi. 59) ; in 
which case Robinson found it at M Ghu- 
wein. 

Ash'bea, a proper name, but whether 
of a person or place is uncertain (1 Chr. iv. 
21). 

Ash'bel, 2d son of Benjamin and an- 
cestor of the Ashbelites (Gen. xlvi. 21 ; 
Num. xxvi. 38; 1 Chr. viii. 1). 

Ash'clienaz (1 Chr. i. 6; Jer. U. 27). 

[ASHKENAZ.] 

Ash'dod, or Azo'tUS (Acts viii. 40), 
one of the five confederate cities of the 
Philistines, situated about 30 miles from 
the southern frontier of Palestine, 3 from 
the Mediterranean Sea, and nearly mid- 
way between Gaza and Joppa. It was 
assigned to the tribe of Judah (Josh. xv. 
47), but was never subdued by the Israel- 
ites. Its chief importance arose from its 
position on the Iiigh road from Palestine to 
Egypt. It is now an insignificant village, 
with no memorials of its ancient impor- 
tHice, but is still called Esdud. 

Ash'd.od.ites, the inhabitants of Ash- 
dod (Neh, iv. 7); called Ashdothites in 
Josh. xiii. 3. 

Ash'doth-pis'gah, a curious and prob- 
ably a very ancient term of doubtful 
meaning, found only in Dent. iii. 17; Josh, 
xii. 3, xiii. 20 ; and \n Deut. iv. 49, A. V. 
peiprinars of Pisgali." 

Asher, Apocr. and N. T. A'ser, the 
8th son of Jaccb, bj Zilpah, Leah's hand- 
maid [Gen. XXX. 13]. The general posi- 
tion of his tribe was on the sea-shore from 
Carmel northwards, with Manasseh on the 



south, ZebiAlun and Issacliar on the south 
east, and N aphtali on the north-east. The 
boundaries and towns a'^e given in Josh 
xix. 24-31, xvii. 10, 11; and Judg. i. 31, 
32. They possessed the maritime portion 
of the rich plain of Esdraelon, probaljly 
for a distance of 8 or 10 niih s from tlie 
shore. This territory contained some of 
the richest soil in all Palestine ; and to thifr 
fact, as well as to their proximity to the 
Phoenicians, the degeneracy of tlie tiibe 
may be attributed (Judg. i. 31, v. 17). 

Ash'er, a place which fmrmed one 
boundary of the tribe of Manasseh on the 
south (Josh. xvii. 7). Mr. Porter suggests 
that Teydsir may be the Asher of Manas- 
seh (ffandb. p. 348). 

Ash'erah, the name of a Phoenician 
goddess, or rather of the idol itself (A. V. 
"grove"). Asherah is closely connected 
with Ashtoreth and her worship (Judg. 
iii. 7, comp. ii. 3 ; Judg. vi. 25 ; 1 K. xviii. 
19) ; Ashtoreth being, perhaps, the propei 
name of the goddess, whilst Asherah is 
the name of her image or symbol, which 
was of wood (see Judg. vi. 25-30 ; 2 K. 
xxiii. 14). 

Ash'erites, descendants of Asher, and 
members of his tribe (Judg. i. 32). 

Ashes. The ashes on the altar of burnt- 
ofiering were gathered into a cavity in its 
surface. On the days of the three solemn 
festivals the ashes were not removed, but 
the accumulation was taken away after- 
wards in the morning, the priests casting 
lots for the oflSce. The ashes of a red 
heifer burnt entire, according to regula- 
tions proscribed in Num. xix., had the c^'re- 
monial efficacy of purifying the upjlcan 
(Heb. ix. 13), but of polluting the clean. 
[Sacrifice.] Ashes about the pcscn, 
especially on the head, were used ?.s a 
sign of sorrow. [Mourning.] 

Ash'ima, a god of the Hamathite col- 
onists in Samaria (2 K. xvii. 30). It has 
been regarded as identical with the Meri- 
desian god of the Egyptians, the Pan of tho 
Greeks, and has also been identified with 
the Phoenician god Esmun. 

Ash'kelon, As'kelon, Apocr. As'- 
calon, one of the five cities of the lords 
of the Pliilistines (Josh. xiii. 3; 1 Sam. vi, 
17), but less often mentioned and apparent- 
ly less known to the Jews than the other 
four. Samson went down from Tirnnath 
to Ashkelon (Judg. xiv. 19), as if to a re- 
mote place whence his exploit was not 
likely to be heard of. In the post-biblical 
times Ashkelon rose to considerable im- 
portance. Near the town were the temple 
and sacred lake of Derceto, the Sj^riau 
Venus. The soil around was remarkable 
for its fertility. Ascalon played a memora- 
ble part in the struggles of the Crusades. 

Ash'kenaz, one of the Ih'^ee sons of 
Corner, son of Japl.et (Gen. •^. 3). We 



ASHNAH 



57 



ASP 



may probably recognize the tribe of Ash- 
kenaz on the northern shore of Asia Minor, 
in the name of Lake Ascanius, and in Eu- 
rope in the name Scand-ia,, Scand-ina,y\a,. 
Knobel considers that Ashkenaz is to be 
identified with the German race. 

Asli'uah, the name of two cities, both 
:m the Lowhmds of Judah : (1) named be- 
tween Zoreah and Zanoah, and therefore 
probably N. W. of Jerusalem (Josh. xv. 
33) ; and (2) between Jiphtah and Nezib, 
%nd therefore to the S. W. of Jerusalem 
(Josh. :cv. 43). Each, according to Rob- 
inson's Map (1857), would be about 16 
miles from Jerusalem. 

Ash'penaz, the master of the eunuchs 
«>f Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. i. 3). 

Ash'riel, properly As'riel (1 Chr. vii. 
U). 

Ash'taroth, and once As'taroth, a 
oity on the E. of Jordan, in Bashan, in tlie 
kingdom of Og. doubtless so called from 
being a seat of the worship of the goddess 
of the same name. It is generally men- 
tioned as a description or definition of Og 
(Deut. i. 4; Josh. ix. 10, xii. 4, xiii. 12). 
The only trace of the name yet recovered 
in these interesting districts is Tell-Ashte- 
rah, or Asherah, and of tliis nothing more 
tlian the name is known. 

Ashte'rathite, a native or inhabitant 
«;f Ashtaroth (1 Chr. xi. 44) beyond Jor- 
dan. 

Ash'teroth Karna'im = " Ashtaroth 
of the two horns or peaks," a place of very 
great antiquity, the abode of the Rephaim 
(Gen. xiv. 5). The name reappears but 
once, as Carnaim, or Carnion (1 Mace. v. 
26, 43, 44; 2 Mace. xii. 21, 26), in "the 
land of Galaad." It is probably the mod- 
ern Es- Sanamein, on the Haj route, about 
25 miles S. of Damascus. 

Ash'toreth, the principal female di- 
vinity of the Phoenicians, called Ishtar 
by the Assyrians, and Astarte by the 
Greeks and Romans. She was by some 
ancient writers identified with the moon. 
But on the other hand the Assyrian Ishtar 
was not the moon-goddess, but the planet 
Venus ; and Astarte was by many identi- 
fied with tlie goddess Venus (or Aphrodite) 
as well as with the planet of that name. 
It is certain that the worsliip of Astarte be- 
came identified with that of Venus, and 
that this worship was connected with the 
most impure rites is apparent from the 
close connection of this goddess with Ashe- 
rah (1 K. xi. 5, 33 ; 2 K. xxiii. 13). 

Asll'ur, the posthumous son of Hezron 
by his wife Abiah (1 Chr. ii. 24, iv. 5). He 
became " father " or founder of the town 
af Tekoa. 

Ash'Tirites, The. This name occurs 
only in 2 Sam. ii. 9. By some of the old 
interpreters the name is taken as meaning 
die Ge.shurites, but if we follow the Tar- 



gum of Jonathan, which has Beth-A^lieri 
" tht house of Asher," " the Asherites *' 
will denote the inhabitants of the whole of 
the country W. of the Jordan above Jez- 
reel. 

AshVath, one of the sons of Japlilet, 
of the tribe of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 33). 

Asia. The passages in the N. T., wherp 
this word occurs, are the following : Acta 
ii. 9, vi. 9, xvi. 6, xLx. 10, 22, 26, 27, xx. 4, 
16, 18, xxi. 27, xxvii. 2; Rom. xvi. 5; 1 
Cor. xvi. 19 ; 2 Cor. i. 8 ; 2 Tim. i. 15 ; 1 
Pet. i. 1; Rdv. i. 4, 11. In all these it 
may be confidently stated that the word is 
used for a Roman province which embraced 
the western part of the peninsula of Asia 
Minor, and of wliich Ephesus was tJte 
capital. 

Asiar'chae {chief of Asia, A. V. ; Acts 
xix. 31), officers chosen annually by the 
cities of that part of the province of Asia, 
of which Ephesus was, under Roman gov- 
ernment, the metropolis. They had charge 
of the public games and religious theatri- 
cal spectacles, the expenses of which they 
bore. 

A'siel. 1. A Simeonite whose descend- 
ant Jehu lived in the reign of Hezekiah (1 
Chr. iv. 35). 2. One of the five swift 
writers whom Esdras was commanded to 
take to write the law and the history of the 
world (2 Esd. xiv. 24). 

Asmode'us (Tob. ill. 8, 17), the same 
as Abaddon or Apollyon (Rev. ix. 11; 
comp. Wisd. xviii. 25). From the fact 
that the Talmud calls him "king of the 
demons," some assume him to be identical 
with Beelzebub, and others with Azrael. In 
the book of Tobit this evil spirit is repre- 
sented as loving Sara, the daughter of 
Raguel, and causing the death of her seven 
husbands. 

As'nah. The children of Asnah were 
among the Nethinim who returned with 
Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 50). 

Asnap'per, mentioned in Ezr. iv. 10 an 
the person who settled the Cuthaeans in 
the cities of Samaria. He was probably « 
general of Esarhaddon. 

Asp Qpethen). The Hebrew word occurs 
in the six following passages : Deut. xxxiL 
33; Job XX. 14, 16; Ps. Iviii. 5, xci. 13; 
Is. xi. 8). It is expressed in the passages 
from the Psalms by adder in the text of the 
A. v., and by asp in the margin : else- 
where the te<t of the A. V. has asp as the 
representative of the original word peiheri. 
That some kind of poisonous serpent is de- 
noted by the Hebrew word is clear from 
the passages quoted above. We further 
learn from Ps. Iviii. 5, that the pethen was 
a snake upon which the serpent-charmers 
practised their art. From Is. xi. 8, it 
would appear that the pethen was a dweller 
in holes of walls, &c. As the Egyptian 
c.ibra is more frequently than »^ij oiliex 



ASFALATIiUS 



5S 



AKSlfi^lA 



ipecif^s the subject upon which the serpent- 
charmers of the Bible lands practise their 
art, and as it is fond of concealing itself in 
walls and in holes (Is. xi. 8), it appears to 
have the best claim to represent the pethen. 

Aspal'athus, the name of some sweet 
perfume mentioned in Ecclus. xxiv. 15. 
The Lignum Rhodianum is by some sup- 
posed to be the substance indicated by the 
aspaljUhus ; the plant which yields it is 
the Convolvulus scoparixs of Linnaeus. 

As patha, tliird son of Haman (Esth. 
IX. 7). 

Asphar, the pool in the '* wilderness 
of Thecoe" (1 Mace. ix. 33). Is it possi- 
ble that the name is a corruption of lacus 
Asphaltites ? 

As'riel, the son of Gilead, and great- 
grandson of Manasseh (Num. xxvi. 31; 
Josh. xvii. 2). He was the founder of the 
family of the Asrielites. 

Ass. Five Hebrew names of the genus 
Asinus occur in the O. T. 1. ChamSr 
denotes the male domestic ass, though the 
word was no doubt used in a general sense 
to express any ass whether male or female. 
The ass in Eastern countries is a very dif- 
ferent animal from what he is in Western 
Europe. The most noble and honorable 
imongst the Jews were wont to be mounted 
on asses ; and in this manner our liord liim- 
lelf made his triumphant entry into Jeru- 
lalem (Matt. xxi. 2). 2. Athdn, the com- 
mon domestic she-ass. Balaam rode on a 
ihe-ass. The asses of Kish which Saul 
lought were she-asses. The Shunaramite 
(2 K. iv. 22, 24) rode on one when she went 
w seek Elisha. They were she-asses which 
formed the special care of one of David's 
officers (1 Chr. xxvii. 30). 3. 'Air, the 
aame of a wild ass, which occurs Gen. 
Kxxii. 16, xlix. 11 ; Judg. x. 4, xii. 14 ; Job 
xi. 12; Is. XXX. 6, 24; Zech. ix. 9. 4. 
Pere, a species of wild ass mentioned Gen. 
xvi. 12; Ps. civ. 11; Job vi. 5, xi. 12, xxiv. 
5, xxxix. 5 ; Hos. viii. 9 ; Jer. ii. 24, xiv. 
6; Is. xxxii. 14. 5. Ardd occurs only in 
Job xxxix. 5 ; but in what respect it differs 
&om the Pere is uncertain. — The species 
known to the ancient Jews are Asinus 
kemippuSf which inhabits the deserts of 
Syria, Mesopotamia, and the northern parts 
of Aiibia; the Asinus vulgaris of the N. 
E, of Africa, the true onager or aboriginal 
^wild ass, whence the domesticated breed 
has sprung; and probably the Asinus on- 
ager, the Koulan or Ghorkhur, which is 
found in Western Asia, from 48° N. lati- 
tude southward to Persia, Beluchistan, and 
Western India. Mr. Layard remarks 
that in fleetness the wild ass (Asinus 
kemippus) equals the gazelle, and to over- 
take them is a feat which only one or two 
of the most celebrated mares have been 
known to accomplish. 

Assh'ur. [Assyria.] 



Assh urim, a .libe descended froxc 
Dedan, the grandson of Abraham (Gen. 
xxv. 3). Like the other descendants of 
Keturah, they have not been identified witb 
any degree of certainty. Knobel considers 
them the same with the Asshur of Ez. 
xxvii. 23, and connected with Southern 
Arabia. 

Asside'ans, i. e. the pious, " puritai s," 
the name assumed by a section of the or- 
thodox Jews (1 Mace. ii. 42, vii. 13; 2 
Mace. xiv. 6) as distinguished from the 
Hellenizing faction. They appear to have 
existed as a party before the Maccabaean 
rising, and were probably bound by some 
peculiar vow to the external observance cf 
the Law. 

As'sir. 1. Son of Korah (Ex. vi. 24 j 
1 Chr. vi. 22). 2. Son of Ebiasaph, and a 
forefather of Samuel (1 Chr. vi. 23, 37). 
3. Son of Jeconiah (1 Chr. iii. 17), urdess 
" Jeconiah the captive " be the true render- 
ing. 

As'sos or As'sus, a seaport of the 
Roman province of Asia, in the district 
anciently called Mysia. It was situated on 
the northern shore of the gulf of Adramyt- 
TiuM, and was only about seven miles from 
the opposite coast of Lesbos, near Methym- 
na (Acts xx. 13, 14). 

As'sur. (Ezr. iv. 2; Ps. Ixxxiii. 8.) 
[Asshur; Assthia.] 

Assyr'ia, Assh'ur, was a great and 
powerful country lying on the Tigris (Gen. 
ii. 14), the capital of which was Nineveh 
(Gen. X. 11, &c.). It derived its name ap 
parently from Asshur, the son of Shem 
(Gen. X. 22) who in later times was wor- 
shipped by the Assyrians as their chief god. 
The boundaries of Assyria differed greatly 
at different periods. Probably in the ear- 
liest times it was confined ro a small tract 
of low country, lying chiefly on the left 
bank of the Tigris. Gradually its limits 
were extended, until it came to be regarded 
as comprising the whole region between 
the Armenian mountains (lat. 37^30') upon 
the north, and upon the south the <;ountry 
about Baghdad (lat. 33° 30'). Eastward 
its boundary was the high range of Zagros 
or mountains of Kurdistdn ; westward, it 
was, according to the views of some, 
bounded by the Mesopotamian desert, wliile, 
according to others, it reached the Euphra- 
tes. 1. General character of the country. — 
On the N. and E. the high mountain-chains 
of Armenia and Kurdistan are succeeded 
by low ranges of limestone-hills of a some- 
what arid aspect. To those ridges then 
succeeds at first an undulating zone of 
country, well watered and fairly productive; 
which extends in length for 250 miles, and 
is interrupted only by a single limestone- 
range. Above and below this barrier is aD 
immense level tract, now for the most part 
a wilderness, wluch bears marks of havinfi 



ASSYRJA 



o9 



ASSYRIA 



been in early times well cultivated and 
tliickly peopled througliout. 2. Provintes 
of Assyria. — Tlie classical geograpliers 
divided Assyria into a number of regions, 
which appear to be chiefly named from 
cities, as Arbelitis from Arbela; Calacene 
(or Calacliine) from Calah or Halah (Gen. 
X. 11 ; 2 K. xvii. 6) ; Apolloniatis from 
ApoUonia; Sittacene from Sittace, &c. 
Adiabene, however, the richest region of 
all, derived its appellation from the Zah 
(Diab) river on which it lay. 3. Chief 
cities. — The chief cities of Assyria in the 
time of its greatness appear to have been 
the following: — Nineveh, which is marked 
by the mounds opposite Mosul {Nehi- Yunus 
and Kouyunjik) ; Calah or Halah, now 
Nimrud ; Asshur, now Kileh Sherghat ; 
Sargina, or Dur-Sargina, now Kiiorsahad ; 
Arbela, still Arhil ; Opis at the junction of 
the Diyaleh with the Tigris ; and Sittace, 
a little farther down the latter river, if this 
place should not rather be reckoned to 
Babylonia. 4. History of Assyria — origi- 
nal peopling. — Scripture informs us that 
Assyria was peopled from Babylon (Gen. x. 
11), and both classical tradition and the 
monuments of the country agree in this 
representation. 5. Date of the foundation 
of the kingdom. — As a country, Assyria 
was evidently known to Moses (Gen. ii. 14, 
XXV. 18 ; Num. xxiv. 22, 24) ; but it does 
not ajjpear in Jewish liistory as a kingdom 
till tlie reign of Menahem (about b. c. 770). 
Herodotus relates that the Assyrians were 
"lords of Asia" for 520 years, till tl\e 
Median kingdom was formed, b. c. 708. 
He would thus, it appears, have assigned to 
the foundation of the Assyrian empire a 
date not very greatly anterior to b. c 1228. 
This is, perhaps, the utmost that can be de- 
termined with any approach to certainty. 
6. Early kings from the foundation of the 
kingdom to Pul. — The Mesopotamian re- 
searches have rendered it apparent that tiie 
original seat of government was not at 
Nineveh, but at Kileh- Sherghat, on the 
right bank of the Tigris. The kings proved 
to have reigned there are fourteen in num- 
ber, divisible into tliree gnmps ; and their 
reigns are thought to have covered a space 
of nearly 350 years, from b. c. 1273 to b. c. 
930. The most remarkable monarch of the 
series was called Tiglath-pileser. He ap- 
pears to have been king towards the close 
of the twelfth century, and thus to have been 
contemporary with Samuel. The later kings 
of the series are only known to us as the 
ancestors of two great monarchs ; Sarda- 
napalus the first, and his son, Shalmaneser 
or Shalmanubar, a still greater conqueror. 
His son and grandson followed in his steps, 
but scarcely equalled his glory. The latter 
is thought to be identical with the Biblical 
Pul, Phul, orPhalock. [Pul.] 7. The kings 
fr<y>n Pul to Esarhaddon. — In the 2d 



'. book of Ri.>g& ve find the r ames of Pul, 
j Tiglath-pileser, Shalmaneser, Sennacl erib, 
and Esarhaddon (2 K. xv. 19, 29, xvii. 3, 
xviii. 13, xix. 37) ; and in Isaiah we have the 
I name of " Sargon, king of Assyria" (xx. 
1). The inscriptions, by showing is that 
Sargon was the father of Sennacherib, fix 
I his place in the list, and give us for the 
monarchs of the last hall of tlie 8th and 
the first half of the 7th century b. c. the 
(probal^ly) complete list of Tiglath-pilesei 
II., Shalmaneser II., Sargon, Sennacherib, 
and Esarliaddon. 8. Lower dynasty. — It 
seems to be certain that at, or near, the 
accession of Pul, about b. c. 770, a great 
change of some kind or other occurred in 
Assyria. Probably the Pul or Phaloch of 
Scripture was really the last king of the 
old monarchy, and Tiglath-pileser II., his 
successor, was the founder of what has 
been called the "Lower Empire." 9. Sup- 
posed loss of the empire at this period. — 
Many writers of repute have been inclined 
to accept the statement of Herodotus with 
respect to the breaking up of the whole 
empire at this period. It is evident, how- 
ever, both from Scripture and from the 
monuments, that the sliock sustained 
tlirough the domestic revolution lias been 
greatly exaggerated. It is plain from Scrip- 
ture, that in the reigns of Tiglath-pileser. 
Shalmaneser, Sargon, Sennacherib, and 
Esarhaddon, Assyria was as great as at any 
former era. On every ground it seems 
necessary to conclude that the second 
Assyrian kingdom was really greater and 
more glorious than the first ; that under it 
the limits of the empire reached their full- 
est extent, and the internal prosperity was 
at the highest. 10. Successors of Esarhad- 
don. — By tlie end of the reign of Esarhad- 
don the triumph of the arms of Assyria 
had been so complete that scarcely an 
enemy was left who could cause her serious 
anxiety. In Scripture it is remarkable ^iial 
we hear nothing of Assyria after the reign 
of Esarhaddon, and profane Idstory ia 
equally silent until tlie attacks begin whioh 
brought about her downfall. 11. FaM r 
Assyria. — The fall of Assyria, long prt 
viously prophesied by Isaiah (x. 5-19), was 
effected by the growing strength and bold 
ness of tlie Medes. If we may trust He- 
rodotus, the first Median attack on Nineveh 
took place about the year b. c. 633. For 
some time their efforts were unsuccessful; 
but after a while, having won over the 
Babylonians to their side, they became 
superior to the Assyrians in the field, and 
about B. c. 625, or a little earlier, laid final 
siege to the capital. 12. Fulfilment of 
prophecy. — The prophecies of Nahum and 
Zephaniah (ii. 13-15) against Assyria were 
probably delivered shortly before the catas- 
trophe. In accordance with Nahum's an- 
n3uncement (iii. 19) we f nd that Assyria 



ASTAKO ni 



($0 



ATHAIAH 



never succseled in maintaining a distinct 
nationalitj'. 16. General characier of the 
empire. — The Assyrian monarch? bore 
Bway * ver a number of petty kings through 
the entire extent of their dominions. Tbese 
native princes were feudatories of the 
Great Monarch, of whom they held their 
crown by the double tenure of homage and 
tribute. It Ls not quite certain how far 
Assyria required a religious conformity 
from the subject people. Her religion was 
a gross and complex polytheism, compris- 
ing the worship of thirteen principal and 
numerous minor divinities, at the head of 
all of whom stood the chief god, Asshur, 
who seems to be the deified patriarch of the 
nation (Gen. x. 22). The inscriptions ap- 
pear to state that in all countries over 
which the Assyrians established their su- 
premacy, they set up "the laws of Asshur," 
and *' altars to the Great Gods." 14. Its 
extent. — On the west the Mediterranean 
and the river Halys appear to have been 
the boundaries ; on the north a fluctuating 
line, never reaching the Euxine nor extend- 
ing beyond the northern frontier of Ar- 
menia; on the east, the Caspian Sea and 
the Great Salt Desert; on the south the 
Persian Gulf and the Desert of Arabia. 
The countries included within these limits 
are the following : — Susiana, Chaldaea, 
Babylonia, Media, Matiene, Armenia, As- 
syria Proper, Mesopotamia, parts of Cap- 
padocia and CiHcia, Syria, Piioenicia, Pal- 
estine, and Idumaea. Cyprus was also for 
a while a dependency of the Assyrian kings, 
and they may perhaps have held at one 
time certain portions of Lower Egypt. 15. 
Civilization of the Assyrians. — Tlie civil- 
ization of the Assyrians was derived origi- 
nally from the Babylonians. They were a 
Shemitic race, originally resident in Baby- 
lonia (which at that tim^ was Cushite), and 
thus acquainted with the Babylonian inven- 
tions and discoveries, who ascended the 
ralley of the Tigris and established in the 
tract immediately below the Armenian 
mountains a separate and distinct uation- 
a!ity. Still, as their civilization developed, 
it became in many respects peculiar. Their 
art is of home growth. But they were 
still in the most ijnportant points barbari- 
ans. Their government was rude and in- 
artificial; their religion coarse and sen- 
sual ; and their conduct of war cruel. 

As taroth, Deut. i. 4. [Asutaroth.J 

Astar'te. [Ashtgretii.] 

Asty'ages, the last king of tlie Medes, 
ft. c. 595-560, or b. c. 592-558, who was 
conquered by Cyrus (Bel and Dragon, 1). 
The name is identified by Rawlinson and 
Niebuhr with Deioces = Ashdahak, the 
emblem of the Median power. 

Asup'pim, and House of, 1 Chr. xxvi. 
15, 17. literally " houso of the gatherings." 
Some understand it as a priper nume of 



chambers on the south of the Temple. 
others of certain store-rooms, or of th^ 
council-chambers in the outer court of the 
Temple in which the elders held theii 
deliberations. 

Asyu'critus, a Christian at Rome, 
saluted by St. Paul (Rom. xvi. 14). 

A'tad, The Threshing-Floor of. 
called also Abel-Mizraim (Gen. 1. 10, 11). 
According to Jerome it was in his day 
called Bethgla or Bethacla (Beth-Hogla). 
Beth-Hogla is known to have lain between 
the Jordan and Jericho, therefore on th« 
west side of Jordan. 

At'arah, a wife of Jerahmeel, an J 
mother of Onam (1 Chr. ii. 26). 

Atar'gatis, or Derceto, a Syrian god- 
dess, represented generally with the body 
of a woman and the tail of a fish (comp. 
Dagon). Her most famous temples were 
at ilierapolis (Mabug) and Ascalon. There 
was a temple of Atargatis (2 Mace. xii. 26) 
at Karnion, which was destroyed by Judas 
Maccabaeus (1 Mace. v. 44). 

At'aroth. 1. One of the towns in the 
" land of Jazer and land of Gilead " (Num, 
xxxii. 3), taken and built by the tribe of 
Gad (xxxii. 34). From its mention with 
places which have been identified on the 
N. E. of the Dead Sea near the mountain 
of the Jebel AttarAs, a connection has been 
assumed between Ataroth and that moun- 
tain. But some other identification is 
necessary. 2. A place on the Tsouth?) 
boundary of Ephraim and Manasseh (Josh, 
xvi. 2, 7). It is impossible to say whether 
Ataroth is or is not the same place, as, 3. 
Ataroth-adar, or -addar, on the west 
border of Benjamin, *' near the ' mountain* 
that is on the south side of the nether Beth- 
horon" (Josh. xvi. 5, xviii, 13). In the 
Onomasticon mention is made of an Ath: 
aroth in Ephraim, in the mountains, 4 miles 
N. of Sebaste ; as well as two places of the 
name not far from Jerusalem. 4. ''Ata- 
roth, THE HOUSE OF JoAij," a place (?) 
occurring in the list of the descendants of 
Judah (1 Chr. ii. 54). 

A'ter. 1. The children of Ater were 
among the porters or gate-keepers of the 
Temple who returned with Zerubbabel (Eir 
ii. 42; Neh. vii. 45). 2. The children of 
Ater of Hezekiah to the number of 98 
returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 16 ; Neh- 
vii. 21), and were among the heads of the 
people who signed the covenant with Nehtv 
miah (x. 17). 

A'thach (1 Sam. xxx. 30). As the naraw 
does not occur elsewhere, it has been sug- 
gested that it "is an error of the transcriber 
for Ether, a town in tlie low country of 
Judah (Josh. xv. 42). 

Athai'ah, a descendant of Pharez, the 
son of Judah, who dwelt at Jerusalem after 
the return from Babylon (Nel . xi. 4), called 
U'. lAi in 1 Chr. ix. 4. 



ATHALIAH 



61 



ATHENS 



Athali'ah., daughter of Ahab and Jeze- 
bel, married Jehoram the sen of Jehosha- 
phat king of Judah, and introduced into 
the S. kingdom tlie worship of Baal. After 
the great revolution, by which Jeliu seated 
himself on the throne of Samaria, she killed 
all the members of the royal family of 
Judah who had escaped his sword (2 K. 
xi. 1), availing herself probably of her 
position as King's Mother [Asa] to per- 
pr trate the crime. From the slaughter of 
the roj'il house, one infant named Joash, 
the youngest son of Ahaziah, was rescued 
by his aunt Jehosheba, wife of Jehoiada 
(2 Chr. xxiii. 11) the high-priest (2 Chr. 
xxiv. 6). The child was brought up un- 
der Jehoiada's care, and concealed in the 
Temple for six years, during which period 
A.thaliah reigned over Judah. At length 
Jehoiada thought it time to produce the 
lawful king to the people, trusting to their 
zeal for the worship of God, and loyalty to 
the house of David, which had been so 
strenuously called out by Asa and Jehosha- 
phat. His plan was successful, and Atha- 
liah was put to death. 

Athenians, natives of Athens (Acts 
rvii. 21). 

Athens, the capital of Attica, and the 
chief seat of Grecian learning and civiliza- 
tion during the golden period of the his- 
tory of Greece. St. Paul yisited it in his 
journey from Macedonia, and appears to 
have remained there some time (Acts xvii. 
14-34 : comp. 1 Thess. iii. 1). In order 
to understand the localities mentioned in 
the narrative it is necessary to give a brief 
account of the topography of the city. 
Athens is situated about three miles from 
the sea-coast, in the central plain of Attica. 
In this plain rise several eminences. Of 
these the most prominent is a lofty insulated 
mountain, with a conical peaked summ t, 
now called the Hill of St. George, and 
which bore in ancient times the name of 
Lycahettus. This mountain, which was not 
included within the ancient walls, lies to 
the north-east of Athens, and forms the 
most striking feature in the environs of the 
city. It is to Athens what Vesuvius is to 
Naples, or Arthur's Seat to Edinburgh. 
South-west of Lycabettus there are four 
hills of moderate height, all of which 
formed part of the city. Of these the near- 
est to Lycabettus, and at the distance of a 
mile from the latter, was the Acropolis, or 
citadel of Athens, a square craggy rock ris- 
ing abruptly about 150 feet, with a flat 
summit of about 1000 feet long from east 
to west, by 500 feet broad from north to 
«outh. Immediately west of the Acropolis 
is a second liill of irregular form, the Are- 
opagus {Mars' inll). To the south-west 
there rises a third hUl, the Pnyx^ on which 
>he assemblies of the citizens wpre held: 



and to the soucji of the latter U a fourt* 
hill, known as the Museum. On the eastern 
and western sides of the city there run two 
small streams, which are nearly exhausted 
before they reach the sea, by the lieats of 
summer and by the channels for artificial 
irrigation. That on the east is the Ilissus, 
which flowed through the southern quarter 
of the city : that on the west is the Cephis- 
sus. South of the city was seen the Saronic 
gulf, with the harbors of AthenSo — Athens 
is said to have derived its name from the 
prominence given to the worship of the 
goddess Atliena (Minerva) by its king 
Erechtheus. The inhabitants were previ- 
ously called Cecropidae, from Cecrops, 
who, according to tradition, was the ori- 
ginal founder of the city. This at first oc- 
cupied only the hill or rock wliich after- 
wards became the Acropolis ; but gradually 
the buildings spread over the ground at thie 
southern foot of this hill. It was not till 
the time of Pisistratus and his sons (b. c. 
560-514) that the city began to assume any 
degree of splendor. The most remarkable 
building of these despots was the gigantic 
temple of the Olympian Zeus or Jupiter. 
Xerxes reduced the ancient city almost to 
a heap of ashes. After the departure of 
the Persians, its reconstruction on a much 
larger scale was commenced under the 
superintendence of Themistocles, whose 
first care was to provide for its safety '>y 
the erection of walls. The Acropolis now 
formed the centre of the city, round which 
the new walls described an irregular circle 
of about 60 stadia or 7^ miles in circumfer- 
ence. But the views of Themistocles were 
not confined to the mere defence of Athens : 
he contemplated making her a great naval 
power, and for this purpose adequate docks 
and arsenals were required. Previously 
the Athenians had used as their only harbor 
the open roadstead of Phalerum on the 
eastern side of the Phaleric bay, where the 
sea-shore is nearest to Athens. But The- 
mistocles transferred the naval station of 
the Athenians to the peninsula of Piraeus, 
which is distant about 4!^ miles from Athens, 
and contains three natural harbors. It was 
not till the administration of Pericles that 
the walls were built which connected Athens 
with her ports. Under the administration 
of Pericles, Athens was adorned with nu- 
merous public buildings, which existed in 
all their glory when St. Paul visited the city. 
The Acropolis was the centre of the arclii- 
tectural splendor of Athens. After the 
Persian wars the hill had ceased to be in- 
habited, and was appropriated to the wor- 
ship of Athena and to the other guardian 
deities of the city. It was covered with 
the temples of gods and heroes ; and thu« 
its platform presented not only a sanctuary, 
but a museum, containing the finest pro- 



ATHENS 



62 



ATHENS 



Juctions of the architect and the sculptor, 
in wliich tlie whiteness of the marble was 
relieved by brilliant colors, and rendered 
still more dazzling by the transparent clear- 
ness of the Athenian atmosphere. The 
only approach to it was from the Agora on 
its western side. At the top of a magnifi- 
cent flight of marble steps, 70 feet broad, 
itood the Propy^,aea, constructed under the 
auspices of Pericles, and which served as a 
suitable entimce to the exquisite works 
frithin. The Propylaea were themselves 
one of the masterpieces of Athenian art. 
They were entirely of Pentelic marble, and 
covered the whole of the western end of the 
Acropolis, having a breadth of 168 feet. 
On passing through the Propylaea all the 
glories of the Acropolis became visible. 
The chief building was the Parthenon (i. e. 
House of the Virgin), the most perfect 
production of Grecian architecture. It 
derived its name from its being the temple 
of Athena Parthenos, or Athena the Virgin, 
the invincible goddess of war. It stood on 
the highest part of the Acropolis, near its 
centre. It was entirely of Pentelic marble, 
on a rustic basement of ordinary limestone, 
and its architecture, which was of the Doric 
order, was of the purest kind. It was 
adorned with the most exquisite sculptures, 
executed by various artists under the di- 
rection of Phidias. A large number of 
these sculptures were brought to England 
■^y Lord Elgin, of whom they were purchased 
by the ration and deposited in the British 
Museum. But the chief wonder of the 
Parthenon was the colossal statue of tbe 
Virgin Goddess executed by Phidias him- 
self. The Acropolis was adorned with an- 
other colossal figure of Athena, in bronze, 
also the work of Phidias. It stood in tlie 
open air, nearly opposite the Propylaea. 
With its pedestal it must have been about 
70 feet high» and consequently towered 
ab."«ve the roof of the Parthenon, so that the 
point of its spear and the crest of its helmet 
were visible off the promontory of Sunium 
to ships approaching Athens. Another 
magnificent building on the Acropolis was 
the Erechtheum, or temple of Erechtheus. 
It was one of the finest models of the Ionic 
order, as the Parthenon was of the Doric. 
It stood to the north of the latter building, 
and close to the northern wall of the Acrop- 
oli.<i. Among the remarkable places in 
jtlier parts of the city we may mention, 
first, the Dionysiac theatre, which occupied 
the slope at the south-eastern extremity of 
the Acropolis. The middle of it was ex- 
cavated out of the rock, and the rows of 
seats ascended in curves one above another, 
the diameter increasing with the height. 
It was no doubt sufficiently large to ac- 
commodate the whole body of Athenian 
citizens, as well as the strangers who flocked 
to Athens during the Dionysiac festival. 



but Its dimensions cannot now be accurately 
ascertained. It had no roof, but the spec- 
tators were probably protected from the 
sun by an awning, and from their elevated 
seats they had a distinct view of the sea, 
and of the peaked hills of Salamis in the 
horizon. Above them rose the Parthenon 
and the other buildings of the Acropolis, so 
that they sat under the shadow of the an- 
cestral gods of the country. The Areopa- 
gus, or Hill of Ares (Mars) is described 
elsewhere. [Mars' Hill.,] The Pnyx, or 
place for holding the public assemblies of 
the Athenians, stood on the side of a low 
rocky hiP, at the distance of about a quarter 
of a mile from the Areopagus. Projecting 
from the hill, and hewn out of it, still stands 
a solid rectangular block, called the Bema 
or pulpit, from whence the orators ad- 
dressed tlie multitude in the area before 
them. The position of the Beina com- 
manded a view of the Propylaea and the 
other magnificent edifices of the Acropolis, 
while beneath it was the city itself studded 
with monuments of Athenian glory. The 
Athenian orators frequently roused the na- 
tional feelings of their audience by pointing 
to the Propylaea and to the other splendid 
buildings before them. Between the Pnyx 
on the west, the Areopagus on the north, 
and the Acropolis on the east, and closely 
adjoining the base of these hills, stood the 
Agora or '■''Market,''' where St. Paul dis- 
puted daily. In a direction from north-west 
to south-east a street called the Ceramicus 
ran diagonally through the Agora, entering 
it through the valley between the Pnyx and 
the Areopagus. The street was named 
after a district of the city, which was divided 
into two parts, the Inner and Outer Cerami- 
cus. The former lay within the city walls, 
and included the Agora. The Outer Cerami- 
cus, which formed a handsome suburb on 
the north-west of the city, was the burial- 
place of all persons honored with a public 
funeral. Through it ran the road to the 
gymnasium and gardens of the Academy^ 
which were situated about a mile from the 
walls. The Academy was the place where 
Plato and his disciples taught. On each 
side of this road were monuments to illus- 
trious Athenians, especially those who had 
fallen in battle. East of the city, and out- 
side the walls, was the Lyceum, a gymna- 
sium dedicated to Apollo Lyceus, and cele- 
brated as the place in which Aristotle 
taught. — The remark of the sacred histo- 
rian respecting the inquisitive character of 
the Athenians (Acts xvii. 21) is attested by 
the unanimous voice of antiquity Demos- 
thenes rebukes his countrymen for their 
love of constantly going about in the nar- 
ket, and asking one another. What news ? 
Their natural liveliness was partly owing 
to the purity and clearness of the atmos- 
phere of Attica, which also allowed then tr 



ATHLAI 



63 



ATONEMENT 



pass njuch of their time in the open air. 
The transparent clearness of the atmos- 
phere is noticed by Euripides {Medea. 820), 
who describes the Athenians as " dc^licately 
marching through most pellucid air." Mod- 
ern travellers have not failed to notice the 
same peculiarity. Thus Dean Stanley 
speaks "of the transparent clearness, the 
brilliant coloring of an Athenian sky ; of 
the flood of fire, with which the marble 
columns, the mountains, and the sea are 
all bathed and penetrated by an illumination 
of an Athenian sunset." — St. Paul began 
his address at Athens by speaking of their 
" carefulness in religion," which is trans- 
lated in the A. V. "too superstitious," an 
unfortunate mistranslation, as Conybeare 
and Howson remark, " because it entirely 
destroys the graceful courtesy of St. Paul's 
opening address, and represents him as 
beginning his speech by offending his audi- 
ence." Tiie AtlH»pian carefulness in re- 
ligion is confirmed by the ancient writers. 
Thus Pausanias says that the Athenians 
surpassed all other states in the attention 
which they paid to the worship of the gods ; 
and hence the city was crowded in every 
direction with temples, altars, and other 
s;icred buildings. The altar "to the Un- 
known God," which St. Paul mentions, has 
been spoken of elsewhere. [Altar, p. 31, 
6.] Of the Christian church, founded by 
St. Paul at Athens, according to ecclesiasti- 
cal tradition, Dionysius the Areopagite was 
vhe first bishop, [Dionysius.] 

Attl'lai, one of the sons of Bebai, who 
put away his foreign wife at the exhorta- 
tion of Ezra (Ezr. x. 28). 

Atonement, The day of. I. The 
^eat day of national humiliation, and the 
only one commanded in the Mosaic law. 
[Fasts.] The mode of its observance is 
described in Lev. xvi., and the conduct of 
the people is emphatically enjoined in Lev. 
xxiii. 26-33. II. It was kept on the tenth 
day of Tisri, that is, from the evening of 
the ninth to the evening of the tenth of 
that month, five days before the Feast of 
Tabernacles. [Festivals.] III. The 
observances of the day, as described in the 
law, were as follow. It was kept by the 
people as a high solemn sabbath. On this 
occasion only the high priest was permitted 
to enter into the Holy of Holies. Having 
bathed liis person and dressed himself en- 
tirely in the holy white linen garments, he 
brought forward a young bullock for a sin- 
ofFering, purchased at his own cost, on 
account of himself and his family, and two 
young goats for a sin-oifering with a ram 
for a burnt-offering, which were paid for 
out of the public treasury, on account of 
the people. He then presented the two 
goats before the Lord at the door of the 
tabernacle and cast lots upon them. On 
•*ne lot " For Jehovah " was inscribed, and 



on the other " For Azazel." He n3Xt e vn- 
ficed the young bullock as a sin-offering 
for himself and his family Taking 'vrith 
him some of tlie blood of the bullock, he 
filled a censer with burning coals froni the 
brazen altar, took a handful of incense, 
and entered into the most holy place. He 
then threw the incense upon the coals and 
enveloped the mercy-seat in a cloud of 
smoke. Then, dipping his finger into the 
blood, he sprinkled it seven times before 
the mercy-seat eastward. The goat upon 
which the lot " For Jehovah " had fallen 
was then slain and the high priest sprinkled 
its blood before the mercy-seat in the same 
manner as he had done that of the bullock. 
Going out from the Holy of Holier he puri- 
fied the holy place, sprinkling some of the 
blood of both the victims on the altar of 
incense. At this time no one besides the 
high priest was suffered to be present in 
the holy place. The purification of the 
Holy of Holies, and of the holy place, being 
thus completed, the high priest laid his 
hands upon the head of the goat on which 
the lot '■'■ For Azazel" had fallen, and con- 
fessed over it all the sins of the people, 
The goat was then led, by a man chosen for 
the purpose, into the wilderness, into " a. 
land not inhabited," and was there let loose. 
The high priest after this returned into the 
holy place, bathed himself again, put on 
his usual garments of office, and offered 
the two rams as burnt-offerings, om; for 
himself and one for the people. He also 
burnt upon the altar the fat of the two sin- 
offerings, while their flesh was carried away 
and burned outside the camp. They who 
took away the flesh and the man who had 
led away the goat had to bathe their per- 
sons and wash their clothes as soon as their 
service was performed. The accessory 
burnt-ofl^erings mentioned Num. xxix. 7-11, 
were a young bullock, a ram, seven lambs, 
and a young goat. IV. There has been 
much discussion regarding the meaning of 
the word Azazel. The opinions which seem 
most worthy of notice are the following : — 
1. It has been regarded as a designation of 
the goat itself. This view has been most 
favored by the old interpreters, who in gen- 
eral supposed it to mean the goat sent nway^ 
or let loose. But in this case it does not 
seem possible to make sense out of Lev. 
xvi. 10 and 26. 2. Some have taken Azazel 
for the name of the place to whic'i the go.at 
was sent. 3. a) Gesenius supposes it to be 
some false deity whi^ was to b*" appeased 
by such a sacrifice as that of the goa:. 5) 
But others have regarded him as an evil 
spirit, or the devil himself. 4. An expla- 
nation of the word which seems less objec- 
tionable, if it is not wholly satisfactory, 
would render the designation of the lot 
"for cor/i^?e/« sending away." V. In con- 
sidering the meaning of the particular ritei 



Al'ROTH 



64 



AXE 



yf the day, three points appear to be of a 
very distinctive character. 1. The white 
garments of the high priest. 2. His en- 
trance into the Holy of Holies. 3. The 
scapegoat. The writer of the Epistle to 
the Hebrews (ix. 7-25) teaches us to apply 
the first two particulars. The high priest 
himself, with his person cleansed and 
dressed in white garments, was the best 
outward type which a living man could pre- 
sent in his own person of that pure and 
aoly One who was to purify His people and 
to cleanse them from their sins. But 
respecting the meaning of the scapegoat, 
we have no such light to guide us, and the 
Bubject is one of great doubt and difficulty. 
It has been generally considered that it was 
dismissed to signify the carrying away of 
the sins of the peopk, as it were, out of 
the sight of Jehovah. If we keep in view 
that the two goats are spoken of as parts 
of one and the same sin-offering, we shall 
not have much difficulty in seeing that they 
form together but one symbolical expres- 
sion; the slain goat setting forth tlie act of 
sacrifice, in giving up its own life f;r others 
'* to Jehovah ; " and the goat which carried 
off its load of sin "for complete removal," 
as signifying the cleansing influence of faith 
in that sacrifice. 

At'roth, a city of Gad (Num. xxxii 35). 

At'tai. 1. Grandson of Sheshan the 
Jerahmeelite through his daughter Ahlai, 
whom he gave in marriage to Jarha, his 
Egyptian slave (1 Chr. ii. 35, 36). His 
grandson Zabad was one of David's mighty 
men (1 Chr. xi. 41). 2. One of the lion- 
faced warriors of Gad, captains of the host, 
who forded the Jordan at the time of its 
overflow, and joined David in the wilder- 
ness (1 Chr. xii. 11). 3. Second son of 
king Rehoboam by Maachah the daughter 
of Absalom (2 Chr. xi. 20). 

Attali'a, a coast-town of Pamphylia, 
mentioned Acts xiv. 25. It was built by 
Attains Philadelphus, king of Pergamus, 
and named after the monarch. All its re- 
mains are characteristic of the date of its 
foundation. Leake fixes Attalia at Adalia, 
on the S. coast of Asia Minor, N. of the 
Duden Su, the ancient Catarrhactes. 

At'talus, the name of three kings of 
Pergamus who reigned respectively b. c. 
241-197, 159-138 (Philadelphus), 138-133 
(Philometor). It is uncertain whether the 
Letters sent from Rome in favor of the Jews 
(I Mace. XV. 22) were addressed to Attains 
II. or Attalus III., as their date falls in 
B. c. 139-8, about the time when the latter 
succeeded his uncle. 

AUgus'tUS Caes'ar, the first Roman 
emperor. He was born a. u. c. 691, b. c. 
63. His father was Cains Octavius; his 
mother Atia, daughter of Julia the sis- 
ter of C. Julius Caesar He was princi- 
pally educated by his great-uncle Julius 



Caesar, and was made his heir. After Hw 
murder, the young Octavius, then Caius 
Julius Caesar Octavianus, was taken into 
the Triumvirate with Antony and Lepi lu», 
and, after the removal of the latter, di\ ided 
the empire with Antony. The struggle for 
the supreme power was terminated in fa- 
vor of Octavianus by the battle of Actium, 
B. c. 31. On this victory he was saluted 
Imperator by the senate, who conferred on 
him the title Augustus (b. c. 27). The first 
link binding him to N. T. history is his 
treatment of Herod after the battle of 
Actium. That prince, who had espoused 
Antony's side, found himself pardoned, 
taken into favor and confirmed, nay even 
increased in his power. After Herod's 
death in a. d. 4, Augustus divided his 
dominions almost exactly according to his 
dying directions, among his sons. Augus- 
tus died in Nola in Campania, Aug. 19, 
A. u. c. 767, A. D. 14, in his 76tjh year ; but 
long before his death he had associated 
Tiberius with him in the empire. 

Augustus' Band (Acts xxvii. 1). 
[Army.] 

A'va, a place in the empire of Assyria, 
apparently the same as Ivah (2 K. xvii. 
24). 

Av'aran, the surname of Eleazar, broth- 
er of Juda* Maccabeus (1 Mace. ii. 5). 

A'ven. 1. The "plain of Aven " is 
mentioned by Amos (i. 5) in his denuncia- 
tion of Syria and the country to the N. of 
Palestine. It has not been identified with 
certainty. 2. In Hos. x. 8 the word is 
clearly an abbreviation of Bethaven, that 
is. Bethel (comp. iv. 15, &c.). 3. The 
sacred city of Heliopolis or On, in Egypt 
(Ez. XXX. 17). 

A' vim, A'viins, or A'vites. 1. A 
people among the early inhabitants of Pal- 
estine, whom we meet with in the S. W. 
corner of the sea-coast, whither they may 
have made their way northwards from the 
Desert. The only notice of them which 
has come down to us is contained tn a 
remarkable fragment of primeval history 
preserved in Deut. ii. 23. It is a curious 
fact that both the LXX. and Jerome iden- 
tified the Avvim with the Hivites. 2. The 
people of Avva, among the colonists who 
were sent by the king of Assyria to re- 
inhabit the depopulated cities of Israel (2 
K. xvii. 31). 

A'vith, the city of Hadad ben-Bedad, 
one of the kings of Edom before there were 
kings in Israel (Gen. xxxvi. 35 ; 1 Chr. i. 
46). 

Awl, a tool of which we do not know 
the ancient form. The only notice of it is 
in connection with the custom of boring 
the ear of the slave (Ex. xxi. 6 ; Deut. xr 
17). 

Axe. Seven Hebrew words are ren- 
dered " axe " in the A. V. : the one of moit 



AZiL 



65 



AZARIVH 



eommcn occurrence being Garden from a 
root signifying "to cut or sever," as 
" hatchet," from " hack," corresponds to 
the Lat. securis. It consisted of a head of 
iron (cf. Is. x. 34), fastened, with tliongs 
or otherwise, upon a handle of wood, and 
80 liable to slip off (Deut. xix. 5 ; 2 K. vi. 
5) It was used for felling trees (Deut. xx. 
19;, and also for shaping the wood when 




Egyptian Axe. (British Museum). 

felled, perhaps like the modern adze (IK. 
vi. 7). The "battle-axe" (mappets, Jer. 
11. 20) was probably, as its root indicates, a 
heavy mace or maul, like that wliich gave 
hi« surname to Charles Martel. 

A'zal, a name only occurring in Zech. 
xiv, 5. It is mentioned as the limit to 
which the ravine of the Mount of Olives 
will f»xtend when " Jehovah shall go forth 
to fi<?ht." 

Azali'ah, the father of Shaphan the 
scribe in the reign of Josiah (2 K. xxii. 3 ; 
2 Chr. xxxiv. 8). 

Azani'all, the father or immediate an- 
cestor of Jeshua the Levite in the time of 
Nehemiah (Neh. x. 9). 

Aza'rael, a Levite musician (Neh. xii. 
86). 

Aza'reel. 1. A Korfcite who joined 
David in his retreat at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 
6). 2. A Levite musician of the family of 
Heman in the time of David, 1 Chr. xxv. 
i» : called Uzziel in xxv. 4. 3. Son of 
Jeroham, and prince of the tribe of Dan 
when David numbered the people (1 Chr. 
xxvii. 22). 4. One of the sons of Bani, 
who put away his foreign wife on the 
remonstrance of Ezra (Ezr. x. 41). 5. 
Father or ancestor of Maasiai, or Amashai, 
a priest who dwelt in Jerusalem after the 
return from Babylon (Neh. xi. 13, comp. 1 
Chr. ix. 12). 

Azari'ab, * common name in Hebrew, 
and especially in the families of the priests 
of the line of Eleazar, whose name has 
precisely the same meaning as Azariah. 
It is nearly identical, and is often con- 
founded with Ezra as well as with Zerahiah 
and Sei.aiah. The principal persons who 
bore this name were : 1. Son of Ahimaaz (1 
Chr, vi. 9). He appears from 1 K. iv. 2, 
to have succeeded Zadok, his grandfather, 
in the high-priesthood, in the reign of Sol- 
omon, Ahimaaz having died before Zadok. 
[Ahimaaz.] To him, it can scarcely be 
doubted, instead of to his grandson, Aza- 
; rlah the son cf Johanaii, belongs the notice 
i . in 1 Chr. vi IG. Josepbus merely men- 
I ticp« Azariap as the son and successor of 



Ahimaaz. 2. A chief officer of Solomon's, 
the son of Nathan, perhaps David's grand- 
son (1 K. iv. 5). 3. Tenth king of Judah, 
more frequently called Uzziah (2 K. xiv 
21, XV. 1, 6, 7, 8, 17, 23, 27; 1 Chr. iii. 12\ 
4. Son of Ethan, of the sons of Zerah, 
where, perhaps, Zerahiah is the more prob- 
able reading (1 Chr. ii. 8). 5. Son of 
Jehu of the family of the Jerahraeolites. 
and descended from Jarha the Egyptian 
slave of Sheshan (1 Chr. ii. 38, 39). He 
was probably one of the captains of hun- 
dreds in the time of Athaliah mentioned in 
in 2 Chr. xxiii. 1 ; and there called the son 
of Obed. This fact assigns the compila* 
tion of the genealogy in 1 Chr. ii. 3G-41 to 
the reign of Hezekiah. 6. The son of Jo- 
hanan (1 Chr. vi. 10). He must have been 
high-priest in the reigns of Abijah and Asa. 
7. Another Azariah is inserted betweeii 
Hilkiah, in Josiah's reign, and Saraiah who 
was put to death by Nebuchadnezzar, in 1 
Chr. vi. 13, 14. 8. Son of Zuphaniah, a 
Kohathite, and ancestor of Samuel the 
prophet (1 Chr. vi. 36). Apparently the 
same as Uzziah in ver. 24. 9. Azariah, 
the son of Oded (2 Chr. xv. 1), called 
simply Oded in ver. 8, was a remarkable 
prophet in the days of king Asa, and a 
contemporary of Azariah the son of Jo- 
hanan the high-priest, and of Hanani th* 
seer. 10, Son of Jehoshaphat king ol 
Judah (2 Chr. xxi. 2). H. Another soni 
of Jehoshaphat, and brother of the pro- 
ceding (2 Chr. xxi. 2). 12. In 2 Chr. 
xxii. 6, Azariah is a clerical error for Aha- 
ziah. 13. Son of Jeroham, one of the 
captains of Judah in the time of Athaliah > 
(2 Chr. xxiii. 1). 14. The high-priest la. 
the reign of Uzziah, king of Judah, whose • 
name, perhaps from this circumstance, ia- 
often corrupted into Azariah (2 K. xiv. 21, 
XV. 1, 6, 7, 8, &c.). The most memorable- 
event of his life is that which is recorded! 
in 2 Chr. xxvi. 17-20. When king Uzziah. . 
elated by his great prosperity and power, . 
" transgressed against the Lord his God,, 
and went into the Temple of the Lord to ■ 
burn incense upon the altar of incense," ' 
Azariah the priest, accompanied by eighty 
of his brethren, went in boldly after him,, 
and withstood him. Azariah was contem-- 
porary with Isaiah the prophet, and with^ 
Amos and Joel, and doubtless witnessedJ 
the great earthquake in Uzziah's reign. 
(Am. i. 1; Zech. xiv. 5). 15. Son of Jo- 
hanan, one of the captains of Ephraim m* 
the reign of Ahaz (2 Chr. xxviii. 12), who.- 
sent back the captives and spoil that were- 
taken in the invasion of Judah by Pekah. 
16. A Kohathite, father of Joel in the- 
reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 12). 17.- 
A Merarite, son of Jehalelel, in the time ofr' 
Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 12). 18. The- 
high-priest in the days of Hezekiah (2 Cnr.. 
xxxi. 10, 13). He appears to Imvo co 



AZAZ 



66 



AZZAN 



operated zealously with the king in that 
thorough purification of the Temple and 
restoration of the temple services which was 
80 conspicuous a feature, in his reign. He 
Biicceeied Urijah, vho was high-priest in 
the reign of Ahaz. 19. Son of Maaseiah, 
wlio repaired part of the wall of Jerusalem 
m tlie time of Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 23, 24). 
20. One of the leaders of the children of 
the province who went up from Babylon 
witli Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 7). 21. One 
of the Le vites who assisted Ezra in instruct- 
ing the people in the knowledge of the law 
(Neh. viii. 7). 22. One of the priests who 
eealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. 
X. 2), and probably the same with the 
Azariah who assisted in the dedication of 
the city wall (Neh. xii. 33). 23. Jer. xliii. 
2 (Jezaniah). 24. The original name 
of Abed-nego (Dan. i. 6, 7, 11, 19). He 
appears to have been of the seed-royal of 
Judah. 

A'zaz, a Reubenite, father of Bela (1 
Vhr. V. 8). 

Azazi'ah. 1. A Levite musician in the 
reign of David, appointed to play the harp 
in the service which attended the procession 
by which the ark was brought up from the 
house of Obed-edom (1 Chr. xv. 21). 2. 
The father of Hoshea, prince of the tribe 
of Ephraim when David numbered the peo- 
ple (1 Chr. xxvii. 20). 3. One of the Le- 
vites in the reign of Hezekiah, who had 
charge of the tithes and dedicated things in 
t>»e Temple under Cononiah and Shimei (2 
'^yhr. xxxi. 13). 

Az'buk, father or ancestor of Nehe- 
miah the prince of part of Bethzur (Neh. 
iii. 16). 

Aze'kah., a town of Judah, with de- 
pendent villages, lying ia the Shefelah or 
rich agricultural plain. It is most clearly 
defined as being near Shochoh (1 Sam. 
xvii. 1) ; but its position has not yet been 
recognized. 

■Vscl, a descendant of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 
37, 38, ix. 43, 44). 

A'zem, a city in the extreme south of 
Judah (Josh. xv. 29), afterwards allotted to 
'Simeon (xix. 3). Elsewhere it is Ezem. 

Az'gad. The children of Azgad, to the 
number of 1222 (2322 according to Neh. 
vii. 17), were among the laymen who re- 
turned with Zorobabel (Ezr. ii. 12). A 
second detachment of 110, with Johanan at 
their head, 3'^companied Ezra in the second 
caravan .'E^r. "iii. 12). With the other 
he«d.« of the people they joined in the cove- 
nant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 15). 

A'ziel, a Levite (1 Chr. xv. 20). The 
name i« a shortened form of Jaaziel in 
ver. 18. 

Azi'za, a layman of the family of Zattu, 
4rho tiad married a foreign wife after the re- 
turn from Babylon (Ezr. x. 27). 

AzixnaiVOth. 1. One of David's mighty 



men, a native of Bahurim '2 Sam xxiii. 81 ; 
1 Chr. xi. 33), and therefore probably « 
Benjamite. 2. A descendant of Mephib* 
osheth, or Merib-baal (1 Chr. viii. 36, ix- 
42). 3. The father of Jeziel and Pelet, 
two of the skilled Benjamite slingers and 
archers who joined David at Ziklag (1 Chr, 
xii. 3), perhaps identical with No. 1. 4- 
Overseer of the royal treasures inthercigv 
of David (1 Chr. xxvii. 25). 

Az'maveth, a place to all appearanct 
in Benjamin, being named with Anathoth, 
Kirjath-Jearim, and other towns belonging 
to that tribe. (Ezr. ii. 24). The name 
elsewhere occurs as Beth-Azmaveth. 

Az'mon, a place named as being on the 
S. boundary of the Holy Land, apparently 
near the torrent of Egypt ( Wadi el-Arish) 
(Num. xxxiv. 4, 5 ; Josh. xv. 4). It has not 
yet been identified. 

Az'noth-ta'bor, the ears (t. e. possibly 
the summits) of Tabor, one of the land 
marks of the boundary of Naphtali (Josh, 
xix. 34). The town, if town it be, has 
hitherto escaped recognition. 

A'zor, son of Eliakim, in the line of out 
Lora (Matt. i. 13, 14). 

Azo'tUS. [ASHDOD.] 

Az'riel. 1. The head of a house of 
the half-tribe of Manasseh beyond Jordan, 
a man of renown (1 Chr. v. 24). 2. A 
Naphtalite, ancestor of Jerimoth the head 
of the tribe at the time of David'u census 
(1 Chr. xxvii. 19). 3. The father of Se- 
raiah, an officer of Jehoiakim (Jer. xxxvi. 
26). 

Az'rikam. 1. A descendant of Zerub- 
babel, and son of Neariah of the royal line 
of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 23). 2. Eldest son 
of Azel, and descendant of Saul (1 Chr. 
viii. 38, ix. iV. 3. A Levite, ancestor of 
Shemaiah w '•' lived in the time of Nehe* 
miah (1 Chr. ix. 14; Neh. xi. 15). 4. Got- 
ernor of the house, or prefect of the palace, 
to king Ahaz, who was slain by Zichri, an 
Ephraimite hero, in the successful invasion 
of the southern kingdom by Pekah king of 
Israel ^2 Chr. xxviii. 7). 

Azabah. 1. Wife of Caleb, son of 
Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 18, 19). 2. Mother of 
king Jehoshaphat (1 K. xxii. 42; 2 Chr. 
XX. 31). 

A'zur, properly Az'zur. 1. A Ben- 
jamite of Gibeon, and father of Hananiah 
the false prophet (Jer. xxviii. 1). 2. Father 
of Jaazaniah, one of the princes of the peo- 
ple against whom Ezekiel was commanded 
to prophesy (Ez. xi. 1). 

Az'zah. The more accurate rendering 
of the name of the well-known Phil^ftine 
city, Gaza (Deut. ii. 23; 1 K. iv. 24; Jer. 
XXV. 20). 

Az'zan, the father of Paltiel prince of 
the tribe of Issachar, who represented his 
tribe in the division of the promised land 
CNum. xxxiv. 26V 



AZZUll 



67 



BAAL 



Az'zur, OTiP of the heads of the people 
rho signed tha covenant with Nehemiah 
(Neh. X. 17). The name is probably that 
of a family, and in Hebrew is the same as 
is elsewhere represented by Azur. 



B. 

Ba'al. 1. A Reubenite, whose son or 
descendant Beerah was carried off by the 
Invading array of Assyria under Tiglath- 
Pileser (1 Chr. v. 5). 2. The son of Je- 
hiel, father or founder of Gibeon, by his wife 
Maachah ; brother of Kish, and grandfather 
of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 30, ix. 36). 

Ba'al, the supreme male divinity of the 
Phoenician and Canaanitish nations, as 
AsHTORETH was their supreme female di- 
vinity. Both names have the peculiarity 
of being used in the plural, and it seems 
certain that these plurals designate not 
statues of the divinities, but different modi- 
fications of the divinities themselves. The 
plural Baalim is found frequently alone. 
The word BacJ. is in Hebrew a common 
noun of frequent occurrence, having the 
meaning Lord, not so much, however, in 
the sense of Ruler as of Master, Owner, 
Possessor. There can be no doubt of the 
very high antiquity of the worship of Baal. 
We find it established amongst the Moab- 
ites and their allies the Midianites in the 
time of Moses (Num. xxii. 41), and through 
these nations the Israelites were seduced 
to the worship of this god under the par- 
ticular form of Baal-Peor (Num. xxv. 3-18 ; 
Deut. iv. 3). In the times of the kings 
the worship of Baal spread greatly, and 
together with that of Asherah became the 
religion of the court and people of the ten 
tribes (1 K. xvi. 31-33, xviii. 19, 22). And 
though this idolatry was occasionally put 
down (2 K. iii. 2, x. 28) it appears never 
to have been permanently abolished among 
tliem (2 K. xvii. 16). In the kingdom of 
Judah also Ba^l-worship extensively pre- 
vailed. The worship of Baal amongst the 
Jews seems to have been appointed with 
much pomp and ceremonial. Temples 
wer(; erected to him (1 K. xvi. 32; 2 K. 
xi 18) ; his images were set up (2 K. x. 
26 / ; his altars were very numerous (Jer. 
ri. 13), were erected particularly on lofty 
eminences (1 K. xviii. 20), and on the 
roofs of houses (Jer. xxxii. 29) ; there 
were priests in great numbers (IK. xviii. 
19), aiid of various classes (2 K. x. 19); 
the worshippers appear to have been ar- 
rayed in appropriate robes (2 K. x. 22) ; 
the worship was performed by burning in- 
cense (Jer. vii. 9) and offering burnt sacri- 
fices, which occasionally consisted of hu- 
man vi tims (Jer. xix. 5). The officiating 
priests lanced with frantic shouts around 



the altar, and cut themselves with knives 
to excite the attention and compassion of 
the^od (IK. xviii. 26-28). Throughout 
all the Phoenician colonies we continually 
find traces of the worship of this god ; nor 
need we hesitate to regard the Babylonian 
Bel (Is. xlvi. 1) or Belus, as essentially 
identical with Baal, though perhaps undei 
some modified form. Among the compound* 
of Baal which appear in the O. T. are : 1. 
Ba'al-be'rith (Judg. viii. 33, ix. 4). The 
name signifies the Covenant-Baal, the god 
who comes into covenant with the wor- 
shippers. 2. Ba'al-zk'bcb, worshipped 
at Ekron (2 K. i. 2, 3, 16). The meaning 
of the name is Baal or Loo'd of the fly. 
The name occurs in the N. T. in the well- 
known form Beelzebub. 3. Ba'al-ha'- 
NAN. 1. The name of one of the early 
kings of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 38, 39 ; 1 Clir 
i. 49, 50). 2. The name of one of David's 
officers, who had the superintendence of 
his olive and sycamore plantations (1 Chr. 
xxvii. 28). 4. Ba'al-pe'or. We have 
already referred to the worship of this god. 
The narrative (Num. xxv.) seems clearly 
to show that this form of Baal-worship was 
connected with licentious rites. Baal-Peor 
was identified by the Rabbins and early 
fathers with Priapus. 

Baal, geographical. This word occurs 
as the prefix or sufiix to the names of sev- 
eral places in Palestine. It never seems 
to have become a naturalized Hebrew 
word ; and such places called by this name 
or its compounds as can be identified, we*e 
either near Phoenicia, or in proximity to 
some other acknowledged seat of heathen 
worship. Some of the places in the names 
of which Baal forms a part are as follows : 
— 1. Ba'al, a town of Simeon, named only 
in 1 Chr. iv. 33, which from the parallel 
list in Josh. xix. seems to have been iden- 
tical with Baalath-Beer. 2. Ba'alah. 
(a.) Another name for Kirjath-Jearim, 
or Kirjath-Baal, the well-known town, 
now Kuriet el Enah. It is mentioned in 
Josh. XV. 9, 10; 1 Chr. xiii. 6. In Josh. 
XV. 11, it is called Mount Baalah, and in 
XV. 60, and xviii. 14, Kirjath-Baal. It 
would seem as if Baalah were the earlier 
or Canaanite appellation of the place. In 
2 Sam. vi. 2, the name occurs slightly al- 
tered as "Baale of Judah." (6.) A town 
in the south of Judah (Josh. xv. 29), which 
in xix. 3 is callek Balah, and in the paral- 
lel list (1 Chr. iv. 29) Bilhah. 3. Ba'al- 
ATH, a town of Dan named with Gibbethon, 
Gath-rimmon, and other Philistine places 

(Josh. xix. 44). 4. BA'ALATH-BE'ER;aB. 

Baal 1, a town among those in the south 
part of Judah, given to Simeon, which also 
bore the name of Ramath-negeb, or '* the 
height of the South " (Josh. xix. 8) . 5. Ba'- 
AL-GAD, used to denote the mDst northern 
(Josh. xi. 17, xii. 7), or perhaps north- 



BAALAH 



68 



BABET-, B ABYi ON 



western (xiii. 5), point to whi(,'h Joshua's 
victories extended. It was in all probabil- 
ity a Plioenician or Canaanite sanctuary 
of Baal under the aspect of Gad, or For- 
tune. 6. Ba'al-ha'mon, a place at which 
Solomon had a vineyard, evidently of great 
extent (Cant. viii. 11). 7. Ba'al-ha'zor, 
a place "by Ephraim," where Absalom 
appears to have had a sheep-farm, and 
where Amnon was murdered (2 Sam. xiii. 
2?^. 8. Mount Ba'al-her'mon (Judg. 
iii. 3), and simply Baal-hermon (1 Chr. v. 
23). This is usually considered as a dis- 
tinct place from Mount Hermon; but we 
know that this mountain had at least three 
names (Deut. iii. 9), and Baal-hermon may 
have been a fourth in use among the Phoe- 
nician worshippers of Baal. 9. Ba'al-me'- 
ON, one of the towns which were built by 
the Reubenites (Num. xxxii. 38), and to 
which they " gave other names." It also 
occurs in 1 Chr. v. 8, and on each occasion 
with Nebo. In the time of Ezekiel it was 
Moabite, one of the cities which were the 
"glory of the country" (Ez. xxv. 9). 10. 
Ba'al-per'azim, the scene of a victory of 
David over the Philistines, and of a great 
destruction of their images (2 Sam. v. 20 ; 
1 Chr. xiv. 11). The place and the cir- 
i^umstance appear to be again alluded to in 
Is. xxviii. 21, where it is called Mount P. 
11 . Ba'al-shal'isha, a place named only 
hi 2 K. iv. 42 ; apparently not far from Gil- 
gal (comp. ver. 38). 12. Ba'al-ta'mar, 
a place named only in Judg. xx. 33, as near 
Gibeah of Benjamin. The palm-tree {tA- 
mdr) of Deborah (iv. 5) was situated some- 
where in the locality, and is possibly alluded 
to. 13. Ba'al-ze'phon, a place in Egypt 
near where the Israelites crossed the Red 
Sea (Ex. xiv. 2, 9 ; Num. xxxiii. 7). From 
the position of Goshen and the indications 
afforded by the narrative of the route of the 
Israelites, we place Baal-zephon on the 
western shore of the Gulf of Suez, a little 
below its head, which at that time was 
about 30 or 40 miles northward of the pres- 
f>nt head. 
Ba'alah. [Baal, No. 2.] 
Ba'alath. [Baal, Nos. 3, 4.] 
Ba'ale of Judah. [Baal, No. 2, a.] 
Ba'ali (Hos. ii. 16). [Baal.] 
Baalim. [Baal.] 
Ba'alis, king of the Ammonites at the 
time of the destruction of Jerusalem by 
N'^^buchadnezzar (Jer. xl. 14). 

Ba'ana. 1. The son of Ahilud, Solo- 
mon's commissariat officer in Jezreel and 
the north o\' the Jordan valley (1 K. iv. 12). 
2. Father of Zadok, who assisted in re- 
building the wall of Jerusalem under Ne- 
hemiah (^Neh. iii. 4). 

Ba'anah. 1. Sonof Rimmon, aBenja- 
oiite who with his brother Rechab mur- 
dered Ishbosheth. For this they were 
killed by David, and their mutilated bodies 



hung \\\ i,rer the pool at Hebron (2 feam 
iv. 2, 5, 6, 9). 2. A Netophathiie, fathei 
of Heleb or Hel((d, one of David's might) 
men (2 Sam. xxiii. 29; 1 Chr. xi. 30). 3 
Accurately Baana, sonrf Hushai, Solomon'a 
commissariat officer in Asher (1 K. iv. 16). 
4. A man who accompanied Zorobabel on 
liis return from the captivity (Ezr. ii. 2; 
Neh. vii. 7). Possibly the same person ie 
intended in Neh. x. 27. 

Ba'ara, one of the wives of Sharahaim, 
a descendant of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 8). 

Baasei'ah, a Gershonite Levite, one of 
the forefathers of Asaph the singer (1 Chr. 
vi. 40 [25]). 

Ba'asha, b. c. 953-931, third sovereign 
of tlie separate kingdom of Israel, and the 
founder of its second dynasty. He was 
son of Ahijah of the tribe of Issachar, and 
conspired against king Nadab. son of Jero- 
boam, when he was besieging ti7e PhHistine 
to-wTi of Gibbethon (1 K. xv. 27), and killed 
him with his whole family. He appears tc 
have been of humble origin (1 K. xvi. 2). 
It was probably in the 13th year of his reign 
that he made war on Asa, and began to for- 
tify Ramah. He was defeated by the un- 
expected alliance of Asa with Benhadad I. 
of Damascus. Baasha died in the 24tl. 
year of his reign, and was honorably buried 
in the beautiful city of Tirzah (Cant. vi. 4), 
which he had made his capital (IK. xvi. 
6; 2 Chr. xvi. 1-6). 

Ba'bel, Bab'ylon, is properly the capi- 
tal city of the country, which is called in 
Genesis Shinar, and in the later books Chal- 
daea, or the land of the Chaldaeans. The ar- 
chitectural remains discovered in Southern 
Babylonia, taken in conjunction with the 
monumental records, seem to indicate that 
it was not at first the capital, nor, indeed, a 
town of very great importance. The first 
rise of the Chaldaean power was in the re- 
gion close upon the Persian Gulf; thence 
the nation spread northwards up the course 
of the rivers, and the seat of government 
moved in th(; same direction, being finally 
fixed at Babylon, perhaps jiot earlier than 
B.C. 1700. 1. Topography of Babylon - 
Ancient descriptions of the city. — The de- 
scriptions of Babylon which have come 
down to us in classical writers are derived 
chiefly from two sources, the works of He- 
rodotus and of Ctesias. According to the 
former, the city, which was built on both 
sides of the Euphrates, formed a vast 
square, enclosed within a double line of 
high walls, the extent of the outer circuit 
being 480 stades, or about 66 miles. The 
entire area included would thus have been 
about 200 square miles. The houses, which 
were frequently three or four stories high, 
were laid out in straight streets crossing 
each other at right angles. In each fUvis- 
ion of the town there was a fortrf <!8 oi 
stronghold consisti;^ in the one cs*ie of 



BABEL, BABYLON 



69 



BABEL, BABiTLON 



the royal palace, in the other of the great 
temple of Belus. The two portions of the 
fjity were united by a bridge, composed of 
a series of stone piers with movable plat- 
forms of wood stretching from one pier to 
another. According to Ctesias the circuit 
of the city was not 480 but 360 stades, — 
which is a little under 42 miles. It lay, he 
8£ys, on both sides of the Euphrates, and 
the two parts were connected together by a 
stone bridge five stades (above 1000 yards) 
long, and 30 feet broad, of the kind de- 
scribed by Herodotus. At either extremity 
of the bridge was a royal palace, that in the 
eastern city being the more magnificent of 
the two. The two palaces were joined, not 
only by the bridge, but by a tunnel under 
the river ! Ctesias' account of the temple 
of Belus has not come down to us. In ex- 
amining the truth of these descriptions, we 
shall most conveniently commence from 
the outer circuit of the town. All the an- 
cient writers appear to agree in the fact of 
a district of vast size, more or less inhab- 
ited, having been enclosed within lofty 
walls, and included under the name of 
Babylon. With respect to the exact extent 
of the circuit they differ. The estimate of 
Herodotus and of Pliny is 480 stades, of 
Strabo 385, of Q. Curtius 368, of Clitarchus 
365, and of Ctesias 360 stades. It is evi- 
dent that liere we have merely the moder- 
ate variations to be expected in independent 
measurements, except in the first of the 
numbers. Perhaps the true explanation is 
that Herodotus spoke of the outer wall, 
which could be traced in his time. Taking 
the lowest estimate of the extent of the 
circuit, we shall have for the space within 
the rampart an area of above 100 square 
miles ; nearly five times the size of Lon- 
don! It is evident that this vast space 
cannot have been entirely covered with 
houses. With regard to the height and 
breadth of the walls there is nearly as much 
difference of statement as with regard to 
their extent. The gates and walls are alike 
mentioned in Scripture ; the height of the 
one and the breadth of the other being 
specially noticed (Jer. li. 58 ; comp. 1. 15, 
and li. 53). II. Present state of the ruins, 
— About five miles above Hilah, on the 
opposite or left bank of the Euphrates, oc- 
curs a series of artificial mounds of enor- 
mous size. They consist chiefly of three 
great masses of building, — the high pile 
of unbaked brickwork called by Rich ' Mu- 
jellibe,' but which is known to the Arabs as 
'■Bahil ; ' the building denominated the 
' Kasr ' or palace ; and a lofty mound, upon 
which stands the n\odern tomb of Ainrdm- 
ihn-Alh. On the west, or right bank, the 
remains are very slight and scanty. Scat- 
tered over the country on both sides of the 
Euphrates, are a number of remarkable 
naovnds usually standing single, which are 



plainly of the same date with the great mass 
of ruins upon the river bank. Of these, by 
far the most striking is the vast ruin called 
the Birs- Nimrud, which many regard aa 
the tower of Babel, situated about six mile* 
to the S. W. of Hillah. [Babel, Towfh 
OF.] III. Identification of sites. — The 
great mound of Bahil is probably the an- 
cient temple of Belus. The mound of the 
Kasr marks the site of the great Palace of 
Nebuchadnezzar. The mound of Amrdm 
is thought by M. Oppert to represent the 
''hanging gardens" of Nebuciiadnezzar ; 
but most probably it represents the ancient 
palace, coeval with Babylon itself, of which 
Nebuchadnezzar speaks in his inscriptiona 
as adjoining his own more magnificent res- 
idence. The most remarkable fact con- 
nected with the magnificence of Babylon, 
is the poorness of the material with which 
such wonderful results were produced. 
With bricks made from the soil of the coun- 
try, in many parts an excellent clay, and al 
first only "slime for mortar" (Gen. xi. 3), 
were constructed edifices of so vast a size 
that they still remain among the most enor- 
mous ruins in the world. IV. History of 
Babylon. — Scripture represents the "be- 
ginning of the kingdom" as belonging to 
the time of Nimrod, the grandson of Hauj 
(Gen. X. 6-10). The most ancient inscrip- 
tions appear to show that the primitive in- 
habitants of the country were really Cushite, 
i. e. identical in race with the early inhab- 
itants of Southern Arabia and of Ethiopia. 
The early annals of Babylon are filled by 
Berosus, the native historian, with three 
dynasties ; one of 49 Chaldean kings, who 
reigned 458 years ; another of 9 Arab kings, 
who reigned 245 years ; and a third of 49 
Assyrian monarchs, who held dominion for 
526 years. The line of Babylonian kings 
becomes exactly known to us from the year 
B. c. 747. The " Canon of Ptolemy" gives 
us the succession of Babylonian monarchs, 
with the exact length of the reign of each, 
from the year b. c. 747, when Nabonassar 
mounted the throne, to b. c. 331, when the 
last Persian king was dethroned by Alex- 
ander. Of the earlier kings of the Canon, 
the only one worthy of notice is Mardocem- 
palus (b. c. 721), the Merodach-Baladait 
of Scripture, but it is not till we come to 
Nabopoiassar, the father of Nebuchadnez- 
zar, that a new era in the history of Baby- 
lon commences. On the fall of Nineveh 
(b. c. 625) Babylon became not only an 
independent kingdom, but an empire. The 
city was taken by a surprise (b. c. 539), aa 
Jeremiah had prophesied (li. 31), by an 
army of Medes and Persians under Cyrus, 
as intimated 170 years earlier by Isaiah 
(xxi. 1-9), and, as Jeremiah had also fore- 
shown (li. 39), during a festival. Accord- 
ing to the book of Daniel, it would seem as 
if Babylon was taken, Fot by Cvrus, king 



BABEL, TOWER OF 



70 



BACA 



at Persia, but by a Median king, named 
Darius (v. 31). There is, however, suffi- 
cient indication that "Darius the Mede" 
was not the real conqueror, but a monarch 
rith a certain delegated authority (see Dan. 
V. 31, and ix. 1). With the conquest by 
Cyrus commenced the decay and ruin of 
Efabylon, though it continued a royal resi- 
dence through the entire periov! 3f the Per- 
sian empire. The defences and public 
buildiiktjs suffered grievously from neglect 
during the long period of peace which fol- 
lowed the reign of Xerxes. After the death 
of Alexander the Great, the removal of the 
seat of empire to Antioch under the Seleu- 
cidae gave the finishing blow to the pros- 
perity of the place. Since then Babylon 
has been a quarry from which all the tribes 
in the vicinity have derived the bricks with 
which they have built their cities. The 
" great city," " the beauty of the Chaldees' 
excellency,'* has thus emphatically "be- 
come heaps " (Jer. li. 37). 

Ba'bel, Tower of. The "tower of 
Babel " is only mentioned once in Scripture 
(Gen. xi. 4, 5), and then as incomplete. It 
was built of bricks, and the " slime " used 
for mortar was probably bitumen. Such 
authorities as we possess represent the 
building as destroyed soon after its erec- 
tion. When the Jews, however, were car- 
ried captive into Babylonia, they were 
struck with the vast magnitude and peculiar 
character of certain of the Babylonian tem- 
ples, in one or other of which they thought 
to recognize the very tower itself. The pre- 
dominant opinion was in favor of the great 
temple of Nebo at Borsippa, the modern 
Birs-Nimrud. But the Birs-Nimrud, 
though it cannot be the tower of Babel itself, 
may well be taken to show the probable shape 
and character of the edifice. This building 
appears to have been a sort of oblique pyr- 
amid built in seven receding stages. " Upon 
a platform of crude brick, raised a few feet 
above the level of the alluvial plain, was 
built of burnt brick the first or basement 
stage, — an exact square, 272 feet each 
way, and 26 feet in perpendicular height. 
Upon this stage was erected a second, 230 
feet each way, and likewise 26 feet high; 
which, however, was not placed exactly in 
the middle of the first, but considerably 
nearer to the south-western end, which con- 
stituted the back of the building. The other 
stages were arranged similarly ; the third 
being 188 feetj and again 26 feet high ; the 
fourth, 146 feet square, and 15 feet high ; 
the fifth 104 feet square, and the same 
heiglit a? the fourth; the sixth 62 feet 
square, and again the same height ; and the 
seventh 20 feet square, and once more the 
same height. On the seventh stage there 
was probably placed the ark or tabernacle, 
which setims to have been again 15 feet 
high, ai d mui t have nearly, 11' not entin ly, 



covered the top of the seventh story. The 
entire original height, allowing three feet for 
the platform, would thus have been 156 ftset, 
or, without the platform, 153 feet. The 
whole formed a sort of oblique pyramid, tlie 
gentler slope facing the N. E., and the 
steeper inclining to the S. W. On the 
N. E. side was the grand entrance, and her* 
stood the vestibule, a separate building, the 
debris from which having joined those fiom 
the temple itself, fill up the intermediate 
space, and very remarkably proloE.g the 
mound in this direction " (Rawlinson's H»- 
rodotus, vol. ii. pp. 582-3). 

Bab'ylon. The occurrence of this 
name in 1 Pet. v. 13 has given rise to a 
variety of conjectures, which may be brielly 
enumerated. — 1. That Babylon tropically 
denotes Rome. — 2. Some take Babylon, 
with as little reason, to mean Jerusalem. — 

3. Bar-Hebraeus understands by it the 
house in Jerusalem where the Apostles 
were assembled on the Day of Pentecost. — 

4. Others place ft, on the Tigris, and iden- 
tify it with Seleucia or Ctesiphon, but iot 
this there is no evidence. The two theories 
which remain are worthy of more consid- 
eration. — 5. That by Babylon is intended 
the small fort of that name which formed 
the boundary between Upper and Lower 
Egypt, the modern Baboul. — 6. The most 
natural supposition of all is that by Baby- 
lon is intended the old Babylon of Assyria, 
which was largely inhabited by Jews at the 
time in question. 

Bab'ylon, in the Apocalypse, is the 
symbolical name by which Rome is denoted 
(Rev. xiv. 8, xvii., xviii.). The power of 
Rome was regarded by the later Jews as 
that of Babylon by their forefathers (corap. 
Jer. li. 7 with Rev. xiv. 8), and hence, 
whatever the people of Israel be under- 
stood to symbolize, Babylon represents the 
antagonistic principle. 

Babylo'nians, the inhabitants of Bab- 
ylon, a race of Shemitic origin, who were 
among the colonists planted in the cities of 
Samaria by the conquering Assyrians (E?r. 
iv. 9). 

Babylonish Garment, literally *r>ibe 
of Shinar' (Josh. vii. 21). An ample robe, 
probably made of the skin or fur of an 
animal (comp. Gen. xxv. 25), and orna- 
mented with embroidery, or perhaps a 
variegated garment with figures inwoven in 
the fashion for which the Babylonians were 
celebrated. 

Ba'ca, The Valley of, a valley in 
Palestine, through which the exiled Psalm- 
ist sees in vision the pilgrims passing in 
their march towards the sanctuary of Jeho- 
vah at Zion (Ps. Ixxxiv. 6). That it was a 
real locality is most probable, from the use 
of the definite article before the name. 
The rendering of the Targum is Gehenna, 
i. e. the Ge-Hiunom or ravine below Mount 



BACCHIDES 



71 



BALAAM 



fioL.. This locality agrees well with the 
mentioa of Becaim (A. V. "mulberry") 
trees in 2 Sam. v. 23. 

Bac'chides, a Mend of Antiochus 
Epiphanes and governor of Mesopotamia 
(1 Maoc. vii. 8), who was commissioned by 
Demetrius Soter to investigate the charges 
which Alcimus preferred against Judas 
Miccaba(jus. 

Bach'rites, The, the family of Becher, 
son of Ephraim (Num. xxvi. 35). 

Badger-Skins. There is much ob- 
scurity as to the meaning of the word 
tachashj rendered "badger" in our A. V. 
(Ex. XXV. 5, XXXV. 7, &c.) ; the ancient 
versions seem nearly all agreed that it 
denotes not uv. animal, but a color, either 
black or &k/-olue. The badger is not 
found in. thf Bible lands. The Arabic 
ducha&h or ivjhash denotes a dolphin, but 
in all prooaoility is not restricted in its 
applioatlo''-i, but may refer to either a seal 
or a uetacean. The skin of the Halicore 
from its hardness would be well suited for 
making soles for shoes (Ez. xvi. 10), and 
It is worthy of remark that the Arabs near 
Cape Mussendum employ the skins of these 
animals for a similar purpose. The Hali- 
core Tabernaculi is found in the Red Sea, 
and on the coral banks of the Abyssinian 
coast. Perhaps, however, tachash may 
denote a seal, the skin of which animal 
iiould suit all the demands of the Scrip- 
tural allusions. 

Bag is the rendering of several words 
in the Old and New Testaments. 1. Chdr- 
itim, the " bags " in which Naaman bound' 
up the two talents of silver for Gehazi (2 
K. v. 23). The word only occurs besides 
in Is. iii. 22, and there denotes the reticules 
carried by the Hebrew ladies. 2. Cis, a 
bag for carrying weights (Deut. xxv. 13 ; 
Prov. xvi. 11 ; Mic. vi. 11), also used as a 
purse (Prov. i. 14; Is. xlvi. 6). 3. Celt, 
in Gen. xlii. 25, is the "sack" in which 
Jacob's sons carried the corn which they 
brought from Egypt, and in 1 Sam. ix. 7, 
xxi. 5, it denotes a bag, or wallet, for carry- 
ing food. The shepherd's " bag " which 
Divid had seems to have been worn by him 
as necessary to his calling, and was proba- 
blj , from a comparison of Zech. xi. 15, 16 
(where A. V. " instruments " is the same 
word), for the purpose of carrying the 
lambs which were unable to walk or were 
lost, and contained materials for healing 
such as were sick and binding up those 
that were broken (comp. Ez. xxxiv. 4, 16). 
i. Tsi ^r, properly a " bundle " (Gen. xlii. 
35; 1 Sam. xx\. zd), appears to have been 
used by travellers for carrying money dur- 
ing a long journey (Prov. vii. 20; Hag. i. 
6 ; comp. Luke xii. 33). The " bag " which 
Judas carried was probably a small box or 
chest (John xii. 6, xiii. 29). The Greek 
<rord is tJie same as that uspd in the 



LX:X for "chest" in 2 Chr \xiv. 8, Itt 
11. 

Baha'rumite, The. [Bahurim.] 

Bahu'rim, a village, the slight notioea 
remaining of which connect it almost 
exclusively with the flight of David (2 Sam. 
xvi. 6). It was apparently on, or close to 
the road leading up from the Jordan valle> 
to Jerusalem, and must have been verj 
near the south boundary of Benjamin. Dr. 
Barclay conjectures that it lay where some 
ruins still exist close to a Wady Ruwaby. 
which runs in a straight course for 3 milejj 
from Olivet directly towards Jordan. 

Ba'jith (" the house "), referring to the 
" temple " of the false gods of Moab, as 
opposed to the " high places " in the same 
sentence (Is. xv. 2, and compare xvi. 12). 

Bakbak'kar, a Levite, apparently h 
descendant of Asaph (1 Chr. ix. 15). 

Bak'buk. "Children of Bakbuk " 
were among the Nethinim who returned 
from captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 51 : 
Neh. vii. 53). 

Baktouki'ah. 1. A Levite in time of 
Nehemiah (Neh. xi. 17; xii. 9). 2. A Le- 
vite porter, apparently the same as th<» 
preceding (Neh. xii. 25). 

Ba'Iaam, the son of Beor, a man e:» 
dowed with the gift of prophecy (Num 
xxii. 5). He belonged to the Midianites, 
and perhaps as the prophet of his people 
possessed the same authority that Moses 
did among the Israelites, At any rate he 
is mentioned in conjunction with the five 
kings of Midian, apparently as a person of 
the same rank (Num. xxxi. 8 ; cf. xxxi. 
16). He seems to have lived at Pethor, 
which is said at Deut. xxiii. 4 to have been 
a city of Mesopotamia. He himsell speaks 
of being " brought from Aram out of the 
mountains of the East " (Num. xxiii. 7). 
Balaam is one of those instances which 
meet us in Scripture of persons dwelling 
among heathens but possessing a certain 
knowledge of the one true God. When 
the Israelites were encamped in the plains 
of Moab, Balak, the king of Moab, sent 
for Balaam to curse them. Balaam wa* 
prohibited by God from going. The king 
of Moab, however, sent aga'nto him. The 
prophet again refused, but was at length 
allowed to go. Balaam therefore proceeded 
on his journey with the messi ngers of 
Balak. But God's anger was kindled at 
this manifestation of determined self-will, 
and the angel of the Lord siv^od in the way 
for an adversary against him. " The dumb 
ass, speaking with man's voice, f »rbade the 
madness of the prophet" (2 Pet. d. H). 
Balaam predicted a magnificent career foi 
the people whom he was called to curse, 
but he nevertheless suggested to the Moab- 
ites the expedient of seducing them to com- 
mit fornication. The effect of this is 
recorded in ch. xxv. A battle was after- 



BaLaC 



72 



BAPTISM 



wards fought against the Midianites, in 
which Balaam sided with them and was 
slain by the sword of the people whom he 
had endeavored to curse (Num. xxxi. 8). 
Ba'lac, Rev. ii. 14. [Balak.] 
Bal'adan. [Merodach-Baladan.] 
Ba'lah, Josh. xix. 3. [Baal, Geogr. 
No. 2, 6.] 

Ba'l ak, son of Zippor, king of the Moab- 
\tes, at the time when the children of Is- 
rael were bringing their journeyings in the 
wilderness to a close. Balak entered into 
A league with Midian and hired Balaam to 
curse the Israelites ; but his designs were 
frustrated in the manner recor Jed in Num. 
txii.-xxiv. 
Baramo. [Baal, Geogr. No. 6.] 
Baldness. There are two kinds of 
baldness, viz. artificial and natural. The 
latter seems to have been uncommon, since 
it exposed people to public derision, and is 
perpetually alluded to as a mark of squalor 
and misery (2 K. ii. 23; Is. iii. 24, xv. 2; 
Jer. xlvii. 5 ; Ez. vii. 18, &c.) In Lev. 
xiii. 29, &c., very careful directions are 
given to distinguish "the plague upon the 
head and beard " from mere natural bald- 
ness which is pronounced to be clean, ver. 
40. Artificial baldness marked the conclu- 
sion of a Nazarite's vow (Acts xviii. 18 ; 
Num. vi. 9), and was a sign of mourning. 
Balm (Heb. izori, tzert) occurs in Gen. 
xxxvii. 25, xliii. 11; Jer. viii. 22, xlvi. 11, 
Ii. 8; and Ez. xxvii. 17. It is impossible 
to identify it with any certainty. It may 
represent the gum of the Pistacia lentiscus, 
or that of the Balsamodendron opobalsa- 
mum. [Spices; Mastick.] Hasselquist 
has given a description of the true balsam- 
tree of Mecca. He says that the exudation 
from the plant "is of a yellow color, 
and pellucid. It has a most fragrant 
smell, which is resinous, balsamic, and 
very agreeable. It is very tenacious or 
glutinous, sticking to the fingers, and may 
be drawn into long threads." 

Ba'mah (lit. "high-place"). This 
word appears in its Hebrew form only in 
one passage (Ez. xx. 29), very obscure, 
and fidl of the play upon words so dear to 
the Hebrew poets, so difficult for us to 
appreciate : "What is the high-]^\iice where- 
unto ye hie f and the name of it is called 
Bamah unto this day.'' 

Ba'moth-Ba'al, a sanctuary of Baal in 
the country of Moab (Josh. xiii. 17), which 
is probably mentioned in Num. xxi. 19, 
under the shorter form of Bamoth, or Ba- 
♦noth-in-th ti-ravine (20), and again in Is. 

XV. a. 

Ba'ni. 1. A Gadite, one of David's 
mighty men (2 Sam. xxiii. 36). 2. A Le- 
vite of the line of Merari, and forefather to 
Ethan (1 Chr. vi.46). 3. A manof Judah 
Df the line of Pharez (1 Chr. ix. 4). 4. 
• (/bildren of Bani " returned from cap- 



tivity with Zerwbbabel (Ezr. ii. 10; Neb, 
X. 14; Ezr. x. 29, 84; 1 Esd. v. 12). 
[BiNNUi, Mani.] 5. An Israelite " of the 
sons of Bani" (Ezr. x. 38). 6. A Levite 
(Neh. iii. 17). 7. A Levite (Neh. viii. 7; 
ix. 4, 5; x. 13). 8. Another Levite, of 
the sons of Asaph (Neh. xi. 22). 

Banqiuets, among the Hebrews, were 
not only a means of social enjoyment, tut 
were a part of the observance of religiouf 
festivity. At the three solemn festivals the 
family also had its domestic feast (Dent, 
xvi. 11). Probably both males and females 
went up (1 Sam. i. 9) together, to hold 
the festival. Sacrifices, both ordinary and 
extraordinary (Ex. xxxi v. 15 ; Judg. xvi. 
23), included a banquet, and Eli's sons 
made this latter the prominent part. Birth- 
day-banquets are only mentioned in the 
cases of Pharaoh and Herod (Gen. xl. 
20 ; Matt. xiv. 6). The usual time of thu 
banquet was the evening, and to begin earl} 
was a mark of excess (Is. v. 11 ; Eccl. x. 
16). The most essential materials of the 
banqueting-room, next to the viands and 
wine, which last was often drugged with 
spices (Prov. ix. 2; Cant. viii. 2), were 
perfumed unguents, garlands or loose flow- 
ers, white or brilliant robes; after these, 
exliibitions of music, singers, and dancers, 
riddles, jesting and merriment (Is. xxviii. 
1 ; Wisd. ii. 7 ; 2 Sam. xix. 35 ; Is. xxv. 6, 
V. 12 ; Judg. xiv. 12 ; Neh. viii. 10 ; Eccl. 
X. 19; Matt. xxii. 11; Am. vi. 5, 6; Luke 
XV. 25). The posture at table in early 
times was sitting (1 Sam. xvi. 11, xx. 5, 
18), and the guests were ranged in order of 
dignity (Gen. xliii. 33 ; 1 Sam. ix. 22) : the 
words which imply the recumbent posture 
belong to the N. T. The separation of the 
women's banquet was not a Jewish custom 
(Esth. i. 9). 

Baptism.. I. It is well known that 
ablution or batliing was common in most 
ancient nations as a preparation for prayers 
and sacrifice or as expiatory of sin. There 
is a natural connection in the mind between 
the thought of physical and that of spirit- 
ual pollution. In warm countries this con- 
nection is probably even closer than in 
colder climates ; and hence the frequency 
of ablution in the religious rites through- 
out the east. II. The history of Israel 
and the Law of Moses abound with sucl 
lustrations (Gen. xxxv. 2; Ex. xix. 10, 
Lev. XV., xvii. 15, xxii. 4, 6, xvi. 26, 28 r 
Num. xix. 10). It was natural, that of al) 
people, the priests most especially should 
be required to purify themselves in this 
manner- The consecration of the high- 
priest ieserves especial notice. It was 
first by baptism, then by unction, and lastly 
by sacrifice (Ex. xxix. 4, xl. 12 ; Lev. viii.) 
From the Gospel history we learn that at 
that time ceremonial wasmngs had been 
greatly multipli" . by t'-iditi.ms )f Uie doc- 



BAPTISM 



73 



BAPTCSM 



cors and elders (see Mark vii. 3, 4). The 
most important and probably one of the 
earliest of these traditional customs was 
the baptizing of proselytes. III. The 
baptism of John. — These usages of the 
Jews will account for the readiness with 
irhicL all men flocked to the baptism of 
John the Baptist. There has been some 
ancertainty as to the nature of John's bap- 
asm and its spiritual significance. It ap- 
peal b to Ivave been a kind of transition 
from th? Jewish baptism to the Christian. 
The distinction between John's baptism and 
Christian baptism appears in the case 
of ApoUos (Acts xviii. 26, 27), and of the 
disciples at Ephesus, mentioned Acts xix. 
1-6. We cannot but draw from this his- 
tory the inference that in Christian baptism 
there was a deeper spiri/mal significance. 
rV. The Baptism of Jesus. — Plainly the 
most important action of John as a baptist 
was hi? baptism of Jesus, which was His 
formal setting apart for His ministry, and 
▼as a most important portion of His con- 
secration to be the High Priest of God. He 
was just entering on the age of tliirty (Luke 
iii. 23), the age at which the Levites began 
U'^eir ministry and the rabbis their teaching. 
It has already been mentioned that the 
consecration of Aaron to the high-priest- 
hood was by baptism,, unction, and sacrifice 
(see Lev. viii.). All these were undergone 
by Jesus. Baptism was the beginning of 
ccasecration ; unction was the immediate 
consequent upon the baptism; and sacri- 
fice was the completion of the initiation, 
Ko that He was thenceforth perfected, or 
fully consecrated as a Priest for evermore 
(Heb. vii. 28). V. Baptism of the Dis- 
ciples of Christ. — Whether our Lord ever 
baptized has been doubted. The only pas- 
sage which may distinctly bear on tlie 
question is John iv. 1, 2, where it is said 
" that Jesus made and baptized more dis- 
ciples than John, though Jesus Himself 
baptized not, but His disciples." We neces- 
aarily infer from it, that, as soon as our 
Lord began His ministry, and gathered to 
Him a company of disciples. He, like John 
the Baptist, admitted into that company by 
the administration of baptism. After the 
resurrection, baptism became the initiatory 
rite of the Christian Church, as circumcis- 
ion was the initiatory rite of Judaism. VI. 
The Types of Baptism. — Baptism is com- 
pared to the Flood by which Noah was 
saved (1 Pet. iii. 21) ; to the passage of 
tlie Red Sea and the shadowing of the mi- 
raculous cloud (1 Cor. X. 1, 2) ; to circum- 
cision (Col. ii. 11) ; and to death (Matt. xx. 
22; Mark x. 39; Luke xii. 50). VII. 
Nam^s of Baptism. 1. "Baptism" prop- 
erly and literally means immersion. 2. 
"The Water" is a name of baptism which 
occurs in Acts x. 47. 3. " Washing of 
Water" (lit. " the bath of the water") is 



another Scriptural term, by which baptism 
is signified (Eph. v. 26). There appears 
clearly in these words a referenc4i to the 
bridal bath; but the allusion to baptism is 
clearer still. 4. " The washing of regen 
eration" (lit, " the bath of regeneration ") 
is a phrase naturally connected with the 
foregoing. It occurs Tit. iii. 5. All an* 
cient and most modern commentators have 
interpreted it of baptism. 5. " Illumina- 
tion " (Heb. vi. 4). VIII. Recipients of 
Baptism. — The command to baptize was 
co-extensive with the command to preach 
the Gospel. All nations were to be evan- 
gelized; and they were to be made disci- 
ples, admitted into the fellowship of Christ's 
religion, by baptism (Matt, xxviii. 19). 
The great question has been, whether the 
invitation extended, not to adults only, but 
to infants also. The universality of the 
invitation, Christ's declaration concerning 
the blessedness of infants and their fitness 
for his kingdom (Mar. x. 14), the admis- 
sion of infants to circumcision and to the 
baptism of Jewish proselytes, the mention 
of whole households, and the subsequent 
practice of the Church, hav*^ been princi- 
pally relied on by the advoi ates of infant 
baptism. The silence of thP' New Testa- 
ment concerning the baptism yi infants, the 
constant mention of faith as r pre-requisite 
or condition of baptism, the (freat spiritual 
blessings which seem attached to a right 
reception of it, and the responsibility en- 
tailed on those who have takvn its obliga- 
tions on themselves, seem the chief ob- 
jections urged against paedo-baptism. But 
here we must leave ground which has been 
so extwisively occupied by coiitroversial- 
ists. IX. The mode of Baptism. — The 
language of th<* New Testament and of the 
primitive father? sufficiently points to im- 
mersion as the common mode of baptism. 
But in the case of the family of the jailer 
at Philippi (Acts xvi. 33), and of the three 
thousand converted at Pentecost (Acts ii.), 
it seems hardly likely that immersion should 
have been possible. Moreover the ancient 
Church, which mostly adopted immersion, 
was satisfied with effusion in case of clini- 
cal baptism — the baptism of the sick and 
dying. — Questions and Answers. — In the 
earliest times of the Christian Church we 
find the catechumens required to renounce 
the Devil and to profess their faith in the 
Holy Trinity and in the principal articles 
of the Creed. It is generally supposed 
that St. Peter (1 Pet. iii. 21) refers to a 
custom of this kind as existing from the 
first. X. The formula of Baptism,. — lu 
should seem from our Lord's own direction 
(Matt, xxviii. 19) that the words made use 
of in the administration of baptism should 
be those which the Church has generally 
retained. XI. Baptism for the Dead. — 
1 Cor. XV. 27. " Else w'\at shaU thei 



BARABBAS 



74 



BAllTHD^OMEW 



tto wbo are baptized for the dead, if the dead 
rise not at all? Why are they then bap- 
tized for the dead? " 1. Tertullian tells us 
of a custom of vicarious baptism as exist- 
ing among the Marcionites ; and St. Chrys- 
ostom relates of the same heretics, that, 
when one of their catechumens died with- 
out baptism, they used to put a living per- 
■on under the dead man's bed, and asked 
whether he desired to be baptized ; the liv- 
ing man answering that he did, tLey then 
baptized him in place of the departed 
(Chrys. Horn. xl. on 1 Cor. xv.) 2. Chrys- 
ostom believes the Apostle to refer to the 
profession of faith in baptism, part of which 
was " I believe in the resurrection of the 
dead." The former of the two interpreta- 
dons above mentioned commends itself to 
us by its simplicity ; the latter by its an- 
tiquity. Many other explanations have 
been given. 

Barab'bas, a robber (John xviii. 40), 
who had committed murder in an insurrec- 
tion (Mark xv. 7 ; Luke xxiii. 19) in Jeru- 
ealem, and was lying in prison at the time 
of the trial of Jesus before Pilate. 

Bar'achel, *'the Buzite," father of 
Elihu (Job xxxii. 2, 6). [Buz.] 

Barachi'as, Matt, xxiii. 35. [Zacha- 

RIAS.] 

Ba'rak, son of Abinoam of Kedesh, a 
refuge- city in Mount Naphtali, was incited 
by Deborah, a prophetess of Ephraim, to 
deliver Israel from the yoke of Jabin ( Judg. 
iv.). He utterly routed the Canaanites in 
the plain of Jezreel (Esdraelon). 

Barbarian. " Every one not a Greek 
is a barbarian " is the common Greek defi- 
nition, and in this strict sense the word is 
used in Rom. i. 14, ** I am debtor both to 
Greeks and barbarians." It often retains 
this primitive meaning, as in 1 Cor. xiv. 11 
(of one using an unknown tongue), and 
Acts xxviii. 2, 4 (of the Maltese, who spoke 
a Punic dialect). 

Barhu'mite, The. [Bahurim.] 

Bari'ah, one of the sons of Shemaiah, 
a descendant of the royal family of Judah 
(1 Chr. iii. 22). 

Bar-Je'sus. [Eltmas.] 

Bar-Jo'na. [Peter.] 

Bar'kos. " Children of Barkos " were 
among the Nethinim who returned from the 
captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 53 ; Neh. 
vii. 55). 

Barley was grown by the Hebrews 
(Lev. xxvii. 16 ; Deut. viii. 8 ; Ruth ii. 17, 
&c.), who used it for baking into bread, 
chiefly amongst the poor (Judg. vii. 13 ; 2 
K. iv. 42 ; John vi. 9, 13) ; for making into 
bread by mixing it with wheat, beans, len- 
tils, millet, &c. (Ez. iv. 9) ; and as fodder 
for horses (1 K. iv 28). The barley harvest 
(Ruth i. 22, ii. 23 ; 2 Sam. xxi. 9, 10) takes 
place in Palestine in March and April, and 
in the hilly districts as late as May ; but the 



peiiod of bourse varies according to to"!! 
localities where the corn grow*. It al-vays 
precedes the wheat harvest, in some places 
by a week, in others by fully three weeks. 
In Egypt the barley is about a month ear- 
lier than the wheat; whence its total de- 
struction by the hail-storm (Ex. ix. 31), 
Barley was sown at any time between No- 
vember and March, according to the sei»^- 
son. Barley bread is even to this day lit- 
tle esteemed in Palestine. This fact is 
important, as serving to elucidate some 
passages in Scripture. 

Bar'uabas, a name signifying " son of 
prophecy," or "exhortation" (or, but not 
so probably, " consolation," as A. V. ), 
given by the Apostles (Acts iv. 36) to 
Joseph (or Joses), a Levite of the island 
of Cyprus, who was early a disciple of 
Christ. In Acts ix. 27, we find him intro 
ducing the newly-converted Saul to the 
Apostles at Jerusalem, in a way which 
seems to imply previous acquaintance be- 
tween the two. On tidings coming to the 
church at Jerusalem that men of Cyprus 
and Cyrene had been preacliiug to Gentiles 
at Antioch, Barnabas was sent thither TActs 
xi. 19-26), and went to Tarsus to seek Saul, 
as one specially raised up to preach to the 
Gentiles (Acts xxvi. 17). Having brought 
him to Antioch, he was sent with him to 
Jerusalem with relief for the brethren in 
Judaea (Acts xi. 30). On their return, 
they (Acts xiii. 2) were ordained by the 
church for the missionary work, and sem 
forth (a. d. 45). From this time Barnabas 
and Paul enjoy the title and dignity of 
Apostles. Their first missionary journey 
is related in Acts xiii., xiv. ; it was confined 
to Cyprus and Asia Minor. Some timt 
after their return to Antioch (a. d. 47 or 
48), they were sent (a. d. 50), with some 
others, to Jerusalem, to determine with the 
Apostles and Elders the difficult question 
respecting the necessity of circumcision for 
the Gentile converts (Acts xv. 1 ff.). On 
that occasion Paul and Barnabas were 
recognized as the Apostles of uncircun^ 
cision. After another stay in Antioch on 
their return, a variance took place between 
Barnabas and Paul on the question of 
taking with them, on a second missionary 
journey, John Mark, sister's son to Barnar 
bas (Acts XV. 36 ff".). They parted, and 
Barnabas took Mark, and sailed to Cyprus, 
his native island. Here the Scripture 
notices of him cease. The Epistle attrib- 
uted to Barnabas is believed to have been 
written early in the second century. 

Bar'sabas. [Joseph Baksabas; Jc dab 
Barsabas.] 

Barthol'omew, one of the Twelve 
Apostles of Christ (Matt. x. 3 ; Mark iii. 
18; Luke vi. 14; Acts i. 13). It has beee 
not improba))ly conjectured that he is iden- 
tical with Nathaniel 'John i. 45 ft'."*. He 



BAKTIMAEIjS 



7b 



BASKET 



a said to have preached the Gospel in 
India, that is, probably, Arabia Felix, and 
according to some in Armenia. 

Bartimae'us, a blind beggar of Jericho 
who (Mark x. 46 ff.) sat by the wayside 
begging as our Lord passed out of Jericho 
on His last journey to Jerusalem. 

Ba'nich. 1. Son of Neriah, the friend 
v^Jer. xxxii. 12), amanuensis (Jer. xxxvi. 
4-32), and faithful attendant of Jeremiah 
(Jer. xxxn. 10 ff.; b. c. 603), in the dis- 
charge of his prophetic oflfice. He was of 
a noble family (corap. Jer. li. 59 ; Bar. i. 
1), and of distinguished acquirements ; and 
his brother Seraiah held an honorable 
office in the 2ourt of Zedekiah (Jer. li. 59). 
His enemies accused hitn of influencing 
Jeremiah in favor of the Chaldaeans (Jer. 
xliii. 3 ; cf. xxxvii. 13) ; and he was thrown 
into prison with that prophet, where he re- 
mained till the capture of Jerusalem, b. c. 
586. By the permission of Nebuchadnez- 
zar he remained with Jeremiah at Mizpeh 
(Jos. Ant. X. 9, §1); but. was afterwards 
forced to go down to Egypt (Jer. xliii. 6). 
Nothing is known certainly of the close of 
his life. 2. The son of Zabbai, who as- 
sisted Nehemiah in rebuilding the walls of 
Jesusalem (Neh. iii. 20). 3. A priest, or 
family of priests, who signed the covenant 
with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 6). 4. The son 
of Col-hozeh, a descendant of Perez, or 
Pharez, the son of Judah (Neh. xi. 5). 

Baruch, The Book of, may be divided 
mto two main parts, i.-iii. 8, and iii. 9-end. 
1. It exists at present in Greek, and in 
several translations which were made from 
the Greek. Of the two Old Latin versions 
which remain, that which is incorporated 
in the Vulgate is generally literal; the 
other is more free. The vulgar Syriac and 
Arabic follow the Greek text closely. 2. 
The assumed author is undoubtedly the 
companion of Jeremiah, but the details of 
the book are inconsistent with the assump- 
tion. 3. The book was held in little esteem 
among the Jews. From the time of Irenaeus 
it was frequently quoted both in the East 
an d in the West, and generally as the work 
of Jeremiah. At the Council of Tftnt 
Baruch was admitted into the Romish 
Canon. 4. The two divisions of the book 
are distinguished by marked peculiarities 
of style and language. The Hebraic char- 
acter of the first part is such as to mark it 
as a translation, and not as the work of a 
Hebraizing Greek. The second part, on the 
other hand, closely approaches the Alex- 
andrine tyi)e. 5. The most probable ex- 
planation of this contrast is gained by sup- 
oosi:\g that some one thoroughly conver- 
lant with the Alexandrine translation of 
Jeremiah found the Hebrew fragment which 
forms the basis of the book already attached 
to the writings of that prophet, and wrought 
It up into its present form. 6. The present 



book must be placed probi.bl> aoout the 
time of the war of liberation (b. c. 160), 
or somewhat earlier. 7. The Epistle of 
Jeremiah, yfWc\i, according to the authority 
of some Greek MSS., stands in the English 
version as the 6th chapter of Baruch, is the 
work of a later period. It may be assigned 
with probability to the first century b. c. 

Barzil'lai. 1. A wealthy Gileadite 
who showed hospitality to David when he 
fled from Absalom (2 Sam. xvli. 27). H»^ 
declined the king's offer of ending his day* 
at court (2 Sam. xix. 32-39). 2. A Meho- 
lathite, whose son Adriel married Minhal. 
Saul's daughter (2 Sam. xxi. 8). 

Ba'shan, a district on the east of Jor- 
dan. It is sometimes spoken of as the 
"land of Bashan" (1 Chr. v. 11; and 
corap. Num. xxi. 33, xxxii. 33), and some- 
times as "all Bashan" (Deut. iii. 10, 13 
Josh. xii. 5, xiii. 12, 30), but most com- 
monly without any addition. It was taken 
by the children of Israel after their con- 
quest of the land of Sihon from Arnon to 
Jabbok. The limits of Bashan are very 
strictly defined. It extended from the 
" border of Gilead " on the south to Mount 
Hermon on the north (Deut. iii. 3, 10, 14; 
Josh. xii. 5; 1 Chr. v. 23), and from the 
Arabah or Jordan valley on the west to 
Salchah (Sulkhad) and the border of tho 
Geshurites and the Maachathites on the 
east (Josh. xii. 3-5; Deut. iii. 10). Thia 
important district was bestowed on the half 
tribe of Manasseh CJosh. xiii. 29-31), 
together with "half Gilead." 

Ba'shan-ha'voth-ja'ir, a name giveu 
to Argob after its conquest by Jair (Deut 
iii. 14). 

Basll'emath, daughter of Ishmael, th« 
last married of the three wives of Esau 
(Gen. xxxvi. 3, 4, 13). In Gen. xxviii. 9 
she is called Mahalath; whilst the name 
Bashemath is in Gen. xxvi. 34 given to 
another of Esau's wives, the daughter of 
Elon the Hittite. This is probably due tc 
a transcriber's error. 

Basin. Among the smaller vessels foi 
the Tabernacle or Temple service, many 
must have been required to receive from the 
sacrificial victims the blood to be sprinkled 
for purification. The form and material of 
these vessels can only be conjectured from 
the analogy of ancient Assyrian and Egyp 
tian specimens of works of the same kind. 
The " basin " from which our Lord washed 
the disciples' feet was probably deeper and 
larger than the hand-basin for sprinkling. 

Basket. The Hebrew terms used in 
the description of this article are as follows : 
(1) Sal, so called from the twigs of which 
it was originally made, specially used foi 
holding bread (Gen. xl. 16 ff. ; Ex. xxix. 3, 
23 ; Lev. viii. 2, 26, 31 ; Num. vi. 16, 17, 
19). (2) Salsilldth, a word of kindred ori- 
gan, applied to the basket used in fathering 



BASMATH 



70 



BEAR 



gThijes (Jer. vi. 9). (3) Tene, in which the 
first-fruits of the harvest were presented 
(Deut. xx\ii. 2, 4). We may infer that it 
was used for household purposes, perhaps 
to bring the corn to the mill. (4) CHuh, so 
called from its similarity to a birdcage or 
trap, probably in regard to its having a lid : 
it was used for carrying fruit (Am. viii. 1, 
2). (5) DUd^ used for carrying fruit (Jer. 
«xiv. 1, 2), as well as on a larger scale for 
carrying clay to the brickyard (Ps. Ixxxi. 
6; pots, A. v.), or for holding bulky 
articles (2 K. x. 7). In the N. T. baskets 
are described under three different terms. 

Bas'math.,a daughter of Solomon, mar- 
ried to Ahimaaz, one of his commissariat 
officers (1 K. iv. 15). 

Sastard. Among those who were ex- 
cluded from entering the congregation, even 
to the tenth generation, was the vnamzir 
(A. V. bastard), who was classed in this 
respect with the Ammonite and Moabite 
(Deut. xxiii. 2). The term is not, however, 
applied to any illegitimate offspring, born 
out of wedlock, but is restricted by the 
Rabbins to the issue of any connection 
within the degrees prohibited by the Law. 

Bat ('atalUph). There is no doubt 
whatever that the A. V. is correct in its 




Bat. Tapkozoiu perforatum. 

rendering of this word (Lev* xi. 19 ; Deut. 
xiv. 18). Many travellers have noticed the 
immense numbers of bats that are found in 
caverns in the East, and Mr. Layard says 
that on the occasion of a visit to a cavern 
these noisome beasts compelled him to re- 
treat. 

Bath, Bathing. This was a prescribed 
part of the Jewish ritual of purification in 
cases of accident, leprous or ordinary un- 
cleanness (Lev. xv., xvi. 28, xxii. 6 ; Num. 
xix. 7, 19 ; 2 Sam. xi. 2, 4 ; 2 K. v. 10) ; as 
also after mourning, which always implied 
defilement (Ruth iii. 3; 2 Sam. xii. 20). 
With bathing, anointing was customarily 
joined ; the climate making both these 
essential alike to health and pleasure, to 
which luxury added the use of perfumes 
(Susan. 17; Jud. x. 3; Esth. ii. 12). The 
*Y*5ols," such as that of Siloam and Heze- 
kiah (Neh. iii. 15, 16; ? K. xx. 20; Is. 
xxii. 11; John ix. 7), often sheltered by 
porticos (John v. 2), are the first indica- 
tions we have of public bathing accommo- 
dation. 

Bath. [MfiAsr bes. ] 

Bath-rab'biin, The gate of, o \e of 



the gates )f the ancient citj of Heshbon 
(Cant. vii. 4 [5]). 

Bath'sheba (2 Sam xi. 3, &c. ; also 
called Bathshua in 1 Chr iii. 5), the daugh- 
ter of Eliam (2 Sam. xi. 3), or Ammiel (1 
Chr. iii. 5), the son of Ahithophel (2 Sam. 
cxiii. 34), and wife of Uriah the Hittite. 
The child which was the fruit of her adul- 
terous intercourse with David died; but 
after marriage she became the mother of 
four sons, Solomon (Matt. i. 6), Shimea, 
Shobab, and Nathan. When Adonijah at- 
tempted to set aside, in his own favor, the 
succession promised to Solomon, Bathsheba 
was employed by Nathan to inform the king 
of the conspiracy (1 K. i. 11, 15, 23). 
After the accession of Solomon, she, a* 
queen-mother, requested permission of hej 
son for Adonijah to take in marriage Abi* 
shag the Shunamite (1 K. ii. 21-25). 

Bathshua. [Bathsheba.] 

Bath-zaehari'as, a place, named only 
1 Mace. vi. 32, 33. It is the modern Beit 
Sakd.Heh, nine miles north of Beit sAr. 
[Bethzur.] 

Battle-axe, Jer. Ii. 20. [Maul.] 

Bav'ai, son of Henadad, ruler of the 
district of Keilah in the time of Nehemiah 
(Neh. iii. 18). 

Bay- tree {ezrdch). Most of the Jew- 
ish doctors understand by the term ezrdch 
" a tree which grows in its own soil " — 
one that has never been transplanted; 
which is the interpretation given in the 
margin of the A. V. (Ps. xxxvii. 35). 

Baz'lith. " Children of B." were amongst 
the Nethinim who returned with Zerubbabel 
(Neh. vii. 54). In Ezr. ii. 52, the name is 
given as Bazluth. 

Baz'luth. [Bazlith.] 

Bdel'lillin {beddlacK), Gen. ii. 12 ; Num. 
xi. 7. It is quite impossible to say whether 
heddlach denotes a mineral, or an animal 
production, or a vegetable exudation. Bdel- 
lium is an odoriferous exudation from a tree 
which is perhaps the Borassus jiahellifor-' 
mis, Lin., of Arabia Felix. 

Beali'ah, a Benjamite, who went over 
to David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 5). 

•Be'aloth, a town in the extreme south 
of Judah (Josh. xv. 24). 

Beans (2 Sam. xvii. 28; Ezr. iv. 9). 
Beans are cultivated in Palestine, wl.ich 
produces many of the leguminous ordei 
of plants, such as lentils, kidney-beani., 
vetches, &c. Beans are in blossom in Jan- 
uary ; they ha-^-e been noticed in liower al 
Lydda on the 23d, and at Sidon and Acre 
even earlier ; they continue in fl )wer till 
March. 

Bear (l Sam. xvii 84, 2 Sam. xvii. 8), 
The Syrian bear {Ursus Syriacus), which 
is without doubt the animal mentioned in 
the Bible, is still found on the higher moun- 
tains of Palestine. During the sunmiet 
months tlicse bears keep to the snowy p&rt« 



BEARD 



77 



BEL> 



of Lebanon, but descend in winter to the 
villages and gardens ; it is probable also 
that at this period in former days they 
extended their visits to other parts of Pal- 
estine. 

Board. Western Asiatics have always 
cherished the h^ard as the badge of the 




Beardi. Egyptian, from Wilkinson (top row). Of other 
nations, from Bosellini andLayard. 

dignity of manhood, and attached to it the 
importance of a feature. The Egyptians 
on the contrary, for the most part, shaved 
the hair of the face and head, though we 
find some instances to the contrary. It is 
impossible to decide with certainty the 
meaning of the precept (Lev. xix. 27, xxi. 
6) regarding the " corners of the beard." 
Probably the Jews retained the hair on the 
sides of the face between the ear and the 
eye, which the Arabs and others shaved 
away. The beard is the object of an oath, 
and that on which blessings or shame are 
spoken of as resting. The custom was 
And is to shave or pluck it and the hair out 
in mourning (Is. 1. 6, xv. 2 ; Jer. xli. 6, 
xlviii. 37; Ezr. ix. 3; Bar. vi, 31); to 
neglect it in seasons of permanent afflic- 
tion (2 Sam. xix. 24), and to regard any 
insult to it as the last outrage which enmity 
can inflict (2 Sam. x. 4). The beard was 
the object of salutation (2 Sam. xx. 9). 
The dressing, trimming, anointing, &c., of 
the beard, was performed with much cere- 
mony by persons of wealth and rank (Ps. 
cxxxiii. 2). The removal of the beard was 
a part of the ceremonial treatment proper 
to a leper (Lev. xiv. 9). 

Beb'ai. 1. ♦' Sons of Bebai," 623 (Neh. 
628) in number, returned from Babylon 
▼ith Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 11 ; Neh. vii. 16), 
Hrtd at a later period twenty-eight more, un- 
der Zechariah the son of Bebai, returned 
with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 11). Four of this family 
had taken foreign wives (Ezr. x. 28). The 
name occurs also among those who sealed 
the covenant (Neh. x. 15). 2. Father of 
Zechariah, who was the leader of the 
twenty-eight men of his tribe mentioned 
ibove (Ezr. viii. 11). 

Be'cher. 1. The second son of Ben- 
jamia, according to the list both in Gen. 



xlvi. 21, and 1 Chr. vii. 6 but otiitted in 
1 Chr. viii. 1. It is highly probable that 
Becher, or his heir and head of his house, 
married an Ephraimitish heiress, a df.ughter 
of Shuthclah (1 Chr. vii. 20, 21), and «o 
that his house was reckoned in the tribe of 
Ephraim, just as Jair, the son of Segub, 
was reckoned in the tribe of Manasseh (1 
Chr. ii. 22; Num. xxxii. 40, 41). 2. Son 
of Ephraim (Num. xxvi. 35), called Bebed 
(1 Chr. vii. 20). Same as the preceding. 

Beclio'rath, son of Aphiah or Abiah, 
and grandson of Becher, according to 1 
Sam. ix. 1 ; 1 Chr. vii. 8. 

Bed and Bed-chamber. We may 
distinguish in the Jewish bed five principal 
parts : 1. The mattress, which was limited 
to a mere mat, or one or more quilts. 2. 
The covering, a quilt finer than those used 
in 1. In summer a thin blanket or the 
outer garment worn by day (1 Sam. xix. 
13) .sufficed. Hence the law provided that 
it should not be kept in pledge after sunset, 
that the poor man might not lack his need- 
ful covering (Deut. xxiv. 13). 3. The only 
material mentioned for this is that which 
occurs 1 Sam. xix. 13, and the word used 
is of doubtful meaning, but seems to 
signify some fabric woven or plaited of 
goat'b hair. It is clear, however, that 
it was something hastily adopted to serve 
as a pillow, and is not decisive of the or- 
dinary use. Such pillows are common to 
this day in the East, formed of sheep's 
fleece or goat's skin, with a stuffing of cot- 
ton, &c. 4. The bedstead was not always 
necessary, the divan, or platform along the 
side or end of an Oriental room, sufficing 
as a support for the bedding. Yet some 
slight and portable frame seems implied 
among the senses of the word, which is 
used for a " bier" (2 Sam. iii. 31), and for 
the ordinary bed (2 K. iv. 10), for the litter 
on which a sick person might be carried (1 
Sam. xix. 15), for Jacob's bed of sickness 
(Gen. xlvii. 31), and for the couch on 
which guests reclined at a banquet (Esth. 
i. 6). 5. The ornamental portions were 
pillars and a canopy (Jud. xiii. 9), ivorv 




Bed and Head-reit. (Wilkmsoa, Ancient Egyptians.) 

carvings, gold and silver, and probably nj.o 
sale work, purple and fine linen (Esth. i 



BEDAU 



78 



BEEROTH 



8; Cant. iii. 9, 10). The ordinary furni- 
ture of a bed-chamber in private life is 
given in 2 K. iv. 10. The " bed-chamber" 
in the Temple where Joash was hidden, 
was, probably, a store- chamber for keeping 
beds (2 K. xi. 2; 2 Chr. xxii. 11). The 
position of the bed-chamber in the most 
remote an«? secret parts of the palace seems 
marked in the passages, Ex. viii. 3, 2 K. 
rl. 12. 

Be'dad, the father of Hadad king of 
Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 85; 1 Chr. i. 46). 

Be'dan. 1. Mentioned 1 Sam. xii. 11, 
as a judge of Israel between Jerubbaal 
(Gideon) and Jephthah. The Chaldee 
Paraphrast reads Samson for Bedan; the 
LXX., Syr., and Arab, all have Barak. 
Ewald suggests that it may be a false read- 
ing for Abdon. 2. The son of Gilead (1 
Chr. vii. 17). 

Bedei'ah, one of the sons of Bani, in 
the time of Ezra, who had taken a foreign 
wife (Ezr. x. 35). 

Be© {debdrdh), Deut. i. 44; Judg. xiv. 
8 ; Ps. cxviii. 12 ; Is. vii. 18. That Pales- 
tine abounded in bees is evident from the 
description of that land by Moses, for it 
was a land " flowing with milk and honey ; " 
nor is there any reason for supposing that 
this expression is to be understood other- 
wise than in its literal sense. English nat- 
uralists know little of the species of bees 
chat are found in Palestine. Mr. F. Smith, 
our best authority on the Hymenoptera, is 
In-jlined to believe that the honey-bee of 
Palestine is distinct from the honey-bee 
(^A. mellificd) of this country. There can 
be no doubt that the attacks of bees in 
Eastern countries are more to be dreaded 
than they are in more temperate climates. 
Swarms in the East are fat* larger than 
they are with us, and, on account of the 
heat of the climate, one can readily ima- 
gine that their stings must give rise to very 
dangerous symptoms. The passage in Is. 
vii. 18, *'the Lord shall hiss for the bee 
that is in the land of Assyria," has been 
understood by some to refer to the practice 
of "calling out the bees from their hives 
by a hissing or whistling sound to their 
labor in the fields, and summoning them 
again to return" in the evening. In all 
probability, however, the expression in 
Isaiah has reference, as Mr. Denham says, 
''* to the custom of the people in the East 
of calling the attention of any one by a 
significant hiss or rather hist." 

Beeli'ada, one of David's sons, born 
in Jerusalem (1 Chr. xiv. 7). In the lists 
in Samuel the name is Eliada. 

Beel'zebul, the title of a heathen deity, 
to whom the Jews ascribed the sovereignty 
of the evil spirits (Matt. x. 26, xii. 24 ; 
Mark iii. 22; Luke xi. 15 fi*.). The cor- 
rect rea«iing is without doubt Beelzebul, and 
O'^t Bwlzebub J SkB ^ivvB in the Syriac, the 



Vulg., and some other versions. Som« 
connect the term with zebUl, habitation, 
thus making Beelzebul (Matt. x. 25), th« 
lord of the dwelling, whether as the " prince 
of the power of the air " (Eph. ii. 2), or as 
the prince of the lower world, or as inhab- 
iting human bodies, or as occupj^ing a man- 
sion in the seventh heaven, like Saturn in 
Oriental mythology. Others derive it from 
zebely dung, thus making Beelzebul, liter- 
ally, the lord of dung, or the dunghill; 
and in a secondary sense, as zebel was used 
by the Talmudical writers as — idol or 
idolatry, the lord of idols, prince of falst 
gods. We have lastly to notice the inge- 
nious conjecture of Hug that the fly, under 
which Baalzebub was represented, was the 
Scarabaeus pillularius or dunghill beetle, 
in which case Baalzebub and Beelzebul 
might be used indifferently. 

Be'er. 1. One of the latest halting- 
places of the Israelites, lying beyond the 
Arnon, and so called because of the well 
which was there dug by the *' princes " and 
" nobles " of the people, and is perpetuated 
in a fragment of poetry (Num. xxi. 16-18). 
This is possibly the Beer-elim referred to 
in Is. XV. 8. 2. A place to which Jotham, 
the son of Gideon, fled for fear of his 
brother Abimelech (Judg. ix. 21). 

Bee'ra, son of Zophah, of the tribe of 
Asher (1 Chr. vii. 37). 

Bee'rah, prince of the Reubenites, 
carried away by Tiglath-pilescr (.1 Chr. 
V. 6). 

Beer-E'lim, a spot named in Is. xv. 8 
as on the " border of Moab," apparently 
the south, Eglaim being at the north end 
of the Dead Sea. The name points to the 
well dug by the chiefs of Israel on their 
approach to the promised land, close by the 
"border of Moab" (Num. xxi. 16; comp. 
13). 

Bee'ri. 1. The father of Jud=.th, one 
of the wives of Esau (Gen. xxvi. 34). 
[An AH.] 2. Father of the prophet Hosea 
(Hos. i. 1). 

Beer-laha'i-roi, a well, or rather a 
living spring (A. V. fountain, comp. Jer. 
vi. 7), between Kadesh and Bered, in the 
wilderness, " in the way to Shur," and 
therefore in the "south country " (Gen. 
xxiv. 62). Mr. Rowland announces the 
discovery of the well Lahairoi at Moyle or 
Moilahi, a station on the road to Beersheba 
10 hours south of Ruheibeh ; near which ii 
a hole or cavern bearing the name of Beii 
Hagar (Ritter, Sinai, 1086, 7) : but this 
requires confirmation. 

Bee'roth, one of the four cities of the 
Hivites who deluded Joshua into a treaty 
of peace with them (Josh. ix. 17). It was 
allotted to Benjamin (xviii. 25), and is 
identified with the modern el-Bireh, which 
stands at about 10 miles north of Jerusa- 
lem by the great road to NAHv^. Nahan 



BEEROTQ 



79 



BELLOWS 



" the Beerothite " (2 Sam. xxiii. 37), 
or " the Berothite " (1 Chr. xi. 39), was 
one of tlic *' mighty men " of David's 
g'lard. 

Bee'roth of the Children of Jaa- 
kan, the wells of the tribe of Bene-Jaakan, 
which formed one of the halting-places of 
the Israelites in the desert (Deut. x. 6). 
[n Num. xxxiii., the name is given as 
Bene Jaakan only. 

Beer'-sheba the name of one of the 
j\d places in Palestine, which formed the 
southern limit of the country. There are 
two accounts of the origin of the name. 
1. According to the first, the well was dug 
by Abraham, and the name given, because 
there he and Abimelech the king of the 
Philistines " sware " both of them (Gen. 
jcxi. 31). 2. The other narrative ascribes 
the origin of the name to an occurrence al- 
most precisely similar, in which both Abim- 
elech the king of the Philistines, and Phi- 
cbol, his chief captain, are again con- 
cerned, with the diflerence that the person 
on the Hebrew side of the transaction is 
Isaac instead of Abraham (Gen. xxvi. 31- 
83). There are at present on the spot 
two principal wells, and five smaller ones. 
The two principal wells are on or close to 
the northern bank of the Wady es-Seha\ 
They lie just a hundred yards apart, and 
are so placed as to be visible from a con- 
siderable distance. The larger of the two, 
which lies to the east, is, according to the 
careful measurements of Dr. Robinson, 
I2.i feet diam^, and at the time of his visit 
(Apr. 12) was 44i feet to the surface of 
the water; the masonry which encloses 
the well reaches downwards for 28i feet. 
The other well is 5 feet diam., and was 42 
feet to the water. The curb-stones round 
the mouth of both wells are worn into deep 
grooves by the action of the ropes of so 
many centuries, and '* look as if frilled or 
fluted ail round." The five lesser wells 
are in a group in the bed of the wady. On 
»ome low hills north of the large wells are 
icattered the foundations and ruins of a 
town of moderate size. There are no 
trees or shrubs near the spot. Beersheba 
was given to the tribe of Simeon (xix. 2 ; 
1 C/hr. iv. 28). In the time of Jerome it 
was still a considerable place ; and later it 
is mentioned as an episcopal city under the 
Bishop of Jerusalem. It only remains to 
notice that it retains its ancient name as 
nearly similar in sound as an Arabic signi- 
flcat;on will permit — Bir es-Sebd — the 
" well of the lion," or *' of seven." 

Beesh'terah, one of the two cities 
allotted to the sons of Gershom, out of the 
Lribe of Manasseh beyond Jordan (Josh. 
xxi. 27). It appears to be identical with 
^.shtaroth (1 Chr. vi. 71). 

Beetle. [Locust.] 

BeheadiuR. [Punishments.] 



Be'hemoth. There can be litt>c or no 
doubt, that by this word (Job xl. 15-24) 
the hippopotamus is intended, since all the 
details descriptive of the behemoth accord 
entirely with the ascertained habits of that 
animal. Since in the first part of Jehovah's 
discourse (Job xxxviii., xxxix.) land ani- 
mals and birds are mentioned, it suits the 
general purpose of that discourse better to 
suppose that aquatic or amphibious crea- 
tures are spoken of in the last half of it : 
and since the leviathan, by almost univer- 
sal consent, denotes the crocodile, the be- 
hemoth seems clearly to point to the hip- 
popotamus, his associate in the Nile. The 
description of the animal's lying under 
"the shady trees," amongst the "reeds" 
and willows, is peculiarly appropriate. 

Be'kah. [Weights and Measubes.] 

Bel. [Baal]. 

Bela. 1. One of the five cities of 
the plain which was spared at the interces- 
sion of Lot, and received the name o/ 
Zoar (Gen. xiv. 2, xix. 22). It lay on th« 
southern extremity of the Dead Sea, on 
the frontier of Moab and Palestine (Jerome 
on Is. XV.), and on the route to Egypt; the 
connection in which it is found, Is. xv. 6 ; 
Jer. xlviii. 34; Gen. xiii. 10. We first 
read of Bela in Gen. xiv. 2, 8. 2. Son of 
Beor, who reigned over Edom in the city of 
Dinhabah, eight generations before Saul, 
king of Israel, or about the time of the 
Exodus. He is supposed by some to be 
the same as Balaam. It is not improbable 
that he was a Chaldean by birth, and 
reigned in Edom by conquest. Ke may 
have been contemporary with Moses (Gen. 
xxxvi. 31-33; 1 Chr. i. 43, 44). 3, Eldest 
son of Benjamin, according to Gen. xlvi. 
21 (A. V. "Belah"); Num. xxvi. 38, 40; 
1 Chr. vii. 6, viii. 1, and head of the family 
of the Belaites. 4. Son of Ahaz, a 
Reubenite (1 Chr. v. 8). 

Be'lah, [Bela, 3.] 

Belaites, the. Num. xxvi. 38. [Bela, 

Belial. The translators of our A. V.. 
following the Vulgate, have frequently 
treated this word as a proper name, and 
given it in the form Belial^ in accordance 
with 2 Cor. vi. 15. There can be no ques- 
tion, however, that the word is nut to be 
regarded as a proper name in thv O. T. ; 
its meaning is worthlessness, and hence 
recklessness, lawlessness. 7 he expression 
son or man of Belial must be understood 
as meaning simply a wo thless, lawless 
feUow. The term as used vn 2 Cor. vi. 15 
is generally understood no an appellative 
oi Satan, as the personifi .ation of all that 
was bad. 

Bellows. The word occurs o ily in Jpr 
vi. 29, " The bellows are hurraed ; " v V» re 
their use is to heat a smelting tur taci A 
picture of two different kindy < i' >;]/' #«. 



BELLS 



80 



BENE-JAAKAN 



both of highly ingenious construction, may 
be found in Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt, iii. 
838. ''They consisted," he says, "of a 
leather, secured and fitted into a frame, 
from vhich a long pipe extended for car- 
rying the wind to the fire. They were 
worked by the feet, the operator standing 
upon them, with one under each foot, and 
pressing them alternately while he pulled 
up each exhausted skin with a string he 
held in his hand. In one instance we ob- 
ierve from the painting, that when the man 
left the bellows, they were raised as if in- 
flated with air; and this would imply a 
knowledge of the valve. The pipes, even 
in the time of Thotmes II. [supposed to be] 
the contemporary of Moses, appear to have 
been simply of reed, tipped with a metal 
point to resist the action of the fire." 

Bells. In Ex. xxviii. 33 the bells al- 
luded to were the golden ones, according 
to the Rabbis 72 in number, round the hem 
of the high -priest's ephod. The object of 
them was *' that his sound might be heard 
when he went in unto the holy place, and 
when he came out, that he die not " (Ex. 
xxviii. 34; Ecclus. xlv. 9). To this day 
bells are frequently attached, for the sake 
of their pleasant sound, to the anklets of 
women. The little girls of Cairo wear 
strings of them round their feet. In Zech. 
xiv. 20 "bells of the horses " is probably 
a wrong rendering. It is more probable 
that they are not bells, but concave or flat 
pieces of brass, which were sometimes at- 
tached to horses for the sake of ornament. 

Belshaz'zar, the last king of Babylon. 
According to the well-known narrative in 
Dan. v., he was slain during a splendid 
feast in his palace. Similarly Xenophon 
tells us that Babylon was taken by Cyrus 
in the night, while the inhabitants \^ere 
engaged in feasting and revelry, and that 
the king was killed. On the other hand 
the narratives of Berosus in Josephus and 
of Herodotus differ from the above account 
in some important particulars. Berosus 
calls the last king of Babylon Nabonnedus 
or Nabonadius, and says that in the 17th 
year of his reign Cyrus took Babylon, 
the king having retired to the neighboring 
city of Borsippus or Borsippa. According 
to Herodotus the last king was called La- 
bynetus. Th«^se discrepancies have lately 
been cleared up by the discoveries of Sir 
Henry Bawlinson. From the inscriptions 
it appaars that the eldest son of Nabon- 
nedus was called Bel-shar-ezar, contracted 
into Balshazzar, and admitted by his father 
to a share in the government. So that 
Bv'lshazzar, as joint king with his father, 
may have been governor of Babylon, when 
the city was attacked by tlie combined 
forces of the Medes and Persians, and may 
have perished in the assault which fol- 
lowed ; while Nabonnedus leading a force 



to the relief of the place was defeased, and 
obliged to take refuge in Borsippa. In 
Dan. V. 2, Nebuchadnezzar is called the 
father of Belshazzar. This, of course, need 
only mean grandfather or ancestor. Raw- 
linson connects Belshazzar with Nebuchad- 
nezzar through his mother; but Marcua 
Niebuhr considers Belshazzar to be anothei 
name for Evil-merodach, the son of Ntilm- 
chadnezzar. On Rawlinson's view, Bel- 
shazzar died B. c. 538 ; on Niebuhr's, b. o 
559. 

Belteshaz'zar. [Daniel.] 

Ben, a Levite " of the second degree." 
one of the porters appointed by David fcr 
the ark (1 Chr. xv. 18). 

Bena'iah. 1. The son of Jehoiada 
the chief priest (1 Chr. xxvii. 5), and there- 
fore of the tribe of Levi, though a native 
of Kabzeel (2 Sam. xxiii. 20 ; 1 Chr. xi. 
22), in the south of Judah; set by David 
(1 Chr. xi. 25) over his bodyguard of 
Cherethites and Pelethites (2 Sam. viii. 18$ 
1 K. i. 38 ; 1 Chr. xviii. 17 ; 2 Sam. xx. 23), 
and occupying a middle rank between the 
first three of the " mighty men," and thw 
thirty "valiant men of the armies" (2 Sam. 
xxiii. 22, 23; 1 Chr. xi. 25, xxvii. 6). The 
exploits which gave him this rank are nar- 
rated in 2 Sam. xxiii. 20, 21 ; 1 Chr. xi. 22- 
He was captain of the host for the third 
month (1 Chr. xxvii. 5). Benaiah remained 
faithful to Solomon during Adonijah's at- 
tempt on the crown (1 K. i. 8, 10, 32, 38, 
44) ; and was raised into the place of Jaab 
as commander-in-chief of the whole army 
(ii. 35, iv. 4). 2. Benaiah the Piratho- 
NiTE ; an Ephraimite, one of David's thirty 
mighty .men (2 Sam. xxiii. 30; 1 Chr. xj 
31), and the captain of the eleventh 
monthly course (1 Chr. xxvii. 14). 3. A 
Levite in the time of David, who "played 
with a psaltery on Alamoth" (1 Chr. xv. 
18, 20, xvi. 5). 4. A priest in the time of 
David, appointed to blow the trumpet be- 
fore the ark (1 Chr. xv. 24, xvi. 6). 6. A 
Levite of the sons of Asaph (2 Chr. xx. 
14). 6. A Levite in the time of Hezekiah, 
one of the " overseers of offerings " (2 
Chr. xxxi. 13). 7. One of the "princes" 
of the families of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 36). 
8. Four laymen in the time of Ezra who 
had taken strange wives (Ezr. x. 25, 30, 
35, 43). 0. The father of Pelatiah, " a 
prince of the people " in the time of Ezekit 1 
(xi. ], 13). 

Ben-am'mi, the son of the younger 
daughter of Lot, and progenitor of the 
Ammonites (Gen. xix. 38). 

Ben-eb'erak, one of the cities cf the 
tribe of Dan, mentioned only in Josh. xix. 
45. 

Bene-ja'akan, a tribe who gave their 
name to certain wells in the desert which 
formed one of the halting-places of the 
Israelites on their journey to Canaan. 



BL'NE-KEDEM 



81 



BENJAMIN 



lBeekoth Bene-Jaakan. J The tribe 
doubtlefis derived its name from Jaakan, 
the son of Ezer son of Seir the Horite (1 
Chr. i. 42), whoso name is also given in 
frenesis (xxxvi. 27) as Aran. 

Bene-ke'deni, " the children of the 
East," an appellation given to a people, or 
to peoples, dwelling to the east of Pales- 
due. It occurs in Gen. xxix. 1 ; Job i. 3 ; 
Judg. vi. 3, 33, vii. 12, viii. 10. From 
Jadg. vii. 11-15, it is to be inferred that 
they spoke a dialect intelligible to an Isra- 
elite. 

Benha'dad, the name of three kings 
of Damascus. — Benhadad I. was either 
son or grandson of Rezon, and in his time 
Damascus was supreme in Syria. He 
made an alliance with Asa, and conquered 
a great part of the N. of Israel. From 1 
K. XX. 34, it would appear that he con- 
tinued to make war upon Israel in Omri's 
time, and forced him to make " streets " in 
Samaria for Syrian residents. This date is 
« c. 950. — Benhadad II., son of the pre- 
ceamg, and also king of Damascus. Long 
wars with Israel characterized his reign. 
Some time after the death of Ahab, Ben- 
hadad renewed the war with Israel, at- 
tacked Samaria a second time, and pressed 
the siege so closely that there was a terri- 
ble famine in the city. But the Syrians 
broke up in the night in consequence of a 
sudden panic. Soon after Benhadad fell 
8i( k, and sent Hazael to consult Elisha as 
to the issue of his malady. On the day 
after Hazael's return Benhadad was mur- 
dered, probably by some of his own ser- 
vants (2 K. viii. 7-15). Benhadad's death 
was about b. c. 890, and he must have 
reigned some 30 years. — Benhadad III., 
son of Hazael, and his successor on the 
throno of Syria. When he succeeded to 
the throne, Jehoash recovered the cities 
whicii Jehoaliaz had lost to the Syrians, 
and beat him in Aphek (2 K. xiii. 17, 25). 
Jehoash gained two more victories, but did 
not restore the dominion of Israel on the 
E. of Jordan. The date of Benhadad III. 
is B. c. 840. 

Ben-hail, one of the princes whom king 
Jehoshaphat sent to teach in the cities of 
Judah (2 Chr. xvii. 7). 

Ben-ha'nan, son of Shimon, in the 
line of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 20). 

Beni'riU, a Levite ; one of those who 
sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. 
». 13 [14]). 

BeTi'jamin. 1. The youngest of the 
cf.ildiVfn of Jacob, and the only one of the 
thirteen who was born in Palestine. His 
birth took place on the road between Bethel 
and Bethlehem, a short distance from the 
latter, and his mother Rachel died in the 
act of giving him birth, naming him with 
her last breath Ben-oni, " son of my sor- 
row." This was by Jai.'ob changed into 
a 



, Benjan in (Gen. xxxv. 16-18). Until the 
I journevs of Jacob's sons and of Jacob lim- 
self in o Egypt we hear nothing of Benja- 
; min. Henceforward the history of Benja- 
min is the history of the tribe. And up to 
the time of the entrance on the Promised 
Land that history is as meagre as it is 
afterwards full and interesting. The prox- 
imity of Benjamin to Ephraim during the 
march to the Promised Land was main- 
tained in the territories allotted to each. 
Benjamin lay immediately to the south of 
Ephraim and between him and Judah. It 
formed almost a parallelogram, of al^out 26 
miles in length by 12 in breadth. Its eastern 
boundary was the Jordan, and from thenc«> 
it extended to the wooded district of Kir 
jath-jearim, a point alout eiglit miles west 
of Jerusalem, while in the other direction 
it stretched from the valley of Hinnoia, 
under the " Shoulder of the Jebusite " on 
the south, to Bethel on the north. On the 
south the territory ended abruptly with the 
steep slopes of the hill of Jerusalem, — on 
the north it melted imperceptibly into the 
possessions of friendly Ephraim. — (1.) 
The general level of this part of Palestine 
is very high, not less than 2000 feet above 
the maritime plain of the Mediterranean 
on the one side, or than 3000 feet above 
the deep valley of the Jordan on the other, 
besides which this general level or j latea« 
is surmounted, in the district now under 
consideration, by a large number of emi- 
nences, almost every one of which haa 
borne some part in the history of the tribe. 
(2.) No less important than these emi- 
nences r_ ^ the torrent-beds and ravines by 
which the upper country breaks down into 
the deep tracts on each side of it. The 
passes on the eastern side are of a much 
more difficult and intricate character than 
those of the western. The contrast be- 
tween the warlike character of the tribe 
and the peaceful image of its progenitor 
comes out in many scattered notices. Ben- 
jamin was the only tribe which seems to 
have pursued archery to any purpose, and 
their skill in the bow {1 Sam. xx. 20, 36; 
2 Sam. i. 22 ; 1 Chr. viii. 40, xii. 2 ; 2 Chr. 
xvii, 17) and the sling (Judg. xx. 16) is 
celebrated. The dreadful deed recorded in 
Judg. xix., though repelled by the whole 
country, was unhesitatingly adoptt d and 
defended by Benjamin with an obstinacy 
and spirit truly extraordinary. That fright- 
ful transaction was indeed a crisis in the 
history of the tribe : the six hundred who 
took refuge in the cliff' Rimmon were the 
only survivors. A long interval must hav» 
elapsed between so abject a condition and 
the culminating point at which we next 
meet with the tribe. Several circumstances 
may have conduced to its restoration to 
that place which it was now to assume. 
Ramah (1 Sam. ix. 12, &c.), Mlzpeh P 



BENJAMIN 



82 



BERODACH-BALADAJS 



Sam tii. 5), Bethel, and Giboon (1 K. iii. 
4) wtro all in the land of Benjamin. The 
people who resorted to these sanctuaries 
must gradually have been accustomed to 
associate the tribe with power and sanctity. 
The struggles and contests which followed 
the death of Saul arose from the natural 
unwillingness of the tribe to relinquish its 
position at the head of the nation, especial- 
ly in favor of Judab, and we do not hear 
of any cordial cooperation or firm union 
between the two tribes until the disruption 
of the kingdoms. Henceforward the his- 
tory of Benjamin becomes merged in that 
of the southern kingdom. 2. A man of 
the tribe of Benjamm, son of Bilhan, and 
the head of a family of warriors (1 Chr. 
vii. 10^. 3. One of the "sons of Harim," 
an Israelite in the time of Ezra, who had 
married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 32). 

Ben'jamin, High gate, or gate, of, 
Jer. XX. 2, xxxvii. 13, xxxviii. 7; Zech. 
xiv. 10. [Jerusalem.] 

Be'no. a Levite of the sons of Merari 
(1 Chr. xxiv. 26, 27). 

Ben-O'ni, the name which the dying 
Rachel gave to her newly-born son, but 
which by his father was changed into Ben- 
jamin (Gen. xxxv. 18). 

Ben-zo'heth, a name occurring among 
the descendants of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 20). 

Be'on, a place on the east of Jordan 
^Num. xxxii. 3), doubtless a contraction of 
Baal-meon (comp. ver. 38). 

Be'or. 1. The father of Bela, one of 
the early Edomite kings (Gen. xxxvi. 32 ; 
1 Chr. i. 43). 2. Father of Balaam (Num. 
xxii. 5, xxiv. 3, 15, xxxi. 8 ; Deut, xxiii. 4 ; 
Josh. xiii. 22, xxiv. 9; Mic. vi. 5). He is 
called BosoR in the N. T. 

Be'ra, king of Sodom at the time of the 
invasion of the five kings under Chedor- 
laomer (Gen. xiv. 2; also 17 and 21). 

Ber'achah, a Benjamite, who attached 
himself to David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 3). 

Ber'achah, Valley of, a valley in 
which Jehoshaphat and his people assem- 
bled to "bless" Jehovah after the over- 
throw of the hosts of Moabites, Ammonites, 
and Mehunira, who had come against them, 
and which from that fact acquired its name 
of "the valley of blessing" (2 Chr. xx. 
26) The name of BereiTciit still survives, 
attached to ruins in a valley of the same 
name lying between Tekua and the main 
road from Bethlehem to Hebron. 

Berachi'ah, a Gershonite Levite, father 
of Asaph the singer (1 Chr. vi. 39). [Be- 

RECHIAn.] 

Berai'ah, son of Shimhl, a chief man of 
Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 21). 

Bere'a. 1. A city of Macedonia, men- 
tioned in Acts xvii. 10, 15. It is now 
called Verria or Kara- Verria, and is situ- 
ated en th(; eastern slope of the Olympian 
nuiountain-range, commanding an ey*^:!nsive 



view of the plain of the Axius and Hali 
acmon, and has now 15,000 or 20,000 in- 
babitants. 2. The modern Alep;po, men- 
tioned in 2 Mace. xiii. 4. 3. A place ir 
Judea, apparently not very far from Jem- 
salem (1 Mace. ix. 4). 

Berechi'ah. 1. One of the sons of 
Zorobabel, and a descendant of the royal 
family of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 20). 2, A 
man mentioned as the father of Meshullara 
who assisted in rebuldingthe walls of Jeru- 
salem (Neh. iii. 4, 30, vi. 18). 3. A Le- 
vite of the line of Elkanah (1 Chr. ix. 16). 
4. A doorkeeper for the ark (1 Chr. xv. 
23). 5. One of the chief men of the tribe 
of Ephraim in the time of king Ahaz (2 
Chr. xxviii. 12). 6. Father of Asaph the 
singer (1 Chr. xv. 17). [Bekachiah.] 7. 
Father of Zechariah the prophet (Zech. i 
1,7). 

Be'red. 1. A place in the south of 
Palestine, between which and Kadesh lay 
the well Lahai-roi (Gen. xvi. 14). 2. A 
son or descendant of Ephraim (1 Chr. vii. 
20), possibly identical with Becher in Num 
xxvi. 35, by a mere change of letters 

Bereni'ce. [Bernice.] 

Be'ri, son of Zophah, of the tribe of 
Asher (1 Chr. vii. 36). 

Beri'ah. 1. A son of Asher (Gen. 
xlvi. 17; Num. xxvi. 44, 45), from whom 
descended the "family of the Beriites" 
(Num. xxvi. 44). 2. A son of Epiiraim. 
so named on account of the state of hi"! 
father's house when he was born (1 Chr. 
vii. 20-23). This short notice is of no 
slight historical importance ; especially as 
it refers to a period of Hebrew history re- 
specting which the Bible affords us no otheT 
like information. The event must be as- 
signed to thj time between Jacob's death 
and the bej/-' aing of the oppression. 3. 
A Benjamite. He and his brother Shema 
were ancestors of the inhabitants of Ajalon, 
and expelled the inhabitants of Gath (1 
Chr. viii. 13, 16.) 4. A Levite (1 Chr. 
xxiii. 10, 11). 

Beri'ites. [Beriah, l.] 

Be'rites, The, a tribe or people who are 
named with Abel and Beth-maachah, and 
who were therefore doubtless situated in 
the north of Palestine (2 Sarr. xx. 14). 

Be'rith,ThegodJudg. ix 46. [Baax^ 

BERITII.] 

Berni'ce and Bereni'ce, the eldert 
daughter of Herod Agrippa I. (Acts xii. 1, 
&c.). Sbe was first married to her uncle 
Herod, king of Chalcis, and after his death 
(a. d. 48) she lived under circumstancoa 
of great suspicion with her own brother 
Agrippa II., in connection with whom she 
is mentioned Acts xxv. 13, 23, xxvi. 30, m 
having visited Festus on his appointment as 
Procurator of Judaea. 

Ber'odach-Bal'adan, 2 K. xx. la 
TMerodach-Baladan. 1 



BEROTHIH 



83 



BETH-BAAL-ME 3N 



Bero thah, Bero'thai. The first of 
these two names is given by Ezekiel (xlvii. 
10) in connection with Hamath and Da- 
fliLSCus as forming part of the northern 
boundary of the Provnised Land. The 
second is mentioned (2 Sam. viii. 8) also in 
connection with Hamath and Damascus. 
Tlie well-known city BeirHi (Berytus) 
naturally suggests itself as identical with 
one at least of the names ; but in each 
instance the circumstances of the case seem 
to require a position farther east. 

Bero'tliite,The (i Chr. xi. 39). [Bee- 

BOTH.] 

Beryl {tarshtsh) occurs in Ex. xxviii. 
20, xxxix. 13 ; Cant. v. 14 ; Ez. i. 16, x. 9, 
xxviii. 13 ; Dan. x. 6. It is generally sup- 
posed that the tarshish derives its name 
from the place so called. The ancient 
chrysolite or the modern yellow topaz ap- 
pears to have a better claim than any other 
gem to represent the tarshtsh of the He- 
brew Bible, certainly a better claim than 
Uie heryl of the A. V., a rendering w'lich 
appears to be unsupported by any kind of 
eTidence. 

Be'sai. "Children of Besai" were 
Among the Nethinim who returned to Ju- 
liaea with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 49; Neh. 
Tii. 52). 

Besodei'all, father of Meshullam, one 
of the repairers of the wall of Jerusalem 
(Neh. iii. 6). 

Be'sor, The Brook, a torrent-bed or 
»rady in the extreme south of Judah, of 
»rhich mention occurs only in 1 Sam. xxx. 
I), 10, 21. 

Be'tah, a city belonging to Hadadezer, 
king of Zobah, mentioned with Berothai 
(2 Sam. viii. 8). In the parallel account 
I Chr. xviii. 8, the name is called Tibchath. 

Be'ten, one of the cities on the border 
of the tribe of Asher (Josh. xix. 25). 

Beth, the most general word for a house 
or habitation. Like Aedes in Latin and 
Dom in German, it has the special mean- 
ing of a temple or house of worship. — 
Beth is more frequently employed in com- 
pound names of places than any other 
word. Beth-eked, the '* shearing house " 
(2 K. X. 12), lay between Jezreel and Sa- 
maria, according to Jerome 15 miles from 
the town of Legio, and in the plain of 
Esdraelon. Beth-haggan, "the garden- 
house " (2 K. ix. 27), is doubtless the same 
place as Enganntn, " spring of gardens," 
the modern Jenin. 

Beth-ab'ara, a place beyond Jordan, 
in which, according to the Received Text 
of the N. T.; John was baptizing (John i. 
88). If this reading be correct, Bethabara 
may be identical with Betli-barah, the an- 
cient ford of Jordan, or, which seems more 
likely, with Beth-nimrah, on the east of 
i\e river, nearly opposite Jericho. 

Beth' -anath, one of the "ft^n^er* cities" 



of Naphtali, named with Bethshemesh 
(Josh. xix. 38) ; from neither of them were 
the Canaanites expelled (Judg. i. 33). 

Beth'-anoth, a town in the mountain- 
ous district of Judah, named with Halbul, 
Bethzur, and others, in Josh. xv. 59 only. 

Beth'any, a village which, scanty as 
are the notices of it contained in Scripture, 
is more intimately associated in our minds 
than perhaps any other place with the most 
familiar acts and scenes of the last days of 
the life of Christ. It was situated "at" the 
Mount of Olives (Mark xi. 1 ; Luke xix. 
29), about fifteen stadia from Jerusalem 
(John xi. 18), on or near the usual road 
from Jericho to the city (Luke xix. 29, 
comp. 1 ; Mark xi. 1, comp. x. 46), and 
close by the west (?) of another village 
called Bethphage, the two being several 
times mentioned together. Bethany is now 
known by a name derived from Lazarus, — 
el-'Azariyeh or Lazarieh. It lies on the 
eastern slope of the Mount of Olives, fully 
a mile beyond the summit, and not very far 
from the point at which the road to Jericho 
begins its more sudden descent towards the 
Jordan valley. El- AzariyeK is a ruinous 
and wretched villa,ge, a wild mountain ham- 
let of some twenty families. Beth-any has 
been commonly explained " House of 
Dates," but it more probably signifies 
" House of Misery " (H. Dixon, Holy Landf 
ii. 214, foil.). 

Beth-ar'abah, one of the six cities of 
Judah which were situated down in the 
Arabah, the sunk valley of the Jordan and 
Dead Sea (Josh. xv. 61), on the north bor- 
der of the tribe. It is also included in the 
list of the towns of Benjamin (xviii. 22). 

Beth'-aram, accurately Beth-haram, 
one of the towns of Gad on the east of Jor- 
dan, described as in " the valley," Josh. xiii. 
27, and no doubt the same place as that 
named Beth-haran in Num. xxxii. 36. 

Beth-ar'bel, named only in Hos. x. 14, 
as the scene of a sack and massacre by 
Shalman. 

Beth-a'ven, a place on the mountains 
of Benjamin, east of Bethel (Josh. vii. 2, 
xviii. 12), and lying between that place and 
Michmash (1 Sam. xiii. 5, xiv. 23). In 
Hos. iv. 15, V. 8, X. 5, the name is trans- 
ferred to the neighboring Bethel, — once 
the " house of God," but then the house of 
idols, of " naught." 

Beth-az'maveth. Under this name is 
mentioned, in Neh. vii. 28 only, the town 
of Benjamin which is elsewhere called Az- 
maveth, and Beth-samos. 

Beth-baal-me'on, a place in the pos- 
sessions of Reuben, on the downs (A. V. 
"plain") east of Jordan (Josh. xiii. 17). 
At the Israelites' first approach its name 
was Baal-meon (Num. xxxii. 38, or in its 
contracted form, Beon, xxxii. 3), to which 
the Beth was possibly a Hebrew addition. 



BETH-BARAll 



M 



BITH-GADER 



Later it would seem to have come into pos- 
leesion of Moab, and to be known either as 
Beth-meon (Jer. xlviii. 23) or Baal-meon 
(Ez. XXV. 9). The name is still attached 
to a ruined place of considerable size, a 
ihort distance to the S. W. of HeshAn, and 
bearing the name of *' the fortress of Mi'- 
un" or Maiin, which appears to give its 
appellation to the Wady Zerka maein. 

Beth-ba'rah, named only in Judg. vii. 
5i4, as a point apparently south of the scene 
of Gideon's victory. Beth-barah derives 
its cliief interest from the possibility that 
its more modern representative may have 
been Beth-abara where John baptized. It 
was probably the chief ford of the district. 

Beth-bir'ei, a town of Simeon (1 Chr. 
Iv. 31), which by comparison with the par- 
allel list in Josh. xix. appears to have had 
ftlso the name of Beth-lebaoth. It lay 
to the extreme south. 

Beth-car, a place named as the point 
to which the Israelites pursued the Philis- 
tines (1 Sam. vii. 11), and therefore west 
of Mizpeh. Josephus says that the stone 
Ebenezer was set up here. 

Beth-da'gon. 1. A city in the low 
country of Judah (Josh. xv. 41), and there- 
fore not far from the Philistine territory, 
with which its name implies a connection. 
2. A town apparently near the coast, 
named as one of the landmarks of the 
boundary of Asher (Josh. xix. 27). 

Beth-diblatha'im, a town of Moab 
(Jer. xlviii. 22), apparently the place else- 
where called Almon-Diblathaim. 

Beth'el. 1. A well-known city and 
holy place of central Palestine. Of the ori- 
gin of the name of Bethel there are two 
accounts extant. 1. It was bestowed on 
the spot by Jacob under the awe inspired 
by the nocturnal vision of God, when on 
his journey from his father's house at Beer- 
eheba to seek his wife in Haran (Gen. 
xxviii. 19). 2. But according to the other 
account, Bethel received its name on the 
occasion of a blessing bestowed by God 
upon Jacob after hi" return from Padan- 
arsim ; at which time also (according to this 
narrative) the name of Israel was given 
him (Gen. xxxv. 14, 15). — Early as is the 
date involved in these narratives, yet, if we 
are to accept the precise definition of Gen. 
xii. 8, the name of Bethel would appear to 
have existed at this spot even before the 
arrival of Abram in Canaan (Gen. xii. 8, 
xiii. 3, 4). In one thing, however, the 
aoove narratives all agree, — in omitting 
any mention of town or buildings at Bethel 
at that early period, and in drawing a 
marked distinction between the '* city " of 
Luz and the consecrated "place" in its 
neighborhood (comp. Gen. xxxv. 7). The 
appropriation of the name of Bethel to the 
city appears not to have been made till still 
latrr 'Then it was taken by the tribe of 



I Ephraim ; after which the name of Luz oc- 
curs no more (Judg. i. 22-26). —After th« 
conquest Bethel is frequently heard of. Id 
the troubled times when there was no king 
in Israel, it was to Bethel that the people 
went up in theii distress to ask counsel of 
God (Judg. XX. 18, 26, 31 ; xxi. 2 : A. V. 
"house of God"). Here was the ark of 
the covenant under the charge of Phinehaa 
the grandson of Aaron (xx. 26-28, xxi. 4). 
Later we find it named as one of the holy 
cities to which Samuel went in circuit (1 
Sam. vii. 16). Here Jeroboam placed one 
of the two calves of gold. Towards the 
end of Jeroboam's life Bethel fell into 
the hands of Judah (2 Chr. xiii. 19). Eli- 
jah visited .Bethel, and we hear of "sons 
of the prophets " as resident there (2 K. ii. 
2, 3), two facts apparantly incompatible 
with the active existence of the calf-worship. 
But, after the destruction of the Baal wor- 
ship by Jehu, Bethel comes once more into 
view (2 K. X. 29). After the desolation of 
the northern kingdom by the king of As- 
syria, Bethel still remained an abode of 
priests (2 K. xvii. 28, 27). In the account 
of Josiah's iconoclasm we catch one more 
glimpse of the altar of Jeroboam, with its 
last loathsome fire of " dead men's bones " 
burning upon it. In later times Bethel is 
named only once ; its ruins still lie on the 
right hand side of the road from Jerusalem 
to Nablous under the scarcely altered name 
of Beitin. 2. A town in the south part 
of Judah, named in Josh. xii. 16, and 1 Sam. 
XXX. 27. By comparison of the lists of the 
towns of Judah and Simeon (Josh. xv. 30, 
xix. 4 ; 1 Chr. iv. 29, 30), the place appears 
under the names of Chesil, Bethul, and 
Bethuel. — HiEL, THE Bethelite, is re- 
corded as the rebuilder of Jericho (1 K. 
xvi.34). 

Beth-e'mek, a place on or near the bor- 
der of Asher, on the north side of which 
was the ravine of Jiphthah-el (Josh. xix. 27). 

Beth'er, The Mountains of (Cant, 
ii. 17). There is no clew to guide us to 
what mountains are intended here. 

Bethesda, the Hebrew name oi a res- 
ervoir or tank, with five " porches," close 
upon the sheep-gate or " market" in Jeru- 
salem (John V. 2). The porches — i. e. 
cloisters or colonnades — were extensive 
enough to accommodate a large number of 
sick and infirm people, whose custom it was 
to wait there for the "troubling of the 
water." The large reservoir Birket Israil, 
within the walls of the city, close by the St. 
Stephen's Gate, and under the north-east 
wall of the Haram area, is generally con- 
sidered to be the modern representative of 
Bethesda. 

Bethe'zel, a place named only m Mic. 
i. 11. From the context it was doubtlesi 
situated in the plain of Philistia. 

Beth-ga'der, doubtless a plac^, thougb 




u 

X 
UJ 

_1 
I 
t- 

UI 
CD 



n 



n 



BETH-GAMUL 



85 



BETH- NIMRAH 



It occurs in the genealogies cf Judah as if 
a person (1 Chr. ii. 51). 

Beth-ga'mul, a town of Moab, in the 
downs east of Jordan (Jer. Klviii. 23, 
comp. 21). 

Beth-hac'oerem (Neh. iii. 14). From 
Jyr. vi. 1, we find that it was used as a 
beacon-station, and that it was near Tekoa. 
In the time of Neliemiah (iii. 14) it had a 
ruler or prince. By Jerome a village named 
Bethacharma is said to have been on a 
mountain between Tekoa and Jerusalem, a 
position in which the eminence known as 
the Frank mountain (Herodium) stands 
conspicuous ; and this has accordingly been 
suggested as Beth-haccerem. 

Beth-ha'ran, one of the fenced cities on 
the east of Jordan, built by the Gadites 
(Num. xxxii. 36). It is no doubt the same 
place as Beth-aram, Josh. xiii. 27. 

Beth-hog'la and Hog'lah, a place on 
ihe border of Judah (Josh. xv. 6) and of 
Benjamin (xviii. 19), to which latter tribe 
it was reckoned to belong (xviii. 21). A 
magnificent spring and a ruin between Jer- 
icho and the Jordan still bear the names of 
dinhajla and Kiisr I/ajla, and are doubt- 
less on or near the old site. 

Beth-ho'ron, the name of two towns 
or villages, an " upper " and a " nether " 
(Josh. xvi. 3, 5 ; 1 Chr. vii. 24), on the road 
from Gibeon to Azekah (Josh. x. 10, 11), 
and the Philistine plain (1 Mace. iii. 24). 
Beth-horon lay on the boundary-line be- 
tween Benjamin and Ephraim (Josh. xvi. 
S, 5), and (xviii. 13, 14) was counted to 
Ephraim (Josh. xxi. 22; 1 Chr. vii. 24), 
And given to" the Kohatliites (Josh. xxi. 22 ; 
1 Chr. vi. 68 [53]. There is no room for 
doubt that the two Beth-horons still survive 
in the modern villages of Beit-'itr, et-tahta 
and el-foka. 

Beth-jesh'imoth, or Jes'imoth, a 
town or place east of Jordan, on the lower 
level at the south end of the Jordan valley 
(Num. xxxiii. 49) ; and named with Ash- 
dod-pisgah and Beth-peor. It was one of 
the limits of the encampinent of Israel be- 
fore crossing the Jordan. Later it was al- 
lotted to Reuben (Josh. xii. 3, xiii. 20), but 
came at last into the hands of Moab, and 
formed one of the cities which were "the 
glory of the country" (Ez. xxv. 9), 

Beth-leb'aoth, a town in the lot of 
Simeon (Josh. xix. 6), and therefore in the 
extreme south of Judah (xv. 32, Lebaoth). 
In the parallel list in 1 Chr. iv. 31 the name 
is given Beth-birei. 

Bethlehem. 1. One of the oldest 
towns in Palestine, already in existence at 
tlif time of Jacob's return to the country. 
Its earliest name was Ephrath or Ephra- 
TAH (see Gen. xxxv. 16, 19, xlviii. 7), and 
it is not till long after the occupation of the 
country by the Israelites that we meet with 
it imder its new name of Betlilehem. After 



the conquest Bethlehem appears under it# 
own name Bethlehem-judah (Judg. xvii. 7; 
1 Sam. xvii. 12; Ruth i. 1, 2). The Book 
of Ruth is a page from the dc mestic history 
of Bethlehem: the names, almost the very 
persons, of the Bethlehemites are there 
brought before us ; we are allowed to assist 
at their most peculiar customs, and to wit- 
ness the very springs of those events which 
have conferred immortality on the name 
of the place. The elevation of David to 
the kingdom does not appear to have af- 
fected tlie fortunes of his nat: ve town. — 
The few remaining casual notices of Beth- 
lehem in the Old Testament may be quickly 
enumerated. It was fortified by Rehoboam 
(2 Chr. xi. 6). By the time of the captiv- 
ity, the Inn of Chimham by Bethlehem ap- 
pears to have become the recognized point 
of departure for travellers to Egypt (Jer. 
xli. 17). — In the New Testament Bethle- 
hem retains its distinctive title of Bethle- 
hem-judah (Matt. ii. 1, 5), and once, in the 
announcement of the Angels, the " city of 
David" (Luke ii. 4; comp. John vii. 42). 
The passages just quoted, and the few which 
follow, exhaust the references to it in the 
N. T. (Matt. ii. 6, 8, 16 ; Luke ii. 15). The 
modern town of Beit-lahm lies to the E. of 
the main road from Jerusalem to Hebron, 
6 miles from the former. It covers the E. 
and N. E. parts of the ridge of a long gray 
hill of Jura limestone, which stands nearly 
due E. and W., and is about a i.iile in 
length. The hill has a deep valley on the 
N. and another on the S. On the top liea 
the village in a kind of irregular triangle. 
The population is about 3000 souls, entirely 
Christians. 2. A town in the portion ol 
Zebulun named nowhere but in Josh. xix. 15. 

Bethlo'mon, 1 Esd. v. 17. [Bethle- 
hem, 1.] 

Beth-ma'achah, a place named only 
in 2 Sam. xx. 14, 15. In the absence of 
more information, we can only conclude 
that it is identical with Maachah. or Aram- 
MAACHAH, one of the petty Syrian kingdomi 
in the north of Palestine (comp. 2 K. xv. 
29). 

Beth-mar 'eaboth, " house of he char- 
iots," one of the towns of Simeon, situated 
to the extreme south of Judah (Josh. xix. 
5 ; 1 Chr. iv. 31). In the parallel list, Josh. 
XV. 30, 31, Madmannah occurs in place of 
Beth-marcaboth. 

Beth-me'on, Jer. xlviii. 23. A con- 
tracted form of the name elsewhere given 

as BETH-BAAL-iMEON. 

Beth-nim'rah, one of the fenced cities 
on the east of Jordan taken and built by 
the tribe of Gad (Num. xxxii. 36), and de- 
scribed as lying in the valley beside Betb- 
haran (Josh. xiii. 27). In Num. xxxii. 3 
it is called simply Nimrah. The name 
still survives in the Nahr Nirririm, the 
Arab appellation of the lower end of tb« 



BETHUKOr^ 



8t) 



BETHULIA 



Wady Shoaib, where the waters of that 
ralley discharge themselves into the Jor- 
dan close to one of the regular fords a few 
miles above Jerichj. 

Betho'ron, i. e. Bethoron (Jud. iv. 4). 

Bethi-pa'let, a town among those in 
the extreme south of Judah, named in 
Josh. XV. 27. 

lieth-paz'zez, atownoflssacharnamed 
with En-haddah (Josh. xix. 21), and of 
which nothing is known. 

Beth-pe'or, a place, no doubt dedicated 
to the god Baal-peor, on the east of Jor- 
dan, opposite Jericho, and six miles above 
Libias or Beth-haran. It was in the pos- 
session of the tribe of Reuben (Josh. xiii. 
20). One of the last halting-places of the 
children of Israel is designated " the 
ravine over against Beth-peor" (Deut. 
iii. 29, iv. 46). 

Beth'-phage, the name of a place on 
the mount of Olives, on the road between 
Jericho and Jerusalem. It was apparently 
close to Bethany (Matt. xxi. 1 ; Mark xi. 
1; Luke xix. 29), and to the eastward of 
it. No remains however which could an- 
swer to this position have been found, and 
the traditional site is above Bethany, half 
way between that village and the top of the 
mount. 

Beth'-phelet, Neh. xi. 26. [Beth- 

PALET.] 

Beth'-rapha, a name which occurs in 
the genealogy of Judah as the son of Esh- 
ton (1 Chr. iv. 12). 

Betll'-rehob, a place mentioned as hav- 
ing near it the valley in which lay the town 
of Laish or Dan (Judg. xviii. 28). It was 
one of the little kingdoms of Aram or 
Syria (2 Sam. x. 6). Robinson conjectures 
that this ancient place is represented by 
the modern IIAnin. 

Beth-sa'ida. 1. "Bethsaida of Gali- 
lee" (John xii. 21), a city which was the 
native place of Andrew, Peter, and Philip 
(John i. 44, xii. 21) in the land of Gen- 
nesareth (Mark vi. 45; comp. 53), and 
therefore on the west side of the lake. 
Dr. Robinson places Bethsaida at 'Ain et- 
Tahigah, a short distance north of Khan 
Minyeh, which he identifies with Caper- 
naum. 2. By comparing the narratives in 
Mark vi. 31-53, and Luke ix. 10-17, it ap- 
pears certain that the Bethsaida at which 
the 5000 were fed must have been a second 
place of the same name on the east of the 
lake. Such a place there was at the north- 
east(irn extremity, formerly a village, but 
rebuilt and adorned by Philip the Tetrarch, 
and raised to the dignity of a town under 
the name of Julias, after the daughter of 
the emperor. Here in a magnificent tomb 
Philip was buried. Of this Bethsaida we 
have certainly one and probably two men- 
tions in the Gospels : 1. That named 
abcje. of the feeding of thf 6000 CLuke 



ix. 10). 2. The other, most probally, in 

Mark viii. 22. 

Beth-she'an, or in Samuel, Beth- 
SHAN, a city, which, with its "daughter* 
towns, belonged to Manasseh (1 Ohr vii. 
29), though within the limits of Issuchar 
(Josh. xvii. 11), and therefore on the went 
of Jordan (comp. 1 Mace. v. 52) — but 
not mentioned in the lists of the latter 
tribe. The Canaanites were not driven out 
from the town (Judg. i. 27). In later 
times it was called Scythopolis (2 Mace. 
xii. 29) ; but this name has not survived to 
the present day; and the place is still 
known as Beisdn. It lies in the Ghdr or 
Jordan valley, about twelve miles south of 
the sea of Galilee, and four miles west oi 
the Jordan. 

Beth-she'mesh. 1. One of the towna 
which marked the north boundary of Judah 
(Josh. XV. 10), but not named in the lists 
of the cities of that tribe. It is now 'Ain- 
shems, about two miles from the great Phi- 
listine plain, and seven from Ekron. 2. A 
city on the border of Issachar (Josh. xix. 
22). 3. One of the "fenced cities" of 
Naphtali (Josh. xix. 38 ; Judg. i. 33). 4. 
An idolatrous temple or place in Egypt 
(Jer. xliii. 13). In the middle ages Hefi- 
opolis was still called by the Arabs Ain 
Shems. 

Beth-shit'tah, one of the spots to 
wliich the flight of the host of the Midian- 
ites extended after their discomfiture by 
Gideon (Judg. vii. 22). 

Beth-tap'puah, one of the towns of 
Judah, in the mountainous district, and 
near Hebron (Josh. xv. 63; comp. 1 Chr. 
ii.(43). Here it has actually been discov- 
ered by Robinson under the modern name 
of Teffuh 5 miles W. of Hebron, on a ridge 
of high table-land. 

Bethu'el, the son of Nahor by Milcah ; 
nephew of Abraham, and father of Rebekah 
(Gen. xxii. 22, 23, xxiv. 15, 24, 47, xxviii. 
2). In XXV. 20, and xxviii. 5, he is called 
" Bethuel the Syrian." Though- often re- 
ferred to as above in the narrative, Bethuel 
only appears in person once (xxiv. 60). 
Upon til is an ingenious conjecture is raised 
by Prof. Blunt that he was the subject of 
some imbecility or other incapacity. 

Be'thul, a town of Simeon in the south, 
named with El-tolad and Hormah (Josh, 
xix, 4), called also Chesil and Bethuel 
(Josh. XV. 30; 1 Chr. iv. 29). 

Bethuli'a, the city which was the scene 
of the chief events of the Book of Judith, 
in which book only the name occurs. Ita 
position is there described with very mi- 
nute detail. Not>»'ithstanding this detail, 
however the identification of the site of 
Bethulia has hitherto defied all attempts, 
and is one of the greatest puzzles of sacied 
geography. Von Raumer suggests Sanlir^ 
i which is perhaps the nearest to probabiliti 



BElll-ZACHAIilAS 



87 



BIBLE 



it IS abjut three miles from Bothan, and 
BOiae six or seven from Jenin (Engannim), 
w hich stand on the very edge of the great 
pbiin of Esdraelon. 
Beth.-zacb.ari'as. [Bath-Zacuaki- 

Beth.'-Zi:r, a town in the mountains of 
Judah, named between Halhui and Gedor 
(^Josh. XV. 58). The recovery of the site 
of Betlizur, under the almost identical 
lanie of Beit-str, explains its impregna- 
bility, and also the reason for the choice of 
its position, since it commands the road 
from Beersheba and Hebron, which has 
ilways been the main approach to Jeru- 
salem from the south. 

Bet'onini, a town in the inheritance of 
the children of Gad, apparently oh their 
northern boundary (Josh. xiii. 2Q). 

Betrothing. [Marriage.] 

Beu'lah, "married," the name which 
the land of Israel is to bear, when " the 
land shall be married " (Is. Ixii. 4). 

Be'zai, " Children of Bezai," to the 
number of 323, returned from captivity 
with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 17 ; Neh. vii. 23). 
The name occurs again among those who 
sealed the covenant (Neh. x. 18). 

Bezal'eel. 1. The son of Uri, the son 
of Hur, of the tribe of Judah, and one of 
the architects of the tabernacle (Ex. xxxi. 
1-6). His charge was chiefly in all works 
of metal, wood, and stone. 2. One of the 
sons of Pahath-moab who had taken a for- 
eign wife (Ezr. x. 30). 

Be'zek. 1. The residence of Adoni- 
bezek, i. e. the " lord of Bezek " (Judg. i. 
6) ; in the lot of Judah (verse 3), and in- 
habited by Canaanites and Perizzites (verse 
4). This must have been a distinct place 
from 2. "Where Saul numbered the forces 
of Israel and Judali before going to the re- 
lief of Jabesh-Gilead (1 Sam. xi. 8). This 
was doubtless somewhere in the centre of 
the country, near the Jordan valley. No 
identification of either place has been 
made in modern times. 

Be'zer, son of Zophah, one of the 
heads of the houses of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 

Be'zer in the Wilderness, a city of 
the Reubenites, with suburbs, set apart by 
Moses as one of the three cities of refuge 
in the downs on the east of the Jordan, and 
allotted to the Merarites (Deut. iv. 43: 
Josh. XX. 8, xxi. 3fi; 1 Chr. vi. 78). 

Bible. I. When the Books of the Old 
Testament were formed into a Canon , 
[Canon] it was natural to give a general 
zaine to the collection. The earliest in- 
stance of such a title occurs in Daniel, who 
refers to " the books " (Dan. ix. 2) in a 
manner which seems to mark the prophetic 
writings as already collected into one whole. 
The same word was applied by the Jews in 
Altt«*ndria to the collected books of the i 



Old Testament — al (ii^koi, more trt-quenDN 
Tu (ii^iAia — whence the Avord Bible, oi 
j The Book, has been given to the collected 
! books of the Old and New Testaments. 
j The writers of the New Testament call 
the books of the Old Testament either Tfie 
Scripture (ij yQoi^i'h Acts viii. 82 ; Gal. iii. 
22; 2 Tim. iii. 16), or The Scriptures 
(ai youqjut. Matt. xxi. 42 ; Luke xxiv. 27), 
or Tlie Holy Scriptures (xa irQU y^u^uA^uru, 
2 Tim. iii. 15). The use of the phrasi^ 
ij naiaia Siudijxi} in 2 Cor. iii. 14, for the 
law as read in the synagogues, led gradu- 
ally to the extension of the word to include 
tlie other books of the Jewish Scriptures. 
Of the Latin equivalents, which were 
adopted by difierent writers (Inst, ur/ienr- 
turn, Testamentmn), the latter met with the 
most general acceptance, and perpetuated 
itself in the languages of modern Europe, 
whence the terms Old Testament and New 
Testamient, though the Greek word prop- 
erly signifies " Covenant " rather than 
"Testament." But the application of the 
word Bible to the collected books of the 
Old and New Testaments is not to be traced 
farther back than the 5th century of our 
era. II. The existence of a collection of 
sacred books recognized as authoritative 
leads naturally to a more or less systematic 
arrangement. The Prologue to Ecclesias- 
ticus mentions "the law and the prophets 
and the other Books." In the N. T. there is 
the same kind of recognition. " The Law 
and the Prophets " is the shorter (Matt. xi. 
13, xxii. 40; Acts xiii. 15, &c.) ; "the 
Law, the Prophets, and the Psalms " (Luke 
xxiv. 44), the fuller statement of the di- 
vision popularly recognized. The arrange- 
ment of the books of the Hebrew text un- 
der these three heads, requires however a 
further notice. 1. The Law, containing 
Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and 
Deuteronomy, naturally continued to oc- 
cupy the position which it must have held 
from the first as the most ancient and 
authoritative portion. In the Hebrew clas- 
sification the titles were taken from the 
initial words, or prominent words in the 
initial verse; in that of the LXX. they 
were intended to be significant of the sub- 
ject of each book. 2. The next group pre- 
sents a more singular combination The 
arrangement stands as follows : — 



Elder. 



Prophets 



Later. 



Greater. 



'Lesser. 



JOSDVik. 
Judj,'t8. 

1 & 2 SamaaL 
1 & 2 King* 

Isaiah. 

Jeremiah. 

EzeldeL 

The twelv* 

mnor 

Prophet*. 



— the Hebrew titles of these books coirp>- 
spondir.g to those of the English Bibles. 3. 
Last m Arler came the group kuown to 



BIBLE 



88 



BILE AM 



Che JevvB as Cethubim, iuoluding the remain- 
ing books of the Hebrew Canon, arranged 
in the following order, and with subordi- 
nate divisions : (a) Psalms, Proverbs, Job. 

(b) The Song of Songs, Ruth, Lamenta- 
tions, Ecclesiastes, Esthei — the five rolls. 

(c) Daniel, Ezra, Nehemiah, 1 and 2 
Chionicles. The history of tlie arrange- 
mr.ut of the Books of the New Testament 
presents some variations, not without in- 
terest, as indicating differences of feeling 
or modes of thought. The four Gospels 
and the Acts of the Apostles uniformly 
stand first. They are so far to the New 
what the Pentateuch was to the Old Tes- 
tament. The position of the Acts as an 
intermediate book, the sequel to the Gos- 
pels, the prelude to the Epistles, was ob- 
viously a natural one. After this we meet 
with some striking differences. The order 
in the Alexandrian, Vatican, and Ephraem 
MSS. (A B C) gives precedence to the 
Catholic Epistles, and this would appear to 
have been characteristic of the Eastern 
Churches. The Western Church on the 
other hand, as represented by Jerome, Au- 
gustine, and their successors, gave priority 
of position to the Pauline Epistles. The 
Apocalypse, as might be expected from the 
peculiar character of its contents, occupied 
a position by itself. III. Division into 
Chapters and Verses. — The Hebrew of the 
Old Testament- It is hardly possible to 
conceive of the liturgical use of the books 
of the Old Testament, without some kind 
of recognized division. The references, 
however, in Mark xii. 26 and Luke xx. 37, 
Rom. xi. 2, and Acts viii. 32, indicate a 
division which had become familiar, and 
show that some at least of the sections 
were known popularly by the titles taken 
from their subjects. In like manner the 
existence of a cycle of lessons is indicated 
by Luke iv. 17 ; Acts xiii. 15, xv. 21 ; 2 
Cor. iii. 14. The Talmudic division is on 
the following plan. The Law was in the 
first instance divided into fifty-four Par- 
shioth, or sections, so as to provide a les- 
son for each Sabbath in the Jewish inter- 
calary year. Coexisting with this there 
was a subdivision into lesser Parshioth. A 
different terminology was employed for the 
Elder and Later Prophets, and the division 
was less uniform. The name of the sec- 
tipns in this case was Haphtaroth. Of the 
tiaditional divisions of the Hebrew Bible, 
however, that which has exercised most in- 
fluence in the received arrangement of the 
text, was the subdivision of the larger sec- 
tions into verses (Pesukim). These do 
not appear to have been used till the post- 
Talmudic recension of the text by the 
Masoretes of the 9th century. The chief 
facts that remain to be stated as to the 
verse division of the Old Testament are, 
that it was adopted by Stephens in his edi- 



tion of the Vulgate, 1555, and by Fi.iloD 
in that of 1556 ; that it appeared for the 
first time in an English translation, in the 
Geneva Bible of 1560, and was thence 
transferred to the Bishops' Bible of 1568, 
and the Authorized Version of 1611 With 
the New Testament, the divi sion im t chap- 
ters adopted by Hugh de St. Cher super- 
seded those that had been in use previous- 
ly, appeared in the early editions of the 
Vulgate, was transferred to the English 
Bible by Coverdalo, and so became uni- 
versal. As to the division into verses, the 
absence of an authoritative standard left 
more scope to the individual discretion of 
editors or printers, and the activity of the 
two Stephcnses caused that which they 
adopted in their numerous editions of the 
Greek Testament and Vulgate to be gen- 
erally received. In the Preface to the 
Concordance, published by Henry Ste- 
phens, 1594, he gives an account of the 
origin of this division. The whole work 
was accomplished "inter equitandum " on 
his journey from Paris to Lyons. While 
it was in progress men doubted of its suc- 
cess. No sooner was it known than it met 
with universal acceptance. The edition in 
which this division was first adopted was 
published in 1551. It was used for the 
English version published m Geneva in 
1560, and from that time, with slight vari- 
ations in detail, has been universally rec- 
ognized. 

Bid'kar, Jehu's " captain," originally 
his fellow-officer (2 K. ix. 25) ; who com- 
pleted the sentence on Jehoram son of 
Aliab. 

Bier. [Burial.] 

Big'tha, one of the seven ehamberlaintj 
or eunuchs of the harem of Ahasuerus 
(Esth. i. 10). 

Big'than and Big'thaua, an eunuch 
(chamberlain, A. V.) in the court of Ahas- 
uerus, one of those "who kept the door," 
and conspired with Teiesh against the 
king's life (Esth. ii. 21). The conspiracy 
was detected by Mordec^ai. 

Big'vai. 1. "Children of Bigvai," 
2056 (Neh. 2067) in number, returned 
from the captivity with Zei:bbabel (Ezr. 
ii. 14; Neh. vii. 19), and 72 of th.-m at a 
later date with Ezra (Ezr. viii 14). 2 
Apparently one of the chiefs of Zerubb- 
bel's expedition (Ezr. ii. 2; Neh. vii. 7), 
whose family afterwards signed the cove- 
nant (Neh. X. 16). 

Bik'ath- Avert, Amos i. 5 marg. [ Avbm, 

Bil'dad, the second o*" ''ob's three 
friends. He i called " tne Shuhite," 
which implies both his family and nati )n 
(Job ii. 11). 

Bil'eam, a town in the western half of 
the tribe of Manasseh, named only in 1 
Chr. vi. 70, as being given to tliP Kihatb 



BILGAH 



89 



BISHOP 



ites. In the lists in Josh. xvii. and xxi. 
this name does not appear, and Ibleam and 
Gath-rimmon are substituted for it. 

Bil'gah. 1. A priest in the time of 
David ; the head of the fifteenth course for 
the temple service (1 Chr. xxiv. 14). 2. 
A priest or priestly family who returned 
it jm Babylon with Zerubbabel and Jeshua 
(Meh. xii. 5, 18). 

Bil gai, Neh. x. 8. [Biluah, 2.] 

Pil hall, handmaid of Rachel (Gen. 
txix. 29), and concubine of Jacob, to 
rhom she bore Dan and Naphtali (Gen. 
S.XX. 3-8, XXXV. 25, xlvi. 25 ; 1 Chr. vii. 
13). [Reuben.] 

Bii'han. 1. A Horite chief, son of 
Ezer, son of Seir, dwelling in Mount Seir, 
in the land of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 27 ; 1 
Chr. i. 42). 2. A Benjamite, son of Jedi- 
ael (1 Chr. vii. 10), and probably descend- 
ed from Bela. 

Bil'shan, one of Zerubbabel's compan- 
ions on his expedition from Babylon (Ezr. 
ii. 2; Neh. vii. 7). 

Bim'lial, one of the sons of Japhlet in 
Ihe line of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 33). 

Bin'ea, the son of Moza; one of the 
descendants of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 37; ix. 
43). 

Bin'nm. 1. A Levite, father of Noa- 
diah, in Ezra's time (Ezr. viii. 33). 2. One 
of the sons of Paliath-moab, who had taken 
a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 30). 3. Another 
Israelite, of the sons of Baiii, who had also 
taken a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 38). 4. Al- 
tered from Bani in the corresponding list 
in Ezra (Neh. vii. 15). 5. A Levite, son 
of Henadad, who assisted at the reparation 
of the wall of Jerusalem, under Nehemiah 
(Neh. iii. 24; x. 9). He is possibly also 
the Binnui in xii. 8. 

Birds. [Sparrow.] 

Bir'sha, king of Gomorrha at the time 
of the invasion of Chedorlaomer (Gen. 
xiv. 2). 

Birthdays. The custom of observ- 
ing birthdays is very ancient (Gen. xl. 20 ; 
Jer. XX. 15) ; and in Job i. 4, &c., we read 
that Job's sons "feasted every one his 
day.'' In Persia they were celebrated 
with peculiar honors and banquets, and in 
Egypt the king's birthdays were kept with 
great pomp. It is very probable that in 
Matt. xiv. 6, the feast to commemorate 
Herod's accession is intended, for we know 
tliat such feasts were common, and were 
called "the day of the king" (Hos. vii. 5). 

Birthright. The advantages accruing 
to the eldest son were not definitely fixed 
in patriarchal times. Great respect was 
pail to him in the household, and, as the 
family widened into a tribe, this grew into 
a sustained authority, undefined, save by 
custom, in all matters of common interest. 
Thus the " princes " of the congregation 
had probably rights of primogeniture (Num. 



vii. 2, xxi. 18, xxv. 14). A "double por- 
tion " of the paternal property was all )tted 
by the Mosaic law (Dcut. xxi. 15-17). The 
first-born of the king was his successor by 
law (2 Chr. xxi. 3) : David, however, by 
divine appointment, excluded Adonijah in 
favor of Solomon. 

Bir'zavith, a name occur'ring in the 
genealogies of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 31), and 
apparently, from the mode of its mention, 
the name of a place. 

Bishop. This word, applied in the N. 
T. to the ofl&cers of the Church who wero 
charged with certain functions of superin- 
tendence, had been in use before as a title 
of office. When the organization of the 
Christian churches in Gentile cities involved 
the assignment of the work of pastoral su- 
perintendence to a distinct order, the title 
bishop (^iniaxonoq) presented itself as atonce 
convenient and familiar, and aa as therefore 
adopted as readily as the word elder (nqio- 
^vTtQtjg) had been in the mother church of 
Jerusalem. That the two titles were ori- 
ginally equivalent is clear from the follow- 
ing facts. 1. Bishops and elders are no- 
where named together as being orders 
distinct from each other. 2. Bishops and 
deacons are named as a,pparently an ?x- 
haustive division of the officers of the 
Church addressed by St. Paul as an apostle 
(Phil. i. 1; 1 Tim. i. 1, 8). 3. The same 
persons are described by both names (Acts 
XX. 17, 18; Tit. i. 5, 8). 4. Elders dis- 
charge functions wliich are essentially epis- 
copal, i. e. involving pastoral superintend- 
ence (1 Tim. v. 17 ; 1 Pet. v. 1, 2). Assum- 
ing as proved the identity of the bishops and 
elders of the N. T. we have to inquire into, 

I. The relation which existed between the 
two titles. 2. The functions and mode of 
appointment of the men to whom both titles 
wc-e applied. 3. Their relations to the 
general government and discipline of the 
Church. I. There can be no doubt the* 
elders had the priority in order of time 
The order itself is recognized in Acts xi 
30, and in Acts xv. 2. The earliest use of 
" bishops," on the other hand, is in the ad- 
dress of St. Paul to the elders of Miletas 
(Acts XX. 28), and there it is rather de- 
scriptive of functions than given as a title. 

II. Of the order in which the first elders 
were appointed, as of the occasion which led 
to the institution of the office, we have no re- 
cord. Arguing from the analogy of the Seven 
in Acts vi. 5, 6, it would seem probable that 
they were chosen by the members of the 
Church collectively, and then set apart to 
their office by the laying on of the apostles' 
hands. In the case of Timothy (1 Tim. 
iv. 14 ; 2 Tim. i. 6) the " presbyters," prob- 
ably the body of the elders at Lystra, had 
taken part with the apostle in this act of 
ordination. The conditions which were to 
bt! observed in chof^sing those oflB '.ers, a« 



BlTHIAH 



90 



BLOOD 



stated in the pastoral epistles, are, blame- 
less life and reputation among those "that 
are without " as well as witliin the Church, 
fitness for the work of teaching, the wide 
kindliness or temper which shows itself in 
hospitality, the being " the husband of one 
wife " (i. e. according to the most probable 
interpretation, not divorced and then mar- 
ried to another), showing powers of gov- 
ernment in his own household as well as in 
Belf-control, not being a recent, and, there- 
fore, an untried convert. When appointed, 
the duties of the bishop-elders appear to 
hare been as follows : 1. General superin- 
tendence over the spiritual well-being of 
the flock (1 Pet. v. 2). 2. The work of 
teaching, both publicly and privately (1 
Thess. V. 12; Tit. i. 9; 1 Tim. v. 17). 3. 
The work of visiting the sick appears in 
Jam. V. 14, as assigned to the elders of the 
Church. 4 Among other acts of charity, 
that of receiving strangers occupied a con- 
spicuous place (1 Tim. iii. 2; Tit. i. 8). 
The mode in which these officers of the 
Church were supported or rejuunerated 
varied probably in different cities. Col- 
lectively at Jerusalem, and probably in 
other churches, the body of bishop- elders 
took part in deliberations (Acts xv. 6-22, 
xxi. 18), addressed other churches (ihid. 
XV. 23), were joined with the apostles in 
the work of ordaining by the laying on of 
hands (2 Tim. i. 6). III. It is clear from 
what has been said that episcopal func- 
tions in the modern sense of the words, as 
Implying a special superintendence over 
the ministers of the Church, belonged only 
to the apostles and those whom they in- 
vested with their authority. 

Bithi'ah, daughter of a Pharaoh, and 
wife of Mered, a descendant of Judah (1 
Chr. iv. 18). 

Bith'ron (more accurately "the Bith- 
ron"), a place, doubtless a district in the 
Jordan valley, on the east side of the river 
(2 Sam. ii. 29). 

Bithyn'ia. This province of Asia 
Minor is mentioned only in Acts xvi. 7, and 
in 1 Pet. i. 1. Bithynia, considered as a 
Eoman province, was on the west contigu- 
OQ!i to Asia. On the east its limits under- 
went great modifications. The province 
was originally inherited by the Roman re- 
pubUc (b. c. 74) as a legacy from Nico- 
mrdes III. The chief town of Bithynia 
was Nicaea, celebrated for the general 
Council of the Church held there in a. d. 
8i25 against the Arian heresy. 

Bitter Herbs. The Israelites were 
commanded to eat the Paschal lamb " with 
unleavened bread and with bitter herbs " 
(Ex. xii. 8). These may well be under- 
stood to denote various sorts of bitter 
plants^ suoh particularly as belong to the 
cruciferag, as some of the bitter cresses, or 
to the chicory grcup of the compositae, the 



hawkweeds, a id sow-thistles, and wild \<iK 
tuces which grow abundantly in the Penin 
sula of Sinai, in Palestine, and in Egypt. 

Bittern. The Hebrew word has been 
the subject of various interpretations. Phil- 
ological arguments appear to be rather in 
favor of the " hedgehog " or " porcupine,** 
for the Hebrew word kippdd appears to be 
identical with Icunfud^ the Arabic woi d for 
the hedgehog; but zoologically, the hedge- 
hog or porcupine is quite out of the ques- 
tion. The word occurs in Is. xiv. 23, xxxiv. 
11 ; Zeph. ii. 14, and we are inclined to 
believe that the A. V. is correct. The 
bittern (^Botaurus stellaris) belongs to the 
Ardeidae, the heron family of birds. 

Bizjoth'jah, a town in the south of 
Judah (Josh. xv. 28). 

Biz'tha, the second of the seven eunuchs 
of king Ahasuerus' harem (Esth. i. 10). 

Blains, violent ulcerous inflammations, 
the sixth plague of Egypt (Ex. ix. 9, 10), 
and hence called in Deut. xxviii. 27, 35, 
" the botch of Egypt." It seems to have 
been the black leprosy, a fearful kind of 
elephantiasis. 

Blasphemy, in its technical English 
sense, signifies the speaking evil of God, 
and in this sense it is found Ps. Ixxiv. 18; 
Is. Iii. 5 ; Rom. ii. 24, &c. But according 
to its derivation it may mean any species 
of calumny and abuse : see 1 K. xxi. 10; 
Acts xviii. 6 ; Jude 9, &c. Blasphemy was 
punished with stoning, which was inflicted 
on the son of Shelomith (Lev. xxiv. 11). 
On this charge both our Lord and St. Ste- 
phen were condenmed to death by the 
Jews. It only remains to speak of " the 
blasphemy against the Holy Ghost," which 
has been so fruitful a theme for speculation 
and controversy (Matt. xii. 32 ; Mark iii. 
28). It consisted in attributing to the pow- 
er of Satan those unquestionable miracles, 
which Jesus performed by " the finger of 
God," and the power of the Holy Spirit. 

Blas'tUS, the chamberlain of Herod 
Agrippa I. (Acts xii. 20). 

Blindness is extremely common in the 
East from many causes. Blind beggars 
figure repeatedly in the N. T. (Matt. xii. 
22), and " opening the eyes of the blind " 
is mentioned in prophecy as a peculiar 
attribute of the Messiah (Is. xxix. 18, &c.). 
The Jews were specially charged to treat 
the blind with compassion and care (Lev. 
xix. 14; Deut. xxvii. 18). Blindness wil- 
fully inflicted for political or other purposes 
is alluded to in Scripture (1 Sam. xi. 2 ; 
Jer. xxxix. 7). 

Blood. To blood is ascribed in Scrip- 
ture the mysterious sacredness which be- 
longs to life, and God reserves it to Him- 
self when allowing man the dominion over 
and the use of the lower animals for food. 
Thus reserved, it acquires a double power • 
1 tb<»* of sacrificial au)nement ; and 2. that 



BLOOD 



91 



BOZKATH 



of becoming a curse when wantonly shed, 
unless duly expiated (Gen. ix. 4 ; Lev. vii. 
26, xvii. 11-13). 

Blood, Issue of. The menstruous 
discharge, or the fluxus uteri (Lev. xv. 19- 
80; Matt. ix. 20; Mark v. 25, and Luke 
viii 4.3). The latter caused a permanent 
legal uncleanness, the former a temporary 
one, mostly for seven days ; after which the 
woman was to be purified by the customary 
offering. 

Blood, Revenger of. It was, and 
even still is, a common practice among na- 
tions of patriarchal habits, that the near- 
est of kin should, as a matter of duty, 
avenge the death of a murdered relative. 
Compensation for murder is allowed by the 
Koran. Among the Bedouins, and other 
Arab tribes, should the offer of blood- 
money be refused, the ' Thar,' or law of 
blood, comes into operation, and any per- 
son within the fifth degree of blood from 
the homicide may be legally killed by any 
one within the same degree of consanguinity 
to the victim. The right to blood-revenge 
is never lost, except as annulled by com- 
pensation ; it descends to the latest gener- 
ation. The law of Moses was very precise 
in its directions on the subject of Retalia- 
tion. 1. The wilful murderer was to be 
put to death without permission of com- 
pensation. The nearest relative of the 
deceased became the authorized avenger 
of blood (Num. xxxv. 19). 2. The law of 
retaliation was not to extend beyond the 
immediate oflender (Deut. xxiv. 16 ; 2 K. 
xiv. 6 ; 2 Chr. xxv. 4 ; Jer. xxxi. 29, 30 ; 
Ezek. xviii. 20). 3. The involuntary shed- 
der of blood was permitted to take flight to 
one of six Levitical cities, specially ap- 
pointed as cities of refuge (Num. xxxv. 22, 
23; Deut. xix. 4-6). 

Boaner'ges, a name signifying "sons 
of thunder," given by our Lord to the two 
sons of Zebedee, James and John (Mark 
iii. 17). See Luke ix. 54; Mark ix. 38; 
comp. Matt. xx. 20, &c. 

Boar. [Swine.] 

Bo'az. 1. A wealthy Bethlehemite, 
kinsman to Elimelech, the husband of 
Naomi. He married Ruth, and redeemed 
the estates of her deceased husband Mah- 
lon (iv. 1, ff.). Boaz is mentioned in the 
genealogy of Christ (Matt. i. 5), but there 
is great difficulty in assigning his date. 2. 
Boaz, the name of one of Solomon's 
brazen pillars erected in the temple porch. 
[Jachix.] It stood on the left, and was 18 
cul its high (1 K. vii. 15, 21 ; 2 Chr. iii. 15 ; 
Jer. Iii 21). 

lloch'eni, son of Azel, according to the 
present Heb. text of 1 Chr. viii. 38. 

Bo'ohim, " the weepers," a place on 
the > est of Jordan above Gilgal (Judg. ii. 
1,5). 

Bo'b.an, a Beubeoite, after whom a 



stone was named. Its position v*a8 fan tbt 
border of the territories of Benjamin and 
Judah (Josh. xv. 6, xviii. 17). 

Boil. [Medicine.] 

Bondage. [Slavery.] 

Book. [Writing.] 

Booths. [Succoth; Tabebnaolks, 
Feast of.] 

Booty consisted of captives of both 
sexes, cattle, and whatever a captured city 
might contain, especially metallic treajj- 
ures. Within the limits of Canaan no 
captives were to be made (Deut. xx. 14 
and 16) ; beyond these limits, in case of 
warlike resistance, all the women and chil- 
dren were to be made captives, and the men 
put to death. The law of booty is given 
in Num. xxxi. 26-47. As regarded th« 
army David added a regulation that the 
baggage guard should share equally with 
the troops engaged (1 Sam. xxx. 24, 25). 

Bo'oz, Matt. i. 5 ; Luke iii. 32. [Boaz.J 

Bos'cath, 2 K. xxii. 1. [Bozkath.] 

Bo'sor. The Aramaic mode of pro- 
nouncing the name of Beor, the father of 
Balaam (2 Pet. ii. 15). 

Bottle. 1. The skin bottle; 2. The 
bottle of earthen or glass ware, both of 
them capable of being closed from the air. 
1. The Arabs keep their water, milk, and 
other liquors, in leathern bottles. These 
are made of goatskins. When the animal 
is killed they cut off its feet and its head, 
and they draw it in this manner out of the 
skin, without opening its belly. The great 
leathern bottles are made of the skin of 
a he-goat, and the small ones, that serve 
instead of a bottle of water on the road, 
are made of a kid's skin. The effect of ex- 
ternal heat upon a skin bottle is indicated 
in Ps. cxix. 83, "a bottle in the smoke,** 
and of expansion produced by fermenta- 
tion in Matt. ix. 17, " new wine in old bot- 
tles." 2. Vessels of metal, earthen oi 
glass ware for liquids were in use among 
the Greeks, Egyptians, Etruscans, and 
Assyrians, and also no doubt among the 
Jews, especially in later times. Thus Jer 
xix. 1, "a potter's earthen bottle." Th« 
Jews probably borrowed their manufac- 
tures in this particular from Egypt. 

Box-tree. The Heb. teasshUr occurs 
in Is. xli. 19, Ix. 13. The Talmudical and 
Jewish writers generally are of opinion 
that the box-tree is intended. Box-wood 
writing tablets are alluded to in 2 Esdr. xiv. 
24. 

Bo'zez, one of the two sharp rocks be- 
tween the passages by which Jonathan 
entered the Philistine garrison. It seems 
to have been that on the north (1 Sam. xiv. 
4,5). 

Boz'kath, a city of Judah in the low- 
lands (Josh. XV. 39). It is mentioned once 
again (2 K. xxii. 1, A. V. " Boscath") af 
the native place of the mothei li king Josiab 



bUZRAH 



y^ 



BRICK 



Boz'rah. 1. In Edom— the city of 
/obab the son of Zerah, one of clie early 
kings of that nation (Gen. xxxvi. 33 ; 1 
Chr. i. 44). This is doubtless the place 
mentioned in later times by Isaiah (xxxiv. 
6, Ixiii. 1) in connection with Edom, and 
by Jeremiah (xlix. 13, 22), Amos (i. 12), 
and Micah (ii. 12). There is no reason to 
doubt that its modern representative is el- 
Busaireh, which lies on the mountain dis- 
trict to the S. E. of the Deal Sea. 2. In 
his catalogue of the cities of the land of 
Moab, Jeremiah (xlriii. 24) mentions a 
Bozrah as in " the plain country' (ver. 21, 
«. e. the high level downs on the east of the 
Dead Sea). 

Bracelet. [See Armlet.] Bracelets 
of fine twisted Venetian gold are still com- 
mon in Egypt. In Gen. xxxviii. 18, 25, 
the word rendered " bracelet " means 
probably " a string by which a seal-ring 
was suspended." Men as well as women 
wore bracelets, as we see from Cant. v. 14. 
Layard says of the Assyrian kings : " The 
arms were encircled by armlets, and the 
wrists by bracelets 

Bramble [Thorns.] 

Brass The word nechdsheth is im- 
properly translated by " brass." In most 
places of the O. T. the correct translation 
would be copper, although it may some- 
time* possiMy mean bronze, a compound 
of copper and tin. Indeed a simple metal 
wa6 obviously intended, as we see from 
Deut. viii. 9, xxxii. 25, and Job xxviii. 2. 
Copp»T was known at a very early period 
fGeu. iv. 22). The word xalxoki(iuvov in 
Rev. 1. 15, ii. 18 (A. V. "fine brass"), has 
excited much difference of opinion. Some 
suppose it to have been orichalcum, which 
was so rare as to be more valuable than 
gold. 

Brazen-serpent. [Serpent.] 

Bread, i'he preparation of bread as 
an article of food dates from a very early 
period : the earliest undoubted instance of 
Its use is found in Gen. xviii. 6. The corn 
or grain employed was of various sorts : 
the best bread was made of wheat, which 
after being ground produced the " flour " 
or *' meal " (Judg. vi. 19 ; 1 Sam. i. 24 ; 1 
K. iv. 22, xvii. 12, 14), and when sifted the 
" fine flour " (Ex. xxix. 2 ; Gen. xviii. 6) 
usually employed in the sacred offerings 
(Ex. xxix. 40; Lev. ii. 1; Ez. xlvi. 14), 
»nd in the meals of the wealthy (1 K. iv. 
?2; 2 K. vii. 1; Ez. xvi. 13, 19; Rev. 
xviii. 13). " Barley " was used only by the 
very poor (John vi. 9, 13), or in times of 
scarcity (Ruth iii. 15, compared with i. 1 ; 
2 K. iv. 38, 42 ; Rev. vi. 6). " Spelt" was 
also used both in Egyj t (Ex. ix. 32) and Pai- 
estine (Is. xxviii. 25 , Ez. iv. 9 ; 1 K. xix. 
6). The bread taken bj* persons on a 
journey (Gen. xlv. 23; Josh. ix. 12) was 
proba) ly a kind of biscuit. The process 



of making bread was as follows : — the 
flour was first mixed with water, or per- 
ha^^ s milk ; it was then kneaded with the 
hands {jn Egypt with the feet also) in a 
small wooden bowl or " kneading-trough" 
until it became dough (Ex. xii. 34, 39 ; 2 
Sam. xiii. 3; Jer. vii. 18; Hos vii. 4> 




Egyptians kneading dough with their hands. 
(Wilkinson, from a painting in the tomb of Bameiei 111 
at Thebes.) 

When the kneading was completed, leaven 
was generally added [Leaven] ; but when 
the time for preparation was short, it was 
omitted, and unleavened cakes, hastily 
baked, were eaten, as is still the prevaleui 
custom among the Bedouins (Gen. xviii. (5, 
xix. 3 ; Ex. xii. 39 ; Judg. vi. 19 ; 1 Saui. 
xxviii. 24). The leavened mass was allowed 
to stand for some time (Matt. xiii. 33; 
Luke xiii. 21). The dough was then di- 
vided into round cakes (Ex. xxix. 23; 
Judg. vii. 13, viii. 5 ; 1 Sam. x. 3 ; Prov. 
vi. 26), not unlike flat stones in shape and 
appearance (Matt. vii. 9; comp. iv. 3), 
about a span in diameter and a finger's 
breadth in thickness. In the towns where 
professional bakers resided, there were no 
doubt fixed ovens, in shape and size resem- 
bling those in use among ourselves : but 
more usually each household possessed a 
portable oven, consisting of a stone or 
metal jar, about three feet high, which was 
heated inwardly with wood (1 K. xvii. 12; 
Is. xliv. 15 ; Jer. vii. 18) or dried grass 
and flower-stalks (Matt. vi. 30). 
Breastplate. [Arms.] 
Brethren of Jesus. [James. J 
Brick. Herodotus (i. 179), describing 
the mode of building tie walls of Bal)ylon, 
says that the clay dug out of the ditch was 
made into bricks as soon as it was carried 
up, and burnt in kilns. The bricks were 
cemented with hot bitumen, and at every 
thirtieth row crates of reeds were stuffed 
in (comp. Gen. xi. 3). The Babylonian 
bricks were more commonly burnt in kilns 
than those used at Nineveh, which are 
chiefly sun-dried like the Egyptian. They 
are usually from 12 to 13 in. square, and 
3i in. thick. They thus possess more of 
the character of tiles (Ez. iv. 1). The Is- 
raelites, in common with otlif;i captives. 



BRIDE, BKIDEGKOOM 



93 



BCRIAL 



tnre employed by the Eg3rptian monarchs 
m making bricks and in building (Ex. i. 14, 
r. 7). Egyptian bricks were not gener- 
ally dried in kilns, but in the sun. When 
made of the Nile mud, they required 
straw to prevent cracking; and crude 
brick walls had frequently the additional 
security of a layer of reeds and sticks, 
placed at intervals to act as binders. A 
briok pyramid is mentioned by Herodotus 
(ii. 13G) as the work of King Asychis. 
The Jews learned the art of brick-making 
in Egypt, and we find the use of the brick- 
kiln in David's time (2 Sam. xii. 31), and 
a complaint made by Isaiah that the people 
built altars of brick instead of unhewn 
stone as the law directed (Is. Ixv. 3 ; Ex. 
XX. 25). [See Straw.] 

Bride, Bridegroom. [Marriage.] 

Bridge. The only mention of a bridge 
in the Canonical Scriptures is indirectly in 
the proper name Geshur, a district in 
Bashan, N. E. of the sea of Galilee. At 
this place a bridge still exists, called the 
bridge of the sons of Jacob. Judas Mac- 
cabaeus is said to have intended to make a 
bridge in order to besiege the town of Cas- 
phor or Caspis, situate near a lake (2 Mace. 
xii. 13). The Romans were the first con- 
structors of arched bridges. The bridge 
connecting the Temple with the upper city, 
of which Josephus speaks, seems to have 
been an arched viaduct. 

Brigandine, Jer. xlvi. 4; elsewhere 
'* habergeon," or " coat of mail." 

Brimstone. The Hebrew word is con- 
nected with gdpher, " gopher-wood," A. V. 
Gen. vi. 14, and probably signified in the 
first instance the gum or resin that exuded 
from that tree ; hence it was transferred to 
all inflammable substances, and especially 
to sulphur, which is found in considerable 
quantities on the shores of the Dead Sea 
(Gen. xix. 24). 

Brother. The Hebrew word is used 
in various senses in the O. T., as, 1. Any 
kinsman, and not a mere brother; e. g. 
nephew (Gen. xiv. 16, xiii. 8), husband 
(Cant. iv. 9). 2. One of the same tribe (2 
Sam. xix. 13). 3. Of the same people (Ex. 
ii. 14), or even of a cognate people (Num. 
XX. 14). 4. An ally (Am. i. 9). 5. Any 
friend (Job v. 15). 6. One of the same 
office (1 K. ix. 13). 7. A fellow-man (Lev. 
xix. 17). 8. Metaphoricallyof any similari- 
ty, as in Job xxx. 19. Tlie word ti^f A^og has 
a similar range of meanings in the N. T. 

Buk ki. 1. Son of Abishua and father 
of Uzzi, fiftli from Aaron in the line of the 
■igh-priests in 1 Chr. v. 31, vi. 36 (vi. 5, 
51, A. v.), and in the genealogy of Ezra, 
Ezr. vii. 4. 2. Son of Jogli, prince of the 
uribe of Dan, one of the ten men chosen to 
apportion the land of Canaan between the 
tribe/s (Num. xxxiv. 22). 

Sukki ah, a Kohathite Levite, of the 



sons of Hemau, one of the m'lsicians in 

the Temple (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 13). 

Bul. [Months.] 

Bull, Bullock, terms used sjmony- 
mously with ox, oxen, in the A. V., as the 
representatives of several Hebrew words. 
Bdkdr, the most common, is properly a 
generic name for horned cattle when >f 
full age and fit for the plough. Accord- 
ingly it is variously rendered bullock 
(Is. Ixv. 25), cow (Ez. iv. 15), oxen (Gen. 
xii. 16). In Is. Ii. 20, the "wild bull" 
("wild ox "in Deut. xiv. 5) was possibly 
one of the larger species of antelope, and 
took its name from its swiftness. D». 
Robinson mentions large herds of black 
and almost hairless buffaloes as still exis^ 
ing in Palestine, and these may be the an' 
mal indicated. 

Bu'nah, a pon of Jerahmeel, of the 
family of Pharez in Judah (1 Chr. ii. 25). 

Bun'ni. 1. One of the Levites in the 
time of Nehemiah (Neh. ix. 4) ; possiblj 
the same person is mentioned in x. 16. 
2. Another Levite, but of earlier date than 
the preceding (Neh. xi. 15). 

Burial, Sepulchres, [Tombs.] On 
this subject we have to notice : 1. the place 
of burial, its site and shape; 2. the mode 
of burial ; 3. the prevalent notions regard- 
ing this duty. 1. A natural cave enlarged 
and adapted by excavation, or an artificial 
imitation of one, was the standard type of 
sepulchre. This was what the structure 
of the Jewish soil supplied or suggested. 
Sepulchres, when the owner's means per- 
mitted it, were commonly prepared befor*j- 
hand, and stood often in gardens, by road- 
sides, or even adjoining houses. Kings and 
prophets alone were probably buried within 
towns (1 K. ii. 10, xvi. 6, 28; 2 K. x. 35, 
xiii. 9 ; 2 Chr. xvi. 14, xxviii. 27 ; 1 Sam. 
xxv. 1, xxviii. 3). Sarah's tomb and 
Hachel's seem to have been chosen merely 
from the accident of the place of death; 
but the successive interments at the formei 
(Gen. xlix. 31) are a chronicle of the 
strong family feeling among the Jews. 
Cities soon became populous and demanded 
cemeteries (Ez. xxxix. 15), which were 
placed without the walls. Sepulchres were 
marked sometimes by pillars, as that of 
Rachel, or by pyramids, as those of the 
Asmoneans at Modin. Such as were not 
otherwise noticeable were scrupulously 
"whited" (Matt, xxiii. 27) once a year, 
after the rains before the passover, to warn 
passers-by of defilement. 2. " The man- 
ner of the Jews " included the use of spices, 
where they could commandthe means. Thus 
Asa lay in a " bed of spices " (2 Chr. xvi. 
11). A portion of these were burnt in 
honor of the deceased, and to this use was 
probably destined part of the 100 pounds 
weight of " myrrh and aloes " in our Lord'i 
case. In no instance, save that of Saul 



BUKNT-OFFERINQ 



94 



CAESAREA PHILIPPl 



Rnd his sons, were the bodies burned ; and 
even then the bones were interred, and re- 
exhumed for solemn entombment. It was 
the office of the next of kin to perform 
and preside over the whole funereal office ; 
but a company of public buriers, originat- 
ing in an exceptional necessity (Ez. xxxix. 
12-14), had become, ix seems, customary 
in the times of the N. T. (Acts r. 6, 10). 
The bier, the word for which in the O. T. 
is the same as that rendered " bed," was 
borne by the nearest relatives. The grave- 
clothes were probably of the fashion worn 
in life, but swathed and fastened with ban- 
dages, and the head covered separately. 3. 
The precedent of Jacob's and Joseph's re- 
mains being returned to the land of Canaan 
was followed, in wish at least, by every 
pious Jew. Following a similar notion, 
some of the Rabbins taught that only in 
that land could those who were buried 
obtain a share in the resurrection which 
was to usher in Messiah's reign on earth. 
Tombs were, in popular belief, led by the 
same teaching, invested with traditions. 

Burnt-offering. The word is applied 
to the offering which was wholly consumed 
by fire on the altar, and the whole of which, 
except the refuse ashes, " ascended " in 
the smoke to God. The burnt-oflfering is 
first named in Gen. viii. 20, as offered after 
th? Flood. Throughout the whole of the 
B ,6k of Genesis (see xv. 9, 17, xxii. 2, 7, 
8 13) it appears to be the only sacrifice 
referred to; afterwards it became distin- 
guished as one of the regular classes of 
sacrifice under the Mosaic law. The mean- 
ing of the whole burnt-offering was that 
wh^'^h is the original idea of all sacrifice, 
the offering by the sacrificer of himself, 
soul and body, to God, the submission of 
his will to the will of the Lord. The cer- 
emonies of the burnt-offering are given in 
detail in the Book of Leviticus. There 
were, as public burnt-offerings — 1st. The 
daily burnt-offering (Ex. xxix. 38-42; 
Num xviii. 3-8). 2dly. The Sabbath 
burnt offering (Num. xxviii. 9, 10). 3dly. 
The offering at the new moon, at the three 
great festivals, the great Day of Atone- 
ment. and feast of trumpets. (See Num. 
xxvri. 11-xxix. 39). Private burnt-offer- 
ings were appointed at the consecration of 
piiei^ts (Ex. xxxix. 15 ; Lev. viii. 18, ix. 12), 
at the purification of women (Lev. xii. 6, 
8), at the cleansing of the lepers (Lev. xiv. 
19), and removal of other ceremonial un- 
eleanness (xv. 16, 30), on any accidental 
breach of the Nazaritic vow, or at its con- 
clusion ^Num. vi. ; comp. Acts xxi. 26), 
&c. Ba+j freewill burnt-offerings were 
offered and accepted by God on any sol- 
emn occasions (Num. vii. ; 1 K. viii. 64). 

Bush. The Hebrew word sineh occurs 
only ir» those passages which refer to Jeho- 
raUi's appearance to Moses " in th^ fiame of 



fire in the bush " (Ex. iii. 2, 3, 4 ; Deut 
xxxiii. 16). Celsius has argued in favor of 
the Rubus vulgaris, i. e. R. fruticosus, the 
bramble or blackberry bush. Sprengel iden- 
tifies the seneh with what he terms the Rvf 
bus sanctus, and says it grows abundantly 
near Sinai. It is quite impossible to say 
what kind of thorn bush is intended. 

Bushel. [Measures.] 

Butter, curdled milk (Gen. xviii. 8; 
Deut. xxxii. 14; Judg. v. 25; Job xx. 17). 
Milk is generally offered to travellers in 
Palestine in a curdled or sour state, "Zei- 
ben" thick, almost like butter. Hassel- 
quist describes the method of making but- 
ter employed by the Arab women : "they 
made butter in a leather bag, hung on 
three poles erected for the purpose, in the 
form of a cone, and drawn to and fro 
by two women." 

Buz. 1. The second son of Milcah and 
Nahor (Gen. xxii. 21). Elihu "the Buz- 
ite " was probably a descendant of Buz. 2. 
A name occurring in the genealogies of the 
tribe of Gad (1 Chr. v. 14). 

Bu'zi, father of Ezekiel the prophet 
(Ez. i. 3). 

C. 

Cab. [Measures.] 

Cab'bon, a town in the low country ol 
Judah (Josh. xv. 40). 

Ca'bul, a place named as one of the 
landmarks on the boundary of Asher (Josh, 
xix. 27). It may fairly be considered as 
still existing in the modern KabM, 8 or 9 i 
miles east of Akka, and about the same • 
distance from Jefat. 

Cae'sar, always in the N. T. the Roman 
emperor, the sovereign of Judaea (John 
xix. 12, 15; Acts xvii. 7). 

Caesare'a (Acts viii. 40, ix. 30, x. 1, 24, 
xi. 11, xii. 19, xviii. 22, xxi. 8, 16, xxiii. 23, 
33, XXV. 1, 4, 6, 13) was situated on the 
coast of Palestine, on the line of the great 
road from Tyre to Egypt, and about half 
way between Joppa and Dora. The dis- 
tance from Jerusalem was about 70 miles ; 
Josephus states it in round numbers as 600 
stadia. In Strabo's time there was on this 
point of the coast merely a town called 
" Strato's Tower" with a landing-place, 
whereas, in the time of Tacitus, Caesarea 
is spoken of as being the head of Judaea. 
It was in this interval that the city was 
built by Herod the Great. It was the offi- 
cial residence of the Herodian kings, and 
of Festus, FeUx, and the other Roman 
procurators of Judaea. Caesarea continued 
to be a city of some importance even in the 
time of the Crusades, and the name still 
lingers on the site {Kaisariyeh) . 

Caesare'a Philip'pi is mentioned 
only in the two first Gospels (MaM. xvi 1«! 



7AGE 



95 



CALF 



Mark viii. 27) ind in accounts of the same 
transactions. It was at the easternmost 
and most important of the two recognized 
sources of the Jordan, the other being at 
Tel-el-Kadi. The spring rises, and the 
city was built, on a limestone terrace in a 
valley at the base of Mount Hermon. 
Of^'krea Philippi has no O. T. history, 
tnough it has been not unreasonably identi- 
fied with Baal- Oad. There is no difficulty 
m identifying it with the Panium of Jose- 
phus. Panium became part of the territory 
of Philip tetrarch of Trachonitis, who en- 
larged and embellished the town, and called 
it Caesarea Philippi, partly after his own 
name, and partlj" after that of the emperor. 
It is still r-alled Banias. 

Cage. The term so rendered in Jer. v. 
27, is more properly a trap, in which decoy 
birds were placed (comp. Ecclus. xi. 30). 
In Rev. xviii. 2, the Greek term means a 
prison. 

Cai'aphas, in full Joseph Caiaphas, 
high-priest of the Jews under Tiberius 
(Matt. xxvi. 3, 67 ; John xi. 49, xviii. 13, 
14, 24, 28; Acts iv. 6). The Procurator 
Valerius Gratus appointed hira to the dig- 
nity. He was son-in-law of Annas. [An- 
itas.] 

Cain. The historical facts in the life of 
Cain, as recorded in Gen. iv., are briefly 
these : — He was the eldest son of Adam 
and Eve ; he followed the business of agri- 
culture ; in a fit of jealousy, roused by the 
rejection of his own sacrifice and the accept- 
ance of Abel's, he committed the crii e of 
murder, for which he was expelled from 
Eden, and led the life of an exile ; he set- 
tled in the land of Nod, and built a city 
which he named after his son Enoch ; his 
descendants are enumerated, together with 
the inventions for which they were remark- 
able. 

Cain, one of the cities in the low coun- 
try of Judah, named with Zanoah and 
Gibeah (Josh. xv. 67). 

Cai'nan. 1. Son of Enos, aged 70 
years when he begat Mahalaleel his son. 
Tie lived 840 years afterwards, and died 
aged 910 (Geu. /. 9-14). 2. Son of Ar- 
phaxad, and father of Sala, according to 
Luke iii. 35, 36, and usually called the 
second Cainan. He is also found in the 
present copies of the LXX., but is no- 
where named in the Hebrew MSS. It 
seems certain that his name was introduced 
into the genealogies of the Greek O. T. in 
irder to bring them into harmony with the 
genealogy of Christ in St. Luke's Gospel. 

Ca'lah, one of the most ancient cities of 
Assyria (Gen. x. 11). The site of Calah 
Is probably marked by the Nimrdd ruins. 
If this be regarded as ascertained, Calah 
mast be considered to have been at one 
time (about b. c. 930-720) the capital of 
Uie empire. 



Calamas [Eeed.] 

Cal'col, ai an of Judah, son or .iescend 
ant of Zerah (1 Chr. iL 6). Probably 
identical with Chalcol. 

Caldron, a vessel for boiling flesh, ei- 
ther for ceremonial or domestic use (2 Chr. 
XXXV. 13; 1 Sam. ii. 14; Mic. iii. 3; Job 
xii. 20). 

Caleb. 1. According to 1 Chr. ii. 9, 
18, 19, 42, 50, the son of Hezron, the son 
of Pharez, the son of Judah, and the father 
of Hur by Ephrath or Ephratah, and con- 
sequently grandfather of Caleb the spy. 
2. Son of Jephunneh, by which patronymic 
the illustrious spy is usually designated 
(Num. xiii. 6, and ten other places), with 
the addition of that of "the Kenezite," or 
'* son of Kenaz," in Num. xtxii. 12 ; Josh- 
xiv. 6, 14. Caleb is first mnntioned in the 
list of the rulers or princes who were sent 
to search the land of Canag,>\ in the second 
year of the Exodus. He and Oshea or 
Joshua the son of Nun were the only two 
of the whole number who encouraged the 
people to enter in boldly to ^he land, and 
take possession of it. Foifty-five yean 
afterwards, Caleb came to Joshua and 
claimed possession of the land of the Ana- 
kims, Kirjath-Arba, or Hebron, ani the 
neighboring hill country (.fosh. xiv.). 
This was immediately granted to him, and 
the following chapter relates how he took 
possession of Hebron, driving out the three 
sons of Anak ; and how he offered Achsah 
his daughter in marriage to whoever would 
take Kirjath-Sepher, i. e. Debir; and how 
when Othniel, his younger brother, had 
performed the feat, he not only gave him 
his daughter to wife, but with her the upper 
and nether springs of water which she 
asked for. It is probable that Caleb was a 
foreigner by birth ; a proselyte, incorporat- 
ed into the tribe of Judah. 

Calf. In Ex. xxxii. 4, we are told that 
Aaron, constrained by the people in the ab- 
sence of Moses, made a molten calf of the 




Bronze Figure of Apis. CWilkinsot^) 

golden earrings of the people, to represent 
the Elohim which brought Israel out of 
Egypt. Probably it was a wooden fi((ui« 



CALNEH 



96 



CAHA 



laminated with gold, a process which is 
known to have existed in Egypt. "A 
gilded ox covered with a pall " was an em- 
blem of Osiris (Wilkinson, iv. 335). To 
punish the apostasy Moses burnt the calf, 
and then grinding it to powder scattered it 
over the water, which he made the people 
drii\k. The process which he used is diffi- 
cult of explanation. Bochart and Rosen- 
mOl [er think that he merely cut, ground, 
and filed the gold to powder. It lias al- 
wnys been a great dispute respecting this 
calf and those of Jeroboam, whether, I. 
the Jews intended them for some Egyptian 
god, or II. for a mere cherubic symbol of 
Jehovah. Of the various sacred cows of 
Egypt, those of Isis, of Athor, and of the 
three kinds of sacred bulls, Apis, Basis, 
and Mn'jvis, Sir G. Wilkinson fixes on the 
latter a? the prototype of the golden calf. 
It seems to us. more likely that in this calf- 
worship the Jews merely 

" Likened their Maker to the graved ox," 

or m other words, adopted a well -under- 
stood cherubic emblem. The calf at Dan 
was carried away by Tiglath-Pileser, and 
that of Bethel ten years after by his son 
Shalmaneser. 

Cal'neh oi- Cal'no appears in Gen- 
esis (x. 10) among the cities of Nimrod. 
Probably the site is the modern Niffer. In 
the bth century b. c. Calneh was taken by 
one of the Assyrian kings, and never re- 
covered its prosperity (Is. x. 9 ; Am. vi. 2). 

Cal'vary, a word occurring in the A. V. 
only in Luke xxiii. 33, and there arising 
from the translators' having literally adopt- 
ed the word calvaria, i. e. a bare skull, the 
Vulgate rendering of xquviov, which again 
is nothing but the Greek for Golgotha. 
The popular expression " Mount Calvary " 
is not warranted by any statement in the ac- 
counts of the place of our Lord's crucifixion. 

Camel. It is clear from Gen. xii. 16 that 
camels were early known to the Egyptians, 
though no representation of this animal 
has yet been discovered in the paintings 
or hieroglyphics. The Ethiopians had 
"cajnels in abundance" (2 Chr. xiv. 15); 
the queen of Sheba came to Jerusalem 
" with camels that bare spices and gold and 
precious stones" (1 K. x. 2); the men of 
Kedarandof Hazcr possessed camels (Jer. 
xlix. 29, 32) ; David took away the camels 
from the Geshurites and the Amalekites 
(1 Sam. xxvii. 2, xxx. 17) ; forty camels' 
burden of good things were sent to Elisha 
by Benhadad king of Syria from Damas- 
cus (2 K. viii. 9) ; the Ishmaelites trafficked 
with Egypt in the precious gums of Gilead, 
carried on the backs of camels (Gen. 
xxxvii. 25) ; the Midianites and the Amalek- 
ites possessed camels "as the sand by the 
sea-side for multitude" (Judg. vii. 12); 
Job had three thousand camels before his 



affliction (Job 1. 3), and six thou«?and after- 
Mards (xlii. 12). The camel was used for 
riding (Gen. xxiv. 64 ; 1 Sam. xxx. 17) ; as 
a beast of burden generally (Gen. xxxvii. 
25; 2 K. viii. 9; 1 K. x. 2, &c.) ; and fof 
draught purposes (Is. xxi. 7). From 1 
Sam. xxx. 17 we learn that camels wei-e 
used in war. John the Baptist wore a 
garment made of camel's hair (Matt. iii. 4; 
Mark i. 6), and some have supposed that 
Elijah " was clad in a dress of the same 
stuflf." Dr. Kitto says "the Arabs adorn 
the necks of their camels with a band of 
cloth or leather, upon which are strung 
small shells called cowries in the form of 
half-moons." This very aptly illustrates 
Judg. viii. 21, 26.* The species of camel 
which was in common use amongst the Jews 
and the heathen nations of Palestine was 
the Arabian or one-humped camel (Came- 
lus Arnhicus). The dromedary is a swifter 
animal than the baggage-camel, and is used 
chiefly for riding purposes ; it is merely a 
finer breed than the other : the Arabs call 
it the Ileirie. The speed of the dromedary 
has been greatly exaggerated, the Arabs 
asserting that it is swifter than the horse ; 
eight or nine miles an hour is the utmost 
it is able to perform ; this pace, however, h 
is able to keep up for hours together. 

Ca'mon, the place in which Jaib the 
Judge was buried (Judg. x. 5). 

Camp. [Encampments.] 

Camphire (Heb. cdpher). There can 
be no doubt that " camphire " is an incor- 
rect rendering of the Hebrew term, which 
occurs in the sense of some aromatic sub- 
stance only in Cant. i. 14, iv. 13. The 
margin in both passages has "cypress." 
The substance really denoted by cdpher is 
the Lawsonia alba of botanists, the henna 
of Arabian naturalists. The inhabitants 
of Nubia called the henna-plant Khofreh, 
The henna-plant grows in Egyjt, Syria, 
Arabia, and N. India. The :6'owers are 
white, and glow in clusters, aj I are very 
fragrant. The whole shrub is from four to 
six feet high. The Lawsonia alba, tlie 
only known species, belongs to the natural 
order Lyihraceae. 

Ca'na of Galilee, once Cana Id 
Galilee, a village or town not far from 
Capernaum, memorable as the scene of 
Christ's first miracle (John ii. 1, 11, iv. 46) 
as well as of a subsequent one (iv. 46, 54), 
and also as the native place of the Apostle 
Nathanael (xxi. 2). The traditional site is 
at Kefr Kenna, a small village about 4i 
miles north-west ol Nazareth. The rival 
site is a village situated farther north, 
about 5 miles north of Seffurieh (Sep- 
phoris) and 9 of Nazareth, near the present 
Jefat, the Jotapata of the Jewish wars. 
This village still bears the name cf Kana- 



* The word erroneously translated " cameii ' 
10 probably Bicrnifiei " mules " of « tine breed. 



iii£«th.TiU 



CANAAN 



yv 



CANON OF SCRIPTURE 



d-jelil. The Gospel history \m11 not be 
aJQfected wliichever site may be discovered 
u^ be the real one. 

Ca'naan. 1. The fourth son of Ham 
(_(jren. X. 6 ; 1 Chr. i. 8) ; tne progenitor of 
the Phoenicians ("Zidon"), and of the va- 
rious nations who before the Israelite con- 
quest peopled the sea-coast of Palestine, 
and generally the whole of the country 
westward of the Jordan (Gen. x. 13; 1 
Chr. 1. 13). 2. The name "Canaan" is 
sometimes employed for the country itself. 
In several passages the word is concealed 
in the A. V. by being translated. These 
are: Is. xxiii. 8, "traffickers," and xxiii. 
U, "the merchant city;" Hos. xii. 7, 
"He is a merchant;" Zeph. i. 11, "mer- 
chant-people." 

Canaan, The Land of, lit. "Low- 
laud," a name denoting the country west 
ol the Jordan and Dead Sea, and between 
th )se waters and the Mediterranean ; 
specially opposed to the "land of Gilead," 
thit is, the high table-land on the east of 
th«2 Jordan. It is only in later notices, 
sur.h as Zeph. ii. 5, and Matt. xv. 22, that 
we find it applied to the low maritime plains 
of Philistia and I'hoenicia (comp. Mark 
vii. 26). 

Ca'naanite, The, the designation of 
ttie Apostle Simon, otherwise known as 
" Simon Zelotes." It occurs in Matt. x. 4 ; 
Mark iii. 18, and is derived from a Chaldee 
or Syriac word, by which the Jewish sect 
or faction of " the Zealots " was designated. 
The Greek equivalent is Zelotes (Luke vi. 
15; Acts i. 13). 

Ca'naanites,The,a word used in two 
senses : 1 . a tribe which inhabited a partic- 
ular locality of the land west of the Jordan 
before the conquest ; and 2. the people who 
inhabited generally the whole of that coun- 
£ry. 1. For the tribe of " the Canaanites " 
only — the dwellers in the lowland. The 
whole of the country west of Jordan was a 
" lowland " as compared with the loftier and 
more extended tracts on the east : but there 
was a part of this western country which 
was still more emp?iatically a " lowland." 
"The Canaanite dwells by the sea, and by 
the side of Jordan" (Num. xiii. 29). In 
Gen. X. 18-20 the seats of the Canaanite 
tribe are given as on the sea-shore and in 
the Jordan Valley (comp. Josh. xi. 3). 2. 
A] plied as a general name to the non-Isra- 
elite inhabitants of the land, as we have 
already seen was the case with " Canaan." 
[nstantes of this are, Gen. xii. 6 ; Num. 
xxi. 3; Judg. i. 10; and Gen. xiii. 12. See 
als ) Gen. Kxiv. 3, 37, comp. xxviii. 2, 6; 
Ex dii. 11, comp. 5. Like the Phoenicians, 
the Canaanites were probably given to 
commerce ; and thus the name became prob- 
ably in later times an occasional synonyrae 
for a merchant (Job xii. 6 ; Prov. xxxi. 24 ; 
couip. Is. xxiii. 8, 11 ; Hos. xii. 7; Zeph.i. 11. 

7 



Canda'ce, a queen of Ethiopia (MeroC), 
mentioned Acts viii. 27. The name was 
not a proper name of an individual, but 
that of a dynasty of Ethiopian queens. 

Candlestick, which Moses was com- 
manded to make for the tabernacle, is de-^ 
scribed Ex. XXV. 31-37; xxxvii. 17-24. Jt 
is called in Lev. x;xiv. 4, "the pure," and 
in Ecclus. xxvi. 17, " the holy candlestick." 
With its various appurtenances it required 
a talent of " pure gold," and it was not 
moulded, but " of beaten work." Josephus, 
however, says that it was of cast gold, and 
hollow. The. candlestick was placed on the 
south side of the first apartment of the 
tabernacle, opposite the table of shew-bread 
(Ex. XXV. 37), and was lighted every even- 
ing and dressed every morning (Ex. xxvii. 
20, 21, XXX. 8; comp. 1 Sam. iii. 2). Each 
lamp was supplied with cotton, and half a 
log of the purest olive-oil (about two wine- 
glasses), which was sufficient to keep them 
burning during a long night. When car- 
ried about, the candlestick was covered 
with a cloth of blue, and put with its ap- 
pendages in badger-skin bags, which were 
supported on a bar (Num. iv. 9). In Solo- 
mon's Temple, mstead of this candlestick, 
there were ten golden candlesticks simi- 
larly embossed, five on the right and five 
on the left (1 K. vii. 49; 2 Chr. iv. 7). 
They were taken to Babylon (Jer. Iii. 19). 
In the Temple of Zerubbabel there was 
again a single candlestick (1 Mace, i 23.. 
iv. 49). 




Candlestick. (From Arch of Titus. \ 

Cane. [Reed.] 

Cankerworm. [Locust. 1 

Can'neh (Ez. xxvii. 23), probaWv at 
contraction of Calneh, which is the rt ading-: 
of one MS. 

Canon of Scripture, The may be gen- 
erally described as " the collection of booksj 
which form the original and authoritative 



CANOrY 



98 



CAPERNAUM 



written nile of the faith and practice of the 
Christian Church. The word Canon, in 
classical Greek, is prox^erly a straight rod, 
as the rod of a shield, or that used in weav- 
ing, or a carpenter s rule. In patristic 
»rritings the word is commonly used both as 
" a rule " in the widest sense, and especially 
in the phrases "the rule of the Church," 
"the rule of faith," "the rule of truth." 
A.S applied to Scripture the derivatives of 
Canon were used long before the simple 
word. The title " Canonical" was first 
given to writings in the sense of " admitted 
by the rule," and not as ^^ forming part of 
and giving the rule." The first direct ap- 
plication of the term Canon to the Scrip- 
tur(!S seems to be in the verses of Amphilo- 
chius (c. 380 a. d), where the word indi- 
cates the rule by which the contents of the 
Bible must be determined, and thus secon- 
darily an in^ex of the constituent books. 
Among Latin writers it is commonly found 
from the time of Jerome and Augustine, 
and their usage of the word, which is wider 
than that of Greek writers, is the source of 
its modern acceptation. The uncanonical 
books were described simply as *' those 
without," or "those uncanonized." The 
Apocryphal books which were supposed to 
occupy an intermediate position, were called 
"books read," or " ecclesiastical," though 
the latter title was also applied to the ca- 
nonical Scriptures. The canonical books 
* were also called " books of the Testament," 
and Jerome styled the whole collection by 
the striking name of " the holy library," 
which happily expresses the unity and va- 
riety of the Bible. Popular belief assigned 
to Ezra and " the great synagogue " the task 
of collecting and promulgating the Scrip- 
tures as part of their work in organizing 
the Jewish Church. Doubts have been 
thrown upon this belief, but it is in every 
way consistent with the history of Judaism 
and witli the internal evidence of the books 
th<'mselves. After the Maccabaean perse- 
cution the history of the formation of the 
Canon is merged in the history of its con- 
tents. The Old Testament appears from 
that time as a whole. The complete Canon 
of the New Testament, as commonly re- 
'•eivcd at present, was ratified at the third 
CorNciL OF Caiithage (a. d. 397), and 
from that time was accepted throughout the 
Latin Church. Respecting the books of 
which the Canon is composed, see the arti- 
cle Bible. 

Canopy (Jud. x. 21, xiii. 9, xvi. 19). 
The canopy of Holofernes is the only one 
mentioned. It probably retained tlie mos- 
quito nets or curtains in which the name 
originated, although its description (Jud. x. 
21) betrays luxury and display rather than 
?ucli simple usefulness. 

Canticles, Song of Songs, i. e. the 
cp'»8t beautiful of so^^tts, entitled in the A. 



V. Thk Song of Solomon. I Author 
and date. — By the Hebrew title it is as- 
cribed to Solomon ; and so in all the ver- 
sions, and by the majority of Jewish and 
Christian writers, ancient and modern. A 
few of the Talmudical writers assigned it to 
the age of Hezekiah. More recent criticigm, 
however, has called in question this decj*- 
rooted and well-accredited tradilioi but oc 
the whole it seems unnecessary tt ieparl 
from the plain meaning of the Hebrew title. 
Supposing the date fixed to the reign of 
Solomon, there is great difficulty in deter 
mining at what period of that monarch'e 
life the poem was written. II. Form,. — It 
may be called a drama, as it contains the 
dramatic evolution of a simple love-story. 

III. Meaning. — The schools of interpreta- 
tion may be divided into three : — the mys- 
tical, or typical ; the allegorical ; and the 
literal. 1. The mystical interpretation is 
properly an offshoot of the allegorical, and 
probably owes its origin to the necessity 
which was felt of supplying a literal basin 
for the speculation of the allegorists. This 
basis is either the marriage of Solomon witli 
Pharaoh's daughter, or his marriage with 
an Israelitish woman, the Shulamite. The 
mystical interpretation makes its first ap- 
pearance in Origen, who wrote a volumi- 
nous commentary upon the Canticles. 2. 
Allegorical. — Notwithstanding the attempt* 
which have been made to discover the prin- 
ciple of interpretation in the LXX. (Cant, 
iv. 8), Jesus son of Sirach (xlvii. 14-17: 
Wisd. viii. 2), and Josephus (c. Apion. i 
§8), it is impossible to trace it with any 
certainty farther back than the Talmud. 
According to the Talmud the beloved is 
taken to be God ; the loved one, or bride, 
is the congregation of Israel In the 
Christian CL'— ch, the Talmudical interpre- 
tation, imported by Origen, was all but 
universally received. 3. The literal in- 
terpretation. — According to the most gen- 
erally received interpretation of the modern 
literalists, the Song is intended to display 
the victory of humble and constant Iom 
over the temptations of wealth and royalty 

IV. Canonicity. — The book has been re- 
jected from the Canon by some evitics ; but 
in no case has its rejection been defended 
on external grounds. It is found in the 
LXX., and in the translations of Aquila, 
Symmachus, and Theodotion. It is con- 
tained in the catalogue given in the Talmud, 
and in the catalogue of Melito ; and in short 
we have the same evidence for its canoni- 
city as that which is commonly adduced fof 
the canonicity of any book of the O. T. 

Caper'naum was on the western shorts 
of the Sea of Galilee (Matt. iv. 13 ; comp. 
John vi. 24), and, if recent discoveries are 
to be trusted, was of sufficient importance 
to give to that Sea, in whole or in part, the 
name of the " lake "f Capemaura." It wan 



CAPJIAR 



99 



CAPTIVITIES 



in the "land of Gennesaret" (Matt. xiv. 
34, coiiip. John tI. 17, 21, 24). It was of 
sufficient size to be always called a " city " 
(Matt. ix. 1 ; Mark i. 33) ; had its own 
synagogue, in which our Lord frequently 
taught (Jolm vi. 59 ; Mark i. 21 ; Luke iv. 
83, 38) — a synagogue built by the centurion 
of the detachment of Roman soldiers which 
appears to have been quartere 1 in the place 
(Luke vii. I, comp. 8; Matt. viii. 8). But 
besides the garrison there was also a cus- 
toms' station, where the dues were gathered 
both by stationary (Matt. ix. 9 ; Mark ii. 
14 ; I^uke v. 27) and by itinerant (Matt, 
xrii. 24) officers. The only interest at- 
tacJiing to Capernaum is as the residence of 
our Lord and his Apostles, the scene of so 
many miracles and " gracious words." At 
Nazareth He was " brought up," but Ca- 
pernaum was emphatically His " own city ; " 
it was when He returned tliither that He is 
said to have been " at home " (Mark ii. 1). 
The spots which lay claim to its site are, 1. 
Khan Minyeh, a mound of ruins, which 
takes its name from an old khan hard by. 
This mound is situated close upon the sea- 
•ohor« at the north-western extremity of the 
plain (now El Ghuweir). 2. Three miles 
•lorth of Khan Minyeh is the other claim- 
ant. Tell Hum, — ruins of walls and founda- 
tions covering a space of " half a mile long 
'yy a quarter wide," on a point of the shore 
n>rojecting into the lake and backed by a 
7ery gently rising ground. Khan Minyeh 
Ei-Tabighah, and Tell ffiim, are all, with- 
9Ut doubt, ancient sites, but it is impossible 
to say which of them represents Capernaum, 
rliich Chorazin, or which Bethsaida. 

Ca'phar, one of the numerous words 
jmployed in the Bible to denote a village or 
collection of dwellings smaller than a city 
(/r). Mr. Stanley proposes to render it by 
" hamlet." In names of places it occurs in 
Chephar-ha-Ammonai, Chephirah, Ca- 
PHAR-SALAMA. To US its chicf interest 
arises from its forming a part of the name 
)f Capernaum, i. e. Capharnahum. 

Caph'tor, Caph'torim, thrice men- 
(i^ned as the primitive seat of the Philis- 
liHvS (Deut. ii. 23; Jer. xlvii. 4; Am. ix. 
7), who are once called Caphtorims 
.Dcut. ii. 23), as of the same race as the 
Mizraite people of that name (Gen. x. 14 ; 
" Caphthorini." 1 Chr. i. 12). The position 
of tiie country, since it was peopled by 
MizraitP*;, must be supposed to be in Egypt 
or near to it in Africa, for the idea of the 
south-west of Palestine is excluded by the 
migration of the Philistines. Mr. R. S. 
Poole has proposed to recognize Caphtor in 
the ancient Egyptian name of Coptos, or 
the Coptite nome. It is probable that the 
Pliilistines left Caphtor not long after the 
first arrival of the Mizraite tribes, while 
they had not yet attained that attachment 
to tlie soil that afterv ards so eminently 



characterized the descendants of those 
which formed the Egyptian nation. 

Cappado'cia, Cappado'cians (Acta 
ii. 9; 1 Pet. i. 1). The range of Mount 
Taurus and the upper course of the Eu- 
phrates may safely be mentioned, in general 
terms, as natural boundaries of Cappadocia 
on the south and east. Its geographical 
limits on the west and north were variable. 
In early times the name reached as far 
northwards as the Euxine Sea. Cappadocia 
is an elevated table-land intersected by 
mountain- chains. It seems always to have 
been deficient in wood ; but it was a good 
grain country, and particularly famous for 
grazing. Its Roman metropolis was Caes- 
area. The native Cappadocians seem origi- 
nally to have belonged to the Syrian stock. 

Captain. (l.) As a purely military 
title Captain answers to sar in the Hebrew 
army, and " tribune " in the Roman. The 
" captain of the guard " in Acts xxviii. 16 
was probably the praefectus praetorio. (2.) 
Kdtstn, occasionally rendered captain, ap- 
plies sometimes to a military (Josh. x. 24 ; 
Judg. xi. 6, 11 ; Is. xxii. 3 ; Dan. xi. 18), 
sometimes to a civil command (e. g. Is. i. 
10, iii. 6). (3.) The " captain of the tem- 
ple " mentioned by St. Luke (xxii. 4 ; Acta 
iv. 1, V. 24) superintended the guard of 
priests and Levites, who kept watch by 
night in the Temple. 

Captivities of the Jews. The pres- 
ent article is confined to the forcible de- 
portation of the Jews from their native 
land, and their forcible detention, under 
the Assyrian or Babylonian kings. The 
kingdom of Israel was invaded by three or 
four successive kings of Assyria. Pul or 
Sardanapalus, according to Rawlinson, im- 
posed a tribute (b. c. 771 or 762 Rawl.) 
upon Menahem (1 Chr. v. 26, and 2 K. xv. 
19). Tiglath-Pileser carried away (b. c. 
740) the trans-Jordanic tribes (1 Chr. v. 
26) and the inhabitants of Galilee (2 K. 
XV. 29, comp. Is. ix. 1) to Assyria. Shal- 
maneser twice invaded (2 K. xvii. 3, 5) 
the kingdom which remained to Hoshea, 
took Samaria (b. c. 721) after a siege of 
three years, and carried Israel away into 
Assyria. Sennacherib (b. c. 713) is stated 
to have carried into Assyria 200,000 cap- 
tives from the Jewish cities which he took 
(2 K. xviii. 13). Nebuchadnezzar, in the 
first half of his reign (b. c. 606-562), re- 
peatedly invaded Judaea, besieged Jeru- 
salem, carried away the inhabitants to 
Babylon, and destroyed the Temple. Two 
distinct deportations are mentioned in 2 K. 
xxiv. 14 (including 10,000 persons) and 
XXV. 11. One in 2 Chr. xxxvi. 20. Three 
in Jer. Iii. 28-30, mcluding 4600 persons, 
and one in Dan. i. 3. Tte two principal 
deportations were, (1) that which took 
place b. c. 698, when Jehoiachin with all 
the nobles, soldiers, anc*. artificers wa.s car* 



CARBUNCLE 



100 



CARRIAGE 



ricd away ; and (2) that wliich followed the 
destruction of the Temple and the capture 
of Zedekiah b. c. 588. Tlie 70 years of 
captivity predicted by Jeremiah (xxv. 12) 
are dated by Prideaux from b. c. 606. The 
captivity of Ezekiel dates from B.C. 598, when 
that prophet, like Mordecai the uncle of Es- 
ther (Esth. ii. 6), accompanied Jehoiachin. 
The captives were treated not as slaves but 
as colonists. The Babylonian captivity was 
brought to a close by the decree (Ezr. i. 2) 
of Cyrus (b. c. 536), and the return of a 
portion of the nation under Sheshbazzar or 
Zerubbabel (b. c. 535), Ezra (b. c. 458), 
and Nehemiah (b. c. 445). The number 
who returned upon the decree of b. c. 536 
was 42,360, besides servants. Those who 
were left in Assyria (Esth. viii. 9, 11), and 
kept up their national distinctions, were 
known as The Dispersion (John vii. 35 ; 
1 Pet. i. 1; James i. 1). Many attempts 
have been made to discover the ten tribes 
existing as a distinct community. But 
though history bears no witness of their 
present distinct existence, it enables us to 
track the footsteps of the departing race in 
four directions after the time of the Cap- 
tivity. (1.) Some returned and mixed 
with the Jews (Luke ii. 36 ; Phil. iii. 5, 
&G.). (2.) Some were left in Samaria, 
mingled with the Samaritans (Ezr. vi. 21; 
John iv. 12), and became bitter enemies of 
the Jews. (3.) Many remained in Assyria, 
and were recognized as an integral part of 
the Dispersion (see Acts ii. 9, xxvi. 7). 
(4.) Most, probably, apostatized in Assyria, 
adopted the usages and idolatry of the na- 
tions among whom they were planted, and 
became wholly swallowed up in them. 

Carbuncle, the representative in the 
A. V. of the Hebrew words ^ekdAch and 
bdrkath or bdreketh. 1. 'Ekddch (Is. liv. 
12) may be a general term to denote any 
bright sparkling gem, but it is impossible to 
determine its real meaning. 2. BArekaih, 
bdreketh (Ex. xxviii. 17, xxxix. 10; Ez. 
xxviii. 13), is supposed to be the smaragdus 
or emerald. 

Car'cas, the seventh of the seven 
"chamberlains" (i.e. eunuchs) of king 
Ahasuerus (Esth. i. 10), 

Car'chemish. occupied nearly the site 
of the later Mabug, or Hierapolis. It 
seems to have commanded the ordinary 
passage of the Euphrates at Bir, or Bireh- 
jik. Carchemish appears to have been 
taktn by Pharaoh-Necho shortly after the 
battle of Megiddo (c. b. c. 608), and re- 
taken h/ Nebuchadnezzar after a battle 
three years later, b. c. 605 (Jer. xlvi. 2). 

Caro'ah, father of Johanan (2 K. 
xxv. 23), elsewhere in the A. V. spelt Ka- 

REAH. 

Ca'ria, the southern part of the region 
which in the N. T. is called Asia, and the 
•outh-western part of the peninsula of Asia 



Minor. At an earlier perio I we flud A 
mentioned as a separate di^tri.Jt (1 Mw:ii. 
XV, 23). A little later it was incorporated 
in the province of Asia. 

Car'mel. 1. A mountain which forms 
one of the most strikii g and characteristic 
features of the country of Palestine. A« 
if to accentuate more distmctly the bay 
which forms the one indentation in the 
coast, this noble ridge, the only headland 
of lower and central Palestine, forms its 
southern boundary, running out with a bold 
bluflf promontory all but into the very 
waves of the Mediterranean. From this 
point it stretches in a nearly straight line, 
bearing about S. S. E., for a little more 
than twelve miles, when it terminates sud- 
denly in a bluff somewhat corresponding to 
its western end, breaking down abruptly 
into the hills of Jenin and Samaria, which 
form at that part the central mass of the 
country. Carmel thus stands as a wall be- 
tween the maritime plain of Sharon on the 
south, and the more inland expanse of Es- 
draelon on the north. Its structure is in 
the main the Jura formation (upper oolite), 
which is prevalent in the centre of West- 
ern Palestine — a soft white limestone, with 
nodules and veins of flint. In form Carmel 
is a tolerably continuous ridge, at the W. 
end about 600, and E. about 1600 feet above 
the sea. There seem to be grounds for 
believing that from very early times it was 
considered as a sacred spot. In later times 
we know tliat its reputation was not con- 
fined to Palestine. But that which has 
made the name of Carmel most familiar to 
the modern world is its intimate connection 
with the history of the two great prophets 
of Israel — Elijah and Elisha. It is now 
commonly called Mar Elyas ; Kurvnel be- 
ing occasionally, but only seldom, heard. 
2. A town in the mountainous country of 
Judah (Josh. xv. 55), familiar to us as the 
residence of Nabal (1 Sam. xxv. 2, 5, 7, 
40). 

Car'ini. 1. The 4th son of Reuben the 
progenitor of the family of the Carmites 
(Gen. xlvi. 9; Ex. vi. 14; Num. xxvi. 6; 
1 Chr. V, 3). 2. A man of the tribe of 
Judah, fatlier of Achan, the " troubler of 
Israel" (Josh. vii. 1, 18; 1 Chr. ii. 7, iv. 
1), according to the first two passages the 
son of Zabdi or Zimri. 

Car'naim, a large and fortified city in 
" the land of Galaad." It was besieged 
and taken by Judas Maccabaeus (1 Mace. 
V. 26, 43, 44). A comparison with 2 Mace, 
xii. 21, 26, enables us to identify it with 
Ashteroth-Karnaim . 

Carpenter. [Handicraft.] 

Car'pus, a Christian at Troas (2 Tim. 
iv. 13). According to Hippolytus, Carpus 
was bishop of Berytus in Thrace. 

Carriage. This word occurs only sis 
times in the text of the A- V., and sifi^nifia* 



CASSHENA 



101 



CEDAR 



»iiat we now call " baggage." In the 
margin of 1 Sam. xvii. 20, and xxvi. 5-7 — 
ind there only — '* carriage" is employed 
in the sense of a wagon or cart. 

Carshe'na, one of the seven princes of 
Persia and M.idia (Esth. i. 14). 

Cart, Gen. xlv. 19, 27; Num. vii. 3, 7, 
8, a vehicle druwn by cattle (2 Sam. vi. 6), 
to be distinguished from the chariot drawn 




Egyptian cart with two wheels. (Wilkinson.) 

oy horses. Carts and wagons were either 
open or covered (Num. vii. 3), and were 
used for conveyance of persons (Gen. xlv. 
19), burdens (1 Sam. vi. 7, 8), or produce 
(Am. ii. 13). The only cart used in West- 
ern Asia has two wheels of solid wood. 
But in the monuments of ancient Egypt 
representcitions are found of carts with two 
wheels, having four or six spokes, used for 
carrying produce, and of one used for re- 
'igious purposes having four wheels with 
eight spokes. 

Carviilg. The arts of carving and en- 
^aving were much in request in the con- 
struction both of the Tabernacle and the 
Temple (Ex. xxxi. 5, xxxv. 33-, 1 K. vi. 
18, 35; Ps. Ixxiv. 6), as well as in the or- 
namentation of the priestly dresses (Ex. 
xxviii. 9-36; Zech. iii. 9; 2 Chr. ii. 6, 14), 

Casiph'ia, a place of uncertain site on 
the road between Babylon and Jerusalem 
(Ezr. viii. 17). 

Cas'luhim, a Mizraite people or tribe 
(Gen. X. 14; 1 Chr. i. 12). The only clew 
wo have as yet to the position of the Cas- 
luhim is their place in the list of the sons 
of Mizraim between the Pathrusim and the 
Caphtorim, whence it is probable that they 
were seated in Upper Egypt. 

Cassia. The representative in the A. 
V. of the Hebrew words kidddh and Jcetzi- 
6th. 1. Kidddh occurs in Ex. xxx. 24, 
and in Ez. xxvii. 19. The accounts of 
cassia as given by ancient authors are con- 
fused; and the investigation of the subject 
is a difficult one. It is clear that the Latin 
writers by the term casia understood both 
the Oriental product now under considera- 
tion, as well as some low sweet herbaceous 
plant; but the Greek word is hmited to the 
Ea.)tera product. Tje t;assia-bark of com- 



merce is yielded by various ki ids of Cin* 
namomum, which grow in different parti 
of India. 2. Ketzidth, only in Ps. xlv. 8. 
This word is generally supposed to b« 
another term for cassia : the old versions, 
as well as the etymology of the Hebrew 
word, are in favor of this interpretation. 

Castle. [Fortifications.] 

Cas'tor and PoUux (Acts xxvii i. 11). 
The twin sons of Jupiter and Leda were 
regarded as the tutelary divinities of sail- 
ors. They appeared in heaven as the con- 
stellation Gemini. In art they were some 
times represented simply as stars hovering 
over a ship, but more frequently as young 
men on horseback, with conical caps and 
stars above them. Such figures were 
probably painted or sculptured at the bow 
of the ship. 

Cats occur only in Baruch vi. 22. The 
Greek word, as used by Aristotle, has more 
particular reference to the wild cat. He- 
rodotus (ii. 66) applies it to denote the do- 
mestic animal. The context of the passage 
in Baruch appears to point to the domesti- 
cated animal. Perhaps the people of Baby- 
lon originally procured the cat from Egypt. 
The domestic cat of the ancient Egyp- 
tians is supposed by some to be identical 
with the Felis maniculata. 

Caterpillar. The representative in 
the A. V. of the Hebrew words chdsil and 
yeUk. 1. Chdsil occurs in 1 K. viii. 37 ; 
2 Chr. vi. 28; Ps. Ixxviii. 46; Is. xxxiii. 
4 ; Joel i. 4 ; and seems to be applied to a 
locust, perhaps in its larva state. 2. Yelek. 
[Locust.] 

Cattle. [Bull.] 

Cave. The chalky limestone of which 
the rocks of Syria and Palestine chiefly 
consist presents, as is the case in all lime- 
stone formations, a vast number of caverns 
and natural fissures, many of which have 
also been artificially enlarged and adapted 
to various purposes both of shelter and de- 
fence. The most remarkable caves no- 
ticed in Scripture are : 1. That in which 
Lot dwelt after the destruction of Sodom 
(Gen. xix. 30). 2. The cave of Mach- 
pelah (xxiii. 17). 3. Cave of Makkedah 
(Josh. X. 10). 4. Cave of Adullam (1 
Sam. xxii. 1). 5. Cave of Engedi (xxiv. 
3). 6. Obadiah's cave (IK. xviii. 4). 7. 
Elijah's cave in Horeb (xix. 9). 8, 9. 
The rock sepulchres of Lazarus, and of 
our Lord (John xi. 38; Matt, xxvii. 60). 

Cedar. The Heb. word e7-ez, invariably 
rendered " cedar" by the A. V., stands for 
that tree in most of the passages where the 
word occurs. The erez, or " firmly rooted 
and strong tree," from an Arabic root which 
has this signification, is particularly the 
name of the cedar of Lebanon {Ced')-us 
Libani) ; but that the word is used in a 
wider sense to denote other troes of the 
Coniferae is clear from somv Scripturai 



cedr(;n 



102 



CHALCEDONY 



passages where it occurs. For instance, 
the "cedar wood" mentioned in Lev. xiv. 
8 can hardly be the wood of the Lebanon 
cedars, seeing that th(j Cedrus Lihani could 
never liave grown in the peninsula of Sinai. 
There is another passage (Ez. xxvii. 5), in 
»rhich perhaps erez denotes some fir; in 
all probability the Finns Halepensis, which 
grows in Lebanon, and is better fitted for 
furnishing ship-masts than the wood of the 
Cedrus Libani. The Cedrus Lihani, Finns 
Halepensis^ and Juniperus excelsa, were 
probably all included under the terra erez ; 
though there can be no doubt that by this 
name is more especially denoted the cedar 
of Lebanon, as being the firmest and 
grandest of the conifers. As far as is at 
present known, the cedar of Lebanon is 
confined in Syria to one valley of the 
Lebanon range, viz., that of the Kedisha 
river, which flows from near the highest 
point of the range westward to the Medi- 
terranean, and enters the sea at the port 
of Triprli. The grove is at the very upper 
part of the valley, about 15 miles from the 
sea, 6500 feet above that level, and its 
position is moreover above that of all other 
arboreous vegetation. 

Ce'dron. In this form is given in the 
N. T. the name of the brook Kidron in the 
ravine below the eastern wall of Jerusalem 
(John xviii. 1, only). Beyond it was the 
garden of Gethsemane. [Kidron.] 

Ceiling. The descriptions of Scripture 
(1 K. vi. 9, 15, vii. 3 ; 2 Chr. iii. 5, 9 ; Jer. 
xxii. 14 ; Hag. i. 4), and of Jcsephus, show 
that the ceilings of the Temple and the 
palaces of the Jewish kings were formed 
of cedar planks applied to the beams or 
joints crossing from wall to wall, probably 
with sunk panels, edged and ornamented 
with gold, and carved with incised or 
other patterns, sometimes painted (Jer. 
xxii. 14). 

Celosyria. [Coelesybia.] 

Cen'chrea (accurately Cenchreae), 
the eastern harbor of Corinth (i. e. its har- 
bor on the Saronic Gulf) and the empori- 
um of its trade with the Asiatic shores of 
the Mediterranean, as Lechaeum on the 
Corinthian Gulf connected it with Italy 
and the west. St. Paul sailed from Cen- 
chreae (Acts xviii. 18) on his return to 
Syria from his second missionary journey ; 
and when he wrote his Epistle to the Ro- 
mans in the course of the third journey, 
an organ/ zed church seems to have been 
formed here (Rom. xvi. 1). 

Censer. A small portable vessel of 
metal fitted to receive burning coals from 
the altar, and on which the incense for 
burning was sprinkled (2 Chr. xxvi. 18; 
Luke i. 9). The only distinct precepts re- 
garding the use of the censer are found in 
Num. iv. 14, and in Lev. xvi. 12. Solo- 
mon prepared "censers of pure gold" as 



part of the same furniture (1 K. vii. 60; i 
Chr. iv. 22). Possibly thtir genenil use 
may have been to take up coals from the 
brazen altar, and convey the incense while 
burning to the " goklen altar," or " altar 
of incense," on which it was to be oflfered 
morning and evening (Ex. xxx. 7, 8). So 
Uzziah, when he was intending " to burn 
incense upon the altar of incense," took " a 
censer in his hand" (2 Chr. xxvi. 16, 19). 
The word rendered "censer" in Hebr. ix. 
4 probably means the " altar of incense." 

Census. [Taxing.] 

Centurion. [Army.] 

Cephas. [Peter.] 

Chaff. The Heb. words rendered chaff 
in A. V. do not seem to have precisely the 
same meaning : chdshash = dry grass, hay ; 
and occurs twice only in O. T., viz.. Is. v. 
24, xxxiii. 11. Mdis is «haff separated by 
winnowing from the grain — the husk of 
the wheat. The carrying away of chaff by 
the wind is an ordinary Scriptural image 
of the destruction of the wicked, and of 
their powerlessness to resist God's judg- 
ments (Ps. i. 4; Is. xviii. 13; Hos. xiii. 3; 
Zeph. ii. 2). 

Chain. Chains were used, 1. as badges 
of office; 2. for ornament; 3. for confin- 
ing prisoners. 1. The gold chain placed 
about Joseph's neck (Gen. xli. 42), and 
that promised to Daniel (Dan. v. 7), are 
instances of the first use. In Ez. xvi. 11, 
the chain is mentioned as the symbol of 
sovereignty. 2. Chains for ornamental 
purposes were worn by men as well as 
women in many countries both of Europe 
and Asia, and probably this was the case 
among the Hebrews (Prov. i. 9). The 
necklace consisted of pearls, corals, &c.. 
threaded on a string. Besides the neck- 
lace, other chains were worn (Jud. x. 4), 
hanging down as far as the waist, or even 
lower. Some were adorned with pieces of 
metal, shaped in the f^rm of the moon 
(" round tires like the moon," A. V. ; Is. 
iii. 18). The Midianites adorned the neck* 
of their camels with it (Judg. viii. 21, 26) 
To other chains were suspended various 
trinkets — as scent-bottles (Is. iii. 20) and 
mirrors (Is. iii. 23). Step-chains were at- 
tached to the ankle-rings, which shortened 
the step and produced a mincing gait (Is. 
iii. 16, 18). 3. The means adopted for con- 
fining prisoners among the Jews were fettera 
similar to our handcuffs (Judg. xvi. 21 ; 2 
Sam. iii. 34; 2 K. xxv. 7; Jer. xxxix. 7). 
Among the Romans, the prisoner was hanl- 
cuffed to one, and occasionally to two guards 
(Acts xii. 6, 7, xxi. 33). 

Chalcedony, only in Rev. xxi. 19. 
The name is applied in modern mineralogy 
to one of the varieties of agate. There 
can, however, be little doubt that the stone 
to which Theophrastus refers, as being 
founc" in the island opposite Chalcedon 



CHAlju'OL 



103 



CHALDEANb 



and usrd as a solder, must have been the 
green transparent carbonate of copper, or 
our copper emerald. 
Chal'col, 3 K. iv 31. [Calcol.] 
Chalde'a, more correctly Chaldaea, 
^»roperly only the most southern portion of 
Babylonia, is used in Scripture to signify 
that \ast alluvial plain which has been 
forme'' by the deposits of the Euphrates 
and the Tigris — at least so far as it lies to 
Oie w( St of the latter stream. This extraor- 
dinary flat, unbroken except by the works 
of man. extends a distance of 400 miles 
along the course of the rivers, and is on an 
average about 100 miles in width. The 
general aspect of the country is thus de- 
scribed by a modern traveller, who well 
contrasts its condition now with the ap- 
pearance which it must have presented in 
ancient times : " In former days," he says, 
" the vast plains of Babylon were nourished 
by a complicated system of canals and 
water'jourses, which spread over the sur- 
face of the country like a network. The 
wantR of a teeming population were sup- 
plied by a rich soil, not less bountiful than 
that on the banks of the Egyptian Nile. 
Like islands rising from a golden sea of 
waving rorn, stood frequent groves of 
palm-trees and pleasant gardens, affording 
to the idler or traveller their grateful and 
I lighly- valued shade. Crowds of passen- 
ger? hurried along the dusty roads to and 
from the busy city. The land was rich in 
corn and wine. How changed is the as- 
pect of that region at the present day ! 
Long lines of mounds, it is true, mark the 
courses of those main arteries which for- 
merly diffused life and vegetation along their 
banks, but their channels are now bereft 
of moisture and choked with drifted sand ; 
the smaller offshoots are wholly effaced. 
' A drought is upon her waters,' says the 
prophet, ' and they shall be dried up ! ' All 
tliat remains of that ancient civilization — 
that ' glory of kingdoms,' — ' the praise of 
the whole earth ' — is recognizable in the 
numerous mouldering heaps of brick aiid 
rubbish which overspread the surface of 
tlie pl?m. Instead of the luxurious fields, 
tlie g'oves and gardens, nothing now meets 
the c\ e bat an arid waste — the dense popu- 
lation of former times is vanished, and no 
man dwells there." (Loftus's Chaldaea, 
pp. li, 15.) The true Chaldaea is always 
in the geographers a distinct region, being 
the most southern portion of Babylonia, 
lying chiefly (if not solely) on the right 
bank of the Euphrates. Babylonia above 
this i» eeparated into two districts, called 
respectively Amordacia and Auranitis. 
The former is the name of the central ter- 
ritory round Babylon itself; the latter is 
applied to the regions towards the north, 
ifhere Bal)ylonia borders on Assyria. 
Cities - B ibylonJa was celebrated at »^i 



times for the number and antiquity of it« 
cities. The most important of those which 
have been identified are Borsippa (Birs- 
Nimrud), Sippara or Sepharvairn {Mo 
saib), Cutha (Ibrahim), Calneh (Nifer), 
Erech (Warka), Ur (Mugheir), Cliilniad 
(Kalwadha), Larancha (Senkereh), h 
(Hit), Duraba (Akkerkuf) ; but beside? 
these there were a multitude of others, the 
sites of which have not been determined. 
The extraordinary fertility of the Chaldaean 
soil has been noticed by various writers. 
It is said to be the only country in the 
world where wheat grows wild. Herod- 
otus declared (i. 193) that grain com- 
monly returned 200-fold to the sower, and 
occasionally 300-fold. The palm was un- 
doubtedly one of the principal objects of 
cultivation. The soil is rich, but tliere is 
now little cultivation, the inhabitants sub- 
sisting chiefly upon dates. More than half 
the country is left dry and waste from the 
want of a proper system of irrigation; 
while the remaining half is to a great ex- 
tent covered with marshes, owing to the 
same neglect. 

Chalde'ans, or Chal'dees, appear in 
Scripture, until the time of the Captivity, 
as the people of the country which has 
Babylon for its capital, and which is itself 
termed Shinar ; but in the Book of Daniel, 
while this meaning is still found (v. 30, and 
ix. 1), a new sense shows itself. The 
Chaldeans are classed with the magicians 
and astronomers ; and evidently form a 
sort of priest class, who have a peculiar 
"tongue" and "learning" (i. 4), and are 
consulted by the king on religious sub- 
jects. The same variety appears in profane 
writers. It appears that the Chaldeans 
(Kaldai or Kaldi) were in the earliest 
times merely one out of the many Cushite 
tribes inhabiting the great alluvial plain 
known afterwards as Chaldaea or Babylo- 
nia. Their special seat was probabl}'- that 
southern portion of the country which i« 
found to have so late retained the name of 
Chaldaea. Here was Ur "of the Chal- 
dees," the modern Mugheir, which lies 
south of the Euphrates, near its junction 
with the Shat-el-llie. In process of time, 
as the Kaldi grew in power, theii name 
gradually prevailed over those of tlu. other 
tribes inhabiting the country ; and by the 
era of the Jewish captivity it had begur to 
be used generally for all the inhabitant* ol 
Babylonia. It had come by this time to 
have two senses, both ethnic : in the one it 
was the special appellative of a particular 
race to whom it had belonged from the re- 
motest times, in the other it designated tk? 
nation at large in which this race was pre- 
dominant. It has been observed above 
that the Kaldi proper were a Cushite race. 
This is proved by the remains of their lan- 
iruagre. whi'^h closely re^emblps tlie GaUa 



THALDEES 



104 



CHARIOT 



or ancient language of Ethiopia. Now it 
appears by f.he inscriptions that while, both 
in Assyria and in later Babylonia, the 
Shemitic type of speech prevailed for civil 
purp^tsis, the ancient Cushite dialect was 
retained, as a learned language for scien- 
tific and religious literature. This is no 
doiibt the " learning" and the " tongue " to 
which reference is made in the Book of 
Daniel (i. 4). The Chaldeans were really 
the learned class; they were priests, magi- 
cians, or astronomers, and in the last of the 
three capacities they probably effected dis- 
coveries of great importance. In later 
times tliey seem to have degenerated into 
niere fortune-tellers. 





^:^dy~ 



'joBtumes of the Chaldeans. (Rawlinron. From Ancient 
Monuments.) 

Chaldees. [Chaldeans.] 

Chalk Stones. [Lime.] 

Chamberlain. Erastus, ^^ the chamber- 
lain " of the city of Corinth, was one of 
those whose salutations to the Roman Chris- 
tians are given at the end of the Ep. ad- 
dressed to them (Rom. xvi. 23). The 
office which he held was apparently that of 
public treasurer, or arcarius, as the Vul- 
gate renders his title. These arcarii were 
inferior magistrates, who had the charge 
of the public chest (arcapublica), and were 
under the autliority of the senate. They 
kept the accounts of the public revenues. 
The office held by Blastus, "the king's 
chamberlain," was entirely different from 
this (Acts xii 20). It was a post of hon- 
or which involved great intimacy and in- 
(!uen(;e with the king. The margin of our 
version gives "that was over the king's 
bedchamber." For Chamberlain as used 
in tlie O. T., see Eunuch. 

Chameleon, the translation of the He- 
brew cddch, which occurs in the sense of 
some kind of unclean animal in Lev. xi. 30. 
Others suppose it to be the lizard, known 
by the name of the " Monitor of the Nile " 
{Monitor Ntloiicus, Grey), a large strong 
reptile C(rranion in Egypt and other parts 
of Africa. 



Chamois, i.ne tranylation of the nebTevi 
zemer in Deut. xiv. 5. But the translation 
is incorrect ; for there is no evidence that 
the chamois has ever been seen in Pales- 
tine or the Lebanon. It is probable thai 
some mountain sheep is intended. 

Cha'naan, the manner in which the 
word Canaan is spelt in the A. V. of th" 
Apocrypha and N. T. (Jud. v. 3, 9, 10 ; Bar. 
iii. 22; Sus. 56; 1 Mace. ix. 37; Acts vii. 
11, xiii. 19). 

Chapiter, the capital of a pillar; alw) 
possibly a roll moulding at the top of a 
building or work of art, as in the case (1) 
of the pillars of the Tabernacle and Tem- 
ple, and of the two pillars called especially 
Jachin and Boaz ; and (2) of the lavers be- 
longing to the Temple (Ex. xxxviii. 17 ; 1 
K. vii. 27, 31, 38). 

Char'ashim, The Valley of (" ra- 
vine of craftsmen"), a place mentioned 
twice : — 1 Chr. iv. 14, as having been 
founded or settled by Joab, a man of the 
tribe of Judah and family of Othniel ; and 
Neh. xi. 35, as being reinhabited by Benja- 
mites after the Captivity. In this passage it 
is rendered "valley of craftsmen." 

Char'chemish, 2 Chr. xxxv. 20. [Car- 
chemish.] 

Charger, a shallow vessel for receiving 
water or blood, also for i)resenting offer- 
ings of fine flour with oil (Num. vii. 79). 
The daughter of Herodias brought the head 
of St. John the Baptist in a charger (Matt 
xiv. 8) : probably a trencher or platter. 
[Basin.] 

Chariot, a vehicle used either for war- 
like or peaceful purposes, but most com- 
monly the former. Of the latter use the 
following only are probable instances as 
regards the Jews, 1 K. x\iii. 44, and as re- 
gards other nations. Gen. xli. 43, xlvi. 29; 
2 K. V. 9 ; Acts viii. 28. The earliest men- 
tion of chariots in Scrii/ture is in Egyi)t, 
where Joseph, as a mark of distinction, was 
placed in Pharaoh's se(;ond chariot (Gen. 
xli. 43), and later when he went in his own 
chariot to meet his father on his entrance 
into Egypt from Canaan (xlvi. 29). In the 
funeral procession of Jacob chariots also 
formed a part, possibly by way of escort or 
as a guard of honor (1. 9). The nexl 
mention of Egyptian chariots is for a war- 
like purpose (Ex. xiv. 7). In this point 
of view chariots among some nations of 
antiquity, as elephants among others, may 
be regarded as filling tlie place of heavy 
artillery in modern times, so that the mili- 
tary power of a nation might be estimated 
by the number of its chariots. Thus Pha- 
raoh in pursuing Israel took with him 600 
chariots. The Canaanites of the valleys 
of Palestine were enabled to resist the Is- 
raelites successfully in c^isequence of the 
nuiAiber of their chariots of iron, i e. per- 
haps armed witli iron scythes Mosa. xr J 



CHARRA19 



105 



CHEMARIMb 



18; Judg. i. 19). Jabin, king of Canaan, 
had 900 chariots (Judg. iv. 3). The Phi- 
listines in Saul's time had 30,000 (1 Sam. 
Kiii. u). David took from Hadadezer, king 
■jf Zobah, 1000 chariots (2 Sam. viii. 4), 
tnd from the Syrians a little later 700 (x. 
>8), who in order to recover their ground, 
collected 32,000 chariots (1 Chr. xix. 7). 
Uji to this time the Israelites possessed few 
JT no chariots, partly no doubt in conse- 
juence of the theocratic prohibition against 
multiplying horses, for fear of intercourse 
with Egypt, and the regal despotism implied 
in the possession of them (Deut. xvii. 16 ; 
1 Sam. viii. 11, 12). But to some extent 
David (2 Sam. viii. 4), and in a much 
greater degree Solomon, broke through the 
prohibition. He raised, therefore, and 
maintained a force of 1400 chariots (1 K. 
X, 25) by taxation on certain cities agree- 
ibly to Eastern custom in such matters (1 
K. ix. 19, X. 25). From this time chariots 
were regarded as among the most important 
arms of war, though the supplies of them and 
of horses appear to have been mainly drawn 
from Egypt (1 K. xxii. 34; 2 K. ix. 16, 21, 
xiii. 7, 14, xviii. 24, xxiii. 30; Is. xxxi. 1). 
^lost commonly two persons, and some- 
limes three, rode in the chariot, of whom 
tlie third was employed to carry the state 
umbrella (2 K. ix. 20, 24 ; IK. xxii. 34 ; 
A.cts viii. 38). A second chariot usually 
accompanied the king to battle, to be used 
in case of necessity (2 Chr. xxv. 34). The 
prophets allude frequently to chariots as 
typical of power (Ps. xx. 7, civ. 3; Jer. li. 
21; Zech. vi. 1). In the N. T., the only 
mention made of a chariot, except in Rev. 
ix. 9, is in the case of the Ethiopian or 
Abyssinian eunuch of Queen Candace (Acts 
viii. 28, 29, 38). Jewish chariots were no 
doubt imitated from Egyptian models, if 
Qot actually imported from Egypt. 




AMyrian Chariot 

Char'ran, Acts vii. 2, 4. [Haran ] 

Chase. [Hunting.} 

Che'bar, a river in the " land of the 
Chaldeans" (Ez. i. 3), on the banks of 
which some of thp Jews were located at the 
time of the captivity, and wjiere Ezekiel 
saw his earlier visions (Ez. i. 1 iii. 15, 23, 
tiC >. It is commonly regarded as identi- 



cal with the Habor, or river of 6o:;an, t<i 
which some portion of the Israelites were 
removed by the Assyrians (2 K. xvii. 6). 
But this is a mere conjecture. Perhapa 
the Chebar of Ezekiel is the Nahr Malcha 
or Royal Canal of Nebuchadnezzar, — th^ 
greatest of all the cuttings in Mesopotamia. 

Che'bel, one of the singular topograph- 
ical terms in which the ancient Hebrew 
language abounded, and which give so 
much force and precision to its records. 
The ordinary meaning of the word Chebel is 
a "rope " or *' cord ; " but in its topograhpi ■ 
cal sense, as meaning a "tract" or "dis 
trict," we find it always attached to the region 
of Argob, which is invariably designated 
by this, and by no other term (Deut. iii. 4, 
13, 14; IK. iv. 13). 

Chedorlao'mer, a king of Elam, in 
the time of Abraham, who with three other 
chiefs made war upon the kings of Sodom, 
Gomorrah, Admah, Zeboim, and Zoar, and 
reduced them to servitude (Gen. xiv. 17). 
The name of a king is found upon the 
bricks recently discovered in Chaldaea, 
wliich is read Kudar-mapula. This man 
has been supposed to be identical with 
Chedorlaomer, and the opinion is confirmed 
by the fact that he is further distinguished 
by a title which may be translated '* Rav- 
ager of the west." 

Cheese is mentioned only three times 
in the Bible, and on each occasion under a 
difierent name in the Heorew (Job x. 10; 
1 Sam. xvii. 18; 2 Sam. xvii. 29). It is 
difficult to decide how far these terms cor- 
respond with our notion of cheese; for they 
simply express various degrees of coagula- 
tion. It may be observed that cheese is 
not at the present day common among the 
Bedouin Arabs, butter being decidedly pre- 
ferred; but there is a substance, closely 
corresponding to those mentioned in 1 
Sam. xvii. ; 2 Sam. xvii., consisting of 
coagulated buttermilk, which is dried untU 
it becomes quite hard, and is then ground : 
the Arabs eat it mixed with butter. 

Che'lal, Ezr. X. 30. 

Chel'luh, Ezr. X. 35. 

Che'lub. 1. A man among the descend- 
ants of Judah, deacribed as the brother of 
Shuah and the father of Mechir. 2. Ezri 
the son of Chelub was the overseer of 
those who " did the work of the field for 
tillage of the ground," one of David's 
officers (1 Chr. xxvii. 26). 

Chelu'bai, the son of Hezron, of one 
of the chief families of Judah. The name 
occurs in 1 Chr. ii. only, and from a com- 
parison of this passage with ii. 18 and 42, 
it would appear to be but anothc r form of 
tlie name Caleb. 

Chem'arims, The. This word only 
occurs in the text of the A. V. in Zeph. i. 
4. In 2 K. xiiii. 5 it is rendered " idola- 
trous priests," and in Hos. x. 6 " priests,' 



ClIEMOSH 



106 



CHERUB 



and in both cases " chemarim " is given in 
the margin. So far as regards the Hebrew 
usage of the word it is exclusively applied 
to the priests of the false worship, and was 
m all probability a term of foreign origin. 

Che'mosh, the national deity of the 
Mosabites (Num. xxi. 29 ; Jer. xlviii. 7, 13, 
46). In Judg. xi. 24, he also appears as 
the god of the Ammonites. Solomon in- 
troduced, and Josiah abolished, the wor- 
sliip of Chemosh at Jerusalem (1 K. xi. 7 ; 
2 K. xxiii. 13). Jerome identifies him with 
Baal-Peor ; others with Baal-Zebub, on 
etymological grounds; others with Mars, 
and others with Saturn. 

Cheua'auah. 1. Son of Bilhan, son 
of Jediael, son of Benjamin, head of a 
Benjamite house (1 Chr. vii. 10), probably 
of the family of the Belaites. [Bela.] 2. 
Father, or ancestor, of Zedekiah the false 
prophet (1 K. xxii. 11, 24 ; 2 Chr. xviii. 10, 
23). 

Clieil'aui, one of the Levites who as- 
sisted at the solemn purification of the peo- 
ple under Ezra (Neh. ix. 4). 

Cheuani'ah, chief of the Levites, 
when David carried the ark to Jerusalem 
(1 Chr. XV. 22, xxvi. 29). 

Che'phar-Haam'monai, " Hamlet 
of the Ammonites ; " a place mentioned 
among the towns of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 
24). No trace of it has yet been discov- 
ered. 

Chephi'rah, "the hamlet; " one of the 
four cities of the Gibeonites (Josh. ix. 17), 
named afterwards among the towns of Ben- 
jamin, with Ramah, Beeroth, and Mizpeh 
(xviii. 26). The men of Chephirah re- 
turned with Zerubbabel from Babylon (Ezr. 
ii. 25; Neh. vii. 29). 

Che'ran, one of the sons of Dishon the 
Horite "duke" (Gen. xxxvi. 26; 1 Chr. i. 
41). 

Cher'ethims, Ez. xxv. 16. The plural 
form of the word elsewhere rendered Cher- 
BTHiTES ; which see. 

Cher'ethites and Pel'ethites, the 

life-guards of King David (2 Sam. viii. 18, 
XV. 18, XX. 7, 23 ; 1 K. i. 38, 44 ; 1 Chr 
xviii. 17). These titles are commonly said 
to signify " executioners and couriers." It 
is plain that these royal guards were em- 
ployed as executioners (2 K. xi. 4), and as 
couriers (1 K. xiv. 27). But it has been 
conjectured that they may have been foreign 
mercenaries. They are connected with the 
Gittites, a foreign tribe (2 Sam. xv. 21) ; 
and the Cherethites are mentioned as a na- 
tion (1 Sam. XXX. 14), dwelling apparently 
on the coast, and therefore probably Philis- 
tines, of which name Pelethites may be 
only another form. 

Che'rith, The Brook, the torrent-bed 
or wady in which Elijah hid himself during 
the early part of the three years' drought 
Cl K. xvii. 3, 6). The position of the 



Cherith has been much djsputeJ. The 
argument from probability is in favor of 
the Cherith being on the east of Jordan, and 
the name may possibly be discovered there 

Cher'ub, apparently a place in Babylo- 
nia from which some persons of doubtful 
extraction returned to Judaea with Zerub- 
babel (Ezr. ii. 59; Neh. vii. 61). 

Cher'ub, Cher'ubim. The symholi 
cal figure so called was a composite crea- 
ture-form which finds a parallel in the 
religious insignia of Assyria, Egypt, and 
Persia, e. g. the sphinx, the winged bulls 
and lions of Nineveh, &c. The liebrev 




The Winged Female Sphinx. (WtUdnion.) 

idea seems to limit the number of the cher- 
ubim. A pair (Ex. xxv. 18, &c.) were 
placed on the mercy-seat of the ark : a 
pair of colossal size overshadowed it in 
Solomon's Temple with the canopy of fheii 
contiguously extended wings. Ezekiel, i 
4 -14, speaks of four, and similarly the apoc- 
alyptic "beasts" (Rev. iv. 6) are four. — 
So at the front or east of Eden were post- 
ed " the cherubim," as though the whole of 
some recognized number. The cherubim 
are placed beneath the actual presence of 
Jehovah, whose moving throne they appear 
to draw (Gen. iii. 24 ; Ez. i. 5, 25, 26, x. 1, 
2, 6, 7; Is. vi. 2, 3, 6). The glory sym- 
bolizing that presence which eye cannot see 
rests or rides on them, or one of them, 
thence disn\ounts to the temple threshold, 
and then departs and mounts again (Ez. xJ 
4, 18; comp. ix. 3; Ps. xviii. 10). Ther^ 
is in them an entire absence of humani 
sympathy, and even on the mercy-seat they, 
probably appeared not merely as admiring 
and wondering (1 Pet. i. 12), but as guardi- 
ans of the covenant and avengers of its 
breach. Those on the ark were to be 
placed with wings stretched forth, one at 
each end of the mercy-seat, and to be made 
" of the mercy-seat." They are called the 
cherubim of glory (Heb. tx. 5), as on them 
the glory, when visible, rested. They 
were anointed with the holy oil, like tlie 
ark itself, and the other sacred furniture. 
Their wings were to be stretched upwards, 
and their faces " towards eacli other and 
towards the mercy-seat. ' It is remarkable 
that with such precise directions as to thei/ 
position, attitude, and material, nothing, 



OHESAI.ON 



107 



CEULDUEN 



sare that they were winged, is said <!on- 
cerning their shape. On the whole, '^eems 
likely that the word "cherub" meaj.t not 
only the composite creature-form, of wiiich 
the man, lion, ox, and eagle were the ele- 
ments, but, further, some peculiar and 
mystical form, which Ezekiel, being a 
priest, would know and recognize as "the 
face of a cherub" (Ez. x. 14), but which 
was kept secret from all others; and such 
probably were those on the ark, though 
those on the hangings and panels might be 
of the popular device. What this peculiar 
cherubic form was is perhaps an impenetra- 
ble mystery. It might well be the symbol 
of Him whom none could behold and live. 
For as symbols of Divine attributes, e. g. 
omnipotence and omniscience, not as rep- 
resentations of actual beings, the cheru- 
bim should be regarded. 

Clies'alon, a place named as one of the 
landmarks on the west part of the north 
boundary of Judah (Josh. xv. 10), probably 
Kfisla,, about six miles to the N. E. of Ain- 
^hems, on the western mountains of Judah. 

Che'sed, fourth son of Nahor (Gen. 
xxii. 22). 

Che'sil, a town in the extreme south of 
Palestine, named with Hormah and Ziklag 
(Josh. XV. 30). In Josh. xix. 4 the name 
Bethijl occurs in place of it, whence we 
may conclude that Chesil was an early 
variation of Bethul. 

Ch.est. By this word are translated in 
the A. V. two distinct Hebrew terms : 1. 
drdn ; this is invariably used for the Ark 




Egyptian Chest or Box from Thebei. (Wilkinson.) 

of the Covenant, and with two exceptions, 
for that only. The two exceptions alluded 
to are (x) the " coffin" in which the bones 
of Jossph were carried from Egypt (Gen. 1. 
26); and (b) the "chest" in which Jehoiada 
the priest collected the alms for the repairs 
of the Temple (2 K. xii. 9, 10 ; 2 Chr. xxiv. 
8-11). Of the former the accompanying 
engraving is probably a near representa- 
tion. 2. gendzim, " chests " (Ez. xxvii 
2* only). 

Chestnut-tree (Heb. 'armSn : Gen 
XXX. 37 ; Ezek. xxxi. 8) : it is spoken of as 



one of the gljiies of Assyria, for whijh tii« 
"plane-tree" ought probably to have been 
substituted. The context of the passages 
where the word occurs indicates some tree 
which thrives best in low and rather moist 
situations, whereas the chestnut-tree is s 
tree which prefers dry and hilly ground. 

Chesul'loth (lit. " the loins "), one of 
the towns of Issachar, deriving its name, 
perhaps, from its situation on the slope of 
some mountain (Josh. xix. 18). From iti 
position in the lists it appears to be between 
Jezreel and Shunem {Sdlam). 

Chet'tiim, 1 Mace. i. 1. [Chittim.] 

Clie'zib, a name which occurs but once 
(Gen. xxxviii. 5), probably the same as 
Achzib. 

Chidon, the name which in 1 Chr. xiii. 
9 is given to the threshing-floor at which 
the accident to the ark took place. In the 
parallel account in 2 Sam. vi. the name is 
given as Nachon. 

Children. The blessing of offspring, 
but especially of the male sex, is highly 
A^alued among all Eastern nations, while the 
absence is regarded as one of the severest 
punishments (Gen. xvi. 2; Deut. vii. 14; 
1 Sam. i. 6 ; 2 Sam. vi. 23 ; 2 K. iv. 14 ; Is 
xlvii. 9; Jer. xx. 15; Ps. cxxvii. 3, 5). 
As soon as the child was born, it was washed 
in a bath, rubbed with salt, and wrapped in 
swaddling clothes. Arab mothers some- 
times rub their children with earth or sand 
(Ez. xvi. 4 ; Job xxxviii. 9 ; Luke ii. 7). 
On the 8th day the rite of circumcision, in 
the case of a boy, was performed, and a 
name given, sometimes, but not usually, 
the same as that of the father, and gener- 
ally conveying some special meaning. At 
the end of a certain time the mother was t« 
make an offering of purification of a laml 
as a burnt- offering, and a pigeon or turtle- 
dove as a sin-offering, or, in case of pover- 
ty, two doves or pigeons, one as a burnt 
offering, the other as a sin-offering (Lo. 
xii. 1-8; Luke ii. 22). The period of 
nursing appears to have been sometimes 
prolonged to three years (Is. xlix. 15 ; S 
Mace. vii. 27). Nurses were employed io 
cases of necessity (Ex. ii. 9; Gen. xxiv, 
59, XXXV. 8 ; 1 Sam. iv. 4 ; 2 K. xi. 2 ; 2 
Chr. xxii. 11). The time of weaning was 
an occasion of rejoicing (Gen. xxi. 8). 
Arab children wear little or no clothing for 
four or five years : the young of both sexes 
are usually carried by the mothers on the 
hip or the shoulder, a custom to which 
allusion is made by Isaiah (Is. xlix. 22, Ixvi. 
12). Both boys and girls in their early 
years were under the care of the women 
(Prov. xxxi. 1). Afterwards tlie boys were 
taken by the father under his charge. 
Those in wealthy families had tutors oi 
governors, who were sometimes eunuchs 
(Num. xi. 12 ; 2 K. x. 1, 5 ; Is. xlix. 23 ; 
Gal. iii. 24; Esth. ii. 7"). Daughters usu- 



CHILEAB 



108 



OHKISTIAN 



Ally rein4*ined in the women's apartments 
till marnage, or, among the poorer classes, 
were employed in household work (Lev. 
xxi. 9, Num. xii. 14; 1 Sam. ix. 11; Prov. 
txxi. 19, 23; Ecclus. vii. 25, xlii. 9; 2 
Mace. iii. 19). The hrstborn male chil- 
dren were regarded as devoted to God, and 
were to be redeemed by an offering (Ex. 
xiii. 13; Num. xviii. 15; Luke ii. 22). 
The authority of parents, especially of the 
father, over children was very great, as 
was also the reverence enjoined by the law 
to be i)aid to parents. The f'isobedient 
child, the striker or reviler oi a parent, 
was liable to capital punishment, though 
not at the independent will of the parent. 
The inheritance was divided equally be- 
tween all the sons except the eldest, who 
received a double portion (Deut. xxi. 17; 
Gen. XXV. 31, xlix. 3; 1 Chr. v. 1,2; Judg. 
xi. 2, 7). Daughters had by right no por- 
tion in the inheritance ; but if a man had 
no son, his inheritance passed to his daugh- 
tei'S, who were forbidden to marry out of 
their father's tribe (Num. xxvii. 1, 8, 
xxxvi. 2, 8). 

ChU'eab. [Abigail.] 

Chil'ion, the son of Elimelech and 
Naomi, and husband of Orpah (Ruth i. 2-5, 
4v. 9). He is described as " an Ephrathite 
of Bethlehem-judah." 

Chil'mad, a place or country mentioned 
bi conjunction with Sheba and Asshur (Ez. 
xxvii. 23). 

Chim'ham, a follower, and probably a 
ion, of Barzillai the Gileadite, who returned 
■Vom beyond Jordan with David (2 Sam. 
dx. 37, 38, 40). David appears to have 
>estowed on him a possession at Bethle- 
'lem, on which, in later times, an inn or 
Khan was standing ( Jer. xli. 17) . 

Chim'han. [Chimham.] 

Cllill'neretll, accurately Cinnartirh, a 
fortified city in the tribe of Naphtali (Josh, 
xix. 35 only), of which no trace is found in 
later writers, and no remains by travellers. 

Chin'nereth, Sea of (Num. xxxiv. ii ; 
Josh. xiii. 27), the inland sea, which is most 
familiarly known to us as the " lake of 
Genncsareth." It seems likely that Chin- 
nereth was an ancient Canaanite name 
existing long prior io the Israelite conquest. 

Chin'nerotli. [Chinnereth.] 

Chi'OS. The position of this island in 
reference to the neighboring islands and 
coasts could hardly be better described than 
in the detailed account of St. Paul's return 
Toyage from Troas to Caesarea (Acts xx. 
xxi.). Having come from Assos to Mity- 
lene in Lesbos (xx. 14), he arrived the next 
day over against Chios (v. 15), the next day 
at Samos and tarried at Trogyllium (tJ.) ; 
&.nd the following day at Miletus {ih.) : 
thence he went by Cos and Rhodes to Patara 
(xxi. 1). Chios is separated from the main- 
Ian 1 by a 8tr3,it of onlv 5 miles. Its 3ngth 



i9 abou* 32 miles, and in breadth it varies 

from? J 18. 

CL.s'leu. [Months.] 

Chis'lon, father of Elidad, the prince ol 
the tribe of Benjamin, chosen to assist \h 
the division of the land of Canaan among 
the tribes (Num. xxxiv. 21). 

Chis'loth-Ta'bor, a place to the bor- 
der of which reached the border of Zebulun 
(Josh. xix. 12). It may be the village /AisdJ, 
which is now standing about two miles and 
a half to the west of Mount Tabor. 

Chit'tim, Kit'tim, a family or race 
descended from Javan (Gen. x. 4 ; 1 Chr. 1. 
7; A. V. Kittim), closely related to the 
Dodanim, and remotely to the other de- 
scendants of Javan. Cliittim is frequently 
noticed in Scripture : Balaam predicts that 
a fleet should thence proceed for the destruc- 
tion of Assyria (Num. xxi v. 24) : in Is. xxiii, 
1, 12, it appears as the resort of the fleets of 
Tyre : in Jer. ii. 10, the " isles of Chittim ** 
are to the far west, as Kedar to the east of 
Palestine : the Tyrians procured thence the 
cedar or box-wood, which they inlaid with 
ivory for the decks of their vessels (Ez. 
xxvii. 6) : in Dan. xi. 30, " ships of Chittim " 
advance to the south to meet the king of the 
north. At a later period we find Alexander 
the Great described as coming from the land 
of Chettiim (1 Mace. i. 1), and Perseus as 
king of the Citims (1 Mace, viii, 5). Jose- 
phus considered Cyprus as the original seat 
of the Chittim, adducing as evidence the 
name of its principal town, Citium. Ciiium 
was without doubt a Phoenician town. 
From the town the name extended to the 
whole island of Cyprus, which was occupied 
by Phoenician colonies. The name Chittim, 
which in the first instance had applied to 
Phoenicians only, passed over to the islands 
which tney had occupied, and thence to the 
people who succeeded the Phoenicians in 
the occupation of them. Thus in Mace. 
Chittim evidently = Macedonia. 

Clli'un. [Remphan.] 

Clllo'e, a woman mentioned in I Cor 
i. 11. 

Chora'shan, one of the places in which 
" David and his men were wont to haunt," 
(1 Sam. XXX. 30). It may, perhaps, be 
identified with AsHAN of Simeon 

Chora'zin, one of the cities in which our 
Lord's mighty works were done, but named 
only in His denunciation (Matt. xi. tl ; 
Luke X. 13). St. Jerome describes it as on 
the shore of the lake, two miles from Ca- 
pernaum, but its modern site is uncertain. 

Choze'ba. The "men of Chozeba" 
are named (1 Chr. iv. 22) amongst tl e de- 
scendants of Shelah the son of Judah. 
Chezib and Chozeba are perhaps, the same 
as AcHziB. 

Clirist. [Jesus.] 

Christian. The disciples, we are told 
(Acts xi. 26), were first called Chrifti^nsai 



< 



CHRONICLES 



loy 



CHRONICLES 



A.ntio(. h oij the Orontes, somewhere about 
4.. D. 43. The name, and the place where 
it was conferred, are both significant. It is 
clear that the appellation "Christian" was 
one which could not have been assumed 
by the Christians themselves. They were 
known to each other as brethren of one 
family, as disciples of the same Master, as 
believers in the same faith, and as distin- 
guished by the same endeavors after holi- 
ness and consecration of life ; and so were 
called breihren (Acts xv. 1, 23 ; 1 Cor. vii. 
12), disciples (Acts ix. 26, xi. 29), believers 
(Acts V. 14), saints (Rom. viii. 27, xv. 25). 
But the outer world could know nothing of 
the true force and significance of these 
terms. To the contemptuous Jew they 
were Nazarenes and Galilaeans, names 
which carried with them the infamy and 
turbulence of the places whence they 
sprung, and from whence notliing good and 
no prophet might come. The Jews could 
add nothing to the scorn which these names 
expressed, and had they endeavored to do 
so they would not have defiled the glory of 
their Messiah by applying his title to those 
whom they could not but regard as the fol- 
lowers of a pretender. The name " Chris- 
tian," then, which, in the only other cases 
where it appears in the N. T. (Acts xxvi. 
28; 1 Pet. iv. 16), is used contemptuously, 
could not have been applied by the early 
disciples to themselves, nor could it have 
come to them from their own nation the 
Jews ; it must, therefore, have been im- 
posed upoH them by the Gentile world, and 
no place could have so appropriately given 
rise to it as Antioeh, where the first Church 
was planted among the heathen. Its inhab- 
itants were celebrated for their wit and a 
propensity for conferring nicknames. The 
Emperor Julian himself was not secure 
from their jests. ApoUonius of Tyana was 
driven from the city by the insults of the 
inhabitants. Their wit, however, was often 
harmless enough ; and there is no reason 
to suppose that the name " Christian" of 
Itself was intended as a term of scurrility 
or abuse, though it would naturally be used 
with contempt. Suidas says the name was 
given in the reign of Claudius, when Peter 
appointed Evodius bishop of Antioeh, and 
they who were formerly called Nazarenes 
and Galilaeans had their name changed to 
Christians. 

Chronicles, First and Second 
Books of, the name originally given to 
the record made by the appointed histori- 
ographers in the kingdoms of Israel and 
Judah. In the LXX. these books are 
called Pa raZtpowie/ia (t. e. things omitted), 
which is understood as meaning that they 
are supplementary to the books of Elings. 
The Vulgate retains both the Hebrew and 
Greek name in Latin characters, Dibre 
jammim, or /iajaminf, and Paralipomenon. 



The constant tradition of the Ji-w* is ttal 
these books were for the most pait compiled 
by Ezra. In fact, the internal eddence as 
to the time when the book of Chronicles was 
compiled, seems to tally remarkably with 
the tradition concerning its authorship. As 
regards the plan of the book, of which the 
book of Ezra is a continuation, forming one 
work, it becomes apparent immediately we 
consider it as the compilation of Ezra or 
some one nearly contemporary with him. 
One of the greatest difficulties connected 
with the captivity and the return must have 
been the maintenance of that genealogical 
distribution of the lauds which yet was a 
vital point of the Jewish economy. Another 
difficulty intimately connected with the 
former was the maintenance of the temple 
services at Jerusalem. This could only be 
efiected by the residence of the priests and 
Levites in Jerusalem in the order of their 
courses : and this residence was only prac 
ticable in case of the payment of tte 
appointed tithes, first-fruits, and other 
ofierings. But then again the registers of 
the Levitical genealogies were necessary, 
in order that it might be known who were 
entitled to such and such allowances, as 
porters, as singers, as priests, and so on ; 
because all these offices went by families ; 
and again the payment of the tithes, first- 
fruits, &c., was dependent upon the difierent 
families of Israel being established each in 
his inheritance. Obviously therefore one 
of the most pressing wants of the Jewish 
community after their return from Babylon 
would be trusty genealogical records. But 
further, not only had Zerubbabel, and after 
him Ezra and Nehemiah, labored most 
earnestly to restore the temple and the pub- 
lic worship of God there to the condition it 
had been in under the kings of Judah, but 
it appears clearly from their policy, and 
from the language of the contemporary 
prophets, Haggai and Zechariah, that they 
had it much at heart to re-infuse something 
of national life and spirit into the heart of 
the people, and to make them feel that they 
were still the inheritors of God's covenant- 
ed mercies, and that the captivity had only 
temporarily interrupted, not dried up, the 
stream of God's favor to their nation. 
Now nothing could more eflfectually aid 
these pious and patriotic designs than set- 
ting before the people a compendious 
history of the kingdom of David, which 
should embrace a full account of its pros- 
perity, should trace the sins which led to 
its overthrow, should carry the thread 
through the period of the captivity, and 
continue it as it were unbroken on the 
other side ; and those passages in their 
former history would be especially impor- 
tant which exhibited their greatest and best 
kings as engaged in building or restoring 
the temple, in reforming all corruptions in 



CHEONOLOGY 



110 



CHURCH 



religion, and zealously regulating the ser- 
vices of the house of God. As regards the 
kingdom of Israel or Samaria, seeing it had 
utterly and hopelessly passed away, and 
that the existing inhabitants were among the 
bitterest " adversaries of Judahand Benja- 
min," it would naturally engage very little 
of the compiler's attention. These consid- 
eratJons explain exactly the plan and scope 
of that historical work which consists of the 
two books of Chronicles and the book of 
Ezra. For after having in the first eight 
chapters given the genealogical divisions 
and settlements of the various tribes, the 
compiler marks distinctly his own age and 
his own purpose, by informing us in ch. ix. 
1 of the (hsturbance of those settlements by 
the Babylonish captivity, and in the follow- 
ing verses, of the partial restoration of 
them at the return from Babylon (2-24) ; 
and that this list refers to the families who 
had returned from Babylon is clear, not 
only from the context, but from its reinser- 
tion, Neh. xi. 3-22, with additional matter 
evidently extracted from the public archives, 
and relating to times subsequent to the 
return from Babylon, extending to Neh. xii. 
27, where Nehemiah's narrative is again 
resumed in continuance with Neh. xi. 2. 
Having thus shown the re-establishment of 
the returned families, each in their own 
Inheritance according to the houses of their 
fathers, the compiler proceeds to the other 
part of his plan, which is to give a continu- 
ous historj af the kingdom of Judah from 
Oavid to his own times, introduced by the 
vilosing scene of Saul's life (ch. x.), which 
Introduction is itself prefaced by a geneal- 
ogy ot the house of Saul (ix. 35-44). As 
regards' the materials used by Ezra, they 
are not iitiScult to discover. The geneal- 
ogies are obviously transcribed from some 
register, in which were preserved the 
genealogies of the tribes and families drawn 
up at different times ; while the history is 
mainly drawn from the same documents as 
those used in the Books of Kings. [Kings, 
Books of.J 

Chronology. By this term we under- 
stand the technical and historical chronol- 
ogy of the Jews and their ancestors from 
the earliest time to the close of the New 
Testament Canon, i. Technical Chro- 
KOLOOY. — The technical part of Hebrew 
chronology presents great difficulties, ii. 
Historical CnRONOLOGY. — The histori- 
cal part of Hebrew chronology is not less 
difficult than the technical. The informa- 
tion in the Bible is indeed direct rather 
than inferential, although there is very im- 
portant evidence of the latter kind, but the 
present state of the numbers makes abso- 
lute certainty in many cases impossible. 
Three principal systems of Biblical Chro- 
nology have been founded, which may be 
termed the Long System, the Short, and 



the Rabbinical. There is a fourth, which, 
although an offshoot in part of the last, can 
scarcely be termed biblical, inasmuch as it 
depends for the most part upon theories, 
not cnly independent of, but repugnant to 
the Bible : this last is at present peculiar to 
Baron Bunsen. The principal advocates 
of the Long Chronology are Jackson, Hales, 
and Des-Vignoles. Of the Short Chronol- 
ogy Ussher may be considered as the most 
able advocate. The Rabbinical Chronolr)gy 
accepts the biblical numbeis, but makes the 
most arbitrary corrections. For the date of 
the Exodus it has been virtually accepted 
by Bunsen, Lepsius, and Lord A. Hervey. 



Creation 

Flood 

Abratn leaves Haran.. 

Exodus . 

Foundation of Solo- } 

nion's Temple. . . \ 
Destruction of Solo- ) 

mon's Temple. . . 5 



B.C. B.C. 

5411 15126 
3155 1 3170 
2078(2023 
1648 1593 

1027 
586 



1014 
686 



Bunsen. 



B.C. B.C. B. o. 

4004 3983 (Adam) dr. 20,009 

2348 2:327 (Noah) cir. 10,000 
1921 1961 
14911531 1880 

1012|l012 10(M 

588 589 680 



The numbers given bv the LXX. for the 
antediluvian patriarchs would place the 
creation of Adam 2262 yrs. before the end 
of the Flood, or b. c. cir. 5361 or 5421. 

Chrysolite, one of the precious stones 
in the foundation of the heavenly Jerusa 
lem (Rev. xxi. 20). It has been already 
stated [Beryl] that the chrysolite of the 
ancients is identical with the modern Ori- 
ental topaz, the tarshish of the Hebrew 
Bible. 

Chrysopraso occurs only in Rev. xxi. 
20. The true chrysoprase is sometimes 
found in antique Egyptian jewelry set alter- 
nately with bits of lapis-lazuli ; it is not im- 
probable therefore that this is the stone 
which was the tenth in the walls of the 
heavenly Jerusalem. 

Chub, the name of a people in alliance 
with Egypt in the time of Nebuchadnezzar 
(Ez. XXX. 5), and probably of Northern Af 
rica, or of the lands near Egypt to the S. 

Chun, a city of Hadadezer (1 Chr. xviii. 
8), called Berothai in 2 Sam. viii. 8. 

Church. I. The derivation of the word 
Church is uncertain. It is generally said 
to be derived from the Greek kuriakon 
(xvQiuxov), "belonging to the Lord." But 
the derivation has been too hastily assumed. 
It is probably connected with kirk, the 
Latin circus, circulus, the Greek kuklos 
(^KvxXog). II. Ecclesia(ix>tXt}aia), the Gree^i 
word for Church, originally cieant an as- 
sembly called out by the mag'-strate, or by 
legitimate authority. This if the ordinary 
classical sense of the word. But it throws 
no light on the nature of the institution so 
designated in the N( w Testament. For to 
the writers of the N T. the word had now 



CHURCH 



111 



CHURCH 



loflt its priir .iry signification, and was either 
used generally for any meeting (Acts xix. 
32), or more particularly, it denoted (1) 
the religious assemblies of the Jews (Deut. 
iv. 10, xviii. 16) ; (2) the whole assembly 
or congregation of the Israelitish people 
(Acts vii. 38; Heb. ii. 12; Ps. xxii. 22; 
Deut. xxxi. 30). It was in this last sense 
that the word was adopted and applied by 
the writers of the N. T. to the Christian 
congregation. The chief difference be- 
tween the words " ecclesia" and " church," 
would probably consist in this, that "eccle- 
sia " primarily signified the Christian body, 
and secondarOy the place of assembly, 
while the first signification of "church" 
was the place of assembly, which imparted 
its name to the body of worshippers. III. 
The Church as described in the Gospels. — 
The word occurs only twice. Each time 
in St. Matthew (Matt. xvi. 18, "On this 
rock will I build my Church;" xviii. 17, 
" Tell it unto the Church "). In every other 
case it is spoken of as "the kingdom of 
heaven " by St. Matthew, and as " the king- 
dom of God" by St. Mark and St. Luke. 
St. Mark, St. Luke, and St. John, never 
use the expression " kingdom of heaven." 
St. John once uses the phrase " kingdom 
of God" (iii. 3). St. Matthew occasion- 
ally speaks of "the kingdom of God" (vi. 
83, xxi. 31, 43), and sometimes simply of 
"the kingdom" (iv. 23, xiii. 19, xxiv. 14). 
In xiii. 41 and xvi. 28, it is " the Son of 
Man's kingdom." In xx. 21, "thy king- 
dom," I. e. Christ's. In the one Gospel of 
St. Matthew the Church is spoken of no 
less than thirty-six times as "the kingdom." 
Other descriptions or titles are hardly 
found in the Evangelists. It is Christ's 
household (Matt. x. 25), the salt and light 
of the world (v. 13, 15), Christ's flock 
(Matt. xxvi. 31; John x. 1), its members 
are the branches growing on Christ the 
Vine (John xv.) ; but the general descrip- 
tion of it, not metaphorically but directly, 
is, that it is a kingdom (Matt. xvi. 19). 
From the Gospel then, we learn that Christ 
was about to establish His heavenly king- 
dom on earth, which was to be the substi- 
tute for the Jewish Church and kingdom, 
now doomed to deotruction (Matt. xxi. 43). 
IV. The Church as described in the Ads 
and in the Epistles — its Origin, Nature, 
and Constitution. — From the Gospels we 
learn little in the way of detail as to the 
tingdDm which was to be established. It 
was in the great forty days which intervened 
between the Resurrection and the Ascen- 
sion that our Lord explained specifically to 
His Apostles " the things pertaining to the 
kingdom of God" (Acts i. 3), that is, his 
ftiture Church. — Its Origin. — The remo- 
val of Clirist from the earth had left his 
followers a shattered company with no bond 
ni external or internal cohesion, except the 



memory of the Master whom thcj had lo»v, 
and the recollection of his injunctions to 
unity and love. They continued together, 
meeting for prayer and supplication, and 
waiting for Christ's promise of the gift of 
the Holy Ghost. They numbered in all 
some 140 persons, namely, the eleven, the 
faithful women, the Lord's mother, hia 
brethren, and 120 disciples. They had faith 
to believe that there was a work before them 
which they were about to be called to per- 
form ; and that they might be ready to do 
it, they filled up the number of the Twelve 
by the appointment of IMitthias "to be a 
true witness " with the eleven " of the Res- 
urrection." The Day of Pentecost is the 
birth-day of the Christian Church. The 
Spirit, who was then sent by the Son from 
the Father, and rested on each of the Dis- 
ciples, combined them once more into a 
whole, — combined them as they never had 
before been combined, by an internal and 
spiritual bond of cohesion. Before they 
had been individual followers of Jesus, now 
they became his mystical body, animated 
by His Spirit. — Its Nature. — " Then they 
that gladly received his word were baptized 
. . . and they continued steadfastly in the 
Apostles' doctrine and fellowship, and in 
breaking of bread and in prayers " (Acts ii. 
41). Here we have indirectly exhibited the 
essential conditions of Church Communion. 
They are (1) Baptism, Baptism implying 
on the part of the recipient repentance and 
faith ; (2) Apostolic Doctrine ; (3) Fellow- 
ship with the Apostles ; (4) the Lord's Sup- 
per ; (5) Public Worship. Every requisite 
for church- membership is here enumerated 
not only for the Apostolic days, but foi 
future ages. St. Luke's treatise being his- 
torical, not dogmatical, he does not directly 
enter further into the essential nature of 
the Church. The community of goods, 
which he describes as being universal 
amongst the members of the infant society 
(ii. 44, iv. 32), is specially declared to be 
a voluntary practice (v. 4), not a necessary 
duty of Christians as such (comp. Acts ix. 
36, 39, xi. 29). From the illustrations 
adopted by St. Paul in his Epistles, we 
have additional light thrown upon the na- 
ture of the Church. The passage which is 
most illustrative of our subject in the Epis- 
tles is Eph. iv. 3, 6. Here we seu what it 
is that constitutes the unity of the Church 
in the mind of the Apostle : (1) unity of 
Headship, " one Lord ; " (2) unitj of belief, 
"one faith;" (3) unity of Sacraments, 
" one baptism : " (4) unity of hope of eter- 
nal life, "one hope of your calling;" (5) 
unity of love, "unitj- of the Spirit in the 
bond ^f peace ; " (6) unity of organization, 
" one body." The Church, then, at this 
period was a body of baptized men and 
women who believed in Jesus as the CJirist 
and in the revelation made by II un. rtM 



CHURCH 



112 



CHUSHAN-RISHATHAIM 



were united by having the same faith, hope, 
Bnd animating Spirit of love, the same Sac- 
raments, and the same spiritual invisible 
Head. — What was the Constitution of this 
body f — On the evening of the Day of Pen- 
tecost, the 3140 members of which it con- 
sisted ware — (1) Apostles ; (2) previous 
Disciples; (3) converts. At this time the 
Church was not only morally but actually 
one congregation. Soon, however, its 
ttumbers grew so considerably that it was 
a physical impossibility that all its mem- 
bers should come together in one spot. It 
became, therefore, an aggregate of congre- 
gations^ though without losing its essential 
unity. The apostles, who had been closest 
to the Lord Jesus in his life on earth would 
doubtless have formed the centres of the 
several congregations. Thus the Church 
continued for apparently some seven years, 
but at the end of that time "the number 
of disciples was " so greatly " multiplied " 
(Acts vi. 1) that the twelve Apostles found 
themselves to be too few to carry out these 
works unaided. They thereupon for the 
first time exercised the powers of mission 
intrusted to them (John xx. 21), and by 
laying their hands on the Seven who were 
recommended to them by the general body 
of Christians, they appointed them to fulfil 
the secular task of distributing the common 
stock. It is a question which cannot be 
certainly answered whether the office of 
these Seven is to be identified with that of 
the deacons elsewhere found. We incUne 
to the hypothesis which makes the Seven 
the originals of the Deacons. From this 
time therefore, or from about this time, 
there existed in the Church — (1) the Apos- 
tles ; (2) the Deacons and Evangelists ; (3) 
the multitude of the faithful. We hear of 
no other Church-officer till the year 44, 
seven years after the appointment of the 
deacons. We find that there were then in 
the Church of Jerusalem officers named 
Presbyters (xi. 30) who were the assistants 
of James, the chief administrator of that 
Church (xii. 17). The circumstances of 
their first appointment are not recounted. 
No doubt they were similar to those under 
which the Deacons were appointed. The 
name of Presbyter or Elder implies that the 
men selected were of mature age. By the 
year 44, therefore, there were in the Church 
of Jerusalem — (1) the Apostles holding 
the government of the whole body in their 
own hands; (2) Presbyters invested by the 
Apostles with authority for conducting pub- 
lic w orship in each congregation ; (3) Dea- 
cotns or Evangelists similarly invested with 
the lesser power of preaching and of baptiz- 
ing unbelievers, and of distributing the 
common goods among the brethren. The 
same order was established in the Gentile 
2!hurches founded by St. Paul, the only 
tiiflference beina: that those who were called 



Presbyters in Jerusalem bore indifferentlT 
the name of Bishops (Phil. i. 1 ; 1 Tim. iii, 
1,2; Tit. i. 7) or of Presbyters (1 Tim. v. 
17; Tit. i. 5) elsewhere. It was in the 
Church of Jerusalem that another order of 
the ministry found its exemplar. James 
the brother of the Lord remained unmo- 
lested during the persecution of Herod 
Agrippa in the year 44, and from this time 
he is the acknowledged head of Iho Church 
of Jerusalem. A consideration of Acts xii 

17, XV. 13, 19 ; Gal ii. 2, 9, 12 ; Acts xxi. 

18, will remove all doubt on this point. 
Whatever his pre-eminence was, he ap- 
pears to have borne no special title indicat- 
ing it. The example of the Mother Church 
of Jerusalem was again followed by the 
Pauline Churches. Timothy and Titus had 
probably no distinctive title, but it is im- 
"possible to read the Epistles addressed to 
them without seeing that they had an au- 
thority superior to that of the ordinary 
bishops or priests (1 Tim. iii., v. 17, 19; 
Tit. i. 6). Thus, then, we see that where 
the Apostles were themselves able to super- 
intend the Churches that they had founded, 
the Church-officers consisted of — (1) Apos- 
tles ; (2) Bishops or Priests ; (3) Deacons 
and Evangelists. When the Apostles were 
unable to give personal superintendence, 
they delegated that power which they had 
in common to one of themselves, as in Je- 
rusalem, or to one in whom they had con- 
fidence, as at Ephesus and in Crete. An 
the apostles died off", these Apostolic Dele- 
gates necessarily multiplied. By the end 
of the first century, when St. John was the 
only Apostle that now survived, they would 
have been established in every country, as 
Crete, and in every large town where there 
were several bishops or priests, such as the _ . 
seven towns of Asia mentioned in the Book ■ 
of Revelation. These superintendents ap- ■' 
pear to be addressed by St. John under the 
name of Angels. With St. John's death 
the Apostolic College was extinguished, 
and the Apostolic Delegates or Angels were 
left to fill their places in the government 

of the Church, not with the full unrestricted 
power of the Apostles, but with authority 
only to be exercised in limited districts. 
In the next century we find that these offi- 
cers bore the name of Bishops, while those 
who in the first century were called indif- 
ferently Presbyters or Bishops had now 
only the title of Presbyters. We conclude, 
therefore, that the title bishop was grad- 
ually dropped by the second order of the 
ministry, and applied specifically to those 
who represented what James, Timothy, and Jk\ 
Titus had been in the Apostolic age. T 

Chush'an-Risliatha'im, the king of 
Mesopotamia who oppressed Israel during 
eight years in the generation immediately 
following Joshua (Judg. iii. 8). The seat 
of his dominion was probably the re^ioo 



cmzA 



113 



CISTERN 



berweei the Euphrates and the Khabour. 
Chushan-Riihathaira's yoke was broken 
from the nerk of the people of Israel at 
the end of ei ^ht years by Otlmiel, Caleb's 
nephew (Judg. iii. 10), and notliing raore 
is hc.trd of Mesopotamia as an aggressive 
power. The rise of the Assyrian empire, 
about B. J. 1270, would naturally reduce the 
bordering nations to insignificance. 

Chu'za (properly Chuzas), the house- 
steward of Herod Antipas (Luke viii. 3). 

Cic'car. [Jordan.] 

Cilic'ia, a maritime province in the S. 
E. of Asia Minor, bordering on Pamphylia 
in the W., Lycaonia and Cappadocia in the 
N., and Syria in the E. The connection 
between the Jews and Cilicia dates from the 
time when it becar>e part of the Syrian 
kingdom. In the Apostolic age they were 
still there in considerable numbers (Acts 
vi. 9). Cilicia was from its geographical 
position the high road between Syria and 
the West ; it was also the native country of 
St. Paul ; hence it was visited by him, first- 
ly, soon after his conversion (Gal. i. 21 ; 
Acts ix. 30) ; and again in his second apos- 
tolical journey, when he entered it on the 
side of Syria, and crossed Antitaurus by 
the Pylae Ciliciae into Lycaoma (Acts xv. 
41). 

CumaniOll, a well-known aromatic sub- 
stance, the rind of the Laur«is cinnamo- 
mum, called Korunda-gauhak, in Ceylon. 
It is mentioned in Ex. xxx. 23 as one of tlie 
component parts of the holy anointing oil, 
which Moses was commanded to prepare — 
in Prov. vii. 17 as a perfume f jr the bed — 
and in Cant. iv. 14 as one of the plants of 
the garden which is the image of the spbuse. 
In Rev. xviii. 13 it is enumerated among 
the merchandise of the great Babylon. It 
was imported into Judaea by the Phoeni- 
cians or by the Arabians, and is now found 
in Sumatra, Borneo, China. &c., but chiefly, 
and of the best quality, in the S. W. part 
of Ceylon. 

Cin'neroth, All, a district named with 
the " land of Naphtali " and other northern 
places as having been laid waste by Benha- 
dad (IK. XV. 20). It was possibly the 
small enclosed district north of Tiberias, 
and by the side of the lake, afterwards 
known as " the plain of Gennesareth." 

Circumcision was peculiarly, though 
not exclusively, a Jewish rite. It was en- 
joined upon Abraham, the father of the 
nation, by God, at the institution, and as 
the token, of the Covenant, which assured 
to him and his descendants the promise of 
the Messiah (Gen. xvii.). It was thus made 
a necessary condition of Jewish national- 
ity Every male child was to be circum- 
cised when eight days old (Lev. xii. 3) on 
pain of deatli. If the eighth day were a 
Sabbath the rite was not postponed (John 
ni. 22, i"3). Slaves, whether honieborn or 
8 



purchatKjd, were circumcised (Gen. xvii. 12, 
18) ; a* id foreigners must have their males 
circumcised before they could be allowed 
to partake of the passover (Ex. xii. 48), ot 
become Jewish citizens. It seems to have 
been customary to name a child when it 
was circumcised (Luke i. 59). The use of 
circumcision by other nations besides the 
Jews is to be gathered almost entirely fron 
sources extraneous to the Bible. The rite 
has been found to prevail extensively both 
in ancient and modern times. The biblical 
notice of the rite describes it as distinc- 
tively Jewish; so that in the N. T. "the 
circumcision " and " the uncircumcision '' 
are frequently used as synonymes for tht 
Jews and the Gentiles. Circumcision cer- 
tainly belonged to the Jews as it did to no 
other people, by virtue of its divine institu- 
tion, of the religious privileges which were 
attached to it, and of the strict regulations 
which enforced its observance. Moreover., 
the O. T. history incidentally discloses the 
fact that many, if not all, of the nations 
with whom they came in contact were un- 
circumcised. The origin of the Cv^stom 
amongst one large section of those Gen- 
tiles who follow it, is to be found in the 
biblical record of the circumcision of Ish- 
mael (Gen. xvii. 25). Though Mohammed 
did not enjoin circumcision in the Koran, 
he was circumcised himself, according to 
the custom of his country; and circum- 
cision is now as common amongst the Mo- 
hammedans as amongst the Jews. The 
process jf restoring a circumcised person 
tf his natural condition by a surgical oper- 
ation was sometimes undergone. Some of 
the Jews in the time of Antiochus Epiph- 
anes, wishing to assimilate themselves to 
the heathen around them, " made them- 
selves uncircumcised " (1 Mace. i. 15). 
Against having recourse to this ppvctice, 
from an excessive anti-Judaistic tendency, 
St. Paul cautions the Corinthians (1 Cor. 
vii. 18). The attitude which Christianity, 
at its introduction, assumed towards cir- 
cumcision was one of absolute hostility, so 
far as the necessity of the rite to salvation, 
or its possession of any religious or moral 
worth was concerned (Acts xv. ; Gal. v. 
2). The Abyssinian Christians still prac- 
tise circumcision as a national custom. 

Cis, the father of Saul (Acts xiii. 21), 
usually called Kish. 

Cistern, a receptacle for water, eithei 
conducted from an external spring, or pro- 
ceeding from rain-fall. The dryness of the 
summer months between May and Septem- 
ber, in Syria, and the scarcity of spring* io 
many parts of the country, make it neces- 
sary to collect in reservoirs and cisterns the 
rain-water, of which abundance falls in the 
intermediate period. The largest sort of 
public tanks or reservoirs is usuall;; ealled 
in A. V. " pool," while for the smaller and 



CI THE KM 



114 



CLAUDIUS 



iiore private it is convenient to reserve the 
name cistern. Both pools and cisterns are 
frequent throughout the wholj of Syria 
and Palestine. On the long forgotten vray 
from Jericho to Bethel, " broken cisterns " 
of high antiquity are found at regular in- 
tervals. Jerusalem depends mainly for 
water upon its cisterns, of which almost 
every private house possesses one or more, 
excavated in the rock on which the city is 
built. Tlie cisterns have usually a round 
opening at the top, sometimes built up with 
stonework above and furnished with a curb 
and a wheel fcr the bucket (Eccl. xii. 6), 
Fo that they have externally much the ap- 
pearance of an ordinary well. The water 
is conducted into them from the roofs of 
the houses during the rainy season, and 
with care remains sweet during the whole 
summer and autumn. In this manner 
most of the larger houses and public build- 
ings are supplied. Empty cisterns were 
sometimes used as prisons and places of 
confinement. Joseph was cast into a " pit " 
(Gen. xxxvii. 22), and his " dungeon " in 
Egypt is called by the same name (xli. 14). 
Jeremiah was thrown into a miry though 
empty cistern, whose depth is indicated by 
the cords used to let him down (Jer. 
xxxviii. 6). 

Cithern (1 Mace. iv. 54), a musical in- 
strument, resembling a guitar, most prob- 
ably of Greek origin, employed by the 
€haldeans, and introduced by the Hebrews 
into Palestine on their return thither after 
the Babylonian captivity. 

Cities. 1. 'Ar, and also '/r; 2. Kir- 
fat h ; probably the most ancient name 
for city, but seldom used in prose as a gen- 
ral name for town. The classification of 
the human race into dwellers in towns and 
nomade wanderers (Gen. iv. 20, 22) seems 
to be intimated by the etymological sense 
of both words, as places of security against 
an enemy, distinguished from the unwalled 
village or hamlet, whose resistance is more 
easily overcome by the marauding tribes 
of the desert. The earliest notice in Scrip- 
ture of city-building is of Enoch by Cain, 
in the land of his exile (Gen. iv. 17). After 
the confusion of tongues, the descendants 
of Nimrod founded Babel, Erech, Accad, 
and Calneh, in the land of Shinar, and 
Asshur, a branch from the same stock, 
buUt Nineveh, Rehoboth-by-the-river, Ca- 
lah, and Resen, the last being " a great 
city." The earliest description of a city, 
properly so called, is that of Sodom (Gen. 
xix. 1-22). Hebron is said to have been 
built sever, years before Zoan (Tanis) in 
Egypt, and is tlius the only Syrian town 
which present*! the elements of a date for 
its founlation (Num. xiii. 22). Even be- 
fore the time of Abraham there were cities 
in Egypt (Gen. xii. 14, 15; Num. xiii. 22), 
and thp Joraelites, during their sojourn 



there, were employed in building or f »m 
fying the " treasure cities " of I*ithom ano 
Raamses (Ex. i. 11). Meai while the «ct 
tied inhabitants of Syria on both sides of 
the Jordan had grown in power a:id in 
number of " fenced cities," which werts 
occupied and perhaps partly rebuilt or for- 
tified after the conquest. 

Cities of Refuge, six Levitical citie» 
specially chosen for refuge to the involun- 
tary homicide until released from banish 
ment by the death of the high-priest (Num. 
XXXV. 6, 13, 15; Josh. xx. 2, 7, 9). There 
were three on each side of Jordan. 1. Ki- 
DESH, in Naphxali (1 Chr. vi. 76). 2f 
Shechem, in Mount Ephraim (Josh. xxi. 
21; 1 Chr. vi. 67; 2 Chr. x. 1). 3. He- 
bron, in Judah (Josh. xxi. 13 ; 2 Sam. v. 
5; 1 Chr. vi. 55, xxix. 27; 2 Chr. xi. 10). 
4. On the E. side of Jordan — Bezer, ir 
the tribe of Reuben, in the plains of Moat" 
(Deut. iv. 43 ; Josh. xx. 8, xxi. 36 ; 1 
Mace. V. 26). 5. Ramoth-Gilead, in tht 
tribe of Gad (Deut. iv. 43 ; Josh. xxi. 38 . 
1 K. xxii. 3). 6. Golan, in Bashan, ir 
the half -tribe of Manasseh (Deut. iv. 43, 
Josh. xxi. 27; 1 Chr. vi. 71). 

Cit'ims, 1 Mace. viii. 5. [Chiptim.] 

Citizenship. The use of this term i» 
Scripture has exclusive reference to the 
usages of the Roman empire. The privi- 
lege of Roman citizenship was originally 
acquired in various ways, as by purchase 
(Acts xxii. 28), by military services, by 
favor, or by manumission. The right once 
obtained descended to a man's children 
(Acts xxii. 28). Among the privileges at- 
tached to citizenship, we may note that a 
man could not be bound or imprisoned 
without a formal trial (Acts xxii. 29), still 
less be scourged (Acts xvi. 37; Cic. in 
Verr. v. 63, '**''>. Another privilege attach- 
ing to citizenship w^s the appeal from a 
provincial tribunal to the emperor at Rome 
(Acts XXV. 11). 

Citron. [Apple-trfe.] 

Clau'da (Acts xxvii. 16), a small island 
nearly due W. of Cape Matala on the S. 
coast of Crete, and nearly due S of Phob • 
NICE, now Gozzo. 

Clau'dia, a Christian woman mentioned 
in 2 Tim. iv. 21, as saluting Timotbeus. 
There is reason for supposing that this 
Claudia was a British maiden, daughter of 
king Cogidubnus, an ally of Rome, \vho 
took the name of his imperial patron, 
Tiberius Claudius. She appears to have 
become the wife of Pudens, who is meii'^ 
tioned in the same verse. 

Clau'dius, fourth Roman emperor, 

reigned from 41 to 54 a. d. He was the 

son of Nero Drusus, was born in Lyons, 

' Aug. 1, B. c. 9 or 10, and lived private and 

' unknown till the day of his being called to 

the throne, January 24, a. d 41. He waa 

I nominated to the supreme power mainlj 



CLAUDIUS LYSIAS 



115 



COAL 



shroujfh the influence of Herod Agrippa 
the First. In the reign of Claudius there 
were several famines, arising from unfa- 
vorable harvests, and one such occurred in 
Palestine and Syria (Acts xi. 28-30) under 
the procurators Cuspius Fadus and Tiberius 
Alexander, wliich perhaps lasted some years. 
Claudius was induced by a tumult of the 
Jews in Rome to expel tliem from the city 
(cf. Acts xviii. 2). The date of this event 
(s uncertain. After a weak and foolish reign 
he was poisoned by his fourth wife Agrippina, 
the mother of Nero, Oct. 13, a. d. 54. 

Clau'dius Lys'ias. [Lysias..] 

Clay. As the sediment of water re- 
maining in pits or in streets, the word is 
used frequently in O. T. (Is. Ivii. 20; Jer. 
xxxviii. 6; Ps. xviii. 42), and in N. T. 
(John ix. 6), a mixture of sand or dust 
with spittle. It is also found in the sense 
of potter's clay (Is. xli. 25). The great 
seat of the pottery of the present day in 
Palestine is Gaza, where are made the ves- 
sels in dark blue clay so frequently met 
with. Another use of clay was for sealing 
(Job xxxviii. 14). Wine jars in Egypt 
were sometimes sealed with clay ; mummy 
pits were sealed with the same substance, 
ind remains of clay are still found adher- 
•Jig to the stone door-jambs. Our Lord's 
tomb may have been thus sealed (Matt. 
£xvii. 66), as also the earthen vessel con- 
taining the evidences of Jeremiah's pur- 
2hase (Jer. xxxii. 14). The seal used for 
jPublic documents was rolled on the moist 
'' lay, and the tablet was then placed in the 
lire and baked. The practice of sealing 
doors with clay to facilitate detection in case 
rf malpractice is still common in the East. 

Clena'ent (Phil. iv. 2), a fellow-laborer 
of St. Paul, when he was at Philippi. It 
was generally believed in the ancient 
church, that this Clement was identical 
with the Bishop of Rome, who afterwards 
became so celebrated. 

Cle'opas, one of the two disciples who 
were going to Emmaus on the day of the 
resurrection (Luke xxiv. 18). It is a ques- 
tion whether this Cleopas is to be consid- 
ered as identical with Cleophas (accur. 
Clopas) orAlphaeusin Johnxix. 25. On the 
whole, it seems safer to doubt their identity. 

Cleopa'tra. 1. The "wife of Ptole- 
my " (Esth. xi. 1) was probably the grand- 
daughter of Antiochus, and wife of Ptol. 
VI. Philometor. 2. A daughter of Ptol. 
VI. Philometor and Cleopatra (1), who 
was married first to Alexander Balas b. c. 
150 (1 Mace. X. 68), and afterwards given 
by her father to Demetrius Nicator when 
he invaded Syria (1 Mace. xi. 12). During 
the captivity of Demetrius in Parthia, Cleo- 
patra married his brother Antiochus VII. 
8idete8. She afterwards murdered Selencus, 
her eldest son by Demetrius ; and at length 
»as herself poisoned b. r.. 120 hy & draught 



which she had prepared for her second son 
Antiochus VIII. 

Cle'oplias. [Cleopas; Alphabus.] 

Clothing. [Dress.] 

Cloud. The shelter given, and refresh* 
ment of rain promised, by clouds, give 
them their peculiar prominence in Oriental 
imagery, and the individual cloud in an 
ordinary cloudless region becomes well 
defined and is dwelt upon Uke the indi- 
vidual tree in the bare landscape. When 
a cloud appears, rain is ordinarily appre- 
hended, and thus the " cloud without rain " 
becomes a proverb for the man of promise 
without performance (Prov. xvi. 15; Is. 
xviii. 4, XXV. 5 ; Jude 12 ; comp. Prov. xxv. 
14). The cloud is a figure of transitorS- 
ness (Job xxx. 15; Hos. vi. 4), and of 
whatever intercepts divine favor or human 
supplication (Lam. ii. 1, iii. 44). Being 
the least substantial of visible forms, it is 
the one amongst material things which 
suggests most easily spiritual being. Hence 
it is the recognized machinery by which 
supernatural appearances are introduced 
(Is. xix. 1; Ez. i. 4; Rev. i. 7). A bright 
cloud, at any rate at times, visited and 
rested on the Mercy Seat (Ex. xxix. 42, 43 ; 

1 K. viii. 10, 11 ; 2 Chr. v. 14; Ez. xliii. 4), 
and was by later writers named Shechinah. 

Cloud, Pillar of. This was the ac- 
tive form of the symbolical glory-cloud, 
betokening God's presence to lead His 
chosen host, or to inquire and visit offences, 
as the luminous cloud of the sanctuary ex- 
hibited the same under an aspect of repose. 
The cloud, which became a pillar when the 
host moved, seems to have rested at other 
times on the tabernacle, whence God is said 
to have " come down in the pillar " (Num. 
xii. 5; so Ex. xxxiii. 9, 10). It preceded 
the host, apparently resting on the ark 
which led the way (Ex. xiii. 21, xl. 36, &c. ; 
Num. ix. 15-23, x. 34). 

Cni'dus is mentioned in 1 Mace. xv. 23, 
as one of the Greek cities which contained 
Jewish residents in the 2d century b. c, 
and in Acts xxvii. 7, as a harbor which was 
passed by St. Paul after leaving Myra, and 
before running under the lee of Crete. It 
was a city of great consequence, situated 
at the extreme S. W. of the peninsula of 
Asia Minor, on a promontory now called 
Cape Crio, which projects between the 
islands of Cos and Rhodes (see Acts xxi. 1). 

Coal. In A. V. this word represents no 
less than five different Heb. words. 1. 
The first and most frequently used is gache- 
leth, a live ember, burning fuel, as distin- 
guished from pechdm (Prov. xxvi. 21). In 

2 Sam. xxii. 9, 13, " coals of fire " are put 
metaphorically for the lightnings proceeding 
from God (Ps. xviii. 8, 12, 13, cxl. 10). In 
Prov. xxv. 22 we have the proverbial ex- 
pression, "Thou shalt heap coals of fire 
upon his head," which has beon adopted by 



COAT 



116 



COLOSSIAJ^S 



St. Paul in Kom. xii. 20, and by which are 
metaphorically expressed the burning s hame 
and confusion which men must feel when 
their evil is requited by good. 2. Pechdm. 
In Prov. xxvi. 21, this word clearly signi- 
fies fuel not yet lighted. The fuel meant 
in the above passages is probably charcoal, 
and not coal in our sense of the word. 

Coat. [Dress.] 

Cock. In the N. T. the "cock" is 
mentioned in reference to St. Peter's de- 
nial ol our Lord, and indirectly in the 
word " cock-crowing " (Matt. xxvi. 34 ; 
Mark xiv. 30, xiii. 35, &c.). We know 
fchat the domestic cock and hen were early 
known to the ancient Greeks and Romans, 
and as no mention is made in the O. T. of 
these birds, and no figures of them occur 
on the Egyptian monuments, they probably 
came into Judaea with the Romans, who, 
as is well known, prized these birds both as 
articles of food and for cock-fighting. 

Cockatrice. [Adder.] 

Cockle (Heb. boshdh) occurs only in 
Job xxxi. 40. We are inclined to believe 
tiiat tlio boshdh denotes any bad weeds or 
fruit, and may in Job signify bad or smut- 
ted barley. 

Coele-Syr'ia, " the hollow Syria," was 
(strictly speaking) the name given by the 
Greeks, after thetime of Alexander, to the re- 
markable valley or hollow which intervenes 
between Libanus and Anti-Libanus, stretch- 
ing a distance of nearly a hundred miles. 
But the term was also used in a much 
wider sense. In the first place it was ex- 
tended so as to include the inhabited tract 
to the east of the Anti-Libanus range, be- 
tween it and the desert, in which stood the 
great city of Damascus ; and then it was 
further carried on upon that side of Jordan, 
through Traconitis and Paraea, to Idumaea 
and the borders of Egypt. The only dis- 
tinct reference to the region, as a separate 
tract of country, which the Jewish Scrip- 
tures contain, is probably that in Amos 
(i. 5), where "the inhabitants of the plain 
of Aven " are threatened in conjunction 
with those of Damascus. In the Apocry- 
phal Books there is frequent mention of 
Coele-Syria in a somewhat vague sense, 
nearly as an equivalent for Syria (1 Esd. 
a. 17, 24, 27, iv. 48, vi. 29, vii. 1, viii. 67; 
I Mace. x. 69 ; 2 Mace. iii. 5, 8, iv. 4, viii. 
8, x. 11). In all these cases the word is 
given in A. V. as Celostria. 

Coffer {Argdz}, a movable box hang- 
ing from the side of a cart (1 Sam. vi. 8, 
11, 15). This word is found nowhere else. 

CoflOn. [Burial.] 

Col-ho'zeh, a man of the tribe of Judah 
in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 15, xi. 6). 

Collar. For the proper sense of this term, 
«.s it occurs in Judg. viii. 26, see Earrings. 

CoUege, The. In 2 K. xxii. 14 it is 
•aid in the A. V. that Huldah the prophet- 



ess "drelt in Jerusalem in the $oUege' 
(Heb. mishneh), or, as the margin has it 
"in the second part." The same part of 
the city is undoubtedly alluded to in Zeph. 
i. 10 (A. V. " the second"). It is proba- 
ble that the mishneh was the "lower city," 
built on the hill Akra. 

Colony, a designation of Philippi, in 
Acts xvi. 12. After the battle of A( tium, 
Augustus assigned to his veterans those 
parts of Italy which had espoused the 
cause of Antony, and transported mary of 
the expelled inhabitants to PMlippi, Dyr- 
rachium^ and other cities. In this way 
Philippi was made a Roman colony with 
the "Jus Italicum." m; 

Colors. The terms relative to color, ^j 
occurring in the Bible, may be arranged in 
two classes, the first including those applied 
to the description of natural objects, the 
second those artificial mixtures which were 
employed in dyeing or painting. The nat- 
ural colors noticed in the Bible are white, 
black, red, yellow, and green. The only 
fundamental color of which the Hebrews 
appear to have had a clear conception was 
red ; and even this is not very often noticed. 
They had therefore no scientific knowledge 
of colors, and we cannot but think that the 
attempt to explain such passages as Rev.iv. 3 
by the rules of philosophical truth, must fail. 

Colos'se (more properly Colos'sae), 
a city in the upper part of the basin of the 
Maeander, on one of its afiluents named the 
Lycus. Hierapolis and Laodiraea were in 
its immediate neighborhood (Col. ii. 1, iv. 
13, 15, 16 ; see Rev. i. 11, iii. 14). Colossae 
fell as these other two cities rose in im- 
portance. It was situated close to the 
great road which led from Ephesus to the 
Euphrates. Hence our impulse would be 
to conclude that St. Paul passed this way, 
and founded or confirmed the Colossian 
Church on his third missionary journey 
(Acts xviii. 23, xix. 1). The most compe- 
tent commentators, however, agree in think- 
ing that Col. ii. 1, proves that St. Paul 
had never been there when the Epistle was 
written. That the Apostle hoped to visit 
the place on being delivered from his Ro- 
man imprisonment is clear from Philemon 
22 (compare Phil. ii. 24). 

Colossians, The Epistle to the, was 
written by the Apostle St. Paul during liis 
first captivity at Rome (Acts xxviii. 16), and 
apparently in that portion of it (Col. iv. 3, 4) 
when the Apostle's imprisonment had not 
assumed the more severe character which 
seems to be reflected in the Epistle to the 
Philippians (ch. i. 20, 21, 30, li. 27), and 
which not improbably succeeded the death 
of Burrus in a. d. 62, and the decline of the 
influence of Seneca. This epistle was ad- 
dressed to the Christians of the city of Co- 
lossae, and was delivered to tht'm by Tych- 
icus, whom the Apostle had srnt botti to 






COMMERCE 



117 



CONEY 



thtui i^ch. iv. 7, 8), and to the church of 
Ephesus (ch. vi. 21), to inquire into their 
state atti to administer exhortation and 
comfort. The epistle seems to have been 
called forth by the information St. Paul had 
received from Epaphras (ch. iv. 12 ; Phi- 
iem. 23) and from Onesiraus, both of whom 
appear to have been natives of Colossae. 
The main object of the epistle is to warn 
the Colossians against a spirit of semi-Ju- 
daistic and semi-Oriental philosophy which 
was corrupting the simplicity of their be- 
lief, and was noticeably tending to obscure 
the eternal glory and dignity of Christ. 
The striking similarity between many por- 
tions of tliis epistle and of that of the Ephe- 
sians may be accounted for, (1) by the 
proximity in time at which the two epistles 
were written ; (2) by the high probability 
that in two cities of Asia witliin a moderate 
distance from one another, there would be 
many doctrinal prejudices, and many social 
relations, that would call forth and need 
precisely the same language of warning and 
exhortation. The shorter and perhaps more 
vividly expressed Epistle to the Colossians 
seems to have been first written, and to have 
suggested the more comprehensive, more 
systematic, but less individualizing, epistle 
to the church of Ephesus. 

Commerce. From the time that men 
began to live in cities, trade, in some shape, 
must have been carried on to supply the 
town-dwelJers with necessaries; but it is 
also clear that international trade must 
hare existed, and affected to some extent 
aveu the pastoral nomade races, for we find 
that Abraham was rich, not only in cattle, 
but in silver, gold, and gold and silver plate 
and ornaments (Gen. xiii. 2, xxiv. 22, 53). 
Among trading nations mentioned in Scrip- 
ture, Egypt holds in very early times a 
prominent position, though her external 
trade was carried on, not by her own citi- 
zens, but by foreigners, — chiefly of the 
nomade races. The internal trade of the 
Jews, as well as the external, was much 
promoted, as was the case also in Egypt, by 
the festivals, which brought large numbers 
of persons to J';;rusalem, and caused great 
outlay in victin>s for sacrifices and in in- 
cense (IK. viii. G3). The places of pub- 
lic market were, then as now, chiefly the 
open spaces near the gates, to which goods 
were brought for sale by those who came 
from the outside (Neh. xiii. 15, 16 ; Zeph. i. 
10). The traders in later times were al- 
lowed to intrude into the temple, in the 
outer courts of which victims were public- 
ly sold for the sicrifices (Zech. xiv. 21 ; Matt. 
xxi. 12; John ii. 14). 

Conani'ah, one of the chiefs of the Le- 
rites in the time of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxv. 9). 

Concubine. The difference between 
wife und concubine was less marked among 
the llebr''i*8 than among us. owhig to the 



absence of moial stigma. The concubines 
condition was a definite one, and quite 
independent ol the fact of there being 
another woman having the rights of wife 
towards the same man. Th(i difierence 
probably lay in the absence of the right of 
the bill of divorce, without which the wife 
could not be repudiated. With regard to 
the children of wife and concubine, there 
was no such difference as our illegitimacv 
implies ; the latter were a supplementary 
family to the former; their names occur ia 
the patriarchal genealogies (Gen. xxii. 2i; 
1 Chr, i. 22), and their position and provis- 
ion would depend on the father's will (Gen, 
XXV. 6). The state of concubinage is as- 
sumed and provided for by the law of Moses. 
A concubine would generally be either, (1) 
a Hebrew girl bought of her father ; (2) a 
Gentile captive taken in war; (3) a foreign 
slave bought ; or (4) a Canaanitish woman, 
bond or free. The rights of (1) and (2) 
were protected by law (Ex. xxi. 7 ; Deut. 
xxi. 10-14), but (3) was unrecognized, and 
(4) prohibited. Free Hebrew women also 
might become concubines. So Gideon's 
concubine seems to have been of a family 
of rank and influence in Shechem, and such 
was probably the state of the lerite's concu- 
bine ( Judg. XX.) . The ravages of war among 
the male sex, or the impoverishraent of 
families, might often induce this: cordition. 
The case (1) was not a hard lot (Ex. xxi.). 
The provisions relating to (2) ar© merciful 
and considerate to a rare degree. In the 
books of Samuel and Kings the concubines 
mentioned belong to the king, and their 
condition and number cease to be a guide 
to the general practice. A new king stepped 
into the rights of his predecessor, and by 
Solomon's time the custom had approx- 
imated to that of a Persian harem (2 Sam. 
xii. 8, xvi. 21; IK. ii. 22). To seize on 
rcyal concubines for his use was thus a 
usurper's first act. Such was probably the 
intent of Abner's act (2 Sam. iii. 7), and 
similarly the request on behalf of Adoni- 
jah was construed (IK. ii. 21-24). 

Conduit. Although no notice is given 
either by Scripture or by Josephus of any 
connection between the pools of Solomon 
beyond Bethlehem and a supply of water 
for Jerusalem, it seems unlikely that so 
large a work as the pools should be con- 
structed merely for irrigating his gardens 
(Eccl. ii. 6), and tradition, both oral and as 
represented by Talmudical writers, ascribes 
to Solomon the formation of the original 
aqueduct by which water was brought to 
Jerusalem. 

Coney (Shdphdn), a gregarious animal 
of the class Pachydormata, which is found 
in Palestine, living in the caves and clefts 
of the rocks, and has been erronec»usly 
identified with the Rabbit or Coney. Its 
scientific name is Hyvat Syt incus. La 



OUJ^GREGATION 



118 



COPPLn. 



Lev. XI. 5 and in Deut. xiv. 7 it is declared 
to be unclean, because it chews the cud, 
but does not divide the hoof. In Ps. civ. 
18 we are told " the rocks are a refuge for 







Hyrox Syiiacua. (From a specimen in the British Mu- 
seum.) 

the coneys," and in Prov. xxx. 26, that " the 
coneys are but a feeble folk, yet make they 
their houses in the rocks." The Hyrax 
satisfies exactly the expressions in the two 
last passages. Its color is gray or brown 
on the back, white on the belly-; it is like 
the alpine marmot, scarcely of the size of 
the domestic cat, having long hair, a very 
short tail, and round ears. It is found on 
the Lebanon and in the Jordan and Dead 
Sea valleys. 

Congregation. This describes the 
Hebrew people in its collective capacity 
under its peculiar aspect as a holy commu- 
uity, held together by religious rather than 
political bonds. Sometimes it is used in a 
broad sense as inclusive of foreign settlers 
(Ex. xii. 19) ; but more properly, as exclu- 
sively appropriate to the Hebrew element 
of the population (Num. xv. 15). Every 
circumcised Hebrew was a member of the 
congregation, and took part in its proceed- 
ings, probably from the time that he bore 
arras. The congregation occupied an im- 
portant position under the Theocracy, as 
the comitia or national parliament, invest- 
ed with legislative and judicial powers; 
each house, family, and tribe being repre- 
sented by its head or father. The number 
of these representatives being inconvenient- 
ly large for ordinary business, a further 
selection was made by Moses of 70, who 
formed a species of standing committee 
(Num. xi. 16). Occasionally indeed the 
»rhole body of the people was assembled at 
the door of the tabernacle, hence msually 
called the tabernacle of the congregation 
(Num. X. 3). The people were strictly 
bound by the acts of their representatives, 
even in cases where they disapproved of 
them (Josh. ix. 18). After the occupation 
of the land of Canaan, the congregation 
was assembled only on matters of the high- 
est importance. In the later periods of 
Jewish history the congregation was repre- 
sented by the Sanhedrim. 

Coni'ah. [Jeconiah.] 

Couoni'ah, a Levite, ruler of the oflfer- 
ings and tithes in tlie time of Hezekiah (2 
Uhr. xxxi. 12, 13). 



Consecration. [Pkibs-^ ] 

Convocation. This term is applied 
invariably to meetings of a religious char- 
acter, in contradistinction to congregation. 
With one exception (Is. i. 13), tlie word is 
peculiar to the Pentateuch. 

Cooking. As meat did not form an ar- 
ticle of ordinary diet among the Je\» s, the 
art of cooking was not carried to any pe^ 
faction. Few animals were slaugJhterM 
except for purposes of hospitality or fes* 
tivity. The proceedings on such occasions 
appear to have been as follows : — On the 
arrival of a guest, the animal, either a kid, 
lamb, or calf, was killed (Gen. xvlii. 7; 
Luke XV. 23), its throat being cut so that 
the blood might be poured out (Lev. vii. 
26) ; it was then flayed and was ready either 
for roasting or boiling ; in the former case 
the animal was preserved entire (Ex. xii. 
46), and roasted either over a fire (Ex. xii. 
8) of wood (Is. xliv. 16), or perhaps in an 
oven, consistix}g simply of a hole dug in the 
earth, well heated, and covered up. Boil- 
ing, however, was the more usual method of 
cooking. 

Co'os, Acts xxi. 1. [Cos.] 

Copper, Heb. Nechdsheihf in the A. V. 
always rendered "brass," except in Ezr. 
viii. 27, and Jer. xv. 12. This metal is 
usually found as pyrites (sulphuret of cop- 
per and iron), malachite (carb. of copper), 
or in the state of oxide, and occasionally 
in a native state, principally in the New 
World. It was almost exclusively used 
by the ancients for common purposes ; foi 
which its elastic and ductile nature rendered 
it practically available. We read in the 
Bible of copper, possessed in countless 
abundance (2 Chr. iv. 18), and used for 
every kind of instrument ; as chains ( Judg. 
xvi. 21), pillars (1 K. vii. 15-21), lavers, 
the great one being called " the coppei 
sea" (2K. xxv. 13; 1 Chr. xviii. 8), and 
the other temple vessels. These were 
made in the foundery, with the assistance 
of Hiram, a Phoenician (1 K. vii. 13), al- 
though the Jews were not ignorant of met- 
allurgy (Ez. xxii. 18 ; Deut. iv. 20, &c.), and 
appear to have worked their own mines 
(Deut. viii. 9; Is. li. 1). We read also of 
copper mirrors (Ex. xxxviii. 8 ; Job xxxviL 
18), and even of copper arms, as helmets, 
spears, &c. (1 Sam. xvii. 5, 6, 38 ; 2 Sam 
xxi. 16). The expression "bow of steel," 
in Job XX. 24 ; Ps. xviii. 34, should be ren- 
dered "bow of copper." They could 
hardly have applied copper to these pur- 
poses without possessing some judicious 
system of alloys, or perhaps some forgot- 
ten secret for rendering the metal harder 
and more elastic than we can makf it. The 
only plat'e in the A. V. where " copper" is 
mentioned is Ez. viii. 27 (cf. 1 Esd. viii. 
57). These vessels may have been of ori- 
chalcum like the Persian or Indian vase« 



o'ORAL 



119 



CORINTHIANS 



it uaa ajuong tiic treasurer of Darius In 
Lz. o> vii. V6 the importation of copper ves- 
sels to the markets of Tyre by merchants of 
Javan, Tubal, and Meshech is alluded to. 
Probably these were the Moschi, &c.. who 
worked the copper-mines in the neighbor- 
hood of Mount Caucasus. In 2 Tim. iv. 
14 ^uAite •« is rendered " coppersmith," but 
the term is perfectly general. 

Coral occurs only as the somewhat 
doubtful rendering of the Hebrew rdmdih, 
in Job xxriii. 18, and in Ez. xxvii. 16. But 
*' coral " has decidedly the best claim of 
any other substances to represent rdmdth. 
With regard to the estimation in which 
coral was held by the Jews and other Ori- 
entals, it must be remembered that coral 
varies in price with us. Pliny says that 
the Indians valued coral as the Romans 
valued pearls. 

Corban, an offering to God of any sort, 
bloody or bloodless, but particularly in ful- 
filment of a vow. The law laid down rules 
for vows, 1. affirmative ; 2. negative (Lev. 
sxvii. ; Num. xxx.). Upon these rules the 
traditionists enlarged, and laid down that a 
man might interdict himself by vow, not 
only from using for himself, but from giv- 
ing to another, or receiving from him, some 
particular object, whether of food or any 
other kind whatsoever. The thing thus 
interdicted was considered as Corban. A 
persDii might thus exempt himself from 
»ny inconvenitnt obligation under plea of 
coroan. It was practices of this sort that 
our Lord reprehended (Matt. xv. 5 ; Mark 
vii. 11), as annulling the spirit of the law. 

Coi'd. The materials of which cord 
was made varied according to the strength 
required ; the strongest rope was probably 
made of strips of camel hide, as still used 
by the Bedouins. The finer sorts were 
made of flax (Is. xix. 9), and probably of 
reeds and rushes. In the N. T. the term 
is applied to the whip which our Saviour 
made (John ii. 15), and to the ropes of a 
ship (Acts xxvii. 32). 

Co're, Jude 11. [KoRAH, 1.] 

Coriander. The plant called Corian- 
di-^im sativum '& found in Egypt, Persia, 
»nl India, ard has a round tall stalk; it 
bears umbelliferous white or reddish flow- 
ers, from which arise globular, grayish, 
8pi<;y sct;d-corns, marked with fine striae. 
It is mentioned twice in the Bible (Ex. xvi. 
31; Num. xi. 7). 

Corinth. This city is alike remarkable 
for its distinctive geographical position, its 
eminence in Greek and Roman history, and 
Its close connection with the early spread 
of riiristiaiiity. Geographically its situa- 
tion was so marked, that the name of its 
Isthmus has been given to every narrow 
ne(k of land between two seas. But, be- 
sides this, the site of Corinth is distin- 
guished by another conspicuous physical 



fc.iture — viz. the Acrocorinthus, a ^asi 
citadel of rock, which rises abruptly to the 
height of 2000 feet above tiie level of the 
sea, and the summit of which is so exten- 
sive that it once contained a whole toT» n 
The situation of Corinth, and the posses- 
sion of its eastern and western harbors 
(Cenchreae and Lecuaeum), are the se- 
crets of its history. In the latest passages 
of Greek history Corinth hehl a co7Jspicu- 
ous place. It is not the true Gretk Corinth 
with which we have to do in the life of St. 
Paul, but the Corinth which was rebuilt 
and established as a Roman cclony. The 
distinction between the two must be care- 
fully remembered. The new city was hardly 
less distinguished than the old, and it ac- 
quired a fresh importance as the metropolis 
of the Roman province of Achaia. Cor- 
inth was a place of great mental activity, 
as well as of commercial and manufactur- 
ing enterprise. Its wealth was so cele- 
brated as to be proverbial; so were the 
vice and profligacy of its inhabitants. The 
worship of Venus here was attended with 
shameful licentiousness. All these points 
are indirectly illustrated by passages in the 
two epistles to the Corinthians. Corinth 
is still an episcopal see. The city has now 
shrunk to a wretched village, on the old 
site, and bearing the old name, which, how- 
ever, is corrupted into Gortho. The Posi- 
donium, or sanctuary of Neptune, the 
scene of the Isthmian games, from which 
St. Paul borrows some of liis most striking 
imagery in 1 Cor. and other epistles, was 
a short distance to the N. E. of Corinth, 
at the narrowest part of the Isthnms, near 
the harbor of Schoenus (now Kalamdki) 
on the Saronic gulf. The exact site of the 
temple is doubtful; but to the south are 
the remains of the stadium, where the foot- 
races were run (1 Cor. ix. 24) ; to the east 
are those of the theatre, which was prob- 
ably the scene of the pugilistic contests 
(i7). 26) : and abundant on the shore are 
the small green pine-trees which gave the 
fading wreath {ih. 25) to the victors in the 
games. 

Corinthians, First Epistle to the, 
was written by the Apostle St. Paul toward 
the close of his nearly three years' stay at 
Ephesus (Acts xix. 10, xx. 31), which, we 
learn from 1 Cor. xvi. 8, probably teru.jated' 
with the Pentecost of a, d. 57 or 58 I'Lc 
bearers were probably (according to tlm 
common subscription) Stephanus, Ftrtu 
natus, and Achaicus, who had been re< ent 
ly sent to the Apostle, f nd who, i?i the • do - 
elusion of this epistle (ch. xvi. 17) art 
especially commended to the honorable 
regard of the church of Corinth. This 
varied and highly char act(>ris tic letter waa 
addressed not to any party, but to tli'> wltoio 
body of the large (A ;ts sviii. 8, 10). Ju- 
daeo-Gentile (Acts xviii 4) church of 



COKINIHIAJSS 



120 



COKMORANT 



Corinth, and appears to have been called 
forth, 1st, by the information the Apostle 
had received from members of the house- 
hold of Chloe (ch. i. 11), of the divisions 
tliat were existing among them, which were 
of so grave a nature as to have already in- 
duced the Apostle to desire Timothy to visit 
Corinth (cli. iv. 17) after his journey to 
M-icedonia (Act.', xix. 22) ; 2dly, by the in- 
formation he liad i eceived of a grievous case 
of incest (ch. r. 1), and of the defective 
•tate of the Corinthian converts, not only 
in regard of general habits (ch. vi. 1, sq.) 
and i'hurch discipline (ch. xi. 20, sq.), but 
as it would also seem, of doctrine (ch. 
«v.); 3dly, by the inquiries that had been 
speci dly addressed to St. Paul by the 
church of Corinth on several matters re- 
lating to Christian practice. Two special 
points deserve separate consideration: 1. 
The state of parties at Corinth at the time 
of the Apostle's writing. The few facts 
supplied to us by the Acts of the Apostles, 
and the notices in the epistle, appear to be 
as follows : The Corinthian church was 
planted by the Apostle himself (1 Cor. iii. 
fi), in his second missionary journey (Acts 
xviii. 1, sq.). He abode in the city a year 
and a half (ch. xviii. 11). A short time 
after the Apostle had left the city the elo- 
quent Jew of Alexandria, Apollos, went to 
Corinth (Acts xix. 1). This circumstance 
of the visit of Apollos appears to have 
formed the commencement of a gradual 
division into two parties, the followers of 
St. Paul, and the followers of Apollos 
(comp. ch. iv. 6). These divisions, how- 
ever, were to be multiplied; for, as it 
would seem, shortly after the depai;ture of 
Apollos, Judaizing teachers, supplied prob- 
ably with letters of commendation (2 Cor. 
iii. 1) from the church of Jerusalem, ap- 
pear to have come to Corinth and to have 
preached the Gospel in a spirit of diract 
antagonism to St. Paul personally. To 
this third party we may perhaps add a 
fourth, that, under the name of " the fol- 
lowers of Christ" (ch. i. 12), sought at 
first to separate themselves from the fac- 
tious adherence to particular teachers, but 
eventually were driven by antagonism into 
positions equally sectarian and inimical to 
the unity of the church. At this moment- 
ous period, before parties had become con- 
8 ilidated, and had distinctly withdrawn 
&om communion with one another, the 
Apostle writes : and in the outset of the 
epistle (ch. i ~iv. 21) we have his noble and 
impassioned protest against this fourfold 
rending of the robe of Christ. 2. The 
num her of epistles written by St. Paul to 
lSa3 Corinthian church will probably remain 
a subject of controversy to the end of time. 
The well-known words (ch. v. 9) do cer- 
tainly seem to point to some former epis- 
tolary communication to the church of 



Corinth. The whole context stems In fii- 
vor of this view, though the Greek com- 
mentators are of the contrary opinion, and 
no notice has been taken of the lost epistle 
by any writers of antiquity. 

Corinthians. Second Epistle to 
the, was written a few months subse- 
quently to the first, in the same year, — 
and thus, if the dates assigne 1 to the former 
epistle be correct, about the autumn of k, d. 
57 or 58, a short time previous to (he 
Apostle's three months' stay in Achaia 
(Acts XX. 3). The place whence it was 
written was clearly not Ephesus (see ch. L 
8), but Macedonia (ch. vii. 5, viii. 1, ix. 2), 
whither the Apostle went by way of Troas 
(ch. ii. 12), after waiting a short time in 
the latter place for the return of Titus (ch. 
ii. 13). The Vatican MS., the bulk of 
later MSS., and the old Syr. version, as 
sign Philippi as tlie exact place whence it 
was written ; but for this assertion we have 
no certain grounds to rely on : that the 
bearers, however, were Titus and his asso- 
ciates (Luke?) is apparently substantiated 
by ch. viii. 23, ix. 3, 5. The epistle was 
occasioned by the information which the 
Apostle had received from Titus, and also, 
as it would certainly seem probable, from 
Timotliy, of the reception of the first epis- 
tle. This information, as it would seem 
from our present epistle, was mainly fa- 
vorable ; the better part of the church 
were returning back to their spiritual al- 
legiance to their founder (ch. i. 13, 14, vii 
9, 15, 16), but there was still a faction, pos- 
sibly of the Judaizing members (comp. ch. 
xi. 22), that were sharpened into even a 
more keen animosity against the Apostle 
personally (ch. x. 1, 10), and more strenu- 
ously denied his claim to Apostleship. The 
contents of this epistle are thus very va- 
ried, but may be divided into three parts : 
1st, the Apostle's account of the character 
of his spiritual labors, accompanied with 
notices of his affectionate feelings towards 
his converts (ch. i.-vii.) ; 2dly, directions 
about the collections (eh. viii., ix.); 3dly, 
defence of his own Apostolical character 
(ch. x.-xiii. 10). The principal historical 
difliculty connected with the epistle relates 
to the number of visits made by th«! 
Apostle to the church of Corinth. The 
words of this epistle (ch. xii. 14, xiii. 1, 2) 
seem distinctly to imply that St. Paul had 
visited Corinth twice before the time at 
which lie now writes. St. Luke, howt ver, 
only mentions one visit prior to that time 
(Acts xviii. 1, sq.) ; for the visit recorded 
in Acts XX. 2, 3, is confessedly subsequent. 
We must assume that the Apostle made a 
visit to Corinth which St. Luke did not re- 
cord, probably during the period of luo 
three years' residence at Ephesus. 

Cormorant. The represebtative in the 
A. V. of the Hebrew words kAath and 



CORN 



11:1 



COS 



endive. As to the former, see Pelican. 
Shdldc occurs only as the name of an un- 
clean bird in Lev. xi. 17; Deut. xiv. 17. 
The word has been variously rendered. 
The etymoi'>gy points to some plunging 
bird : the common cormorant {Phalacro- 
corax carbo), wliich some writers have 
identified v;nth the Shdldc, is unknown in 
the eastern Mediterranean ; another species 
B found S. of the Red Sea, but none on 
iha W. c )ast of Palestine. 

Corn. The most common kinds were 
wheat, bailey, spelt (A. V. Ex. ix. 32, and 
Is. xxviii. 25, " rie ; " Ez. iv. 9, " fitches "), 
and millet; oats are mentioned only by 
rabbinical writers. Corn-crops are still 
reckoned at twentyfold what was sown, and 
were anciently much more. " Seven ears 
on one stalk " (Gen. xli. 22) is no unusual 
phenomenon in Egypt at this day. The 
many-eared stalk is also common in the 
wheat of Palestine, and it is of course of 
the bearded kind. Wheat (see 2 Sam. iv. 
6) was stored in the house for domestic 
purposes. It is at present often kept in a 
dry well, and perhaps the "ground corn" 
of 2 Sam. xvii. 19 was meant to imply that 
the well was so used. From Solomon's 
time (2 Chr. ii. 10, 15), as agriculture became 
developed under a settled government, Pal- 
estine was a corn-exporting country, and 
ner grain was largely taken by her com- 
mercial neighbor Tyre (Ez. xxvii. 17 ; 
corap. Am. viii. 5). " Plenty of corn " was 
part of Jacob's blessing (Gen, xxviii. 28 ; 
cjomp. Ps. Ixv. 13). 

Corne'lius, a Roman centurion of the 
Italian cohort stationed in Caesarea (Acts 
X. 1, &c. ), a man full of good works and 
alms-deeds. With his household he was 
baptized by St. Peter, and thus Cornelius 
became the first-fruits of the Gentile world 
to Christ. 

Corner. The " corner " of the field 
was not allowed (Lev. xix. 9) to be wholly 
reaped. It formed a right of the poor to 
carry off" what was so left, and this was a 
part of the maintenance from the soil to 
which that class were entitled. On the 
principles of the Mosaic polity every He- 
brew family had a hold on a certain fixed 
estate, and could by no ordinary and casual 
calamity be wholly beggared. Hence its 
indigent members had the claims of kindred 
on the " corners," &c., of the field which 
their landed brethren reaped. In the la- 
ter period ^f the prophets their constant 
complaints concerning the defrauding the 
poor (Is. X. 2; Am. v. 11, viii. 6) seem to 
shew that such laws had lost their practical 
force. Still later, under the Scribes, mi- 
nute legislation fixed one sixtieth as the 
portion of a field which was to be left for the 
legal "corner." The proportion being thus 
fixed, all the grain might be reaped, and 
enough to satisfy the regulation subse- 



quently separated from the whole crop. 
This '* corner " was, like the gleaning, 
tithe -free. 

Corner-stone, a quoin or comer-stone, 
of great importance in binding together tb« 
sides of a building. Some of the corner- 
stones in the ancient work of the Temple 
foundations are 17 or 19 feet long, and 7i 
feet thick. At Nineveh the corners are 
sometimes formed of one angular stone. 
I Tlie phrase " corner-stone " is sometimes 
used to denote any principal person, as the 
princes of Egypt (Is. xix. IB), and is thus 
I applied to our Lord (Is. xxviii. 16 ; Matt. 
ixxi. 42; 1 Pet. ii. 6, 7). 
j Cornet (Heb. Shdphdr), a loud-sound- 
ing instrument, made of the horn of a ram 
I or of a chamois (sometimes of an ox), and 
used by the ancient Hebrews for signals, 
for announcing the " Jubilee " (Lev. xxv. 
9), for proclaiming the new year, for the 
purposes of war (Jer. iv. 5, 19 ; comp. Job 
I xxxix. 25), as well as for the sentinels 
■ placed at the watch-towers to give notice 
I of the approach of an enemy (Ez. xxxiii. 4, 
I 5). Shophdr is generally rendered in the 
I A. V. "trumpet," but "cornet" (the more 
I correct translation) is used in 2 Chr. xv. 
114; Ps. xcviii. 6; Hos. v. 8 ; and 1 Chr. 
Ixv. 28. "Cornet" is also employed in 
Dan. iii. 5, 7, 10, 15, for the Chaldee Keren 
{ (literally a horn). The silver trumpets 
which Moses was charged to furnish for the 
: Israelites, were to be used for the follow- 
j ing purposes : for the calling together of 
' the assembly, for the journeying of camps, 
for sounding the alarm of war, and for cele- 
- brating the sacrifices on festivals and new 
moons (Num. x. 1-10). In the age of Sol- 
omon the " silver trumpets " were increased 
' m number to 120 (2 Chr. v. 12) ; and, in- 
! dependently of the objects for which they 
I had been first introduced, they were now 
I employed in the orchestra of the Temple 
i as an accompaniment to songs of thanks- 
j giving and praise. The sounding of the 
I cornet was the distinguishing ritual feature 
: of the festival appointed by Moses to be 
I held on the first day of the seventh month 
! under the denomination of " a day of blow- 
ing trumpets" (Num. xxix. 1), or "me- 
morial of blowing of trumpets" (Lev. xxiii. 
: 24). [Trumpets, Feasts of.] 
i Cos or Co'OS (now Stanchio or Stanko). 
This small island of the Grecian Archipel- 
' ago has several interesting points of con- 
nection with the Jews. It is specified as 
one of the places which contained Jewish 
residents (1 Mace. xv. 23). Julius Caesai 
issu-ed an edict in favor of the Jews of Cos. 
Herod the Great conferred many favors on 
the island. St. Paul, on the return from 
his third missionary journey, passed the 
night here, after sailing from Miletus. 
The chief town (of the same name) was on 
, the N. E. near a promontory ^»Ued Scan 



(JOSAM 



122 



CEETE 



lanum : and perhaps it is to the town that 
reference is made in th2 Acts (xxi. 1). 

Co'sam, son of Elmodam, in the line 
of Joseph tlie husband of Mary (Luke iii. 

Cotton, Heb. carpas (comp. Lat. car- 
kasus) Estii. i. 6, where the Vulg. has car- 
basini coJoria, as if a color, not a material 
(so in A. V. "green"), were intended. 
There is a doubt whetlier under Shtsh, in 
the earlier, and Buis, in the later books of 
the 0. T., rendered in the A. V. by " white 
linen," " fine linen," &c., cotton may have 
been included as well. The dress of the 
Egyptian priests, at any rate in their min- 
istrations, was without doubt of linen (He- 
rod, ii. 37). Cotton is now both grown and 
manufactured in various parts of Syria and 
Palestine ; but there is no proof that, till 
ihey came in contact with Persia, the He- 
brews generally knew of it as a distinct 
fcibric from linen. [Linen.] 

Couch. [Bei>.] 

Council. 1. The great council of the 
Sanhedrim, which sat at Jerusalem. [San- 
HEDBiM.] 2. The lesser courts (Matt. x. 
17 ; Mark xiii. 9), of which there were two 
at Jerusalem, and one in each town of Pal- 
estine. The constitution of these courts is 
a doubtful point. The existence of local 
courts, however constituted, is clearly im- 
plied in the passages quoted from the N. 
T. ; and perhaps the "judgment" (Matt. 
V. 21) applies to them. 3. A kind of jury 
or privy council (Acts xxv. 12), consisting 
of a certain number of assessors, who as- 
sisted Roman governors in the administra- 
tion of justice and other public matters. 

Court (Heb, chdisir), an open enclo- 
sure, applied in the A. V. most commonly 
to the enclosures of the Tabernacle and the 
Temple (Ex. xxvii. 9, xl. 33 ; Lev. vi. 16 ; 
1 K. vi. 36, vii. 8 ; 2 K. xxiii. 12 ; 2 Chr. 
jcxxiii. 5, &c.). 

Covenant. The Heb. birith means 
primarily " a cutting," with reference to 
the custom of cutting or dividing animals 
in two, and passing between the parts in 
ratifying a covenant (Gen. xv. ; Jer. xxxiv. 
18, 19). In the N. T. the corresponding 
•"ord is diathece {dia&i,x7j), which is fre- 
f-j»entl/; tl:c5Ugh by no means uniformly, 
translated tesiameni in the Authorized Ver- 
sion. In its Biblical meaning of a com- 
pact or agreement between two parties, the 
word is used — 1. Improperly, of a cove- 
narJ between God and man. Man not be- 
mg in any way in the position of an inde- 
pendent covenanting party, the phrase is 
evidently used by way of accommodation. 
Striotly speaking, such a covenant is quite 
unconditional, and amounts to a promise 
(Gal. iii. 15, ff.) or act of mere favor (Ps. 
Ixxxix. 28). Thus the assurance given by 
God after the Flood, that a like judgment 
should not be repeated, and that the recur- 



rence of the seasons, and of da/ ani Wigh^ 
should not cease, is called a covenant n^Gen 
ix. ; Jer. xxxiii. 20). Consistently witlj 
this representation of God's dealings with 
man under the form of a covenant, such 
covenant is said to be confirmed, in con- 
formity to human custom, by an oath 
(Deut. iv. 31 ; Ps. Ixxxix. 3), to be sanc- 
tioned by curses to fall upon the unfaithful 
(Deut. xxix. 21), and to be a< companicd 
by a sign, such as the rainbow (Gen ix.), 
circumcision (Gen. xvii.), or the Sabbath 
(Ex. xxxi. 16, 17). 2. Properly, of a cove- 
nant betv)een man and man, i. e. a soh mn 
compact or agreement, either between tribes 
or nations (1 Sam. xi. 1; Jjsh. ix. 6, 15), 
or between individuals (Gen. xxxi. 44), by 
which each party bound himself to fulfil 
certain conditions, and was assured of re- 
ceiving certain advantages. In making 
such a covenant God was solemnly invoked 
as witness (Gen. xxxi. 50), and an oath 
was sworn (Gen. xxi. 31). A sign or wit- 
ness of the covenant was sometimes framed, 
such as a gift (Gen. xxi. 30), or a pillar, or 
heap of stones erected (Gen. xxxi. 52). 
The marriage compact is called " the cove- 
nant of God " (Prov. ii. 17 ; see Mai. ii, 
14). The word covenant came to be ap- 
plied to a sure ordinance, such as that of 
the shew-bread (Lev. xxiv. 8) ; and is used 
figuratively in such expressions as a cove- 
nant with death (Is. xxviii. 18), pr with thf 
wild beasts (Hos. ii. 18). 

Cow. [Bull.] 

Coz, a man among the descendants ot 
Judah (1 Chr. iv. 8). 

Coz'bi, daughter of Zur, a chief of the 
Midianites (Num. xxv. 15, 18). 

Crane. There can be little doubt thai 
the A. V. is incorrect in rendering s^s by 
" crane," which bird is probably intended 
by the Hebrew word 'dgUr, translated 
"swallow," by the A. V. [Swallow.] 
Mention is made of the sUs in Hezekiah's 
prayer (Is. xxxviii. 14), " Like a sus or an 
'dgur so did I twitter ; " and again in Jer. 
viii. 7 these two words occur in the samo 
order, from which passage we learn that 
both birds were migrator3^ According w 
the testimony of most of the ancient ver- 
sions, sus denotes a " swallow." 

Creditor. [Loan.] 

Cres'cens (2 Tim. iv. 10), an assistant 
of St. Paul, said to have been o.ie of the 
seventy disciples. According to early tra- 
dition, he preached the Gospel in Ga) itia. 
Later tradition makes him preach in Gaul, 
and found the Church at Vienne. 

Crete, the modern Candia. This largt 
island, wliich closes in the Greek Arcl.ipel- 
ago on the S., extends through a distance 
of 140 miles between its extreme points of 
Cape Salmone (Acts xxvii. 7) on the E. 
and Cape Criumetopon beyond Phoenjcb 
or Phoenix (i6. 12; on the W. Thougb 



CRETES 



1:^3 



CRJVVN 



extremely bold and mountainous, this l^land 
has very fruitful valleys, and in early times 
it was celebrated for its hundred cities. It 
seems likely that a very early acquaintance 
existed between the Cretans and the Jews. 
There is no doubt that Jews were settled 
in the island in considerable numbers dur- 
mg the period between the death of Alex- 
ander the Great and the final destruction 
of Jerusalem. Gortyna seems to have been 
their chief residence (1 Mace. xv. 23). 
Thus the special mention of Cretans (Acts 
ii. 11; among those who were at Jerusalem 
at tht great Pentecost is just what we 
■hould expect. No notice is given in the 
Acts of any mure direct evangelization of 
Crete; and no absolute proof can be ad- 
duced that St. Paul was ever there before 
his voyage from Caosurea to Puteoli. The 
circumstanc(;s of St. Paul's recorded visit 
were briefly as follows : — The wind being 
contrary when lie was off Cnidus (Acts 
xxvii. 7), tlie ship was forced to run down 
to Cape Salmone, and thence under the lee 
of Crete to Fair Havens, which was near 
a city called Lasaea (ver. 8). Thence, after 
some delay, an attempt was made, on the 
wind becoming favorable, to reach Phoenice 
for the purpose of wintering there (ver. 12). 
The next point of connection between St. 
Paul ana this island is found in the Epistle 
to Titus. It is evident from Tit. i. 5, that 
the Apostle liimself was here at no long 
interval of time before he wrote the letter. 
In the course of the letter (Tit. i. 12) St. 
Paul adduces from Epimenides, a Cretan 
sage and poet, a quotation in which the 
vices of his countrymen are described in 
dark colors. The truth of their statement 
is abundantly confirmed by other ancient 
writers. 

Cretes (Acts ii. 11). Cretans, inhabit- 
ants of Crete. 

Cris'pus, ruler of the Jewish syna- 
gogue at Corinth (Acts xviii. 8) ; baptized 
with his family by St. Paul (1 Cor. i. 14). 
According to tradition, he became after- 
wards Bishop of Aegina. 

Cross. As the emblem of a slave's 
death and a murderer's punishment, the 
cross was naturally looked upon with the 
profoundest horror. But after the celebrat- 
ed vision of Constantine, he ordered his 
friends to make a cross of gold and gems, 
nuchas he had seen, and "the towering 
eagles resigned the flags unto the cross," 
and " the tree of cursing and shame " " sat 
upon tlie sceptres and was engraved and 
signed on the foreheads of kings" (Jer. 
Taylor, Life of Christ, iii., xv. 1). The 
new standards were called by the name 
L«^barum, and may be seen on the coins of 
Const mtine the Great and uis nearer suc- 
cessors. The Latin (toss, on which our 
Lord suffered, was in the form of the letter 
T. and bad au upright above the crossbar, 



on which tL; "title " was placed. There 
was a projection from the central stem, on 
which the body of the sufferer re >ted. This 
was to prevent the weight of the body irom 




The Labarum. (From a coin in th« Britisb Mtuemn.) 

tearing away the hands. Whether there 
was also a support to the feet (as we see in 
pictures), is doubtful. An inscription was 
generally placed above the criminal's head, 
briefly expressing his guilt, and generally 
was carried before him. It was covered 
with white gypsum, and the letters were 
black. It is a question whether tying or 
binding to the cross was the more common 
method. That our Lord was nailed, ac 
cording to prophecy, is certain (Jolm xx. 
25, 27, &c. ; Zech. xii. 10; Ps. xxii. 16). 
It is, however, extremely probable that 
both methods were used at once. The 
cross on which our Saviour suffered is said 
to have been discovered in a. d. 326, and to 
this day the supposed title, or rather frag- 
ments of it, are shown to the people once a 
year in the Church of Sta. Croce in Geni- 
salemme at Rome. It was not till the 6th 
century that the emblem of the cross became 
the image of the crucifijc. Asa symbol the 
use of it was frequent in the early Church. 
It was not till the 2d century that any par- 
ticular efficacy was attached to it. [Ckuci- 

FIXION.] 

Crown. This ornament, which is both 
ancient and universal, probably originated 
from the fillets used to prevent the hair 
from being dishevelled by the wind. Such 
fillets are still common, and they may be 
seen on the sculptures of PersepoUs, Nine- 
veh, and Egypt ; they gradually developed 
into turbans, which by the addition of orna- 
mental or precious materials assumed the 
dignity of mitres or crowns. Both the or* 
iinary priests and the hieh-pxiest woca 



CKOWN OF THORNS 



124 



CRUCIFIXIUJS 



them. The common "bonnet" (Ex. xxviii. 
37, xxix. 6, &c), formed a sort of linen fil- 
let or crowu. The mitre of the high-priest 
(used also of a regal ciown, Ez. xxi. 26) 
was mu(!h more splei did (Ex. xxviii. 36 ; 
Lev. viii. 9). It had a second fillet of blue 
lace, and over it a golden diadem (Ex. 
i:xix. 6). The gold band was tied beliind 
with bluu lace (embroidered ^ith flowers), 
and bein^ two fingers broad, bore the in- 
scription " Holiness to the Lord " (comp. 
Rev. xvii. .5). There are many words in 
Scripture denoting a crown besides those 
mentioned : the head-dress of bridegrooms 
(Is. Ixi. 10; Bar. v. 2; Ez. xxiv. 17), and 
of women (Is. iii. 20) ; a head-dress of 
great splendor (Is. xxviii. 5) ; a wreath of 
flowers (Prov. i. 9, iv. 9) ; and a common 
tiara or turban (Job xxix. 14; Is. iii. 23). 
The general word is ^atdrdh, and we must 
attach to it the notion of a costly ,turban ir- 
radiated with pearls and gems of priceless 
value, which often form aigrettes for feath- 
ers, as in the crowns of modern Asiatic 
sovereigns. Such was probably the crown, 
which with its precious stones weighed (or 
rather " was worth ") a talent, taken by 
David from the king of Ammon at Rabbah, 
and used as the state crown of Judah (2 
Sam. xii. 30). In Rev. xii. 3, xix. 12, allu- 
sion is made to " many crowns " worn in 
token of extended dominion. The laurel, 
pine, or parsley crowns given to victors in 
the great games of Greece are finely al- 
luded to by St. Paul (1 Cor. ix. 25 ; 2 Tim. 
ii. 6, &c.). 





Crowes worn by ABsyr. i Si^f i. (From Nimroud and 

Crown of Thorns, Matt, xxvii. 29. 
Our Lord was ci owned with thorns in 
mockery by the Roman soldiers. The ob- 
ject seems to have been insult, and not the 
iDfliction of pain, as has generally been sup- 
posed. The Rhamnus or Spina Christi, al- 
though abundant in the neighborhood of 
Jerusalem, cannot be the plant intended, 
because its thorns are so strong and large 
that it could not have been woven into a 
wreath. H ad the acacia been intended, as 
some suppose, the phrase would have been 
different. Obvirusly some small flexile 
thorny shrub i* l\eant; perl aps Cappa/t'is 
ipinosa 



Crucifixion was m use among tlio 

Egyptians (Gen. xl. 19), the CarthaginiAjis, 
the Persians (Esth. vii. 10), the Assyrians, 
Scythians, Indians, Germans, and from the 
earliest times among the Greeks and Ro- 
mans. Whether this mode of execution 
was known to the ancient Jews is a maxtef 
of dispute. Probably the Jews borrowed it 
from the Romans. It was unanimously 
considered the most horrible form of death. 
Among the Romans also the degradation 
was a part of the infliction, and the punish- 
ment if applied to freemen was only used 
in the case of the vilest crimiiials. Our 
Lord was condemned to it by the popular 
cry of the Jews (Matt, xxvii. 23) on the 
charge of sedition against Caesar (Luke 
xxiii. 2), although the Sanhedrim had 
previously condemned him on the totally 
distinct charge of blasphemy. The scar- 
let robe, crown of thorns, and other in- 
sults to which our Lord was subjected were 
illegal, and arose from the spontaneous 
petulance of the brutal soldiery. But the 
punishment properly commenced with 
scourging, after the criminal had been 
stripped. It was inflicted not with the 
comparatively mild rods, but the more ter- 
rible scourge (2 Cor. xi. 24, 25), which was 
not used by the Jews (Deut. xxv. 3). Into 
these scourges the soldiers often stuck nails, 
pieces of bone, &c., to heighten the pain, 
which was often so intense that the sufferei 
died under it. In our Lord's case, howev 
er, this infliction seems neither to hav.» 
been the legal scourging after sentence, nor 
yet the examination by torture (Acts xxii. 
24), but rather a scourging before the sen- 
tence, to excite pity and procure immunity 
from further punishment (Luke xxiii. 22; 
John xix. 1). The criminal carried his 
own cross, or at any rate a part of it. The 
place of execution was outside the city (1 
K. xxi. 13; Acts vii. 58; Heb. xiii. 12), of 
ten in some public road or other conspicu 
ous place. Arrived at the place of execu- 
tion, the sufferer was stripped naked, the 
dress being the perquisite of the soldiers 
(Matt, xxvii. 35^ The cross was then ■ 
driven into the ground, so that the feet of ■ 
the condemned were a foot or two above 
the earth, and he was lifted upon it, or else 
stretched upon it on the ground, and then 
lifted with it. Before the nailing or Land- 
ing took place, a medicated cup was given 
out of kindness to confuse the senses and 
deaden the pangs of the sufferer (Prov. 
xxxi. 6), usually "of wire mingled with 
myrrh," because myrrh was soporific. Our 
Lord refused it that his senses might be 
clear (Matt, xxvii. 34 ; Mark xv. 23). He 
was crucified betvreen two "thieves" or 
" malefactors," according to prophecy (Is. 
liii. 12) ; and was watched according to 
custom by a party of four sohliers (John 
xix. 23) with their centurion ^Matt. 2CKTii 



CHUSE 



125 



cu.vbeareh 



66), whose express office was to prevent 
ihe stealing of the body. This was neces- 
sary from the lingering character of the 
ieath, which sometimes did not supervene 
even for three days, and was at last the re- 
sult of gradual benumbing and starvation. 
But for this guard, the persons might have 
been taken down and recovered, as was ac- 
tually done in the case of a friend of Jo- 
eephus. Fracture of the legs was especial- 
ly adopted by the Jews to hasten death 
(John xix. 31). But the unusual rapidity 
of our Lord's death was due to the depth 
of His previous agonies, or may be suffi- 
ciently accounted for simply from peculiari- 
ties of constitution. Pilate expressly sat- 
isfied himself of the actual death by ques- 
tioning the centurion (Mark xv. 44). In 
most cases the body was suffered to rot on 
the cross by the action of sun and rain, or 
to be devoured by birds and beasts. Sep- 
ulture was generally therefore forbidden ; 
but in consequence of Deut. xxi. 22, 23, an 
express national exception was made in fa- 
vor of the Jews (Matt, xxvii. 58). This 
aecurped and awful mode of punishment 
was happily abolished by Constantino. 

Cruse, a vessel for holding water, sucL 
as was carried by Saul when on his night 
expedition after David (1 Sam. xxvi. 11, 
12, 16), and by Elijah (1 K. xix. 6). In a 
similar case in the present day this would 
be a globular vessel of blue porous clay, 
about 9 inches diameter, with a neck of 
about 3 inches long, a small handle below 
the neck, and opposite the handle a straight 
spout, with an orifice about the size of a 
straw, through which the water is drunk or 
sucked. 

Crystal, the representative in the A. V. 
of two Hebrew words. 1. ZecAcith occurs 
only in Job xxviii. 17, where *' glass " 
probably is intended. 2. Kerach occurs 
in numerous passages in the O. T. to denote 
"ice," " frost," &c. ; but once only (Ez. i. 
22), as is generally understood, to signify 
"crystal." The ancients supposed rock- 
crystal to be merely ice congealed by 
Intense cold. The similarity of appearance 
between ice and crystal caused no doubt 
the identity of the terms to express these 
substances. The Greek word occurs in 
Rev. iv. 6, xxi 1. It may mean either 
"ice" or " crystal." 

Cubit. [Measures.] 

Cuckoo ''Heb. shachaph). There does 
not ap])ear to be any authority for this 
translation of the A. V. ; the Heb. word 
occurs twice only (Lev. xi. 16 ; Deut. xiv. 
15), as the name of some unclean bird, and 
may probably indicate some of the larger 
potrels, which abound 'in the east of the 
Mediterranean. 

Cucumbers (Heb. kishshuim). This 
word occurs, in Num. xi. 5, as one of the 
Kood things of Egypt for which the Israel- 



ites longed. There is no doubt as to tJ<^ 
meaning of the Hebrew. Egypt produce* 
excellent cucumbers, melons, &c., the Ciy 
cumis chate being the best of its tribe yef 
known. This plant grows in the fertile 
earth around Cairo after the inundation of 
the Nile, and not elsewhere in Egypt. TL* 
C. chate is a variety only of the common 
melon (C. melo) ; it was once cultivated Id 
England, and called "tlie round-leaved 
Egyptian melon ; " but it is rather an insipid 
sort. Besides the Cucumis chate, the com- 
mon cucumber (C. sativus), of which the 
Arabs distinguish a number of varieties, is 
common in Egypt. " Both Cucumis chate 
and C. sativus,'" says Mr. Tristram, " are 
now grown in great quantities in Palestine ; 
on visiting the Arab school in Jerusalem 
(1858) I observed that the dinner which 
the children brought with them to school 
consisted, without exception, of a piece of 
barley-cake and a raw cucumber, which 
they eat rind and all." The " lodge in » 
garden of cucumbers" (Is. i. 8) is a rudo 
temporary shelter, erected in the open 
grounds where vines, cucumbers, gourds, 
&c., are grown, in which some lonely man 
or boy is set to watch, either to guard th« 
plants from robbers, or to scare away the 
foxes and jackals from the vines. 

Cummin, one of the cultivated plants 
of Palestine (Is. xxviii. 25,27; Matt, xxiii. 
23). It is an umbelliferous plant some- 
thing like fennel. The seeds have fi 
bitterish warm taste with an aromatic 
flavor. The Maltese are said to grow it at 
the present day, and to thresh it in th-j 
manner described by Isaiah. 

Cup. The cups of the Jews, whether 
of metal or earthenware, were possibly bor- 
rowed, in point of shape and design, from 
Egypt and from the Phoenicians, who were 
celebrated in that branch of workmanship. 
Egyptian cups were of various shapes, 
either with handles or without them. In 
Solomon's time all his drinking vessels 
were of gold, none of silver (1 K. x. 21). 
Babylon is compared to a golden cup (Jer. 
li. 7) . The great laver, or " sea," was made 
with a rim like the rim of a cup, (Cds)^ 
"with flowers of lilies" (1 K. vii. 26), a 
form which the Persepolitan cups resemble. 
The cups of the N. T. were often n: doubt 
formed on Greek and Roman models The_^ 
were sometimes of gold (Rev. xvii. 4). 

Cupbearer. An officer of high rank 
with Egyptian, Persian, Assyrian, as veil 
as Jewish monarchs (1 K. x. 5). The chief 
cupbearer, or butler, to the king of Egypt 
was the means of raising Joseph to his high 
position (Gen. xl. 1, 21, xli. 9). Rabshakeb 
appears from his name to liave filled a like 
office in the Assyrian court (2 K. xviii. 17). 
Nehemiah was cupbearer to Artaxerxet 
Longimanus king of Pe^-ia (Neh. 1. 11. 

ii. n. 



CURTA/NS 



126 



CYPRUS 



Curtains. The Hebrew terms translat- 
ed in the A, V. by this word are three : 1. 
Yertdih, the ten " curtains " of fine linen, 
and also the eleven of goats' hair, which 
covered the Tabernacle of Moses (Ex. xxvi. 
1-13; xxxvi. 8-17. 2. Mdsdc, the "hang- 
ing " for the doorway of the tabernacle, Ex. 
xxvi. 36, &c., and also for the gate of the 
coirt round the tabernacle, Ex. xxvii. 16, 
ft.3. The rendering "curtain" occurs but 
once, Num. iii. 26. 3. D6k. This word 
is found but once (Is. xl. 22), audits mean- 
ing is doubtful. 

Cusll, a Benjamite mentioned only in 
the title to Ps. vii. He was probably a 
follower of Saul, the head of his tribe. 

Cusll, the name of a son of Ham, ap- 
parently the eldest, and of a territory or 
territories occupied by his descendants. 1. 
In the genealogy of Noah's children Cush 
seems to be an individual, for it is said 
"Cush begat Nimrod" (Gen. x. 8; 1 Chr. 
i. 10). 2. Cush as a country appears to be 
African in all passages except Gen. ii. 13. 
We may thus distinguish a primeval and a 
post-diluvian Cush. The former was en- 
compassed by Gihon, the second river of 
Paradise : it would seem therefore to have 
been somewhere to the northward of As- 
syria. It is possible that the African Cush 
was named from this elder country. In 
the ancient Egyptian inscriptions Ethiopia 
above Egypt if termed Keesh or Kesh, and 
this territory probably perfectly corre- 
fponds to the African Cush of the Bible. 
The Cushites however had clearly a wider 
exten?ion, like the Ethiopians of the 
Greeks, but apparently with a more definite 
ethiiic relation. The Cushites appear to 
have spread along tracts extending from 
the higher Nile to the Euphrates and Tigris. 
History affords many trai^es of this relation 
of Babylonia, Arabia, and Ethiopia. Zerah 
the Cushite (A. V. "Ethiopian"), who was 
defeated by Asa, was most probably a king 
of Egypt, certainly the leader of an Egyptian 
army. 

Cu'shaD (Hab. iii. 7), possibly the same 
an Cu«han-rishathaim (A. V. Cushan-) king 
of Mesopotamia (Judg. iii. 8, 10). 

Cu'shi. Properly " the Cushite," " the 
Ethiopian,** a man apparently attached to 
Joab's person (2 Sam. xviii. 21, 22, 23, 31, 
82). 

Cuth or Cu'thah., one of the countries 
whence Shalmaneser introduced colonists 
into Samaria (2 K. xvii. 24, 30). Its posi- 
tion is unc'ecided ; but it may perhaps be 
identified vdth the Cossaei, a warlike tribe, 
who occupied the mountain ranges dividing 
Persia and Media. 

Cutting off from the People. [Ex- 
communication.] 

CuttiDgS [in the Flesh]. The pro- 
hibition (Lev. xix. 28) against marks or 
cuttings in the flesh for the dead must be 



taken in connection with the parallel pas- 
sages (Lev. xxi. 5; Deut. xiv. 1), in which 
shaving the head with the same view is 
equally forbidden. The ground of the pro- 
hibition will be found in the superstiti dus 
or inhuman practices prevailing among 
heathen nations. The priests of Baal cut 
themselves with knives to propitiate the 
god " after their manner" (1 K. xviii. 28). 
Lucian, speaking of the Syrian priestly at- 
tendants of this mock deity, says, that 
using violent gestures they cut their arms 
and tongues with swords. The prohibition, 
therefore, is directed against practices pre- 
vailing not among the Egyptians whom the 
Israelites were leaving, but among the 
Syrians, to whom they were about to be- 
come neighbors. But there is another 
usage contemplated more remotely by the 
prohibition, viz., that of printing marks, 
tattooing, to indicate allegiance to a deity, 
in the same manner as soldiers and slaves 
bore tattooed marks to indicate allegiance 
or adscription. This is evidently alluded 
to in the Revelation of St. John (xiii. 16, 
xvii. 5, xix. 20), and, though in a contrary 
direction, by Ezekiel (ix. 4), by St. Paul 
(Gal. vi. 17), in the Revelation (vii. 3), 
and perhaps by Isaiah (xliv. 5) and Zech- 
ariah (xiii. 6). 

Cymbal, Cymbals, a percussive mu- 
sical instrument. Two kinds of cymbals 
are mentioned inPs. cl. 5, "loud cymbals'* 
or castagnettes, and " high-sounding cym- 
bals." The former consisted of four small 
plates of brass or of some other hard metal ; 
two plates were attached to each hand of 
the performer, and were struck together to 
produce a great noise. The latter consist- 
ed of two larger plates, one held in each 
hand, and struck together as an accompani- 
ment to other instruments. The use of 
cymbals was not necessarily restricted to 
the worship of the Temple or to sacred 
occasions ; they were employed for military 
purposes, and also by Hebrew women as a 
musical accompaniment to their national 
dances. Both kinds of cymbals are stiD 
common in the East in military music, and 
Niebuhr often refers to them in his trav- 
els. The " bells " of Zech. xiv. 20, were 
probably concave pieces or plates of bras* 
which the people of Palestine and Syrin 
attached to horses by way of ornament. 

Cypress (Heb. tirzdh). The Heb. 
word is found only in Is. xliv. 14. We are 
quite unable to assign any definite render* 
ing to it. The true cypress is a native of 
the Taurus. The Hebrew word points to 
some tree with a hard grain, and this is alJ 
that can be positively said of it. 

Cy'prus. Thi"S island was in early 
times in close commercial connection witii 
Phoenicia ; and there is little doubt that it 
is referred to in such passages of the O. T. 
as Ez. xxvii. 6. rCHixxiM.l Po8i4>ly 



CYKENE 



127 



CYKU« 



Jews may have settled in Cyprus before 
the time of Alexander. Soon after his 
time they were numerous in the island, as 
is distinctly implied in 1 Mace, x^, 23. 
The first notice of it in the N. T. is in 
Acts iv. 36, where it is mentioned as the 
native place of Barnabas. In Acts xi. 19, 
20, it appears prominently in connection 
with tlie earliest spreading of Christianity, 
and is again mentioned in connection with 
the missionary journeys of St. Paul (Acts 
xiii. 4-13, XV. 39, xxi. 3), and with his 
voyage to Eome (xxvii. 4). The island 
became a Roman province (b. c. 58) under 
circumstances discreditable to Rome. At 
first its administration was joined with that 
of Cilicia, but after the battle of Actium it 
was separately governed. In the first di- 
vision it was made an imperial province ; 
but the I'mperor afterwards gave it up to 
the Senate. The proconsul appears to 
have resided at Paphos on the west of the 
island. 

Cyre'ne, the principal city of that part 
of northern Africa, which was anciently 
called Cyrenaica, and also (from its five 
chief cities) Pentapolitana. This district 
was that wide projecting portion of the 
coast (corresponding to the modern 
Tripoli), which was separated from the 
territory of Carthage on the one hand, and 
tAiat of Egypt on the other. The points to 
be noticed in reference to Cyrene as con- 
nected with the N. T. are these, — that, 
tboi'gh on the African coast, it was a Greek 
city ; that the Jews were settled there in 
large numbers, and that under the Romans 
it was politically connected with Crete. 
The Greek colonization of this part of Af- 
rica uuder Battus began as early as b. c. 
631. J^fter the death of Alexander the 
Great, it became a dependency of Egypt. 
It is in tnis period that we find the Jews es- 
tablished there with great privileges, having 
been introduced by Ptolemy the son of La- 
gus. Soon after the Jewish war they rose 
against the Roman power. In the year 
B. c. 75 the territory of Cyrene was re- 
duced to the form of a province. On the 
conquest of Crete (b. c. 67) the two were 
united in one province, and together fre- 
quently called Creta-Cyrene. The num- 
bers and position of the Jews in Cyrene 
prep.'\re u? for the frequent mention of the 
place in the N. T. in connection with Chris- 
tianity. Simon, who bore our Saviour's 
cross (Matt, xxvii. 32; Mark xv. 21; Luke 
Kxiii. 26) was a native of Cyrene. Jewish 
dwellers in Cyrenaica were in Jerusalem at 
Pentecost (Acts ii. 10). They even gave 
their name to one of the synagogues in 
Jeiusalem {ib. vi. 9). Christian converts 
from Cyrene were among those who con- 
tributed actively to the formation of the 
first Gentile church at Antioch (xi. 20). 
Luclos of Cyrene (xiii. I) is traditionally 



said to have been the first bishop of his na 
tive district. 




Tetrartrachm ( Attic talent) of Cyreno. 

Obv. Sacred silphium plant. Rev. KYPA. Head of beam 
ed Jupiter Ammon to the right. 

Cyre'nius, the literal English render- 
ing in the A. V. of the Greek name, which 
is itself the Greek form of the Roman 
name of Quirinus. The full name is Pub- 
lius Sulpicius Quirinus. He was consul 
B. c. 12, and made governor of Syria aftei 
the banishment of Archelaus in a. d. 6. 
He was sent to make an enrolment of 
property in Syria, and made accordingly, 
both there and in Judaea, a census oi 
anoYQaif)]. But this census seems in Luke 
(ii. 2) to be identified with one which took 
place at the time of the birth of Christ 
Hence has arisen a considerable difliculty, 
but there is good reason for believing thai 
Quirinus was twice governor of Syria, and 
that his first governorship extended froia 
B. c. 4 (the year of Christ's birth) to b. c 
1, when he was succeeded by M. Lollius. 

Cy'rus, the founder of the Persian em 
pire (see Dan. vi. 28, x. 1, 13; 2 Chr 
xxxvi. 22, 23), was, according to the com- 
mon legend, the son of Mandane, tho 
daughter of Astyages the last king of Me- 
dia, and Cambyses a Persian of the royal 
family of the Achaemeiiidae. In conse- 
quence of a dream, Astyages, it is said, 
designed the death of his infant grandson, 
but the child was spared by those whom he 
charged with the commission of the crime, 
and was reared in obscurity under the name 
of Agradates. When he grew up to man- 
hood his courage and genius placed him a^ 
the head of the Persians. The tyranny of 
Astyages had at that time alienated a large 
faction of the Medes, and Cyrus headed a 
revolt which ended in the defeat and cap- 
ture of the Median king b. c. 559, near 
Pasargadae. After consolidating the em- 
pire which he thus gained, Cyrus entered 
on that career of conquest wl\ich has made 
him the hero of the east. In b. c. 546 {"i^ 
he defeated Croesus, and the kingdom or 
Lydia was the prize of his success. Baby- 
lon fell before his army, and the ancient 
dominions of Assyria were added to hia 
empire (b. c. 538). Afterwards he at- 
tacked the Massagetae, and according to 
Herodotus fell in a battle against them b. c 
529. His tomb is still shown at FAsarg]^ 



DABAREH 



128 



DAMASCUS 



dae, the scene of his first decisive victory. 
Hitherto the great Itings, with whom the 
Jews had been brought into contact, had 
been open oppressors or seductive allies ; 
but Cyru^ was a generous liberator and a 
just guariian of their rights. An inspired 
prophet ^Is. xliv. 28) recognized in him " a 
•hepherd " of the Lord, an "anointed" 
king (Is. xlv. 1). The edict of Cyrus for 
the rebuilding of the Temple (2 Chr. xxxvi. 
22, 23; Ezr. i. 1-4, iii. 7, iv. 3, v. 13, 17, 
ri. 3) was in fact the beginning of Juda- 
ism; and the great changes by which the 
luttipn was transformed into a church are 
clearly marked. 

D. 

Dab'areh (Josh. xxi. 28), or Dabe- 
KATH, a town on the boundary of Zebulun 
(Josh. xix. 12) named as next to Chisloth- 
Tabor. But in 1 Chr. vi. 72, and in Josh, 
xxi. 2^, it is said to belong to Issachar. 
Under the name of Deharieh it still lies at 
the western foot of Tabor. 

Dab 'bash eth, a town on the boundary 
of Zebulun (Josh. xix. 11). 

Da'gon, apparently the masculine (1 
Sam. V. 3, 4) correlative of Atargatis, was 
the national god of the Philistines. The 



^'C'9* 

V-"*'- 




fitli-cod. From Nimrond. (LMrard.) 



most famous temples of Dagon were M 
Gaza (Judg. xvi. 21-30) and Ashdod (1 
Sam. V. 5, 6; 1 Chr. x. 10). The latter 
temple was destroyed by Jonathan in the 
Maccabaean wars (1 Mace. x. 83, 84, xi. 4). 
Traces of the worship of Dagon likewise 
appear in the names Caphar-Dagon (near 
Jamnia), and Beth-Dagon in Judah (Josh. 
XV. 41) and Asher (Josh. xix. 27). Dagon 
was represented with the face and hands of 
a man and the tail of a fish (1 Sam. v. 5). 
The fish-like form was a natural emblem 
I of fruitfulness, and as such was likeiy vo o« 
adopted by seafaring tribes in the repre^- 
sentation of their gods. 

Dai'sau, l Esd. v. 31 = Rezin 
ii. 48), by the commonly repeated change 
of R to D. 

Dalai'ah, the sixth son of Elioenai, a 
descendant of the royal family of Judah (1 
Chr. iii. 24). 

Dalmanu'tha, a town on the west, sidt 
of the Sea of Galilee near Magdala (Mat;. 
XV. 39 and Mark viii. 10). [Magdala.] 
Dalmanutha probably stood at the place 
called ^ Ain-el- Bdrideh, " the cold Foun- 
tain." 

Dalma'tia, a mountainous district on 
the eastern coast of the Adriatic Sea, ex- 
tending from the river Naro in the S. to the 
Savus in the N. St. Paul sent Titus there 
(2 Tim. iv. 10), and he himself had 
preached the Gospel in its immediate neigh- 
borhood (Rom. XV. 19). 

Darphon, the second of the ten sons 
of Haman (Esth. ix. 7). 

Dam'aris, an Athenian woman con- 
verted to Christianity by St. Paul's preach- 
ing (Acts xvii. 34). Chrysostom and oth- 
ers held her to have been the wife of Dio- 
nysius the Areopagite. 

Damas'cus, one of the most ancient anH 
most important of the cities of Syria. It is 
situated in a plain of vast size and of ex- 
treme fertility, which lies east of the great 
chain of Anti-Libanus, on the edge of the 
desert. This fertile plain, which is nearly 
circular, and about 30 miles in diameter, is 
due to the river Barada, which is probablj 
the "Abana" of Scripture. Two other 
streams, the Wady Hdbon upon the north, 
and the Awaj upon the south, which liowa 
direct from Hermon, increase the fertility 
of the Damascene plain, and contend for 
the honor of representing the "Pharpar' 
of Scripture. According to Josephus, Da- 
mascus was founded by Uz, the soi of 
Aram, and grandson of Shem. It is first 
mentioned in Scripture in connection with 
Abraliara (Gen. xiv. 15), whose steward was 
a native of the place (xv. 2). Nothing 
more is known of Damascus until the time 
of David, when " the Syrians of Damascus 
came to succor Hadadezer, king of Zobah," 
with whom David was at war (2 Sam. viii, 
5; 1 Chr. xviii. 6). On this occasion Da* 



DAMASCUS 



129 



DAN 



H'l " slew of the Syrians 22,000 men ; " 
and in consequence of this victory became 
completely master of the whole territory, 
which he garrisoned with Israelites (2 Sam. 
v'iii. C). It appears that in the reign of 
Solomon, a certain Eezon, who had been a 
subject of Had adezer, kingof Zobah, and had 
escaped when David conquered Zobah, made 
iiimself master of Damascus, and estab- 
lished his own rule there (1 K. xi. 23-25). 
Afterwards the family of Hadad appears 
to have recovered the throne, and a Benha- 
Jad, grandson of the antagonist of David, 
is found in league with Baasha, king of 
[srael, against Asa (1 K. xv. 19 ; 2 Chr. xvi. 
3), and aftei'wards in league with Asa against 
Baasha (1 K. xv. 20). He was succeeded by 
tiis son, Hadad IV. (the Benhadad II. of 
Scripture), who was defeated by Ahab (1 
K. XX.). Three years afterwards war broke 
out afresh, ihrougli the claim of Ahab to 
the city of Ramoth-Gilead (1 K. xxii. 1-4). 
The defeat and death of Ahab at that place 
(ib, 15-37) seem to have enabled the Syr- 
ians of Damascus to resume the offensive. 
Their bands ravaged the lands of Israel 
during the reign of Jehoram ; and they 
even undertook at this time a second siege 
of Samaria, which was frustrated miracu- 
lously (2 K. vi. 24, vii. 6, 7). After this, 
we do not hear of any more attempts against 
the Israelite capital. The cuneiform in- 
scriptions show that towards the close of 
his reign Benhadad was exposed to the as- 
saults of a great conqueror, who was bent 
on extending the dominion of Assyria over 
Syria, and Palestine. It may have been 
these cir( umstances which encouraged Ha- 
zael, the servant of Benhadad, to murder 
him, and seizt the throne, which Elisha had 
declared woull certainly one day be his (2 
K. viii. 15). Shortly after the accession of 
Hazael Cabout b. c. 884) he was in his turn 
attacked hj ihe Assyrians, who defeated him 
with great loss amid the fastnesses of Anti- 
Libanus. However, in his wars with Israel 
and Judah he was more fortunate, and his 
Son Benhadad followed up his successes. 
At last a deliverer appeared (verse 5), and 
Joash, the son of Jehoahaz, " beat Hazael 
tlirice, and recovered the cities of Israel " 
(verse 25). In tho^ next reign still further 
advantages were gained by the Israelites. 
Jeroboam II. (ab. b. c. 836) is said to have 
recovered Damascus (2 K. xiv. 28), and 
tliough this may not mean that he captured 
the city, it at least implies that he obtained 
a certain influence over it. A century later 
(ab. R. c. 742) the Syrians appear as allies 
of Israel igainst Judah (2 K. xv. 37). It 
seems to have been during a pause in the 
struggle against Assyria that Rezin king of 
Damascus, and Pekah king of Israel, re- 
solved conjointly to attack Jerusalem, in- 
tending to depose Ahaz and set up as king 
a creature of their own (Is. vii. 1-6? 2 K. 
9 



xvi. 5). Jerusalem successfully mamtamed 
itself against the combined attack. Ahaz 
was induced to throw himself into the arms 
of Tiglath-Pileser, to ask aid from him, and 
to accept voluntarily the position of an As- 
syrian feudatory (ib. xvi. 7, 8). The aid 
sought was given, with the important result, 
that Kezin was slain, the kingdom of Da- 
mascus brciught to an end, and the city it- 
self destroyed, the inhabitants being carried 
captive into Assyria (2 K. xvi. 9 ; comp. Is. 
vii. 8 and Am. i. 5). It was long before 
Damascus recovered from this serious blow. 
We do not know at what time Damascus 
was rebuilt; but Strabo says that it was 
the most famous place in Syria during the 
Persian period. At the time of the Gospel 
history, and of the apostle Paul, it formed 
a part of the kingdom of Aretas (2 Cor. xi. 
32), an Arabian prince, who held his king- 
dom under the Eomans. Damascus ha« 
always been a great centre for trade. It 
would appear from Ez. xxvii. that Damas- 
cus took manufactured goods from the 
Phoenicians, and supplied them in exchange 
with wool and wine. But the passage 
trade of Damascus has probably been at all 
times more important than its direct com- 
merce. Certain localities in Damascus are 
shown as the site of those Scriptural event* ■ 
which especially interest us in its liistoiy. 
A " long wide thoroughfare," leading direct, 
from one of the gates to the Castle or pal- 
ace of the Pasha, is '' called by the guides . 
' Straight' " (Acts ix. 11) ; but the natives . 
know it among themselves as the " Street; 
of Bazaars." The house of Judas is shown, . 
but it is not in the street " Straight." That, 
of Ananias is also pointed out. The scene • 
of the conversion is confidently said to be- 
an open green spot, surrounded by trees, 
and used as the Christian burial-ground ; 
but four distinct spots have been pointed) 
out at different times, so that little confi- 
dence can be placed in any of them. The • 
point of the walls at which St. Paul was let^ 
down by a basket (Acts ix. 25 ; 2 Cor. xi. . 
33) is also shown. 

Dan. 1. The fifth son of Jacob, and-i 
the first of Bilhah, Rachel's maid (Gen. 
XXX. 6). The origin of the name is given, 
in the exclamation of Rachel — " God hathi 
judged me (dAnanni) . . . and given me a^ 
son; therefore she called his name Dan,"' 
i.e. "judge." In the blessing of Jacob- 
(Gen. xlix. 16) this play on the name is re- 
peated — "Dan shall judge (yddin) hie- 
people." The records of Dan are unusually 
meagre. Only one son is attributed to him. 
(Gen. xlvi. 23) ; but when the people were- 
numbered in the wilderness of Sinai, hi? 
tribe was, with the exception of Judah, the 
most numerous of all, containing 62.700' 
men able to serve. The position of Dan 
during the march through the desert was on. 
the north side of the tabernacle (Num. ii.. 



DAN 



130 



DANCE 



JJ5), the hmdmost of the long procession 
Tii. ,M, X, 25). It arrived at the threshold 
of the Promised Land, and passed the or- 
deal of the rites of Baal-peor (Num. xxv.) 
with an incr«^ase of 1700 on the rarlier cen- 
sus. In the division of the Promised Land 
Dan was the last of the tribes to receive his 
portion, and that portion, according to the 
record of Joshua, strange as it appears in the 
face of the numbers just quoted, was the 
smallest of the twelve (Josh. xix. 48). But 
notwithstanding its sraallness it had eminent 
natural advantages. On the north and east 
It was completely embraced by its two 
brother- tribes Ephraim and Benjamin, while 
on the south-east and south it joined Judah, 
and was thus surrounded by the three most 
powerful states of the whole confederacy. 
From Japho — afterwards Joppa, and now 
Fdfa — on the north, to Ekron and Gath- 
rimmon on the south, a length of at least 
14 miles, that noble tract, one of the most 
fertile in the whole of Palestine, was allot- 
ted to this tribe. But this rich district, the 
corn-field and the garden of the whole south 
of Palestine, was too valuable to be given 
up without a struggle by its original pos- 
sessors. The Amorites accordingly " forced 
the children of Dan into the mountain, for 
fhey would not suffer them to come down 
into the valley " (Judg. i. 34). With the 
help of Ephraim, Dan prevailed against the 
Amorites for a time, but in a few years the 
Fhili«tines took the place of the Amorites 
and with the same result. These consid- 
erations enable us to understand how it 
happened that long after the partition of 
the land all the inheritance of the Danites 
had not fallen to them among the tribes of 
Israel (Judg. xviii. 1). They also explain 
the warlike and independent character of 
the tribe betokened in the name of their 
head-quarters Mahaneh-Dan, " the camp, 
•or host of Dan," in the fact specially in- 
eds'ted «n and reiterated (xviii. 11, 16, 17) 
of the complete equipment of their 600 
warriors " appointed with weapons of war," 
— and the lawless freebooting style of their 
■behavior to Micah. In the "security" 
and "quiet" (Judg. xviii. 7, 10) of their rich 
northern possession the Danites enjoyed the 
Seisure and repose which had been denied 
t?iem in their Original seat. But of the fate 
©f the city to which they gave " the name 
<&f their father " (Josh. xix. 47) we know 
gcarcelj' anytliing. In the time of David 
Dan still tept its place among the tribes (1 
Chr. xii. S5). Asher is omitted, but the 
"prince of the tribe of Dan " is mentioned 
in the list of 1 Chr. xxvii. 22. But from 
tl.'is time forward the name as applied to 
the tribe vani 5hes ; it is kept alive only by 
the northern eitj. In the genealogies of 
1 Chr. ii.-xii. Dan is omitted entirely. 
Lastly, Dan is omitted.from the list of tliose 
irho we'o sealed by the Aiigelin the vision 



of St. John (Rev. vii. 5-7). 2. The weU- 
known city, so familiar as the mos*. north- 
ern landmark of Palestine, in thj common 
expression " from Dan even to Beersheba.'' 
The name of the place was originally Laish 
or Leshem (Josh. xix. 47). Its inhabits nta 
lived " after the manner of the Zldonians," 
i. e. engaged in commerce, and without 
defence. Living thus " quiet and secuie,'" 
they fjll an easy prey to the active and 
practised freebooters of the Danites. Thej 
conferred upon their new acquisiti'^/U tlie 
name of their own tribe, " after the name 
of their father who was born unto Isiael " 
(Judg. xviii. 29; Josh. xix. 47), and Laisb 
became Dan. After the establishment of 
the Danites at Dan it became the acknowl- 
edged extremity of the country. Dan was, 
with other northern cities, laid waste bj 
Benhadad (1 K. xv. 20; 2 Chr. xvi. 4), and 
this is the last mention of the place. Witt 
regard to the mention of Dan in Gen. xiv 
14 it is probable that the passage originallj 
contained an older name, as Laish; and 
that when that was superseded by Dan, the 
new name Avas inserted in the MSS. The 
Tell el- Kadi, a mound from the foot of 
which gushes out one of the largest foun- 
tains in the world, the main source of the 
•Jordan, is very probably the site of the 
town and citadel of Dan. The spring la 
called el LeddAn, possibly a corruption of 
Dan, and the stream from the spring iVaAt 
ed Dhan, while the name, Tell el Kadi 
" the Judge's mound," agrees in significa- 
tion with the ancient name. 3. Appar^ 
ently the name of a city, associated witl 
Javan, as one of the places in Southern 
Arabia from which the Phoenicians obtained 
wrought iron, cassia, and calamus (Ez. 
xxvii. 19). 

Dan'ites The. The descendants of 
Dan, and members of his tribe (Judg. xiii. 
2, xviii. 1, 11; 1 Chr. xii. 35). 

Dan-ja'an, a place named only in 2 
Sam. xxiv. 6 as one of the points visited by 
Joab in taking the census of the people. 
There seems no reason for doubting thai 
the well-known Dan is intended. 

Dance. The dance is spoken of in Holy 
Scripture universally as symbolical of som^ 
rejoicing, and is often coupled for the sake 
of contrast with mourning, as in Eccl. iii. 
4 (comp. Ps. XXX. 11; Matt. xi. 17). In 
the earlier period it is found combined with 
some song or refrain (Ex. xv. 20, xxxii. 18, 
19; 1 Sam. xxi. 11): and with the tam- 
bourine (A. V. " timbrel "), more especially 
in those impulsive outbursts of populai 
feeling which cannot find sufficient vent in 
voice or in gesture singly. Dancing formed 
a part of the religious ceremonies of the 
Egyptians, and was also common in private 
entertainments. The " feast unto the Lord," 
which Moses proposed to Pharaoh to hold, 
was reallv a dance. Women. h««wov*>r 



DANCE 



131 



iJANIEL 



nmong the Hebrews mad^ the dance their 
especial means of expressing their feelings, 
and so welcomed their husbands or friends 
on their return from battle. The "eating 
ind drmking and dancing " of the Amalek- 
ites is recorded, as is the people's " rising 
up to play," with a tacit censure. The He- 
brews, however, save in such moments of 
temptation, seem to have left dancing to 
the women. But more especially, on such 
ocr.asijns of triumph, any woman whose 
nearness of kin to the champion of the mo- 
ment gave her a public character among 
her own sex, seems to have felt that it was 
iier part to lead such a demonstration of 
triumph, or of welcome (Ex. xv. 20 ; Judg. 
si. 34). This marks the peculiarity of Da- 
vid's conduct, when, on the return of the 
Ark of God from its long sojourn among 
strangers and borderers, he (2 Sam. vi. 5- 
22) was himself the leader of the dance ; 
and here too the women, with their timbrels 
(see especially vv. 5, 19, 20, 22), took an 
important share. This fact brings out more 
markedly the feelings of Saul's daughter 
Michal, keeping aloof from the occasion, 
and "looking through a window" at the 
«cene. She should, in accordance with the 
examples of Miriam, &c., have herself led 
the female choir, and so come out to meet 
the Ark and her lord. She stays with the 
" household " (ver. 20), and " comes out to 
meet " him with reproaches, perhaps feeling 
that his zeal was a rebuke to her apathy. 
From the mention of "damsels," "tim- 
brels,' ami " dances " (Ps. Ixviii. 25, cxlix. 
3, cl. 4), as elements of religious wor- 
ship, it may perhaps be inferred that Da- 
vid's feeling led him to incorporate in its 
rites that popular mode of festive celebra- 
tion. In the earlier period of the Judges 
the dances of the virgins in Shiloh (Judg. 
xxi. 19-23) were certainly part of a reli- 
gious festivity. Dancing also had its place 
among merely festive amusements, apart 
from any religious character (Jer. xxxi. 4, 
13 ; Lam. v. 15 ; Mark vi. 22 ; Luke xv. 25). 
DancC- By this word is rendered in 
the A. V. the Hebrew term mdchdl, a musi- 
wtl instrument of percussion, supposed to 




If neical Instruraenti. Dance. ^Men ielsst hn.) 

have been used by the Hebrews at an early 
period of their history. In the grand Hal- | 
lelujah Psalm (cl.") AVi.ich closes that mag- 
nificent collection, the sacred poet exhorts 
mankind to I raise Jehovah in His sanctu- 



ary with all kinds of music ; and amongsi 
the instruments mentioned at the 3d, 4th, 
and 5th verses is found mdchdl. It is gen- 
erally believed to have been made of metal, 
open like a ring: it had many small 
bells attached to its border, and wa« 
played at weddings and merry-makings by 
women, who accompanied it with the voice. 
Dan'iel. 1. The second son of David 
by Abigail the Carmelitess (1 Chr. iii. I). 
In 2 Sam. iii. 3, he is called Chileab. 2- 
The fourth of " the greater prophets.** 
Nothing is known of his parentage or fam- 
ily. He appears, however, to have been 
of royal or noble descent (Dan. i. 3), and 
to have possessed considerable personal 
endowments (Dan. i. 4). He was taken to 
Babylon in " the third year of Jehoiakim " 
(b. c. 604), and trained for the king's ser- 
vice with his three companions. Like 
Joseph in earlier times, he gained the fa- 
vor of his guardian, and was divinely sup- 
ported in his resolve to abstain from the 
" king's meat " for fear of defilement (Dan. 
i. 8-16). At the close of his three years' 
discipline (Dan. i. 5, 18), Daniel had an 
opportunity of exercising his peculiar gift 
(Dan. i. 17) of interpreting dreams, On 
the occasion of Nebuchadnezzar's decree 
against the Magi (Dan. ii. 14, ff.). In con- 
sequence of his success he was made 
" ruler of the whole province of Babylon," 
and " chief of the governors over all the 
wise men of Babylon" (ii. 48). He after- 
wards interpreted the second dream of 
Nebuchadnezzar (iv. 8-27), and the hand- 
writing on the wall which disturbed the 
feast of Belshazzar (v. 10-28), though he 
no longer held his official position among 
the magi (Dan. v. 7, 8, 12), and probably 
lived at Susa (Dan. viii. 2). At the ac- 
cession of Darius he was made first of the 
"three presidents" of the empire (Dan. 
vi. 2), and was delivered from the lions' 
den, into which he had been cast for hia 
faithfulness to the rites of his faith (vi. 10- 
23 ; cf. Bel and Dr. 29-42). At the acces 
sion of Cyrus he still retained his prosi)eri- 
ty (vi. 28 ; cf. i. 21 ; Bel and Dr. 2) ; though 
he does not appear to have remained at 
Babylon (cf. Dan. i. 21), and in "the third 
year of Cyrus " (b. c. 534) he saw his last 
recorded vision on the banks of the Tigris 
(x. 1, 4). In the prophecies of Ezekiel 
mention is made of Daniel as a pattern of 
righteousness (xiv. 14, 20) and wisdom 
(xxviii. 3) ; and since Daniel was still 
yo'.ng at that time (circ. b. c. 588-584), 
some have thought that another prophet of 
the name must have lived at some earher 
time, perhaps during the captivity of Nin- 
eveh, whose fame was transferred to his 
later namesake. On the other hand the 
narrative in Dan. i. 11, implies that Daniel 
was conspicuously distinguished for purity 
and knowledge ^t a very early age (ef 



DANIEL, BOOK OF 



132 



DARL»A 



llisl. Sus. 45), aiul he may have been 
nearly forty years old at the time of 
Ezekiel's prophecy. 3. A descendant of 
Ithamar, who returned with Ezra (Ezr. 
viii. 2). 4. A priest who sealed the cove- 
nant drawn up by Nehemiah b. c. 445 (Neh. 
X. 6). He is perhaps the same as No. 3. 

Dan'ieLThe Book of, is the earliest 
example of apocalyptic literature, and in a 
groat degree the model according to which 
all later apocalypses were constructed. In 
this aspect it stands at the head of a series 
of writings in which the deepest th&uglits 
of the Jewish people found expression after 
the close of the prophetic era. The lan- 
guage of the book, no les^ than its general 
form, belongs to an era of transition. Like 
the book of Ezra, Daniel is composed part- 
ly in the vernacular Aramaic (Chaldee), 
and partly in the sacred Hebrew. The in- 
troduction (i.-ii. 4 a) is written in Hebrew. 
On the occasion of the " Syriac " (i. e. 
Aramaic) answer of the Chaldaeans, the 
language changes to Aramaic, and this is 
retained till the close of the seventh chap- 
ter (ii. 4 b — vii.). The personal intro- 
duction of Daniel as the writer of the text 
(viii. 1) is marked by the resumption of 
the Hebrew, which continues to the close 
of the book (viii.-xii.). The use of Greek 
technical terms marks a period when com- 
merce had already united Persia and Greece. 
The book may be divided into three parts. 
The first chapter forms an introduction. 
The next six chapters (ii.-vii.) give a gen- 
eral view of the progressive history of the 
powers of the world, and of the principles 
of the divine government as seen in events 
of the life of Daniel. The remainder of 
the book (viii.-xii.) traces in minuter de- 
tail the fortunes of the people of God, as 
typical of the fortunes of the Cliurcli in all 
ages. The unity of the book in its present 
form, notwithstanding the difference of lan- 
guage, is generally acknowledged. Still 
there is a remarkable difference in its in- 
ternal character. In the first seven chap- 
ters Daniel is spoken of historically (i. 6- 
21, ii. 14-49, iv. 8-27, v. 13-29, vi. 2-28, 
vii. I, 2) ; in the last five he appears per- 
sonally as the writer (vii. 15-28, viii. 1- 
ix. 22, x. 1-9, xii. 5). The cause of the 
difference of person is commonly supposed 
to lie in the nature of the case. It is, how- 
ever, more probable that the peculiarity 
arose from the manner in which the book 
assumed its final shape. The book exer- 
cised a great influence upon the Christian 
Church. Apart from the general type of 
Apocalyptic composition which the Apos- 
tolic writers derived from Daniel (2 Thess. 
ii. ; Rev. passim : cf. Matt. xxvi. 64, xxi. 
44?), the New Testament incidentally ac- 
knowledges each of the characteristic ele- 
ments ol tlie book, its miracles (Hebr. xi. 
i'6. 34) Its predictions (Matt. xxiv. 15), 



and lie doetrine of angels (luke i. 19, 26^. 
At a still earlier time the same iiifluen(;e 
I may be traced in tlie Apocrypha. The 
! authenticity of the book has been attackevi 
in modern times, and its composition as- 
cribed to the times of the Maccabees : but 
in doctrine the book is closely connected 
with the writings of the Exile, and forms a 
last step in the development of the ideas of 
Messiah (vii. 13, &c.), of the resurrection 
(xii. 2, 3), of the ministry of angels (viii. 
16, xii. 1, &c.), of personal devotion (vi. 
10, 11, i. 8), which formed the basis of 
later speculations, but received no essen- 
tial addition in the interval before the com- 
ing of our Lord. Generally it may be said 
that while the book presents in many re- 
spects a startling and exceptional charac- 
ter, yet it is far more difficult to explain 
its composition in the Maccabaean period 
than to connect the peculiarities wliicli it 
exhibits with the exigencies of the Return. 

Darnel, Apocryphal Additions to. 
The Greek translations of Daniel, like that 
of Esther, contain several pieces which are 
not found in the original text. The most 
important of these additions are containe«i 
in the Apocrypha of the English Bible un- 
der the titles of The Song of the Three Bohj 
Children, The History of Susannah, and 
The History of . . . Bel and the Dragon. 
The first of these pieces is incorporated 
into the narrative of Daniel. After the 
three confessors were thrown into the 
furnace (Dan. iii. 23), Azarias is repre- 
sented praying to God for deliverance 
(Song of Three Children, 3-22); and in 
answer the angel of the Lord shields them 
from the fire which consumes their enemies 
(23-27), whereupon "the three, as out of 
one mouth," raise a triumphant song (29- 
68), of which a chief part (35-66) has been 
used as a hymn in the Christian Church 
since the 4th century. The two other 
pieces appear more distinctly as appendi- 
ces, and offer no semblance of forming 
part of the original text. The History of 
Susannah (or The Judgment of Daniel) is 
generally found at the beginning of the 
book, though it also occurs after the 12th 
chapter. The History of Bel and the 
Dragon is placed at the •end of the book. 
The character of these additions indicates 
the hand of an Alexandrine writer ; and it 
is not unlikely that the translator of Daniel 
wrought up traditions which were already 
current, and appended them to his work. 

Dan'nalL, a city in the mountains ol 
Judah (Josh. xv. 49), and probably south 
or south-west of Hebron. No trace of its 
name has been discovered. 

Da'ra, 1 Chr. ii. 6. [Darda.] 

Dar'da, a son of Mahol, one of foui 
men of great fame for their wisdom, but 
surpassed by Solomon (1 K. iv. 31^. In 1 
Chr. ii. 6. however, the same four aamei 



DARIC 



133 



DAVID 



cueur again as "sons of Zerah," of the 
tribe of Judah, with the slight dilFerence 
that Darda appears as Dara. The identity 
of these persons with those in 1 K. iv. has 
been greatly debated ; but there cannot be 
oQuch reasonable doubt that they are the 
dame. 

Daric (A. V. '• dram ; " Ezr. ii. 69 ; viii. 
27; Neh, vii. 70, 71, 72; 1 Chr. xxix. 7), a 
i^old coin current in Palestine in the period 
after the return from Babylon. At these 
iimes there was no large issue of gold 
money except by the Persian kings. The 
Darics which have been discovered are 
tliick pieces of pure gold, of archaic style, 
bearing on the obverse the figure of a king 
with bow and javelin, or bow and dagger, 
and on the reverse an irregular incuse 
square. 

Dari'US, the name of several kings of 
Media and Persia. Three kings bearing 
this name are mentioned in the O. T. 1. 
Darius the Mede (Dan. xi. 1, vi. 1), "the 
^on of Ahasuerus of the seed of the Medes " 
(ix. 1), who succeeded to the Babylonian 
tingdom on the death of Belshazzar, being 
ihen sixty-two years old (Dan. v. 31 ; ix. 
I). Only one year of his reign is men- 
tioned (Dan. ix. 1, xi. 1) ; but that was of 
ifieat importance for the Jews. Daniel 
«^as advanced by the king to the highest 
iignity (Dan. vi. 1, ff.), probably in conse- 
liience of his former services (cf. Dan. v. 
17) ; and after Ms miraculous deliverance, 
Oarius issued a decree enjoining through- 
jut his dominions "reverence for the God 
it Daniel" (Dan. vi. 25, ff.). The ex- 
n:eme obscurity of the Babylonian annals 
"ias given occasion to different hj-potheses 
is to the name under which Darius the 
Mede is known in history; but he is prob- 
ibly the same as " Astyages," the last king 
jf the Medes. 2. Darius, the son of 
[Itstaspes the founder of the Ferso-Arian 
dynasty. Upon the usurpation of the Ma- 
gian Smerdis, he conspired with six other 
Persian chiefs to overthrow the impostor, 
and on the success of the plot was placed 
upon the throne, b. c. 521. His designs of 
foreign conquest were interrupted by a re- 
volt of the Babylonians. After the subju- 
gation of Babylon Darius turned his arms 
against Scythia, Libya, and India. The 
defeat of Marathon (b. c. 490) only roused 
him to prepare vigorously for that decisive 
struggle with the West which was now in- 
evitable. His plans were again thwarted 
by rebellion. With regard to the Jews, 
Darius Hystaspes pursued the same policy 
as Cyrus, and restored to them the privi- 
leges which they had lost (Ezr. v. 1, &c. ; 
vi. 1, &c.) 3. Darius the Persian (Neh. 
sii. 22) may be identified with Darius II. 
Nothus (Ochus), king of Persia b. c. 424-3 
to 405-4, if the whole passage in question 
raa •vritten by Nehijmiah. I*", however. 



the register was continued to a later time^ 
as is not improbable, the occurrence of the 
name Jaddua (vv. 11, 22) points to Dariui 
III. Codomannus, the antagonist of Alex* 
an ler, and last king of Persia b. c. 336 
330 (1 Mace. i. 1). 

Darkness is spoken of as encompass- 
ing tlie actual presence of God, as that out 
of which he speaks, the envelope, as it 
were, of Divine glory (Ex. xx. 21 ; IK. 
viii. 12). The plague of Darkness in Egypt 
has been ascribed by various commentators 
to non-miraculous agency, but no sufficient 
account of its intense degree, long duration, 
and limited area, as proceeding from any 
physical cause, has been given. The dark- 
ness "over all the land" (Matt, xxvii. 45) 
attending the crucifixion has been similarly 
attributed to an eclipse. Phlegon of Trallea 
indeed mentions an eclipse of intense dark- 
ness, which began at noon, and was com- 
bined, he saj^s, in Bithynia, with an earth- 
quake, which in the uncertain state of our 
chronology more or less nearly synchronizes 
with the event. Darkness is also, as in the 
expression "land of darkness," used for the 
state of the dead (Job x. 21, 22) ; and fre- 
quently figuratively, for ignorance and un- 
belief, as the privation of spiritual light 
(John i. 5, iii. 19). 

Dar'kon. Children of Darkon were 
among the " servants of Solomon " who re- 
turned from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr. 
ii. 56; Neh. vii. 53). 

Dates, 2 Chr. xxxi. 5, marg. [Palm 
Tree.] 

Da'thau, a Reubenite chieftain, son of 
Eliab, who joined the conspiracy of Korah 
the Levite (Num. xvi. 1, xxvi. 9 ; Deut. xi. 
6; Ps. cvi. 17). 

Daughter. 1. The word is used in 
Scripture not only for daughter, but for 
granddaughter or other female descendant, 
much in the same way and like extent with 
"son" (Gen. xxiv. 48, xxxi. 43). 2. The 
female inhabitants of a place, a country, or 
the females of a particular race are called 
daughters (Gen. vi. 2, xxvii. 46, xxviii. 6, 
xxxvi. 2 ; Num. xxv. 1 ; Deut. xxiii. 17 ; 
Is. iii. 16; Jer. xlvi. 11, xlix. 2, 3, 4; Luke 
xxiii. 28). 3. The same notion of descent 
explains the phrase "daughters of music," 
i. e. singing birds (Eccl. xii. 4), and the use 
of the word for branches of a tree (G(.n. 
xlix. 22), the pupil of the eye (Lam. ii. 18: 
Ps. xvii. 8), and the expression "daughter 
of 90 years," to denote the age of Sarah 
(Gen. xvii. 17). 4. It is also used of cilieL 
in general (Is. x. 32, xxiii. 12 ; Jer. vi. 2, 
26 ; Zech. ix. 9). 5. But more specifically 
of dependent towns or hamlets, while to the 
principal city the 'correlative "mother "is 
apphed (Num. xxi. 25; Josh. xvii. 11, 16; 
Judg. i. 27; 1 Chr. vii. 28; 2 Sam. xx. 19). 

David, the son of Jesse. His life may 
be divided into three portions: — I Ilii 



DAVID 



134 



DAVID 



youth btjfore his introduction to the court 
of Saul. II. His relations with Saul. III. 
His reign — I. The early life of David con- 
tains in many important respects the ante- 
cedents of his future career. 1. His fam- 
ily may best be seen in the form of a 
geiu^alogy. It thus appears that David 
was tlie youngest son, probably the youngest 
child, of a family of ten. His mother's 
name is unknown. His father, Jesse, was 
of a great age when David was still young 
(1 Sam. xvii. 12). His parents both lived 
till after his final rupture with Saul (1 Sam. 
xxii. 3). Through them David inherited 
several points which he never lost, (a) 
His connection with Moab through his 
great-grandmother Ruth. This he kept up 
when he escaped to Moab and intrusted his 
aged parents to the care of the king (1 Sam. 
xxii. 3). (6) His birthplace, Bethlehem. 
His recollection of the well of Bethlehem 
is one of the most touching incidents of his 
later life (1 Chr. xi. 17), and it is his con- 
nection with it that brought the place again 
in after times into universal fame (Luke ii. 
4). (c) His general connection with the 
tribe of Judah. {d) His relations to Zeru- 
iah and Abigail. Though called in 1 Chr. 
ii. 16, sisters of David, they are not ex- 
pressly called the daughters of Jesse ; and 
Abigail, in 2 Sam. xvii. 25, is called the 
daughter of Nahash. Is it too much to 
suppose that David's mother had been the 
wife or concubine of Nahash, and then 
married by Jesse ? 2. As the youngest of 
the family he may possibly have received 
from his parents the name, which first ap- 
pears in him, of David the beloved, the 
darling. Perhaps for this same reason he 
was never intimate with his brethren. The 
familiarity which he lost with his brothers 
he gained with his nephews. The three 
sons of his sister Zeruiah, and the one son 
of his sister Abigail, were probably of the 
same age as David himself, and they ac- 
cordingly were to him throughout life in 
the relation usually occupied by brothers 
and cousins. The two sons of his brother 



Shimeah are both connected with his aftei 
history. One was Jonadab, the fiiend and 
adviser of liis eldest son Amnon (2 Sam. 
xiii. 3). The other was Jonathan (2 Sam 
xxi. 21), who afterwards became the coun- 
sellor of David himself (1 Chr. xx\ii. 82). 
The first time that David appears in hist')ij 
at once admits us to the whole family circle 
There was a practice once a year at Beth 
lehem, probably at the first new moon oi 
the year, of holding a sacrificial feast, tA 
which Jesse, as the chief proprietor oi the 
place, would preside (1 Sam. xx. 6), with 
the elders of the town. At this or such like 
feast (xvi. 1) suddenly appeared th<j great 
prophet Samuel, driving a heifer before 
him, and having in his hand a horu of the 
consecrated oil of the Tabernacle. The 
heifer was killed. The party were waiting 
to begin the feast. Samuel stood with his 
horn to pour forth the oil, as if for an invi- 
tation to begin (comp. ix. 22). He was 
restrained by divine intimation as son after 
son passed by. Eliab, the eldest, by " his 
height " and " his countenance," seemed the 
natural counterpart of Saul, whose rival, 
unknown to them, the prophet came to se- 
lect. But the day was gone when kings 
were chosen because they were head and 
shoulders taller than the rest. " Samuel 
said unto Jesse, Are these all thy children ? 
And he said. There remaineth yet the 
youngest, and behold he keepeth the sheep." 
This is our first and most characteristic in- 
troduction to the future king. The boy 
was brought in. We are enabled to fix 
his appearance at once in our minds. He 
was of short stature, with red or auburn 
hair, such as is not unfrequently seen in 
his countrymen of the East at the present 
day. In later life he wore a beard. His 
bright eyes are especially mentioned (^xvi. 
12), and generally he was remarkable for 
the grace of his figure and countenance 
(" fair of eyes," " comely," " goodly," 
xvi. 12, 18, xvii. 42), well made, and of 
immense strength and agility. His swifl'- 
ness and activity made him (like his nephev 



Salmon or Salmah 
(Ruthiv. 21, IChr. ii. U). 



Booz •= Ruth = Mahlon. 
I (Ruth iv. 10) 

Obed 
(Ruth iv. 17). 



Elimelech » Naomi (Ruth i. 1). 
Chilion •= Orpab. 



(S Sun. zrlf. 2S) Nahash — unknown <= Jesse. 



Jonathan (1 Chr. xxvii. 32;. 



Zeruiah 
a Chr. 
u. Ifl). 



Abigail •- Jether 
(1 Chr. 
u. 17). 



— Ira?? 

(Jerome. 

Qu.Heb. 

on 1 Chr. 

xL40). 



Eliab, 
Elihu 
(IChr. 
xxvii. 
18). 



Abin- 
adab. 



Shammoh, 
Shinimah 
Shimeah 
(2 Sam. 
xxi. 21). 



Nethan- Raddai Ozem 

eel. (Rael, (Asam 

Jos. Ant. Jos. Ant. 

vi. 8. 1. vi. ?. I). 

Rei, Ewald). 

8^ 



l>(ahai. /oab. AsaheL Anasa AbihaiI«>Rehoboam. Jonathan 



Zebadiah 
O Ohr. xxviL 7> 



v»2 Chr. xi. 1). 



(2 Sam. xxi. 21 ; 

1 Chr. xxvii. 32) 

(Nathan ? V 

Jer. Qu.Heh. 

«n 1 Sam. xvi. 12). 



Jonadab 
(2 Sam. 
xiii. 3). 



Joe>? 
(Jerome, 
Qu.Heb. 
on 1 Chr. 
zi.aS). 



(one DATTB 

u not 

given, 

unleM 

Elih.li: 
IT and Arvb 
Chr. ii. Uy 



DAVIU 



135 



DAY II) 



A6al el") like a wild gazelle, his feet like 
hart's feet, and his arms strong enough 
U« break a bow of steel (Ps. xviii. 33, 34). 
He was pursuing the occupation allotted in 
Eastern countries usually to the slaves, the 
females, or the despised of tlie family. He 
asually carried a switch or wand in his hand 
(1 Sam. xvii, 40), such as would be used 
for hL dogs (xvii. 43), and a scrip or wal- 
let round his ne^k, to carry anything that 
was needed for liis shepherd's life (xvii. 
43). 3. But there was another preparation 
still more needed for his office, wliich is his 
next introduction to the history. When 
the holy-guard of Saul were discussing 
with their master where the best minstrel 
could be found to chase away his madness 
by music, one of the young men in the 
guard suggested David. Saul, with the 
absolute control inherent in the idea of an 
Oriental king, instantly sent for him, and 
m the successful effort of David's harp we 
have the first glimpse ^nto that genius for 
music and poetry which was afterwards 
consecrated in the Psalms. 4. One inci- 
dent alone of his solitary shepherd life has 
come down to us — his conflict with the 
lion and the bear in defence of his father's 
flocks (1 Sam. xvii. 34, 35). But it did 
not stand alone. He was already known to 
Saul's guards for his martial exploits, prob- 
ably against the Philistines (xvi. 18), and, 
when he suddenly appeared in the camp, 
his elder brother immediately guessed that 
he had left the sheep in his ardor to see the 
battle (xvii. 28). The scene of the battle 
is at Ephes-dammim, in the frontier-hills of 
Judah, called probably from this or similar 
encounters '' the bound of blood." Saul's 
army is encamped on one side of the ravine, 
the Philistines on the other ; the watercourse 
of Elah or "the Terebinth" runs between 
tht;m. A Philistine of gigantic stature, and 
clothed in complete armor, insults the com- 
paratively defenceless Israelites, amongst 
whom the king alone appears to be well 
armed (xvii. 38; comp. xiii. 20). No one 
can be found to take up the challenge. At 
this juncture David appears in the camp. 
Just as he comes to the circle of wagons 
jvliich formed, as in Arab settlements, a 
rude fortification round the Israelite camp 
(xvii. 20), he hears the well-known shout 
of the Israelite war-cry (comp. Num. xxiii. 
21). The martial spirit of the boy is stirred 
at the sound ; he leaves his provisions with 
the baggage- 'naster, and darts to join his 
brother*, like one of the royal messengers, 
irto the midst of the lines. Then he hears 
the challenge, now made for the fortieth 
time — s^es the dismay of his countrymen 

— hears the reward proposed by the king 

— goes with the impetuosity of youth from 
soldier to soldier talking of the event, in 
spite of his brother's rebuke — is intro- 
lured to Saul — uuilertakes the combat. 



His victory over tne gigantic Philistine il 
rendered more conspicuous by his own di- 
minutive stature, and by the simple weapons 
with wliich it was accomplished — not the 
armor of Saul, which he naturally found too 
large, but the shepherd's sling, which \w 
always carried with him, and the five pol- 
ished pebbles which he picked up as he wen i 
from the watercourse of the vallej, and put 
in his shepherd's wallet. Two trophies long 
remained of the battle — one, tlie huge 
sword of the Philistine, which was hung up 
behind the ephod in the Tabernacle at Nob 
(1 Sam. xxi. 9) ; the other, the head, which 
he bore away himself, and which was either 
laid up at Nob, or subsequently at Jeru- 
salem. — II. Relations with Saul. We 
now enter on a new aspect of David's life. 
The victory over Goliath had been a turn- 
ir>g point of his career. Saul inquired his 
parentage, and took him finally to his court. 
Jonathan was inspired by the romantic 
friendship which bound the two youths to- 
gether to the end of their lives. The tri- 
umphant songs of the Israelitish women 
announced that they felt that in him Israel 
had now found a deliverer mightier even 
than Saul. And in those songs, and in the 
fame which David thus acquired, was laid 
the foundation of that unhappy jealousy of 
Saul towards him, which, mingling with the 
king's constitutional malady, poisoned liis 
whole future relations to David. Three 
new qualities now began to develop them- 
selves in David's character, The first was 
his prudence. Secondly, we now see liis 
magnanimous forbearance, called forth, in 
the first instance, towards Saul, but dis- 
playing itself (with a few painful excep- 
tions) in the rest of his life. Thirdly, his 
hairbreadth escapes, continued through so 
many years, impressed upon him a sense 
of dependence on the Divine help, clearly 
derived from this epoch. This course of 
life subdivides itself into four portions : — 
1. His life at the court of Saul till his final 
escape (1 Sam. xviii. 2-xix. 18). His office 
is not exactly defined. But it would seem 
that, having been first armor-bear'^r (xvi. 
21, xviii. 2), then made captain over a 
thousand — the subdivision of a tribe — 
(xviii. 13), he finally, on his marriage with 
Michal, the king's second daughter, was 
raised to the high office of captain ol the 
king's body-guard, second only, if not 
equal, to Abner, t^^e captain of the host, 
and Jonathan, the heir apparent. Pliesc 
three formed the usual companion? of th( 
king at his meals (xx. 25). David was notr 
chiefly known for his successful exploits 
against the Philistines, by one of v hich he 
won his wife, and drove back the Philistine 
power with a blow from which it only ral- 
lied at the disastrous close of Saul's reign. 
He also still p'-rformed from time to time 
the office of minstrel. But the succ^'ssivf 



DAVID 



136 



IJAVID 



snares laid by Saul to entrap hirn, and the 
oj)en violence into which the king's mad- 
n(;ss twice broke ' ut, at last convinced him 
that his life was no longer safe. He had 
two faithful allies, however, in the court — 
the son of Saul, his friend Jonathan — the 
lauglitor of Saul, his wife Miclial. Warned 
>y tile one, and assisted by the other, he 
escaped by night, and was from thence- 
forward a fugitive. Jonathan he never 
Mw again except by stealth. Michal was 
given in marriage to another (Phaltiel), 
and he saw her no more till long after 
her father's death. 2. His escape (1 Sam. 
KiK. 18-xxi. 15). He first fled to Naioth 
(or the pastures) of Eamah, to Samuel. 
This is the first recorded occasion of his 
meeting with Samuel since the original in- 
cerview during his boyhood at Bethlehem. 
Up to this time both the king and himself 
tiad tliouglit that a reunion was possible 
(see XX. 5, 26). But the madness of Saul 
now became more settled and ferocious in 
character, and David's danger proportion- 
ably greater. The secret interview witli 
.Jonathan confirmed the alarm already ex- 
cited by Saul's endeavor to seize him at 
Raraali, and he now determined to leave 
his country, and take refuge, like Coriola- 
aus or Tliemistocles in like circumstances, 
in tlie court of his enemy. Before this last 
resolve, he visited Nob, the seat of the 
tabernacle, partly to obtain a final inter- 
view with the high-priest (1 Sam. xxii. 9, 
15), partly to obtain food and weapons. 
On the pretext of a secret mission from 
Saul, he gained an answer from the oracle, 
some of the consecrated loaves, and the 
consecrated sword of Goliath. His stay at 
tlie court of Achish was short. Discovered 
possibly by " the sword of Goliath," his 
presence rcA'ived the national enmity of the 
Philistines against their former conqueror, 
and he only escaped by feigning madness 
(1 Sam xxi. 13). 3. His life as an inde- 
pendent outlaw (xxii. 1-xxvi. 25). (a) 
His firs» retreat was the cave of Adullam, 
proliably the large cavern, not far from 
Bethlehem, now called Khureitun. From 
its vicinity to Bethlehem, he was joined 
there by his wliole family, now feeling them- 
selves insecure from Saul's fury (xxii. 1). 
This was probably the foundation of his 
intimate connection with his nephews, the 
sons of Zeruiah. (h) His next move was 
to a stronghold, either tlie mountain, after- 
wards called Herodium, close to Adullam, 
or the fiistness called by Josephus Mo.sada, 
tlie Grcized form of the Hebrew word 
Matzed (1 Sam. xxii. 4, 5 ; 1 Chr. xii. 16), 
in the neighborhood of En-gedi. Whilst 
there he had deposited his aged parents, 
for the sake of greater security, beyond the 
Jordan, with their ancestral kinsman of 
Moab {ih. 3). The neighboring king, 
l^ahash of Ammon, also treated him kindly 



(2 Sam. X. 2). Here occurred the chival 
rous exploit of the three heroe^' jutt men 
tioned to procure water from the well of 
Bethlehem, and David's chivalrous answer, 
like that of Alexander in the desert of 
j Gedrosia (1 Chr. xi. 16-19 ; 2 Sam. xxiii 
14-17). He was joined here by two sppa 
rate bands. One a little body of eleven 
fierce Gadite mountaineers, who swam th« 
Jordan in flood-time to reach him (1 Chr. 
xii. 8). Another was a detachment of men 
from Judah and Benjamin under his 
nephew Amasai, who henceforth attache*' 
himself to David's fortunes (1 Chr. xii. 16- 
18). (c) At the warning of Gad, he fled 
to the forest of Ilareth, and then again fell 
in with the Philistines, and again, appar- 
ently advised by Gad (xxiii. 4), made a 
descent on their foraging parties, and re- 
lieved Kcilah, in which he took up hip 
abode. Whilst there, now for the first timt 
in a fortified town of his own (xxiii. 7), he 
was joined by a new and most important 
ally — Abiathar, the last survivor of the 
house of Ithamar. By this time the 400 
who had joined him at Adullam (xxii. 2) 
had swelled to 600 (xxiii. 13). (d) The 
situation of David was now changed by the 
appearance of Saul himself on the scene. 
Apparently the danger was *.oo great foi 
the little army to keep together. They es-i 
caped from Keilah, and dispersed, ''whith 
ersoever they could go," among the fast- 
nesses of Judah. Henceforth it becomes 
difficult to follow his movements with ex- 
actness. But thus much we discern. He i§ 
in the wilderness of Ziph. Once (or twice) 
tlie Zipliites betray his movements to Saul. 
From thence Saul literally hunts him like a 
partridge, the treacherous Ziphites beating 
the bushes before him, and 3000 men sta- 
tioned to catch even the print of his footsteps 
on the hills (1 Sam. xxiii. 14, 22, xxiv. 11, 
xxvi. 2, 20). David finds himself driven to 
the extreme south of Judah, in the wildei- 
ness of Maon. On two, if not three occa- 
sions, the pursuer and pursued catch sight 
of each other (1 Sam. xxiii. 25-29, xxiv. 1- 
22, xxvi.). Whilst he was in the wilderness 
of Maon occurred David's adventure with 
Nabal, instructive as showing his mode 
of carrying on the freebooter's life, and his 
marriage with Abigail. His marriage with 
Ahinoam from Jezreel, also in the same 
neighborhood (Josh. xv. 56), seems to have 
taken place a short time before (1 Sam. xxv. 
43, xxvii. 3; 2 Sam. iii. 2). 4. His ser- 
vice under Achish (1 Sam. xxvii. 1 ; 2 Saiu. 
i. 27). Wearied with his wandering life 
he at last crosses the Philistine frontier 
not, as before, in the capacity of a fugitive, 
but the chief of a powerful band — his 600 
men now grown into an organized forc>?, 
with their wives and ff,milies around them 
(xxvii. 3, 4;. After tl e manner of Eastern 
potentates, Achish gav e l>im, for liis stipport 



UAVID 



137 



DAVID 



% fjlty — Ziklag on the frontier of Philistia 
(xxvii. 6). There we meet with the first 
ttote of time in David's life. He was set- 
tled there for a year and four months 
(xxvii. 7), and a body of Benjamite arch- 
ers an<l slingers, twenty-two of whom are 
specially named, joined him from the very 
tribe of his rival (1 Chr. xii. 1-7). He 
leccired Acuun into confidence by attack- 
ng the old Nomadic inhabitants of the 
iearrt frontier, and representing the plun- 
der to be of portions of the southern tribes 
or the Nomadic allied tribes of Israel. But 
this confidence was not shared by the Phi- 
listine nobles, and accordingly David was 
sent back by Achish from the last victo- 
rious campaign against Saul. During his 
absence the Bedouin Amalekites, whom he 
had plundered during the previous year, had 
made a descent upon Ziklag, burnt it to the 
v^round, and carried off the wives and chil- 
dren of the new settlement. A wild scene 
)f frantic grief and recrimination ensued 
between David and his followers. It was 
calmed by an oracle of assurance from 
A.biathar. Assisted by the Manassites who 
had joined him on the march to Gilboa (1 
Chr. xii. 19-21), he overtook the invaders 
in the desert, and recovered the spoil (1 
Sam. XXX.). Two days after this victory 
a Bedouin arrived from the north with the 
fatal news of the death at Gilboa. The 
reception of the tidings of the death of his 
rival and of his friend, the solemn mourn- 
ing, the vent of his indignation against the 
bearer of the message, the pathetic lamen- 
tation that followed, will close the second 
period of David's life (2 Sam. i. 1-27).— 
III. David's reign. (I.) As king of Judah 
at Hebror., 7h years (2 Sam. ii. 1-v. 5). 
Hebron was selected, doubtless, as the an- 
cient sacred city of the tribe of Judah, the 
burial-place of the patriarchs and the in- 
heritance of Caleb. Here David was first 
formally anointed king (2 Sam. ii. 4). 
To Judah his dominion was nominally con- 
tined. Gradually his power increased, 
and during the two years which followed 
the elevation of Ishbosheth a series of 
skirmishes took place between the two 
kingdoms. Then rapidly followed, though 
without David's consent, the successive 
murders of Abner and of Ishbosheth (2 
Sara. iii. 30, iv. 5). The throne, so long 
waiting for him, was now vacant, and the 
united voice of the whole people at once 
called him to occupy it. A solemn league 
v^as made between him and his people (2 
Sam. V. 3). For the third time David was 
anointed king, and a festival of three days 
celebrated the joyful event (1 Chr. xii. 39). 
His little band had now swelled into "a 
tfreat host, like the host of God" (1 Chr. 
»ii. 22). The command of it, which had 
formerly rested on Da id alone, he now 
tl^volved on his n'=»phew Joab (2 Sam. ii. 



28). (II.) Reign over all Isiatl, 33 yeara 
(2 Sam. V. 5 to 1 K. ii. 11). (1) The foun- 
dation of Jerusalem. One fastness alone in 
the centre of the land had hitherto defied 
the arms of Israel. On this, with a singu- 
lar prescience, David fixed as his future 
capital. By one sudden assault Jebus was 
taken. The reward bestowed oc the suc- 
cessful scaler of the precipice was the 
highest place in the army. Joab hznce- 
forward became captain of the host (1 Chr. 
xi. 6). The royal residence was instantly 
fixed there — fortifications were added by 
the king and by Joab — and it was known 
by the special name of the " city of David " 
(1 Chr. xi. 7; 2 Sam. v. 9). The TliiUs- 
tines made two ineffectual attacks on the 
new king (2 Sam. v. 17-20), and % retribu- 
tion on their former victories took place 
by the capture and conflagration of their 
own idols (1 Chr. xiv. 12). Tyre, now for 
the first time appearing in the sacred his- 
tory, allied herself with Israel ; and Hiram 
sent cedar- wood for the buildings of the new 
capital (2 Sam. v. 11), especially for the 
palace of David himself (2 Sam. vii. 2). 
Unhallowed and profane as the city had 
been before, it was at once elevated to a 
sanctity which it has never lost, above any 
of the ancient sanctuaries of the land. The 
ark was now removed from its obscurity 
at Kirjath-jearim with marked solemnity. 
A temporary halt (owing to the death of 
Uzza) detained it at Obed-edom's house, 
after which it again moved fcrward with 
great state to Jerusalem. It was the great- 
est day of David's life. One incident only 
tarnished its splendor — the reproach of 
Michal, his wife, as he was finally entering 
his own palace, to carry to his own household 
the benediction which he had already pro- 
nounced on his people. His act of severity 
towards her was an additional mark of the 
stress which he himself laid on the solem- 
nity (2 Sam. vi. 20-23 ; 1 Chr. xv. 29). 
(2) Foundation of the Court and Empire 
of Israel, 2 Sam. viii. to xii. The erec- 
tion of the new capital at Jerusalem in- 
troduces us to a new era in David's life 
and in the history of the monarchy. He 
became a king on the scale of the great 
Oriental sovereigns of Egypt and Persia, 
with a regular administration and organi- 
zation of court and camp; and he also 
founded an imperial dominion which for 
the first time realized the prophetic de- 
scription of the bounds of the chosen peo- 
ple (Gen. XV. 18-21). The internal organ- 
ization now established lasted till the final 
overthrow of the monarchy. The empire 
was of much shorter duration, continuing 
only through the reigns of David and his 
successor Solomon. But, for the period 
of its existence, it lent a peculiar character 
to the sacred history, (a) In the inter- 
nal organization of the kingdom th i f rsl 



DAVI1> 



138 



DAVID 



new element that has to be considered is 
the royal family, the dynasty, of which 
David Mas the founder, a position which 
entitled him to the name of "Patriarch" 
(Acts ii. 29), and (ultimately) of the ances- 
tor of the Messiah. Of these, Absalom 
and Adonijah both inherited their father's 
beauty (2 Sam. xiv. 25 ; IK. i. 6) ; but 
Solomon alone possessed any of his higher 
qualities. It was from a union of the chil- 
dren of Solomon and Absalom that the royal 
line was carried on (1 K. xv. 2). David's 
strong parental affection for all of them 
is very remarkable (2 Sam. xiii. 31, 33, 36, 
riv. 33, xviii. 5, 33, xix. 4 ; 1 K. i. 6). (6) 
The military organization, which was in 
fact inherited from Saul, but greatly devel- 
oped by David, was as follows : — (1) " The 
Host," i. e. the whole available military 
forc« of Israel, consisting of all males capa- 
ble of bearing arms, and summoned only 
for war. There were 12 divisions of 24,000 
each, who were held to be in duty month 
by month ; and over each of them presided 
an officer, selected for this purpose from 
the other military bodies formed by David 
(1 Clir. xxvii. 1-15). The army was still 
distinguished from those of surrounding 
nations by its primitive aspect of a force 
of infantry without cavalry. The only in- 
novations as yet allowed were the introduc- 
tion of a very limited number of chariots 
(2 Sam. viii. 4) and of mules for the 
princes and officer; instead of asses (2 
Sam. xiii. 29, xvii^ 9). (2) The Body- 
guard. This also "'P/1 existed in the court 
of Saul, and DavM himself had probably 
been its commaridiiig officer (1 Sam. xxii. 
14) But it noT?^ assumed a.peculiar organ- 
ization. They were at least in name for- 
eigners, as ^-aving been drawn from the 
Philistines, probably during David's resi- 
dence at tbo court of Gath. They are usually 
called from ihis circumstance " Cherethites 
and Pel^thites." The captain of the force 
was, however, not only not a foreigner, but 
m Israelite of the highest distinction and 
purest descent, who first appears in this 
capacity, but who outlired David, and 
became the chief support jf the throne of 
his son, namely Benaiah; son of the chief- 
priest Jehoiada, repreao'j iative of the eld- 
est branch of Aaron's bruse (2 Sam. viii. 
18, XV. 18, XX. 23; 3 K. i. 38,44). (3) 
The most peculiar rrijtary institution in 
David's army was t-nat wliich arose out 
of the peculiar circu<r.stances of his early 
life. The nucleus of what afterwards be- 
came the only standing army in David's 
forces was the band of 600 men who had 
gathered round him in his wanderings. The 
number of 600 was still preserved. It be- 
came yet further subdivided into three large 
bands of 200 each, and small bands of 20 
each. The small bands were commanded 
by 30 officers, one for each band, who to- 



gether /"ormed "the thirty,' andl^u^a larg€ 
bands by 3 officers, who together ♦brmed 
" the three," and the whole by one chief, 
' the captain of the mighty men " (2 Sam.' 
xxiii. 8-39; 1 Chr. xi. 9-47). The com- 
mander of the whole force was Abishci. 
David's nephew (1 Chr. xi. 20 ; and comp 
2 Sam. xvi. 9). (c) Side by side with this 
military organization were established social 
and moral institutions. Some were entirely 
for pastoral, agricultural, and finuncinl pur 
poses (1 Chr. xxvii. 25-31), others for judicial 
(1 Chr. xxvi. 29-32). Some ftw are namod 
as constituting what would now be called the 
court, or council of the king: the councillors, 
Aliithophel of Gilo, and Jonathan, the king's 
nephew (1 Chr. xxvii. 32, 33) ; the com- 
panion or "friend," Hushai (1 Chr. xxvii. 
33 ; 2 Sam. xv. 37, xvi. 19) ; the scribe, 
Sheva, or Seraiah, and at one time Jonatlian 
(2 Sam. XX. 25 ; 1 Chr. xxvii. 32) ; Jehosha- 
phat, the recorder or historian (2 Sam. xx 
24), and Adoram the tax-collector, both of 
whom survived him (2 Sam. xx. 24; 1 K 
xii. 18, iv. 3, 6 ). But the more peculiar of 
David's institutions were those directly bear- 
ing on religion. Two prophets appear as 
the king's constant advisers. Of these, 
Gad, who seems to have been the elder, had 
been David's companion in exile ; and, from 
his being called "the seer," belongs prob- 
ably to the earliest form of the prophetic 
schools. Nathan, who appears for the first 
time after the establishment of the kingdom 
of Jerusalem (2 Sam. vii. 2), is distin- 
guished both by his title of " prophet," and 
by the nature of the prophecies which he 
utters (2 Sam. vii. 5-17, xii. 1-14), as of 
the purest type of prophetic dispensation, 
and as the hope of the new generation, 
which he supports in the person of Sol- 
omon (1 K. i.). Two high-priests also 
appear — representatives of the two ri^al 
houses of Aaron (1 Chr.xxiv. 3) ; hereaga.in 
as in the case of the two prophets, one, Abia- 
thar, who attended him at Jerusalem, com- 
panion of his exile, and connected with the 
old time of the judges (1 Chr. xxvii. 34), 
joining him after the death of Saul, and be- 
coming afterwards the support of his son ; 
the other, Zadoc, who ministered at GiJ 
eon (1 Chr. xvi. 39), and who was mad 
the head of the Aaronic family (xxvii. 17). 
Besides these four great religious func- 
tionaries there were two classes of subor- 
dinates — prophets, specially instructed in 
singing and music, under Asaph, Homan 
the grandson of Samuel, and Jeduthun (1 
Chr. XXV. 1-31) — Levites, or attendants 
on the sanctuary, who again were subdi- 
vided into the guardians of the gates and 
guardians of the treasures (1 Chr. xxvi. 
1-28) which had been accumulated, since 
the rc-establishm.ent of the nation, by Sam- 
uel, Saul, Abner, Joab, and David himself 
1 Chr. xxvi. 26-28 V (d^ From th« in 



I 



J 

me 



DAVID 



139 



DAVLD 



temal state of David's kingdom we pass to 
its external relations. These will be found at 
length under the vai'ious countries to which 
they relate. It will be here only neces- 
sary to briefly indicate the enlargement of 
his dominions. Within ten years from the 
capture of Jerusalem, he had reduced to a 
state of permanent subjection the Philis- 
tines on the west (2 Sam. viii. 1) ; the 
MoABiTES on the east (2 Sam. viii. 2), b) 
the exploits of Benaiah (2 Sam. xxiii. 20) ; 
the Syrians on the north-east as far as the 
Euphrates (2 Sam. viii. 3) ; the Edomites 
(2 Sam. viii. 14), on the south; and finally 
the Ammonites, who had broken their an- 
cient alliance, and made one grand resist- 
ance to the advance of his empire (2 Sam. 
T. 1-19, xii. 26-31). These three last wars 
were entangled with each other. The last 
and crowning point was the siege of Rab- 
Dah. (3) Three great calamities may be 
selected as marking the beginning, middle, 
and close of David's otherwise prosperous 
reign ; which appears to be intimated in 
the question of Gad (2 Sam. xxiv. 13), " a 
three years' famine, a three months' flight, 
or a three days' pestilence." (a) Of these, 
the first (the three years' famine) intro- 
duces us to the last notices of David's re- 
lations with the house of Saul. There has 
often arisen a painful suspicion in later 
times, as there seems to have been at the 
time (xvi. 7), that the oracle, which gave 
as the cause of the famine Saul's massacre 
of the Gibeonites, may have been con- 
nected with the desire to extinguish the 
last remains of the fallen dynasty. But 
such an explanation is not needed. The 
massacre was probably the most receut 
national crime that had left any deep im- 
pression; and the whole tenor of D&vid's 
conduct towards Saul's family is of an op- 
posite kind, (b) The second group of in- 
cidents contains the tragedy of David's 
life, which grew in all its parts out of the 
polygamy, with its evil consequences, into 
which he had plunged on becoming king. 
Underneath the splendor of his last glori- 
ous campaign against the Ammonites, was 
a dark story, known probably at that time 
only to a very few; the double crime of 
adultery with Bathsheba, and of the virtual 
murder of Uriah. The crimes are un- 
doubtedly those of a common Oriental 
despot. But the rebuke of Nathan; the 
sudden revival of the king's conscience ; 
his grief for the sickness of the child ; the 
gathering of his uncles and elder brothers 
around him ; his return of hope and peace ; 
are characteristic of David, and of David 
only. But the clouds from this time gath- 
ered over David's fortunes, and hencefor- 
ward " the sword never departed from his 
house" (2 Sam. xii. 10). The outrage on 
his daughter Tamar; the murder of his 
eldest son Amnon ; and then the revolt of 



I hi« best-beloved Absalora.. oj<i,^,at on Uie 
, crisis which once more scdc U*. a foitii a wan- 
derer, as in the days whea i'e lied froo) 
'Saul; and this, the hea, isst trial of his 
life, was aggravated by the impetuosity of 
Joab, now perhaps, from his complicity in 
David's crime, more unmanageable thar 
ever. The rebellion was fostered appar- 
ently by the growing jealousy of the tribe 
of Judah at seeing their king absorbed into 
the whole nation; and if, as appears from 
2 Sam. xi. 3, xxiii. 34, Ahithophel was the 
grandfather of Bathsheba, its main sup- 
porter wa'j one whom David had provoked 
by his ov/n crimes. For its general course 
the reader is referred to the names just 
mentioned. Mahanaim was the capitaJ 
of David's exile, as it had been of the ex- 
iled house of Saul (2 Sam. xvii. 24 ; comp. 
ii. 8, 12). His forces were arranged under 
the three great military officers who re- 
mained faithful to hirf fortunes — Joab, cap- 
tain of the host; Abishai, captain of "the 
mighty men ; " and Ittai, who seems to 
have taken the place of Benaiah as cap- 
tain of the guard (2 Sam. xviii. 2). On 
Absalom's ?ide was David's nephew Amasa 
{ib. xvij. 25). The final battle was fought 
in the " forest of Ephraim," which termi- 
nated in the accident leading to the death 
of Ahsalom. At this point the narrative 
resumes its minute detail. The return was 
marked at every stage by rejoicmg and 
amnesty (2 Sam. xix. 16-40; 1 K. ii. 7). 
Oudah was first reconciled. The ember* 
of the insurrection, still smouldering (2 
Sam. xix. 41-43) in David's hereditary ene- 
mies of the tribe of Benjamin, were 
trampled out by the mixture of boldness 
and sagacity in Joab, now, after the mur- 
der of Amasa, once more in his old posi- 
tion. And David again reigned in undis- 
turbed peace at Jerusalem (2 Sam. xx. 
1-22). (c) The closing period of David's 
life, with the exception of one great calam 
ity, may be considered as a gradual prepa- 
ration for the reign of his successor. 
This calamity was the three days' pesti- 
lence which visited Jerusalem at the warp- 
ing of the prophet Gad. The occasion 
which led to this warning was the census 
of the people taken by Joab at the king's 
orders (2 Sam. xxix. 1-9 ; 1 Chr. xxi. 1-7, 
xxvii. 23, 24). Joab's repugnance to the 
measure was such that he refused alto- 
gether to number Levi and Benjamin (1 
Chr. xxi. 6). The plague and its cessation 
were commemorated down to the latest 
times of the Jewish nation. Outside the 
walls of Jerusalem, Araunah or Oman, a 
wealthy Jebusite — perhaps even the an- 
cient king of Jebus (2 Sam. xxiv. 23) — 
possessed a threshing-floor; there he and 
his sons were engaged in threshing the ourn 
gathered in from the harvest (1 Chr. xxi. 
20). At this sect a'" awful vision appeared^ 



DAVID, CITY OF 



140 



DAT 



such as is described in the later days of Je- 
rasalera, of the Angel of the Lord stretch- 
ing out a drawn sword between earth and 
sky ove" the devoted city. The scene of 
such an apparition at such a moment was 
at once marked out for a sanctuary. David 
demanded, and Araunah willingly granted, 
the site : the altar was erected on the rock 
of the threshing-floor ; the place was called 
by the name of '■^Moriah" 2 Chr. iii. 1); 
and for the first time a holy place, sancti- 
fied by a vision of the Divine presence, 
^'as recognized in Jerusalem. It was this 
spot which afterwards became the altar of 
the Temple, and therefore the centre of the 
national worship, with but slight interrup- 
tion, for more than 1000 years, and it is 
even contended that the same spot is the 
rock, still regarded w'th almost idolatrous 
veneration, in the centre of the Mussulman 
" Dome of the Rock." A formidable con- 
spiracy to interrupt the succession broke 
out in the last days of David's reign, which 
detaclved from his person two of his court, 
who from personal offence or adherence to 
the ancient family had been alienated from 
him — Joab and Abiathar. But Zadok, 
Natlrm, Benaiah, Shiraei, and Rei remain- 
ing firm, the plot was stifled, and Solo- 
mo!i's inauguration took place under his 
father's auspices (1 K. i. 1-53). By this 
time David's infirmities had grown upon 
him. The warmth of his exhausted frame 
was attempted to be restored by the intro- 
duction of a young Shunammite, of the 
name of Abishag, mentioned apparently 
for the sake of an incident which grew up 
m connection with her out of the later 
events (2 K. i. 1, ii. 17). His last song is 
preserved — a striking union of the ideal 
of a just ruler which he had placed before 
"lim, and of the difficulties which he had 
felt in realizing it (2 S vm. xxiii. 1-7). His 
last words, as recorde i, to his successor, 
are general exhortations to his duty, com- 
bined with warnings against Joab and 
Shimei, and charges to remember the chil- 
dren of Barzillai (1 K. ii. 1-9). He died, ac- 
cording to Josephus, at the age of 70, and 
'• was buried in the city of David." After 
the return from the captivity, *' the sepul- 
Cfhres of David " were still pointed out 
'* between Siloah and the house of the 
mighty men," or " the guardhouse" (Nel.. 
iii. 16). His tomb, which became the gen- 
eral sepulchre of the kings of Judah, was 
pointed out in the latest times of the Jew- 
ish people. The edifice shown as such 
from the Crusades to the present day is on 
the southern hill oi modern Jerusalem, 
comriionly called Mount Zion, under the 
so called " Coenaculum ; " but it cannot be 
identified with the tomb of David, wldch 
r»,9 imphatically within, the walls. 
Plivid, City of. [Jerusalem.] 
1 ay The variable l3ntj^th of the natu 



ral day at diflTerent seasons led in the very 
earliest times to the adoption of the ciriJ 
day (or one revolution of the sun) as a 
standard of time. The commencement of 
the civil day varies in different nations : 
the Babylonians reckoned it from sunrise 
to sunrise; the Umbrians from noon to 
noon; the Romans from midnigut to raid 
night ; the Athenians and others fi om sun- 
set to sunset. The Hebrews naturally 
adopted the latter reckoning (Lev. xxiii 
32, " from even to even shall ye celebrate 
your sabbath") from Gen. i. 5, "the even- 
ing and the morning were the first day." 
The Jews are supposed, like the modern 
Arabs, to have adopted from an early 
period minute specifications of the parts 
of the natural day. Roughly indeed they 
were content to divide it into " morning, 
evening, and noonday" (Ps. Iv. 17); but 
when they wished for greater accuracy they 
pointed to six unequal parts, each of which 
was again subdivided. These are held to 
have been: 1. "The dawn." 2. "Sun- 
rise." 3. "Heat of the day," about 9 
o'clock; 4. "The two noons" (Gen. xliiL 
16; Deut. xxviii. 29); 5. "The cool (lit. 
wind) of the day," before sunset (Gen. iii. 
8) ; so called by the Persians to this day • 
6. " Evening." The phrase " between the 
two evenings" (Ex. xvi. 12, xxx. 8), being 
the time marked for slaying the paschal 
lamb and offering the evening sacrifice 
(Ex. xii. 6, xxix. 39), led to a dispute be- 
tween the Karaites and Samaritans on the 
one hand, a,nd the Pharisees on the other. 
The former took it to mean between sunset 
and full darkness (Deut. xvi. 6) ; the Rab- 
binists explained it as the time between the 
beginning and end of sunset. Before the 
captivity the Jews divided the night into 
three watches (Ps. lxii\. 6, xc. 4) , viz. the 
first watch, lasting till midnight (Lam. ii. 
19, A. V. " the beginning of the watches ") ; 
the " Middle watch," lasting till cockcrow 
(Judg. vii. 19) ; and the morning watch, 
lasting till sunrise (Ex. xiv. 24). These 
divisions were probably connected with the 
Levitical duties in the Temple service. 
The Jews, however, say (in spito of their 
own definitio'i, "a watch is the third part 
of the night," that they always had four 
night-watclies (corap. Neh. ix. 3), but that 
the fourth was counted as a part of the 
morning. In the N. T. we have allusions 
to four watches, a division borrowed from 
the Greeks and Romans. These were, 1. 
from twilight till 9 o'clock (Mark. xi. 11; 
John XX 19); 2. miiniglit, from 9 till 12 
o'clock Mark xiii. 35); 3. till 3 in the 
morning (Mark xiii. 35 ; 3 Mace. v. 23) ; 
4. till daybreak (John xviii. 28). The 
word held to mean "hour "is first found 
in Dan. iii. 6, 15, v. 5. Perhaps the Jews, 
like the Greeks, learnt from the Babylonians 
the division ot the day intd 12 parts. In 



DAY'SMAN 



141 



DiSBORAU 



uur Lord's time the division was common 
(John xi. 9). 

Daysman, an old English term, mean- 
ing umpire or arbitrator (Job ix. 33). It 
is derived from day, in the specific sense of 
a day fixed for a trial. 

Deacon. The office described by this 
title appears in the N. T. as the correlative 
of Bishop. [Bishop.] The two are men- 
tioned together in Phil. i. 1 ; 1 Tim. iii. 2, 
8. Like most words of similar import, it 
appears to have been first used in its ge- 
neric sense, implying subordinate activity (1 
Cor. iii. 5 ; 2 Cor. vi. 4), and afterwards to 
have gained a more defined connotation, as 
applied to a distinct body of men in the 
Christian society. The narrative of Acts 
vi. is commonly referred to as giving an ac- 
count of the institution of this office. The 
Ipostles, in order to meet the complaints 
of the Hellenistic Jews, that their widows 
were neglected in the daily ministration, 
call on the body of believers to choose seven 
men "full of the Holy Ghost and of wis- 
dom," whom they " may appoint over this 
business." It may be questioned, however, 
whether the seven were not appointed to 
higher functions than those of the deacons 
of the N. T. There are indications, how- 
ever, of the existence of another body in 
the Church of Jerusalem whom we may 
compare with the deacons of Phil. i. 1, and 
1 Tim. iii. 8. As the " elders " of Acts 
xiv, 23, XV. 6 ; 1 Pet. v. 1, were not merely 
men adv^anced in years, so the " young 
men " of Acts v. 6, 10, were probably not 
merely young men, but persons occupying 
a distinct position and exercising distinct 
functions. Assuming the identity of the 
two names we have to ask — (1) To what 
previous organization, if any, the order is 
traceable ? (2) What were the qualifications 
and functions of the men so designated? I. 
As the constitution of the Jewish synagogue 
had its elders or pastors, so also it had its 
subordinate officers (Luke iv. 20), whose 
work it was to give the reader the rolls 
jontaining the lessons for the day, to clean 
the synagogue, to open and close it at the 
right times. II. The moral qualifications 
described in 1 Tim. iii., as necessary for the 
office of a deacon, are substantially the 
same as those of the bishop. The deacons, 
however, were not required to be " given 
to hospitality," nor to be " apt to teach." 
It was enough for them to " hold the mys- 
tery of the faith in a pure conscience." 
They were not to gain their living by dis- 
reputable occupations. On offering them- 
selves for their work they were to be subject 
10 a strict scrutiny (1 Tim. iii. 10), and if 
this ended satisfactorily were to enter on it. 
From the analogy of the synagogue, and 
from the scanty notices of the N. T., we 
may thiuic of the deacons or " young men " 
in the Church of Jerusalem ud preparing 



the rooms ii which the disciples n'»ct, taking 
part in the distribution of alms out of th« 
common fund, at first with no direct super- 
vision, than under that of the Seven, and 
afterwards under the elders, maintaining 
order at tl-e daily meetings of the discii^lea 
to break bre id, baptizing new converts, dis- 
tributing tlv3 bread and the wine of the 
Lord's Supper, which the Apostle or hie 
representative had blessed, li does not ap- 
pear to have belonged to the office of » 
deacon to teach pubhcly in the Church. 

Deaconess. The word (J«ujfoioe is found 
in Rom. xvi. 1 (A. V. " servant "), associ- 
ated with a female name, and this has led 
to the conclusion that there existed in the 
Apostolic age, as there undoubtedly did a 
little later, an order of women bearing that 
title, and exercising in relation to their owj< 
sex functions which were analogous to those 
of the deacons. On this hypothesis it ha«f 
been inferred that the women mentioned iii 
Rom. xvi. 6, 12, belonged to such an order. 
The rules given as to the conduct of women 
in 1 Tim. iii. 11, Tit. ii. 3, have in lik« 
manner been referred to them, and they 
have been identified even with the "wid- 
ows " of 1 Tim. V. 3-10. 

Dead Sea. This name nowhere occurs 
in the Bible, and appears not to have exist- 
ed until the 2d century after Christ. 1\\ 
the O. T. the lake is called " the Salt Sea," 
and "the Sea of the Plain," and unde/ 
the former of these names it is described. 

Dearth. [Famine.] 

De'bir, the name of three places of 
Palestine. 1. A town in the mountains ol 
Judah (Josh. xv. 49), one of a group of 
eleven cities to the west of Hebron. Th© 
earlier name of Debir was Kirjathsepher, 
" city of book " (Josh. xv. 15 ; Judg. i. 1)), 
and Kirjathsannah, " city of palm " (Josh. 
XV. 49) . It was one of the cities given with 
tlieir " suburbs " to the priests (Josh. xxi. 
15; 1 Chr. vi. 58). Debir has not been 
discovered with certainty in modern times ; 
but about three miles to the west of Hebron 
is a deep and secluded valley called the 
Wady Nunkiir^ enclosed on the north by 
hills, of which one bears a name certainly 
suggestive of Debir — Dewir-ban. 2. A 
place on the north boundary of Judah, near 
the " Valley of Achor " (Josh. xv. 7j, and 
therefore somewhere in the complications 
of hill and ravine behind Jericho. A Wady 
Dahor is marked in Van de Velde's map as 
close to the S. of Neby Musa, at the N. W. 
corner of the Dead Sea. 3. The "border 
of Debir " is named as forming part of the 
boundary of Gad (Josh. xiii. 26), and as ap- 
parently not far from Malianaim. 

De'bir, king of Eglon ; one of the five 
kings hanged by Joshua (Josh. x. 3, 23). 

Deb'orah. 1. The nurse of Rebekah 
(Gen. XXXV. 1). Deborah accompanied Re- 
bekah from the house of Bethu^l (G^n. 



DEBTOK 



WZ 



DEKAR 



xxlv. 69), and is only mentioned by name 
on the occasion of her burial, under the 
oak-tree of Bethel, which was called in her 
honor Allon-Bachuth. 2. A prophetess 
who judged Israel (Judg. iv., v.). She 
lived und( r the palm-tree of Deborah, be- 
tween Raraah and Bethel in Mount Ephraim 
(Judg. iv. 5), which, as palm-trees were 
rare in Palestine, " is mentioned as a well- 
known and solitary landmark, and was 
probably the same spot as that called (Judg. 
xx. 33) Baal-Tamar, or the sanctuary of 
the palm" (Stanley, S. and P. 146). She 
was probably a woman of Ephraim, al- 
though, from the expression in Judg. v. 13, 
some suppose her to have belonged to 
Issachar. Lapidoth was probably her hus- 
band, and not Barak, as some say. She 
was not so much a judge as one gifted with 
prophetic command (Judg. iv. 6, 14, v. 7), 
and by virtue of her inspiration " a mother 
in Israel." Jabin's tyranny was peculiarly 
felt in the northern tribes, who were near 
his capital and under her jurisdiction, viz. 
Zebulon, Naphtali, and Issachar : hence, 
when she summoned Barak to the deliver- 
ance, it was on them that the brunt of the 
battle fell. Under her direction Barak en- 
camped on the broad summit of Tabor. 
Deborah's prophecy was fulfilled (Judg. iv. 
i)), and the enemy's general perished among 
the "oaks of the wanderers (Zaanaim)," 
in the tent of the Bedouin Kenite's wife 
'■Judg. iv. 21) in the northern mountains. 
Deborah's title of "prophetess" includes 
.he notion of inspired poetry, as in Ex. xv. 
iO ; and in this sense the glorious trium- 
plial ode (Judg. v.) well vindicates her claim 
to tlie office. 

Debtor. [Loan.] 

Decap'olis. This name occurs only 
chrf e times in the Scriptures, Matt. iv. 25, 
EJfirk V. 20, and vii. 31. Immediately after 
:nt conquest of Syria by the Romans (b. c. 
65) ten cities appear to have been rebuilt, 
partially colonized, and endowed with pecu- 
liar privileges ; the country around them 
was hence called Decapolis. Pliny enumer- 
ates them as follows : Scythopolis, Hippos^ 
Gadara, Pella, Philadelphia, Gerasa, 
Dion, Canatha, Damo,scus, and Raphana. 
All the cities of Decapolis, with the single 
exception of Scythopolis, lay on the east of 
the Jordan. It would appear, however, 
from Matt. iv. 25, and Mark vii. 31, that 
Decapolis was a general appellation for a 
large district extending along both sides of 
the Jordan. Pliny says it reached from 
Damascus on the north to Philadelphia on 
the south, and from Scythopolis on the west 
to Canatha on the east. This region, once 
80 populous and prosperous, from which 
multitudes flocked to hear the Saviour and 
through which multitudes followed His 
footstepti. 16 n(»w almost without an inhab- 
itont. 



De'dan. 1. The name of a son of Ra& 

mah, son of Cush (Gen. x. 7; 1 Chr. i. 9). 
2. A son of Jokshan, son of Keturah 
(Gen. XXV. 3; 1 Chr. i. 32). — The pas- 
sages in the Bible in which Dedan is men- 
tioned (besides the genealogies above re- 
ferred to) are contained in the prophecies 
of Isaiah (xxi. 13), Jeremiah (xxv. 23, 
xlix. 8), and Ezekiel (xxv. 13, xxvii. 15, 
20, xxxviii. 13), and are in every case ob- 
scure. The probable inferences from tJiese 
mentions of Dedan are — 1. That Dedan, 
son of Raamah, settled on the shores of the 
Persian Gulf, and his descendants became 
caravan-merchants between that coast and 
Palestine. 2. That Jokshan, or a son of 
Jokslian, by intermarriage with the Cushite 
Dedan formed a tribe of the same name, 
which appears to have had its chief settle- 
ment in the borders of Idumaea, and per- 
haps to have led a pastoral life. 

Ded'anim, Is. xxi. 13. [Dedan. j 

Dedication, Feast of the, the fes- 
tival instituted to commemorate the purging 
of the Temple and the rebuilding of the 
altar after Judas Maccabaeus had drivefi 
out the Syrians, b. c. 164. It is named 
only once in the Canonical Scriptures, 
John X. 22. Its institution is recorded 1 
Mace. iv. 52-59. It commenced on the 
25th of Chisleu, the anniversary of the pol- 
lution of the Temple by Antiochus Epipha- 
nes, B. c. 167. Like tlie great Mosaic 
feasts, it lasted eiglit days, but it did not re- 
quire attendance at Jerusalem. It was an 
occasion of much festivity. The writer oi 
2 Mace, tells us that it was celebrated in 
nearly the same manner as the Feast of 
Tabernacles, with the carrying of branches 
of trees, and with much singing (x. 6, 7). 
Josephus states that the festival was called 
"Lights." In the Temple at Jerusalem 
the "Hallel" was sung every day of the 
feast. 

Deer. [Fallow-Deer.] 

Degrees, Songs of, a title given to 
fifteen Psalms, from cxx. to cxxxiv. in- 
clusive. Four of them are attributed to 
David, one is ascribed to the pen of 
Solomon, and the other ten give no indica- 
tion of their author. With respect to the 
term rendered in the A. V. " degrees," a 
great diversity of opinion prevails, but the 
most probable opinion is that they were 
pilgrim songs, sung by the people as they 
went up to Jerusalem. 

De'havites, mentioned only once in 
Scripture (Ezr. iv. 9) among the colonists 
planted in Samaria after the completion of 
the Captivity of Israel. They are proba- 
bly the Dal" or Dahi, mentioned by Herodo- 
tus (i. 125) among the nomadic tribes of 
Persia. 

De'kar. The son of Deker, t. e. Be» 
Deker, was Solomon's commissariat offioei 
in the western part nf the nili-countfT of 



DULAIAH 



143 



DEMON 



,/ulali and Benjamin, Shaalbira and Beth- 
ehemeiih (X K. iv. 9). 

Delai'ah. 1. A priest in tbe time of 
David, leader of the twenty-third course 
of priests (1 Chr. xxiv. 18). 2. " Children 
of Delaiah " were among the people of un- 
certain pedigree who returned from Babylon 
with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 60; Neh. fii. 62). 
3, Son of Mehctabeel and father of 
Shemaiah (Neh. vi. 10). 4. Son of Shem- 
aiah, one of the " princes " about the court 
of Jehoiakim (Jer. xxxvi. 12, 25). 

Del'ilah, a woman who dwelt in the 
valley of Sorek, beloved by Samson (Judg. 
xvi. 4-18). There seems to be little doubt 
"JhaX she was a Philistine courtesan. 
TSamson.] 

Deluge. [Noah.] 

De'lus, mentioned in 1 Mace. xv. 23, is 
the smallest of the islands called Cyclades 
in the Aegaean Sea. It was one of the chief 
seats of the worship of Apollo, and was 
celebrated as the birthplace of this god and 
of his sister Irtemis (Diana). 

De'mas, most probably a contraction 
from Demetrius, or perhaps from Demar- 
chus, a companion of St. Paul (Philem. 24 ; 
Col. iv. 14) during his first imprisonment 
at Rome. At a later period (2 Tim. iv. 
10) we find him mentioned as having de- 
serted the apostle through love of this 
present ^«^orld, and gone to Thessalonica. 

Deme'trius, a maker of silver shrines 
of Artemis at Ephesus (Acts xix. 24). 
These were small models of the great tem- 
ple of the Ephesian Artemis, with her statue, 
which it was customary to carry on jour- 
neys, and place on houses, as charms. 

Deme'trius I., surnamed Soter, " The 
Saviour," king of Syria, was the son of 
Seleucus Philopator, and grandson of Anti- 
»)chus the Great. While still a boy he was 
^ent by his father as a hostage to Rome 
(b. c. 175) in exchange for his uncle 
Antiochus Epiphanes. From his position 
he was unable to offer any opposition to the 
usurpation of the Syrian throne by Antio- 
chus IV. ; but on the death of that monarch 
(B.C. 161) he claimed his liberty and the 
recognition of his claim by the Roman 
aenat;} in preference to that of his cousin 
Anticchus V. His petition was refused ; he 
left Italy secretly, and landed with a small 
force at Tripolis in Phoenicia (2 Mace. xiv. 
1 ; 1 Mace. vii. 1). The Syrians soon 
'ieclared in his favjr (b. c. 162), and Antio- 
chus and his protector Lysias were put to 
leath (1 Mace. vii. 2, 3; 2 Mace. xiv. 2). 
nis i:ampaigns against the Jews were 
uufi^ocessful In b. c. 152, Alexander 
Bums was brought forward, with the con- 
ac-at of the Roman senate as a claimant to 
the throne. The rivals met in a decisive 
engagemen*; (b. c 160), and Demetrius, 
*Jhier displaying the greatest personal 



bravery, was defeated and elain (1 Macjr. 
X. 48-50). 




Tetradrachm (Attic talent) of Demetnui L 

Deme'trius II., " The Victorius " 
(Nicator), was the elder son of Demetriua 
Soter. He was sent by his father, together 
with his brother Antiochus, with a large 
treasure, to Cnidus, when Alexander Balao 
laid claim to the throne of Syria. When h's 
was grown up he made a descent on Syrii 
(b. c. 148), and was received with general 
favor (1 Mace. x. 67, ff.). His campaign/* 
against Jonathan and the Jews are described 
in 1 Mace, x., xi. In b. c. 138, Demetrius 
was taken prisoner by Arsaces VI. (Mith- 
ridates), whose dominions he had invaded 
(1 Mace. xiv. 1-3). Mithridates treated 
his captive honorably, and gave him his 
daughter in marriage. When Antiochus 
Sidetes, who had gained possession of the 
Syrian throne, invaded Parthia, Phraates 
employed Demetrius to effect a diversion. 
In this Demetrius succeeded, and whew 




Tetradrachm (Attic talent) of Demetrint 1> 

Antiochus fell in battle, he again took pos- 
session of the Syrian crown (b. c. 128). 
Not long afterwards a pretender, supported 
by Ptol. Physcon, appeared in the field 
against him, and after suffering a defeat he 
was assassinated, according to some by his 
wife, while attempting to escape by sea. 

Demon. Its usage in classical Greek 
is various. In Homer, where the gods are 
but supernatural men, it is used inter- 
changeably with ' ' god ; " afterwards in 
Hesiod, when the idea of the gods had 
become more exalted and less familiar, the 
" demons " are spoken of as intermediate 
beings, the messengers of the gods to men. 
In the Gospels generally, in James ii. 19, 
and in Rev. xvi. 14, the demons are spoken 
of as spiritual beings, at enmity with God, 
and having power to afflict man, not onlj 
with disease, but, as is marked by the 
freauent epithet " unclean, wilh spirituai 



DEMONIACS 



144 



DEPOSIT 



/jolluticn also. They " believe " the power 
5f God *' and tremble " (James ii. 19) ; they 
recognize the Lord as the Son of God 
(Matt. viii. 29 ; Lukeiv. 41), and acknowl- 
edge the power of His name, used in 
exorcism, in the place of the name of 
Jehovah, by His appointed messengers 
(Acts xix. 15) ; and look forward in terror 
to the judgment to come (Matt. viii. 29). 
The description is precisely that of a na- 
ture akin to the angelic in knowledge and 
powers, but with the emphatic addition of 
the idea of positive and active wickedness. 
Demoniacs. This word is frequently 
used in the N. T., and applied to persons 
suffering under the possession of a demon 
or evil spirit, such possession generally 
showing itself visibly in bodily disease or 
mental derangement. It has been main- 
tained by many persons that our Lord and 
the EvangeUsts, in referring to demoniacal 
possession, spoke only in accommodation 
to the general belief of the Jews, without 
any assertion as to its truth or its falsity. 
ft is concluded that, since the symptoms of 
the afl3.iction were frequently those of bodily 
disease (as dumbness, Matt. ix. 32 ; blind- 
ness, Matt. xii. 22; epilepsy, Mark ix. 
17-27), or those seen in cases of ordinary 
insanity (as in Matt. viii. 28 ; Mark v. 1-5) , 
and since also the phrase " to have a devil " 
is constantly used in connection with, and 
aa apparently equivalent to, "to be mad" 
'see John vii. 20, viii. 48, x. 20, and perhaps 
Matt. xi. 18; Luke vii. 33), the demoniacs 
were merely persons suffering under un- 
asual diseases of body and mind. But 
demoniacs are frequently distinguished from 
those afflicted with bodily sickness (see 
Mark i. 32, xvi. 17, 18; Luke vi. 17, 18), 
even, it would seem, from the epileptic 
(Matt. iv. 24) ; the same outward signs are 
sometimes referred to possession, some- 
times merely to disease (comp. Matt. iv. 
24, with xvii. 15 ; Matt. xii. 22, with Mark 
vii. 32, &c.) ; the demons are represented 
as speaking in their own persons with 
ifuperhuraan knowledge, and acknowledg- 
ing our Lord to be, not as the Jews gener- 
ally called him, son of David, but Son of 
God (Matt. viii. 29 ; Mark i. 24, v. 7 ; Luke 
iv. 41, &c.). All these things speak of a 
personal power of evil. Nor does our Lord 
speak of demons as personal spirits of evil 
to the multitude alone, but in His secret 
conversations with His disciples, declaring 
tlie means and conditions by which power 
over them could be exercised (Matt. xvii. 
21). Twice also He distinctly connects 
demoniacal possession with the power of 
the evil one ; once in Luke x. 18, to the 
H€venty disciples, where He speaks of His 
power and tiieirs over demoniacs as a " fall 
of Satan," and again in Matt. xii. 25-30, 
when He was accused of casting out demons 
through Beelzebub, and, instead of giving 



any hint that the possessed were not really 
under any direct and personal power of 
evil. He uses an argument, as to the division 
of Satan against himself, which, if posses- 
sion be unreal, becomes inconclusive and 
almost insincere. Lastly, the single fact 
recorded of the entrance of the demons at 
Gadara (Mark v. 10-14) into the herd of 
swine, and the effect which that entrance 
caused, is sufficient to overthrow the notion 
that our Lord and the Evangelists do not 
assert or imply any objective reaUty of 
possession. We are led, therefore, to the ' 
ordinary and literal interpretation of these 
passages, that there are evil spirits, subjects 
of the Evil One, who, in the days of the 
Lord Himself and His Apostles especially, 
were permitted by God to exercise a direct 
influence over the souls and bodies of 
certain men. This influence is clearlj 
distinguished from the ordinary power of 
corruption and temptation, wielded by Sa* 
tan through the permission of God. Tlie 
distinguishing feature of possession is the 
complete or incomplete loss of the suffer- 
er's reason or power of will ; his actions, 
his words, and almost his thoughts are 
mastered by the evil spirit (Mark i. 24, v. 
7 ; Acts xix. 15), till his personality seems 
to be destroyed, or, if not destroyed, so 
overborne as to produce the consciousness 
of a twofold will within him, like that some- 
times felt in a dream. 

Dena'rius, A. V. "penny" (Matt. 
xviii. 28, XX. 2, 9, 13, xxii. 19 ; Mark vi. 
37, xii. 15, xiv. 5 ; Luke *v^ii. 41, x. 35, xx. 
24 ; John vi. 7, xii. 5 ; Rev. vi. 6), a Roman 
silver coin, in the time of Our Saviour and 
the Apostles. It took its name from its 
being first equal to ten " asses," a number 
afterwards increased to sixteen. It was 
the principal silver coin of the Roman 
commonwealth. From tlie parable of the 
laborers in the vineyard it would seem that 
a denarius was then the ordinary pay for a 
day's labor (Matt. xx. 2, 4, 7, 9, 10, 13). 

Deposit, the arrangement by which one 
man kept at another's request the property 
of the latter, until demanded back, was one 
common to all the nations of antiquity. The 
exigencies of war and other causes of ab- 
sence must often have rendered such a de- 
posit, especially as regards animals, an own- 
er's only course. The articles specified by 
the Mosaic law are, (1.) " money or stuff ; '* 
and (2.) " an ass, or an ox, or a sheep, or 
any beast." The first case was viewed ae 
only liable to loss by theft, and the thief, if 
found, was to pay double. In tlie second, 
if the beast were to "die, or be hurt, or 
driven away, no man seeing it," the depos- 
itary was to purge himself by an oath before 
the judges. In case, however, the animal 
were stolen, the depositary was liable to 
restitution, which probably was necessaij 
to prevent collusive theft. 



1 



DEPUTY 



145 



DEUTERONOMY 



Deputy, the uniform rendering in the 
A.. V. of the Greek word which signifies 
"proconsul" (Acts xiii. 7, 8, 12, xix. 38). 
The English word is curious in itself, and 
to a certain extent appropriate, having been 
applied formerly to the Lord Lieutenant of 
Freland. 

Ber'be (Acts xiv. 20, 21, xvi. 1, xx. 4). 
Tho exact position of this town has not yet 
been ascertained, but its general situation 
is undoubted. It was in the eastern part of 
the great upland plain of Ltcaonia, which 
«iretches from Iconidm eastwards along the 
north side of the chain of Taurus. It must 
have been somewhere near the place where 
the pass called the Cilician Gates opened 
a way from tlie low plain of Cilicia to the 
table- land of the interior; and probably it 
"'as a stage upon the great road which 
passed this way. 

Desert, a word which is sparingly em- 
ployed in the A. V. to translate four He- 
brew terms, of which three are essentially 
different in signification. A " desert," in 
the sense which is ordinarily attached to 
the word, is a vast, burning, sandy plain, 
alike destitute of trees and of water. Here, 
it is simply necessary to show that the 
trords rendered in the A. V. by " desert," 
when used in the historical books, denoted 
definite localities; and that those localities 
do not answer to the common conception 
of a "desert." 1. Arabah. This word 
means that very depressed and enclosed 
region — the deepest and the hottest chasm 
in tlie world — the sunken valley north and 
south of the Dead Sea, but more particu- 
larly the former. [Arabah.] Arabah in 
the sense of the Jordan Valley is translated 
by the word " desert " only in Ez. xlvii. 8. 
In a more general sense of waste, deserted 
country — a meaning easily suggested by 
the idea of excessive heat contained in the 
root — " Desert," as the rendering of Ara- 
bah, occurs in the prophets and poetical 
b-joks; as Is xxxv. 1, 6, xl. 3, xli. 19, li. 
3 ; Jer. ii. 6, v. 6, xvii. 6, 1. 12 ; but this 
general sense is never found in the histori- 
cal books. 2. Midbar. This word, which 
GUI translators have most frequently ren- 
dered by •' desert," is accurately the '' pas- 
ture ground." It is most frequently used 
f.-r those tracts of waste land which lie be- 
yond the cultivated ground in the immedi- 
at<! neighborhood of the towns and villages 
of Palestine, and which are a very familiar 
feature to the traveller in that country. In 
the poetical books " desert " is found as the 
translation of Midbar in Deut. xxxii. 10; 
Job xxiv. 5 ; Is. xxi. 1 ; Jer. xxv. 24. 3. 
Charbah appears to have the force of dry- 
ness, and thence of desolation. It does 
not occur in any historical passages. It is 
renderei "desert" in Ps. cii. 6; Is. xlviii. 
21; Ei-ck. xiii. 4. The term commonly 
pniployed for it in the A. V. is " waste 
10 



places" or "desolation." 4. JeshImon, 
with the definite article, apparently denotes 
the waste tracts on both sides of the Dead 
Sea. In all these cases it is treated as a 
proper name in the A. V. Without the ar- 
ticle it occurs in a few passages of poetry ; 
in the following of which it is rendered 
"desert." Ps. Ixxxviii. 40, cvi. 14; Is 
xliii. 19, 20. 

Deu'el, father of Eliasaph, the " v\ap- 
tain " of the tribe of Gad at the time of the 
numbering of the people at Sinai (N im 
i. 14, vii. 42, 47, x. 20). The same man u 
mentioned again in ii. 14, but here the 
name appears as Reuel. 

Deuteronomy — which means " the 
repetition of the law " — consists chiefly of 
three discourses delivered by Moses short- 
ly before his death. Subjoined to these 
discourses are the Song of Moses, tlie 
Blessing of Moses, and the story of his 
death. I. The first discourse (i. 1-iv. 40). 
After a brief historical introduction, the 
speaker recapitulates the chief events of 
the last 40 years in the wilderness, and es- 
pecially those events which had the most 
immediate bearing on the entry of the peo- 
ple into the promised land. To this dis- 
course is appended a brief notice of the 
severing of the three cities of refuge on 
the east side of the Jordan (iv. 41-43). II. 
The second discourse is introduced like the 
first by an explanation of the circum- 
stances under which it was delivered (iv. 
44-49). It extends from chap. v. 1-xxvi, 
19, and contains a recapitulation, with some 
modifications and additions of the Law al- 
ready given on Mount Sinai. III. In the 
third discourse (xxvii. 1-xxx, 20), the El- 
ders of Israel are associated with Moses. 
The people are commanded to set up stones 
upon Mount Ebal, and on them to write 
" all the words of this law." Then follow 
ihe several curses to be pronounced by the 
Levites on Ebal (xxvii. 14-26), and the - 
blessings on Gerizim (xxviii. 1-14). IV. 
The delivery of the Law as written by ■ 
Moses (for its still further preservation) to ■< 
the custody of the Levites, and a charge to^ 
the people to hear it read once every seven . 
years (xxxi.) : the Song of Moses spoken i 
in the ears of the people (xxxi. 30-xxxii. 
44) : and the blessing of the twelve tribes i 
(xxxiii.). V. The Book closes (?vxxiv.)-i 
with an account of the death of Moses, 
which is first announced to him in xxxii.. 
48-52. It has been maintained by many 
modern critics that Deuteronomy is of 
later origin than the other four books of ' 
the Pentateuch ; but the book bears wit- 
ness to its own authorship (xxxi. 19), and" 
is expressly cited in the N. T. as the work, 
of Moses (Matt. xix. 7, 8; Mark x. S;. 
Acts iii. 22, vii. 37). The last chapter, 
containing an account of the death of 
Moses, was of course added by a latei- 



DEVIL 



14b 



DIANA 



Qand, and perhaps formed or?ginally the 
beginnmg of the book of Joshua. [Pen- 
tateuch.] 

Devil. The name describes Satan as 
slandering God to man, and man to God. 
The former work is, of course, a part of 
his great work of temptation to evil ; and 
IS not only exemplified but illustrated as to 
its general nature and tendency by the nar- 
rative of Gen. iii. The effect is to stir up 
the spirit of freedom in man to seek a fan- 
cied independence ; and it is but a slight 
8tep further to impute falsehood or cruelty 
to God. The other work, the slandering 
or accusing man before God, is, as it must 
necessarily be, unintelligible to us. The 
essence of this accusation is the imputa- 
tion of selfish motives (Job i. 9, 10), and 
Its refutation is placed in the self-sacrifice 
of those " who loved not their own lives 
unto death." [Satan ; Demon.] 

Dew. This in the summer is so copious 
in Palestine that it supplies to some extent 
the absence of rain (Ecclus. xviii. 16, xliii. 
22), and becomes important to the agricul- 
turist. As a proof of this copiousness the 
well-known sign of Gideon (Judg. vi. 37, 
39, 40) may be adduced. Thus it is coupled 
in the divine blessing with rain, or men- 
tioned as a prime source of fertility (Gen. 
xxvii. 28; Deut. xxxiii. 13; Zech. viii. 12), 
and its withdrawal is attributed to a curse 
(2 Sam. i. 21; 1 K, xvii. 1; Hag. i. 10). 
It becomes a leading object in prophetic 
iiDagery by reason of its penetrating mois- 
ture without the apparent effort of rain 
(Deut. xxxii. 2 ; Job xxix. 19 ; Ps. cxxxiii. 
3 ; Prov. xix. 12 ; Is. xxyi. 19 ; Hos. xiv. 
5 ; Mic. V. 7) ; while its speedy evanescence 
typifies the transient goodness of the hypo- 
crite (Hos. vi. 4, xiii. 3). 

Diadem. What the "diadem" of the 
Jews was we know not. That of other na- 
tions of antiquity was a fillet of silk, two 
inches broad, bound round the head and 
tied behind, the invention of which is at- 
tributed to Liber. Its color was gener- 




(M>T«rM of Tctimdrachm of Tigrkne*, Kinfr of 8yri«. 

ally white; sometimes, however, it was of 
blue, hke thet of Darius ; and it was sown 
with prarls or other gems (Zech. ix. 16), 
4.nd enriched with gold (Rev. ix. 7). It 
was peculiarly the mark 3f Oriental sover- 
eigns (1 Mace. «iil. .82). A crown was 



used by the kings of Israel, ereit ill battle 
(2 Sam. i. 10) ; but in all probability this 
was not the state crown (2 Sam xii. 80), 
although used in the coronation of Joash 
(2 K. xi. 12). In Esth. i. 11, ii. 17, we 
have ceiher for the turban worn by the 
Persian king, queen, or other eminent per- 
sons to whom it was conceded as a special 
favor (viii. 15). The diadem of the king 
differed from that of others in having an 
erect triangular peak. The words in Ez. 
xxiii. 15 mean long and flowing turbans of 
gorgeous colors. 

Dial. The word ma'dldth is the same 
as that rendered " steps " in A. V. (Ex. xx. 
26; 1 K. X. 19), and "degrees" in A. V. 
(2 K. XX. 9, 10, 11 ; Is. xxxviii. 8), where, 
to give a consistent rendering, we should 
read with the margin the " degrees " rather 
than the "dial " of Ahaz. In the absence 
of any materials for determining the shape 
and structure of the solar instrument, which 
certainly appears intended, the best course 
is to follow the most strictly natural mean- 
ing of the words, and to consider that the 
ma'aldth were really stairs, and that the 
shadow (perhaps of some column or obelisk 
on the top) fell on a greater or smaller 
number of them according as the sun was 
low or high. The terrace of a palace 
might easily be thus ornamented. 

Diamond (Heb. yahaldm), a precious 
stone, the third in the second row on the 
breastplate of the high-priest (Ex. xxviii 
18, xxxix. 11), and mentioned by Ezekie^ 
xxviii. 13) among the precious stones of 
the king of Tyre. Some suppose yahdldm 
to be the " emerald." Respecting shdmiry 
which is translated " diamond " in Jer. xvii. 
1, see under Adamant. 

Dian'a. This Latin word, properly de- 
noting a Ro,'' pn divinity, is the representa- 
tive of the Greek Artemis, the tutelary 
goddess of the Ephesians, who plays so 
important a part in the narrative of Acts 
xix. The Ephesian Diana was, hcwever. 
regarded as invested with very different 
attributes, and is rather to be identified 
with Astarte and other female divinities oi 
the East. The coin below will give some 
notion of the image of the true Ephesian 
Diana, which was grotesque and archaic in 
character. The head wore a mural crown, 
each hand held a bar of metal, and the 
lower part ended in a rude block covered 
with figures of animals and mystic inscrip- 
tions. This idol was regarded as an object 
of peculiar sanctity, and was believed to 
have fallen down from heaven (Acts xix 
35). The cry of the mob (Acts xix, 28), 
"Great is Dianp of the Ephesians 1" and 
the strong expression in ver. 27, "whom 
all Asia and the world worshippeth," may 
be abundantly illustrated from a variety of 
sources. The term "great" was evidently 
a tit'e of honor recotcni^ed as belon^int; t^ 



niBLAIM 



147 



DIONYSIES 



cLe Ephesian goddess. We find it in in- 
«criptious. 




Greek Imperial Copp«r Coin of Ephesus and Smyrna. 
Domitia witl name of proconauL 

Dibla'im, mother of Hosea's wife Go- 
aier (Hos. i. 3). 

Diblath. (accurately Diblah), a place 
named only in Ez. vi. 14, as if situated at 
one of the extremities of the land of Israel, 
is perhaps only another form of Riblah. 

JDi'bon. 1. A town on the east side of 
Jordan, in the rich pastoral country, which 
was taken possession of and rebuilt by 
the children of Gad (Num. xxxii. 3, 34). 
From this circumstance it possibly re- 
ceived thfi name of Dibon-Gad (Num. 
xxxiii. 45, 46). Its first mention is in 
Num. xxi. 30, and from this it appears to 
have belonged originally to the Moabites. 
We find Dibon counted to Reuben in the 
lists of Joshua (xiii. 9, 17). In the time 
of Isaiah and Jeremiah, however, it was 
again in possession of Moab (Is. xv. 2 ; 
Jer. xlviii. 18, 22, comp. 24). In the same 
denunciations of Isaiah it appears, prob- 
ably, under the name of Dimon. In mod- 
ern times the name Dhiban has been dis- 
covered as attached to extensive ruins on 
the Roman road, about three miles north 
of the Arnon ( Wady Modjeh). 2. One of 
the towns which were re-inhabited by the 
men of Judah after the return from cap- 
tivity (Neh. xi. 25), identical with Dimo- 

NAH. 

Di'bon-Gad. [Dibon.] 

Dib'ri, a Danite, father of Shelomith 
(Lev. xxiv. 11). 

Didrachmon. [Monet; Shekel.] 

Did'yinus, that is, the Twin, a sur- 
name of the Apostle Thomas (John xi. 16, 
"x. 24, xxi. 2). [Thomas.] 

Dik'lah (Gen. x. 27; 1 Chr. i. 21), a 
son of Joktan, whose settlements, in com- 
mon with those of the other sons of Jok- 
tan, must be looked for in Arabia. The 
aame in Hebrew signifies " a palm-tree ; " 
hence it is thought that Diklah is a part of 
Arabia containing many palm-trees. 

Direan, one of the cities in the low- 
lands of Judah (Josh. xv. 38). It has not 
been identified with certainty. 

Dim'nah, a city in the tribe of Zebu- 
lun, given to the Merarite Levites (Josh, 
xxi. 35). 

Di'mon,TlieWater8 of, some streams 
on the east of the Dead Sea, in the land of 
Moab, against which Isaiah i' here uttering 



denunciations (Is. xv. 9). Gesenius con- 
jectures that the two names Dimon and 
Dibon are the same. 

Dimo'nah, a city in the south of Judah 
(Josh. XV. 22), perhaps the same as Dibow 
in Neh. xi. 25. 

Di'iiah, the daughter of Jacob by Leah 
(Gen. XXX. 21). She accompanied her 
father from Mesopotamia to Canaan, and, 
having ventured among the inhabitants, 
was violated by Shechem the son of Hamor, 
the chieftain of the territory in which her 
father had settled (Gen. xxxiv.). Shechem 
proposed to make the usual reparation by 
paying a sum to the father and marrying 
her (Gen. xxxiv. 12). But in this case the 
suitor was an alien, and the crown of the 
offence consisted in its having been com- 
mitted by an alien against the favored peo- 
ple of God; he had "wrought folly in Is- 
rael " (xxxiv. 7). The proposals of Hamor, 
who acted as his deputy, were framed on 
the recognition of the hitherto complete 
separation of the two peoples ; he proposed 
the fusion of the two by the establishment 
of the rights of intermarriage and com- 
merce. The sons of Jacob, bent upon re- 
venge, availed themselves of the eagerness, 
which Shechem showed, to effect their pur- 
pose ; they demanded, as a condition of the 
proposed union, the circumcision of the 
Shechemites. They therefore assented; 
and on the third day, when the pain and 
fever resulting from the operation were at 
the highest, Simeon and Levi, own brothers 
to Dinah, attacked them unexpectedly, slew 
all the males, and plundered their city. 

Di'naites (Ezr. iv. 9), the name of 
some of the Cuthaean colonists who were 
placed in the cities of Samaria after the 
captivity of the ten tribes. 

Din'habah (Gen. xxxvl. 32 ; 1 Chr. i. 
43), the capital city, and probably the birth- 
place, of Bela, son of Beor, king of Edom 

Dionys'ia, "the feast of Bacchus," 
which was celebrated, especially in later 
times, with wild extravagance and licen- 
tious enthusiasm. Women, as well as men, 
joined in the processions, acting the part of 
Maenads, crowned with ivy and bearing 
the thyrsus. Shortly before the persecu- 
tion of Antiochus Epiphanes, 168 b. c, Ib 
which the Jews " were compelled to go in 
procession to Bacchus carrying ivy " (2 
Mace. vi. 7), the secret celebration of the 
Bacchanalia in Italy had been revealed to 
the Roman senate (b. c. 186). A decree 
was passed forbidding its observance in 
Rome or Italy. This fact offers the best 
commentary on the conduct of Antiochus. 

Dionys'ius the Areopagite (Acta 
xvii. 34). an eminent Athonian, ccmverted 
to Christianity by the preaching of St. 
Paul. He is said to have been first bishop 
of Athens. The w^ritings which were once 
attributed to him are now eonfesstd to \)^ 



JHOJSTSUS 



148 



DIVINATION 



i 



me production of some neo-Platonists of 
the 6th century. 

Diony'sus (2 Mace. xiv. 33 ; 3 Mace. ii. 
29), also called Bacchus, the god of wine. 
riis worship was greatly modified by the in- 
corporation of Eastern elements, and as- 
sumed the twofold form of wild orgies and 
mystic rites. To the Jew, Dionysus would 
necessarily appear as the embodiment of 
paganism in its most material shape, sanc- 
tioning the most tumultuous passions and 
the worst excesses. 

Dioscorin'thius. [Months.] 

Diot'replies, a Christian mentioned in 
8 John 9, but of whom nothing is known. 

Disciple. [Schools.] 

Diseases. [Medicine.] 

Dish. [Basin; Charger]. In ancient 
Egypt, and also in Judaea, guests at the 
table handled their food with the fingers. 
The same is the case in modern Egypt. 
Each person breaks off a small piece of 
bread, dips it in the dish, and then conveys 
it to his mouth, together with a small por- 
tion of the meat or other contents of the 
dish. To pick out a delicate morsel and 
hand it to a friend is esteemed a compli- 
ment, and to refuse such an offering is 
contrary to good manners. Judas dipping 
his hand in the same dish with our Lord 
was showing especial friendUness and inti- 
macy. 

Dis^han, the youngest son of Seir the 
Horite (Gen. xxxvi. 21, 28, 30; 1 Chr. i. 
.38, 42). 

Dis'hon. 1. The fifth son of Seir (Gen. 
xxxvi. 21, 26, 30; 1 Chr. i. 38). 2. The 
son of i\nah and grandson of Seir (Gen. 
xxxvi. 25; 1 Chr, i. 38). 

Dispersion, The Jews of the, or 
eiuiply The Dispersion, was the general 
title applied to those Jews who remained 
settlfd in foreign counti'ies after the return 
from the Babylonian exile, and during the 
period of the second Temple. The Disper- 
sion, as a distinct element influencing the 
entire character of the Jews, dates from the 
Babylonian exile. Outwardly and inward- 
ly , by its effects both on the Gentiles and on 
the: people of Israel, the Dispersion appears 
to h?,i'e been the clearest providential prep- 
aration for the spread of Christianity. At 
the beginning of the Christian era the Dis- 
persion was divided into three great sec- 
tions, the Babylonian, the Syrian, the 
Egyptian. Precedence was yielded to the 
first. From Babylon the Jews spread 
throufifhout Persia, Media, and Parthia. 
The Greek conquests in Asia extended the 
limits of the Dispersion. Seleucus Nicator 
transplanted large bodies of Jewish colo- 
nists from Babylonia to the capitals of his 
western provinces. His policy was fol- 
lowed by his successor Antiochus the Great; 
and the persecutions of Antiochus Epipha- 
nies only served to push forward the Jewish 



emigration to the remoter dislricts of hi» 
empire. Large settlements of Jews were 
established in Cyjirus, in the islands of the 
Aegaean, and on the western coast of Asia 
Minor. The Jews of the Syrian provinces 
gradually formed a closer connei?tion with 
their new homes, and together with the 
Greek language adopted in many respects 
Greek ideas. This Hellenizing tendency, 
however, found its most free development 
at Alexandria. The Jewish settlements 
established there by Alexander and Ftolemy 
I. became the source of the African disper- 
sion, which spread over the north coast of 
Africa, and perhaps inland to Abyssinia. 
At Cyrene and Berenice (Tripoli) the Jew- 
ish inhabitants formed a considerable por- 
tion of the population. The Jewish settle- 
ments in Rome were consequent upon the 
occupation of Jerusalem by Pompey b. c. 
63. The captives and emigrants whom he 
brought with him were located in the trans- 
Tiberine quarter. In the reign of Claudius 
the Jews became objects of suspicion from 
their immense numbers ; and the internal 
disputes led to their banishment from the 
city (Acts xviii. 2). This expulsion, ii' 
general, can only have been temporary, foi 
in a few years the Jews at Rome were 
numerous (Acts xxviii. 17, ff.). The influ- 
ence of the Dispersion on the rapid prom- 
ulgation of Christianity can scarcely bf 
overrated. The course of the apostolic 
preaching followed in a regular progress 
the line of Jewish settlements. The mixed 
assembly from which the first converts were 
gathered on the day of Pentecost represent- 
ed each Division of the Dispersion (Acts 
ii. 9-11; (1) Parthians . . . Mesopotamia; 

(2) Judaea (i. e. Syria) . . . Pamphylia; 

(3) Egypt . . . Greece; (4) Romans . . . )» 
and these converts naturally prepared the 
way for the apostles in the interval which 
preceded the beginning of the separate ap« 
ostolic missions. St. James and St. Peter 
wrote to the Jews of the Dispersion (Jam. 
i. 1; 1 Pet. i. 1). 

Divination has been universal in all 
ages, and all nations alike civilized and 
savage. Numerous forms of divination are 
mentioned, such as divination by rods (Hos. 
iv. 12 ; divination by arrows (Ez. xxi. 21) ; 
divination by cups (Gen. xliv. 5) ; consul- 
tation of Teraphim (Zech. x. 2; Ez. xxi. 
21 ; 1 Sam. xv. 23) [Terapaim] ; divina- 
tion by the liver (Ez. xxi. 21) ; divination 
by dreams (Deut. xiii. 2, 3 ; Judg. vii. 13 ; 
Jer. xxiii. 32) ; consultation of oracles (Is. 
xli. 21-24, xliv . 7). Moses forbade every 
species of divination because a prying into 
the future clouds the mind with supersti- 
tion, and because it wciuld have been an 
incentive to idolatry : in ieed the frequent 
denunciations of the sin in the prophets 
tend to prove that these forbidden arts pre- 
sented peculiar temptations to apostate Is- 



DIVORCE 



149 



DOR 



rael. But God supplied his people with 
substitutes for divination, which would have 
rendered it superfluous, and left them in no 
doubt as to his will in circumstances of 
ianger, had they continued faithful. It 
was only when they were unfaithful that 
the revelation was withdrawn (1 Sam. 
xxviil. 6; 2 Sam. ii. 1, v. 23, &c.). Super- 
stition not unfreL^uently goes hand in hand 
w^ith scepticism, and hence, amid the gen- 
eral hifidelity prevalent through the Roman 
empire at our Lord's coming, imposture 
was rampant ; as a glance at the pages of 
Tacitus will suffice to prove. Hence the 
lucrative trades of such men as Simon 
Magus (Acts viii. 9), Bar-jesus (Acts viii. 
6, 8), the slave with the spirit of Python 
(Acts xvi. 16), the vagabond Jews, exorcists 
(Luke xi. 19 ; Acts xix. 13), and others (2 
rim. iii. 13; Rev. xix. 20, &c.), as well as 
the notorious dealers in magical books at 
Ephesus (Acts xix. 19). 

Divorce. The law regulating this sub- 
ject is found Deut. xxiv. 1-4, and the cases 
in which the right of a husband to divorce 
his wife was lost, are stated ib. xxii. 19, 29. 
The ground of divorce is a point on which 
the Jewish doctors of the period of the N. 
T. widely differed ; the school of Shammai 
seeming to limit it to a moral delinquency 
in the woman, whilst that of Hillel extended 
•t to trifling causes, e. g., if the wife burnt 
the food she was cooking for her husband. 
The Pharisees wished perhaps to embroil 
3ur Jiaviour with these rival schools by their 
'Question (Matt. xix. 3) ; by His answer to 
■jrhich, as well as by His previous maxim 
(v. 31), he declares that but for their hard- 
ened state of heart, such questions would 
have no place. Yet from the distinction 
made, " but I say nnVo you," v. 31, 32, it 
seems to follow, that he regarded all the 
lesser causes than " fornication " as stand- 
ing on too weak ground, and declined the 
question of how to interpret the words of 
Moses. 

Diz'ahab, a place in the Arabian Des- 
ert, mentioned Deut. i. 1, is identified with 
Dahah, a cape on the W. shore of the Gulf 
of AJcabah. 

Dod'ai, an Ahohite who commanded the 
course of the 2d month (1 Chr. xxvii. 
4). It is probable that he is the same as 
Dodo, 2. 

Dod'anim, Gen. x. 4 ; 1 Chr. i. 7 (in 
some copies and in marg. of A. V. 1 Chr. 
L 7, Rodanim), a family or race descended 
from Javan, the son of Japhet (Gen. x. 4 ; 
1 Chr. i. 7). The weight of authority is in 
favor of the former name. Dodanimis re- 
garded as identical with the Dardani, who 
were found in liistorical times in Illyricum 
and Troy. 

Dod'avab., a man of Maresha in Judah, 
father of Eliezer, who denounced Jehosha- 
phat't alliarce with Ah?tziah (2 Chr. xx.37 ) 



Do'do. 1. A man of Bethlehem, fa thei 
of Elhanan, who was one of David's thirty 
captains (2 Sam. xxiii. 24; 1 Chr. xi. 26). 
He is a different person from, 2. Dodo 
THE Ahohite, father of Eleazar, the second 
of the three mighty men who were over the 
thirty (2 Sam. xxiii. 9 ; 1 Chr. xi. 12). He, 
or his son — in wliich case we must suppose 
the words "Eleazar son of" to have es- 
caped from the text — probably had the 
command of the second monthly course (1 
Chr. xxvii, 4). In the latter passage the 
name is Dodai. 

Do'eg, an Idumaean, chief of Saul's 
herdmen. He was at Nob when Ahimelech 
gave David the sword of Goliath, and not 
only gave information to Saul, but when 
others declined the office, himself executed 
the king's order to destroy the priests of 
Nob, with their families, to the number of 
85 persons, together with all their property 
(1 Sam. xxi. 7, xxii. 9, 18, 22; Ps. Iii.). 

Dog, an animal frequently mentioned 
in Scripture. It was used by the Hebrews 
as a watch for their houses (Is. Ivi. 10), 
and for guarding their flocks (Job, xxx. 1). 
Then also, as now, troops of hungry and 
semi-wild dogs used to wander about the 
fields and streets of the cities, devouring 
dead bodies and other offal (1 K. xiv. 11, 
xvi. 4. xxi. 19, 23, xxii. 38 ; 2 K. ix. 10, 36; 
Jer. XV. 3; Ps. lix. 6, 14), and thus became 
such objects of dislike that fierce and cruel 
enemies are poetically styled dogs in Ps. 
xxii. 16, 20. Moreover the dog being an 
uncloan animal (Is.lxvi. 3), the terms dog, 
dead dog, dog's head, were used as terms 
of reproach, or of humility in speaking of 
one's self (1 Sam. xxiv. 14 ; 2 Sam. iii. 8, ix. 
8, xvi. 9; 2 K. viii. 13). Stanley mentions 
that he saw on the very site of Jezreel the 
descendants of the dogs that devoured Jez- 
ebel, prowling on the mounds without the 
walls for offal and carrion thrown out to 
them to consume. 

Doors. [Gates.] 

Doph'kah., a place mentioned (Num. 
xxxiii. 12) as a station in the Desert where 
the Israelites encamped ; see Wilderness. 

Dor (Josh. xvii. 11; 1 K. iv. 11: 1 
Mace. XV. 11), an ancient royal city of the 
Canaanites (Josh. xii. 23), whose ruler waf 
an ally of Jabin king of Hazor against 
Joshua (Josh, xi. 1, 2). It was probably 
the most southern settlement of the Phoeni- 
cians on the coast of Syria. It appears to 
have been within the territory of the tribe 
of Asher, though allotted to Manasseh(Josh. 
xvii. 11 ; Judg. i. 27). The original inhab- 
itants were never expelled ; but during the 
prosperous reigns of David and Solomon 
they were made tributary (Judg. i. 27, 28), 
and the latter monarch stationed at Dor 
one of his twelve purveyors (1 K. iv. 11). 
Jerome places it on the coast, " in the ninth 
mile from Caesarea. on the way to Ptole 



DORA 



IDO 



DREAMS 



oia.^." Just at the point iudicated is the 
Buiall village of Tantiira., probably an Arab 
corruption of Dora, consisting of about 
tliirty houses, wholly constructed of ancient 
materials. 

Do ra. 1 Mace. xv. 11, 13, 25. [Dor.] 

Dor'cas. [Tabitha.] 

Dosith'eus, " a priest and Levite," 
who carried the translation of Esther to 
Egypt (Esth. xi. 1, 2). 

Do'thaim. [Dothan.] 

Do'thLan, a place first mentioned (Gen. 
XXXV ii. 17) in connection with the history of 
Joseph, and apparently as in the neighbor- 
hood of Shechem. It next appears as the 
residence of Elisha (2 K. vi. 13). Later 
still we encounter it under the name of 
Dothaim, as a landmark in the account of 
Holofernes's campaign against Bethulia 
(Jud. iv. 6, vii. 3, 18, viii. 3). It was 
known to Eusebius, who places it 12 miles 
to the N. of Sebaste (Samaria) ; and here 
it has been discovered in our own times, 
still bearing its ancient name unimpaired. 

Dove (Heb. r»w<J/i). The first mention 
of this bird occurs in Gen. viii. The dove's 
rapidity of flight is alluded to in Ps. Iv. 6 ; 
the beauty of its plumage in Ps. Ixviii. 13; 
its dwelling in the rocks and valleys in Jar. 
xlviii 28, and Ez. vii. 16; its mournful 
voioe in Is. xxxviii. 14, lix. 11 ; Nah. ii. 7 ; 
Its harmlessness in Matt. x. 16; its sim- 
plicity in Hos. vii. 11, and its amativeness 
in Cant. i. 15, ii. 14. Doves are kept in a 
domesticated state in many parts of the 
East. In Persia pigeon-houses are erected 
at a distance from the dwellings, for the 
purpose of collecting the dung as manure. 
There is probably an allusion to such a cus- 
tom in Is. Ix. 8. 

Dove's Dung. Various explanations 
have been given of the passage in 2 K. vi. 
25, which describes the famine of Samaria 
to have been so excessive, that "an ass's 
head was sold for fourscore pieces of silver, 
and the fourth part of a cab of dove's dung 
for five pieces of silver." Bochart has 
labored to show that it denotes a species 
of cicer^ "chick-pea," which he says the 
Arabs call usndn, and sometimes improp- 
erly "dove's or sparrow's dung." It can 
scarcely be beheved that even in the worst 
horrors of a siege a substance so vile as is 
implied by the literal rendering should 
have been used for food. 

Dowry. [Marriage.] 

Drachm (2 Mace. iv. 19, x. 20, xii. 43 ; 
Luke XV. 8, 9), a Greek silver coin, vary- 
ing in weight on account of the use of dif- 
ferent talents. In Luke (A. V. "piece 
of silver") denarii seem to be intended. 
[Money; Silver, Piece of.] 

Dragon. The translators of the A. V., 
apparently following the Vulgate, have 
rendered by the same word " dragon " the 
two Ilcbri.'w M ords T%n and Tannin^ which 



appear to be quite distinct in meaning. 
The former is used, always in the plaral, 
in Job XXX. 29; Is. xxxiv. 13, xliii. 20; in 
Is. xiii. 22 ; in Jer. x. 22, xlix. 33 ; in Pa. 
xliv. 19; and in Jer. ix. 11, xiv. 6, Ii. 37; 
Mic. i. 8. It is always applied to somo 
creatures inhabiting the desert, and we 
should conclude from this that it refers 
rather to some wild beast than to a serpent. 
The Syriac renders it by a word which, 
according to Pococke, means a "jackal.*' 
II. The word tannin seems to refer to any 
great monster, whether of the land or the 
sea, being indeed more usually applied to 
some kind of serpent or reptile, but not 
exclusively restricted to that sense. When 
we examine special passages we find the 
word used in Gen. i. 21, of the great sea^ 
monsters, the representatives of the inhab- 
itants of the deep. On the other hand, in 
Ex. vii. 9, 10, 12, Deut. xxxii. 33, Ps. x-i. 
13, it refers to land-serpents of a powerful 
and deadly kind. In the N. T. it is only 
found in the Apocalypse (Rev. xii. 3, 4, 7, 
9, 16, 17, &c.), as applied metaphorically 
to " the old serpent, called the Devil, and 
Satan," the description of the "dragon" 
being dictated by the symbolical meaning 
of the image rather than by any reference 
to any actually existing creature. The 
reason of this scriptural symbol is to be 
sought not only in the union of gigantic 
power with craft and malignity, of which 
the serpent is the natural emblem, but in 
the record of the serpent's agency in the 
temptation (Gen. iii.). 

Dram. [Daric] 

Dreams. The Scripture declares, thai 
the influence of the Spirit of God upon the 
soul extends to its , sleeping as well as its 
waking thoughts. But, in accordance with 
the principle enunciated by St. Paul in 1 
Cor. xiv. 15, dreams, in wliich the under- 
standing is asleep, are placed below the 
visions of prophecy, in which the under- 
standing plays its part. It is true that the 
book of Job, standing as it does on llu« 
basis of " natural religion," dwells on 
dreams and " visions in deep sleep," as the 
chosen method of God's revelation of Him- 
self to man (see Job iv. 13, vii. 14, xxxiii. 
15). But in Num. xii. 6; Deut. xiii. 1, 3, 
5 ; Jer. xxvii. 9 ; Joel ii. 28, &c., dreamers 
of dreams, whether true or false, are placed 
below " prophets," and even below "divi- 
ners ; " and similarly in the climax of 1 
Sam. xxviii. 6, we read that "Jehovah 
answered Saul not, neither by dreams, nor 
by Urim [by symbol], nor by prophets." 
Under tlie Christian dispensation, wliile 
we read frequently of trances and visions, 
dreams are never referred to as vehiclei! 
of divine revelation. In exact accordance 
with this principle are the actual records of 
the dreams sent by God. The greater uum- 
, ber of such dreams were granted, lor pre- 



1 



DKESS 



151 



DRESS 



diction OT lor warning, to those who were 
aliens to the Jewish covenant. And, where 
dreams are lecorded as means of God's 
revelation to His chosen servants, they are 
almost always referred to the periods of 
their earliest and most imperfect knowledge 
of Him. 

Dress. This subject includes the follow- 
ing particulars : 1. Materials. 2. Color 
and decoration. 3. Name, form, and mode 
of wearing the various articles. 4. Special 
usages relating thereto. 1. The earhest 
and simplest robe was made out of the 
leaves of a tree, portious of which were 
sewn together, so as to form an apron (Gen. 
iii. 7). After the fall, the skins of animals 
iupphed a more durable material (Gen. iii. 
21), which was adapted to a rude state of 
society, and is stated to have been used by 
various ancient nations. Skins were not 
wholly disused at later periods : the " man- 
tle " worn by Elijah appears to have been 
the skin of a sheep or some other animal 
with the wool left on. It was characteristic 
of a prophet's office from its mean appear- 
ance (Zech. xiii. 4; cf. Matt. vii. 15). Pe- 
lisses of sheepskin still form an ordinary 
article of dress in the East. The art of 
weaving hair was known to the Hebrews at 
an early period (Ex. xxvi. 7, xxxv. 6) ; the 
sackcloth used by mourners was of this 
material. John the Baptist's robe was of 
f^^mel's hair (Matt. iii. 4). Wool, we may 
presume, was introduced at a very early 
perioil, the flocks of the pastoral families 
being kept partly for their wool (Gen. 
Kxxs'iii. 12) : it was at all times largely em- 
ployed, particularly for the outer garments 
(Lev. xiii. 47; Deut. xxii. 11; &c.). It is 
probable that the acquaintance of the He- 
brews with linen, and perhaps cotton, dates 
iTom the period of the captivity in Egypt, 
when they were instructed in the manufac- 
lure (1 Chr. iv. 21). After their return to 
I'alestine we have frequent notices of linen. 
r>ilk was not introduced until a very late 
period (Rev. xviii. 12). The use of mixed 
Diaterial, such as wool and flax, was forbid- 
den (Lev. xix. 19 ; Deut. xxii. 11). 2. Color 
a Tid decoration. — The prevailing color of 
the Hebrew dress was the natural white of 
the materials employed, which might be 
bi ought to a high state of brilliancy by the 
an of the fuller (Mark ix. 3). It is un- 
certain when the art of dyeing became 
known to the Hebrews; the dress worn by 
Joseph (Gen. xxxvii. 3, 23) is variously 
taken to be either a " coat of divers colors," 
or a tunic furnished with sleeves and reach- 
ing down to the ankles. The latter is 
probably the correct sense. The notice of 
scarlet thread (Gen. xxxviii. 28) imphes 
some acquaintance with dyeing. The 
Egyptians had carried the art of weaving 
and euibjoidery to a high state of perfec- 
tion, and Iron I tliem the Hebrews k-rned 



various methoas of producing decorated 
stuffs. The elements of ornamentation 
were — (1) weaving with threads previous- 
ly dyed (Ex. xxxv. 25) ; (2) the introduc- 
tion of gold thread or wire (Ex. xxvii. 6, 1^.) ; 
(3) the addition of figures. These devices 
may have been either woven into the stutT', 
or cut out of other stuff" and afterwards ut- 
tached by needlework : in the former case 
the pattern would appear only on one side. 
in the latter the pattern might be varied. 
Robes decorated with gold (Ps. xlv. 13), 
and at a later period with silver thread (cf. 
Acts xii. 21), were worn by royal person- 
ages ; other kinds of embroidered robes 
were worn by the wealthy both of Tyre (Ez. 
xvi. 13) and Palestine (Judg. v. 30: Ps. 
xlv. 14). The art does not appear to have 
been maintained among the Hebrews : the 
Babylonians and other Eastern nations 
(Josh. vii. 21 ; Ez. xxvii. 24), as well as the 
Egyptians (Ez. xxvii. 7), excelled in it. 
Nor does the art of dyeing appear to have 
been followed up in Palestine : dyed robes 
were imported from foreign countries 
(Zeph. i. 8), particularly from Phoenicia, 
and were not much used on account of 
their expensiveness : purple (Prov. xxxi. 
22 ; Luke xvi. 19) and scarlet (2 Sam. i. 
24) were occasionally worn by the wealthy. 
The surrounding nations were more lavish 
in their use of tliem : the wealthy Tyrians 
(Ez. xxvii. 7), the Midianitish kings (Judg. 
viii. 26), the Assyrian nobles (Ez. xxiii. 6), 
and Persian officers (Esth. viii. 15), are all 
represented in purple. 3. The names, 
forms, and Tnode of wearing the robes. — It 
is difficult to give a satisfactory account of 
the various articles of dress mentioned in 
the Bible. The general characteristics of 
Oriental dress have indeed preserved a re- 
markable uniformity in all ages : the mod- 
ern Arab dresses much as the ancient He- 
brew did ; there are the same flowing robes, 
the same distinction between the outer and 
inner garments, the former heavy and 
warm, the latter light, adapted to the rapid 
and excessive changes of temperature in 
those countries ; and there is the same dis 
tinction between the costume of the rich and 
the poor, consisting in the multiplication 
of robes of a finer texture and more ample 
dimensions. Hence the numerous illustra- 
tions of ancient costume, whicn may be 
drawn from the usages of modern Orientals, 
supplying in great measure the want of 
contemporaneous representations Tho < os 
tuuie of the men and women was \ ery simi- 
lar ; there was sufficient uifTerence, however, 
to mark the sex, and it was strictly forbidden 
to a woman to wear the appendages, such as 
the staff", signet-ring, and other ornament; , 
or, according to Josephus, the weapons, of a 
man ; as well as to a man to wear the outer 
robe of a woiaan (Deut. xxii. 5). We siialJ 
first describe the robes which werp :!ommoD 



DRESS 



102 



DRESS 



to the two sexes, and then those which were 
peculiar to women. (1.) The cethdneth was 
the most essential article of dress. It was 
ft closely-fitting garment, resembling inform 
and use our shirt, though unfortunately 
translated coat in the A. V. The material 
of wliich it was made was either wool, cot- 
ton, or linen. The primitive cethdneth was 
><ithout sleeves and reached only to the 
knee. Another kind reached to the wrists 
ind ar.kles. It was in either case kept 
'^lose to the body by a girdle, and the fold 
formed by the overlapping of the robe 
served as an inner pocket. A person wear- 
ing the cethdneth alone was described as 
naked, A. V. The annexed woodcut (fig. 
' "» represents the simplest style of Oriental 




fig. 1. — An Egyptian. (Lane's Modem Egyptians.) 

Iress, a long loose shirt or cethdneth with- 
out a girdle, reaching nearly to the ankle. 
(2.) The sddin appears to have been a 
wrapper of fine linen, which might be used 
in various ways, but especially as a night- 
shirt (Mark xiv. 51). (3.) The meil was 
an upper or second tunic, the difference 
being that it was longer than the first. As 
in article of ordinary dress it was worn by 
kings (1 Sam. xxiv. 4), prophets (1 Sara. 
x.<»'iii. 14\ nobles (Job i. 20), and youtlis 
(1 Sam. ii. 19). It may, however, be 
doubted whether the term is used in its 
epeeific sense in these passages, and not 
rather for any robe that chanced to be worn 
over the cethdneth. Where two tunics are 
msntioned (Luke iii. 11) as being worn at 
the sa:iie time, the second would be a meil ; 
tra\ell«TS generally wore two, but the prac- 
tice was forbidden to the disciples (Matt. 
X. 10; Luke ix. 3). The dress of the mid- 
dle and upper classes in modern Egypt (fig. 
2) illustrates the customs of the Hebrews. 
''4.) Thft ordinary outer garment consisted 



of a quadrangular piece of woollen cloth, 
probably resembling in ahape a Scotck 
plaid. The size and texture would vary 
with the means of the wearer. The He- 
brew terms referring to it are — simlah, 
sometimes put for clothes generally (Gen 
XXXV. 2, xxxvii. 34; Ex. iii. 22, x^cii. 9- 
Deut. X. 18 ; Is. iii. 7, iv. 1) ; heged., wtii. L 




Fig. 2. — An Egyptian of the Upper Classes. (Lane.; 

is more usual in speaking of robes of g 
handsome and substantial character (Gen. 
xxvii. 15, xli. 42 ; Ex. xxviii. 2 ; 1 K. xxii 
10 ; 2 Chr. xviii. 9 ; Is. Ixiii. 1) ; cSsnth, 
appropriate to passages where covering oi 
protection is the prominent idea (Ex. xxii. 
26 ; Job xxvi. 6, xxxi. 19) ; and lastly 
lebush, usual in poetry, but specially ap- 
plied to a warrior's cloak (2 Sam. xx. 8), 
priests' vestments (2 K. x. 32)^ and royal 
apparel (Esth. vi. 11, viii. 15). Another 
term, mad, is specifically applied to a long 
cloak (Judg. ii. 16; 2 Sam, xx. 8), and to 
the priest's coat (Lev. vi. 10). The beged 
might be worn in various ways, either 
wrapped round the body, or worn over the 
shoulders, Uke a shawl, with the ends or 
" skirts " hanging down in front, or it might 
be thrown over the head, so as to conceal 
the face (2 Sam. xv. 30; Esth. vi. 12). 
The ends were skirted with a fringe and 
bound with a dark purple ribbon (Num. xv. 
38) : it was confined at the waist by a 
girdle, and the fold, formed by the ovei- 
lapping of the robe, served as a pocket. 
■"ne dress of the women differed from that 
of the men in regard to the outer garment, 
the cethdneth being worn equally by both 
sexes (Cant. v. 3). The names of tiieir dis- 
tinctive robes were as follow : (1) vnitpa- 
chath (veil, wimple, A. V.), a kind of sl>awl 
(Ruth iii. 15 ; Is. iii. 22) ; (2) wa'atAphah 
(mantle^ A. V.), another kind of shav fla 



DRESS 



153 



DKINK 



ili. 22; ; (3) tsatph (veil, A. V.)> probably 
a light summer dress of handsome appear- 
ance and oi ample dimensions ; (4) rddid 
veil, A. "V.)> a similar robe (Is. iii. 23; 
Cant- V. 7) ; (5) petMgi (stomacher, A. 
v.), a term of doubtful origin, but proba- 
bly significant of a gay holiday dress (Is. 
ii. 24) ; (6) qilyonim (Is. iii. 23), also a 
It nibtful word, probably means, as in the 
A. v., glasses. The garments of females 
jrere terminated by an ample border of 
fringe (skirts, A. V.), which concealed the 
feet (Is. xlvii. 2; Jer. xiii. 22). Figs. 3 
and 4 illustrate some of the peculiarities 
k)f female dress ; the former is an Egyptian 
roman in her walking dress : the latter 
represents a dress, probably of great an- 
tiquity, still worn by the peasants in the 
south of Egypt. The references to Greek 
or Roman dress are few : the /Xafivq (2 
Mace. xii. 35; Matt, xxvii. 28) was either 
the paludamentum, the military scarf of 
the Roman soldiery, or the Greek chlamys 
itself, which was introduced under the Em- 
perors : it was especially worn by ofl&cers. 
The travelling cloak referred to by St. Paul 
(2 Tim. iv. 13) is generally identified with 
the Roman paenida, of which it may be a 
corruption. It is, however, otherwise ex- 
plained as a travelling-case for carrying 
clothes or books. 4. Special usages re- 
lating to dress. — The length of the dress 
rendered it inconvenient for active exer- 
cise ; hence the outer garments were either 
left in the house by a person working close 
by (Matt. xxiv. 18) or were thrown off 
when the occasion arose (Mark x. 50; 




entering a house the upjier garment waa 
probably laid aside, and resumed on going 
out (Acts xii. 8). In a sitting posture, the 
garments concealed the feet ; this was hold 
to be an act of reverence (Is. vi 2). Th^ 
number of suits possessed by the Hebrew 
was considerable : a single suit consisi 




Fi9 8. — An Egyptian Woman. (Lane.) 

iohii xiii. 4; Acts vii. 58), or, if this was 
not possible, as in the case of a person 
travelling they were girded up (1 K. xviii. 
46 i 2 K. iv. 29, ix. 1 ; 1 Pet. i. 13) ; on 



Fig. 4. — A Woman of the Southern FroTince of VtV 

£S7P^ (Lane.) 

ed of an under and upper garment. The 
presentation of a robe in many instances 
amounted to installation or investiture 
(Gen. xii. 42; Esth. viii. 15; Is. xxii 
21) ; on the other hand, taking it away 
amounted to dismissal from oflice (2 Mace, 
iv. 38). The production of the best robf 
was a mark of special honor in a household 
(Luke XV. 22). The number of robes thus 
received or kept in store for presents was 
very large, and formed one of the main 
elements of wealth in the East (Job xxiL 
16; Matt. vi. 19; James v. 2), so that to 
have clothing == to be wealthy and power- 
ful (Is. iii. 6, 7). On grand occasions the 
entertainer offered becoming robes to his 
guests. The business of making clothes 
devolved upon women in a family (Prov. 
xxxi. 22 ; Acts ix. 39) ; little art was re- 
quired in what we may term the tailoring 
department; the garments came forth for 
the most part ready made from the loom, 
so that the weaver supplanted the tailor. 

Drink, Strong. The Hebrew term 
shSear, in its etymological sense, applies to 
any beverage that had intoxicating qual- 
ities. We may infer from Cant. viii. 2 
that the Hebrews were in the habit of ex- 
pressing the juice of other fruits besides 
the grape for the purpose of making wine ; 
the pomegranate, which is there noticed, 
was probably one out of many fruits so 
used. With regard to the application of 



DROMEDAKT 



lo4 



EAGLE 



iie term in later times we have tlie ex- 
plicit statement of Jerome, as well as other 
sources of information, from which we 
may state that the following beverages were 
known to the Jews : 1. Beer^ which was 
largely consumed in Egypt under the name 
of zythus, and was thence introduced into 
Palestine. It was made of barley; cer- 
tain herbs, such as lupine and skirret, were 
used as substitutes for hops. 2. Cider, 
rhich is noticed in the Mishna as apple- 
wine. 3. Honey-wine, of which there were 
two sorts, one consisting of a mixture of 
wine, honey, and pepper; the other a de- 
coction of the juice of the grape, termed 
dihash (honey) by the Hebrews, and dihs 
by the modern Syrians. 4. Date-wine, 
which was also manufactured in Egypt. 
It was made by mashing the fruit in water 
in certain proportions.^ 5. Various other 
fruits and vegetables are enumerated by 
PUnyas supplying materials for/ac^iYiows or 
home-made wine, such as figs, millet, the ca- 
rob fruit, &c. It is not improbable that the 
Hebrews applied raisins to this purpose in 
the simple manner followed by the Ara- 
bians, viz., by putting them in jars of water 
and burying them in the ground until fer- 
mentation takes place. 

Dromedary. [Camel.] 

Drusil'la, daughter of Herod Agrippa 
I. (Acts xii. 1, 19, flf.) and Cypros. She 
was at first betrothed to Antiochus Epiph- 
anes, prince of Commagene, but was mar- 
ried to Azizus, king of Emesa. Soon af- 
ter, Felix, procurator of Judaea, brought 
about her seduction by means of the Cyp- 
rian sorcerer Simon, and took her as his 
wife. In Acts xxiv. 24, we find her in 
company with Felix at Caesarea. Felix 
had by Drusilla a son named Agrippa, who, 
.together with his mother, perished in the 
eruption of Vesuvius under Titus. 

Dulcimer (Heb. Sumphoniah), a mu- 
sical instrument, mentioned in Dan. iii. 5, 
15, probably the bagpipe. The same in- 
strument is still in use amongst peasants 
in the N. W. of Asia and in Southern 
Europe, where it is known by the similar 
name Sampogna or Zampogna. 

Du'mall. 1. A son of Ishmael, most 
probably the founder of the Ishmaelite 
tribe of Arabia, and thence the name of 
tlie principal place, or district, inhabited by 
tliat tribe (Gen. xxv. 14 ; 1 Chr. i. 30 ; Is. 
xxi. 11). 2. A citjj^ in the mountainous 
district of Judah, near Hebron (Josh. xv. 
52), represented by the ruins of a village 
called ed-Daumrh^ 6 miles south-west of 
Hebron. 

Dung. The uses of dung were twofold, 
as manure, ajud as fuel. The manure con- 
sisted either of straw steeped in liquid 
manure (Is. xxv. 10), or the sweepings 
(Is. V. 25) of the streets and roads, which 
were carefully removed from about the 



1 



houses and (ollected in heaps tutjile the 
walls of the towns at fix(;d spots (hence 
the dung-gate at Jerusalem, Neh. U. 13), 
and thence removed in due course to the 
fielde. The mode of applying manure to 
trees was by digging holes about their 
roots and inserting it (Luke xiii. 8), as 
still practised in Southern Italy. In the 
case of sacrifices the dung was burnt out- 
side the camp (Ex. xxix. 14; Lev. iv. 11, 
viii. 17; l«)um. xix. 5) : hence the extreme 
opprobrium of the threat in Mai. ii. 3. Par- 
ticular directions were laid down in the 
law to enforce cleanliness irith regard to 
human ordure (Deut. xxiii. 12, ff".) : it was 
the grossest insult to turn a man's houst 
into a receptacle for it (2 K. x. 27 ; Ezr. 
vi. 11; Dan. ii. 5, iii. 29, <' dunghill" A. 
V.) ; public establishments of that nature 
are still found in the large towns of the 
East. — The difficulty of procuring fuel in 
Syria, Arabia, and Egypt, has made dung 
in all ages valuable as a substitute : it was 
probably used for heating ovens and for 
baking cakes (Ez. iv. 12, 15), the equable 
heat which it produced adapting it pecu- 
liarly for the latter operation. Cow's and 
camel's dung is still used for a similar pur 
pose by the Bedouins. 

Dungeon. [Prison.] 

Du'ra, the plain where Nebuchadnezzai 
set up the golden image (Dan. iii. 1) has 
been sometimes identified with a tract a 
little below Tekrit, on the left bank of the 
Tigris, where the name Dur is still found. 
M. Oppert places the plain (or, as he calls 
it, the "valley") of Dura to the south- 
east of Babylon, in the vicinity of the 
mound of Dowair or Duair. 

Dust. [MOUENING.] 



E. 



Eagle (Heb. nesher). The Hebrew 
word, which occurs frequently in the O.T., 
may denote a particular species of the Fal- 
conidae, as in Lev. xi. 13 ; Deut. xiv. 12, 
where the nesher is distinguished from the 
ossifrage, osprey, and other raptatorial 
birds ; but the term is used also to express 
the griffon vulture ( Vultur fidvus) in two 
or three passages. At least fcur distinct 
kinds of eagles have been observed in Pal- 
estine, viz. the golden eagle {Aquila Chry- 
sa^tos), the spotted eagle (^A. naevia), th< 
commonest species in the rocky districts, 
the imperial eagle (^Aquila Ueliacd), and 
the very common Circa&tos gallicus, which 
preys on the numerous repiilia of Pales- 
tine. The Heb. ntsher may stand for any 
of these different species, though perhaps 
more particular reference to the golden and 
imperial eagles and the griffon vulture may 
be intended. The passaere in J^l''^ i. 16. 



EARNEST 



155 



EARTHQUAKE 



" Enlarge thy baldness as the eagle," may 
refer to the griffon vulture ( Vultur fulvus), 
in which case the simile is peculiarly appro- 
priate, for the whole head and neck of this 
bird are destitute of true feathers. The 
"eagles " of Matt. xxiv. 28, Luke xvii. 37, 
may include the Vultur fulvus and Neo- 
phron percnopterus ; though, as eagles fre- 
quently prey upon dead bodies, there is no 
necessity to restrict the Greek word to tlie 
Vulturidae. The figure of an eagle is now 
and tas been long a favorite military 
ensign. The Persians so employed it; a 
fact which illustrates the passage in Is. 
xlvi. 11. The same bird was similarly em- 
ployed by the Assyrians and tlie Romans. 

Earnest (2 Cor. i. 22, v. 5 ; Eph. i. 14). 
The equivalent in the original is arrhabon 
{a(Joa(iibv)y a Graecized form of the Heb. 
'irdbdn, which was introduced by the Phoe- 
nicians into Greece, and also into Italy, 
where it reappears under the forms of ar- 
rhaho and arrha. The Hebrew word was 
used generally for pledge (Gen. xxxviii. 
17), and in its cognate forms for surety 
(Prov. xvii. 18) and hostage (2 K. xiv. 14). 
The Greek derivative, however, acquired a 
more technical sense as signifying the de- 
posit paid by the purchaser on entering 
into an agreement for the purchase of any- 
thing. 

Earrings. The material of which ear- 
rings were made was generally gold (Ex. 
xxxii. 2), and their form circular. They 
were worn by women and by youth of both 




Egyptian Eamngi. From Wilkinion. 

Bcxes (Ex. I. e.). It had been inferred 
from the passage quoted, and from Judg. 
vi)i. 24, that they were not worn by men : 
these passages are, however, by no means 
conclusive. The earring appears to have 
been regarded with superstitious reverence 
as an amulet. On this account they were 
surrendered along with the idols by Jacob's 
household (Gen. xxxv. 4). Chardin de- 
scribes eariiugs, with talismanic figures and 
characters on them, as still existing in the 
East. Jewels were sometimes attached to 
the rings. The size of the earrings still 
yorn in eastern countries far exceeds what 
is usual among ourselves; hence they 
fonned a handsome present (Job xlii. 11), 



or offering to the service ol Gud [Niua 
xxxi. 50). 

Earth. The term is used i a two widelj 

different senses : (1) for the material of 
wliich the earth's surface is composed ; (2) 
as the name of the planet on which man 
dwells. The Hebrew language discrimi- 
nates between these two by the use of sepa- 
rate terms, Adamah for the former, E'/eti 
for the latter. I. Adamah is the earth in the 
sense of soil or ground, particularly as being 
susceptible of cultivation. The earth sup- 
plied the elementary substance of whicl. 
man's body was formed, and the terms adam 
and adamah are brought into juxtaposition, 
implying an etymological connection (Gen 
ii. 7). II. Urets is applied in a more or 
less extended sense : 1. to the whole world 
(Gen. i. 1) ; 2. to land as opposed to sea 
(Gen. i. 10) ; 3. to a country (Gen. xxi. 32) ; 

4. to a plot of ground (Gen. xxiii. 15) ; and 

5. to the ground on which a man stands 
(Gen. xxxiii. 3). The two former senses 
alone concern us, the first involving an 
inquiry into the opinions of the Hebrews on 
Cosmogony, the second on Geography. I. 
Cosmogony. 1. The earth was regarded 
not only as the central point of the uni\ erse, 
but as the universe itself, every other body 
— the heavens, sun, moon, and stars — being 
subsidiary to, and, as it were, the comple- 
ment of the earth. 2. The earth was regarded 
in a twofold aspect ; in relation to God, as 
the manifestation of His infinite attributes ; 
in relation to man, as the scene of his abode. 
1. The Hebrew cosmogony is based upon 
the leading principle that the universe ex- 
ists, not independently of God, nor yet co- 
existent with God, nor yet in opposition to 
Him, as a hostile element, but dependently 
upon Him, subsequently to Him, and in 
subjection to Him. 2. Creation was regard- 
ed as a progressive work — a gradual devel- 
opment from the inferior to the superior 
orders of things. II. Geography. There 
seem to be traces of the same ideas as pre 
vailed among the Greeks, that the world 
was a disk (Is. xl. 22), bordered by the 
ocean, with Jerusalem as its centre, like 
Delphi, as the navel, or, according to an- 
other view, the highest point of the world 
As to the size of the earth, the Hebrews 
had but a very indefinite n( tion. 

Earthenware. [Pottsry.] 
Earthquake. Earthquakes, more or 
less violent, are of frequent occurrence in 
Palestine, as might be expe ted from the 
numerous traces of volcanic ? gency visible 
in the features of that country. The re- 
corded instances, however, are but few ; the 
most remarkable occurred in tlie reign of 
Uzziah (Am. i. 1 ; Zech. xiv. 5), which Jo- 
sephus connected with the sacrilege and 
consequent punishment of that monarch (2 
Chr. xxvi. 16, ff.). From Zech. xiv. 4, we 
are led to infer that a great convulsion tool) 



EAST 



15b 



EUIASAPH 



pUce at this time in the Mount of Olives, 
the mountain being split so as to leave a 
valley between its summits. Josephus re- 
cords something of the sort, but his accoimt 
is by no means clear. We cannot but tl^nk 
that the two accounts have the same foun- 
dation, and that the Mount of Olives was 
really affected by the earthquake. An 
earthquake occurred at the time of our 
Saviour's crucifixion (Matt, xxvii, 61-54), 
irhich may be deemed miraculous rather 
from the conjunction of circumstances than 
from the nature of the phenomenon itself. 
Earthquakes are not unfrequentiy accom- 
panied by fissures of the earth's surface ; 
Instances of this are recorded in connection 
with the destruction of Korah and his com- 
pany (Num. xvi. 32), and at the time of our 
Lord's death (Matt, xxxvii. 51) ; the former 
may be paralleled by a similar occurrence 
at Oppido in Calabria a. d. 1783, where the 
earth opened to the extent of 500, and a 
depth of more than 200 feet. 

iEast. The Hebrew terms, descriptive 
of the east, differ in idea, and, to a certain 
extent, in application ; (1) kedem properly 
means that which is before or in front of 
a person, and was applied to the east from 
the custom of turning in that direction when 
describing the points of the compass, before, 
hehind, the right, and the left, representing 
respectively E.,W., S., andN. (Job xxiii. 8, 
9) ; (2) mizracJi means the place of the sun's 
rising. Bearing in mind this etymological 
distinction, it is natural that kedem should 
be used when the /owr quarters of the world 
»re described (as in Gen. xiii. 14, xxviii. 
14; Job xxiii. 8, 9; Ez. xlvii. 18, ff.), and 
mizrach when the east is only distinguished 
from the west (Josh. xi. 3; Ps. 1. 1, ciii. 12, 
cxiii. 3; Zech. viii. 7), or from some other 
one quarter (Dan. viii. 9, xi. 44 ; Am. viii. 
12) ; exceptions to this usage occur in Ps. 
cvii. 3, and Is. xliii. 5 ; each, however, ad- 
mitting of explanation. Again, kedem is 
used in a strictly geographical sense to 
describe a spot or country immediately be- 
fore another in an easterly direction ; hence 
it occurs in such passages as Gen. ii. 8, iii. 
24, xi. 2, xiii. 11, xxv. 6; and hence the 
subsequent application of the term, as a 
proper name (Gen. xxv. 6, eastward, unto 
the land of Kedem), to the lands lying im- 
mediately eastward of Palestine, viz. Arabia, 
Mesopotamia, and Babylonia ; on the other 
hand mizrach is used of the far east with a 
less definite signification (Is. xli. 2, 25, 
x.Iiii. 5, xlvi. 11). 

faster. The occurrence of this word 
in the A. V. of Acts xii. 4, is chiefly noticea- 
ble as an example of the want of consistency 
ID the translators. In the earlier English 
versions Easter had been frequently used 
as the tiauslation of pascha (nuaxa). At 
the last revision Passover was substituted 
in fcU passages but this. [Passoteb.] 



E'bal. 1. One of the sons cf Shoba) 
the son of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 23 ; 1 Chr. i. 
40). 2. Obal the son of Joktan (1 Chr. i. 
22 ; comp. Gen. x. 28. 

E'bal, Mount, amount in the promised 
land, on which, according to the command 
of Moses, the Israelites were, after their 
entrance on the promised land, to " put " 
the curse which should fall upon them if 
they disobeyed the commandments of Jo 
hovah. The blessing consequent on obedi- 
ence was to be similarly locahzed on Mount 
Gerizim (Deut. xi. 26-29). Ebal and 
Gerizim are the mounts which form the 
sides of the fertile valley in which lies 
Nabliis, the ancient Shechem — Ebal on 
the north and Gerizim on the south. One 
of the most serious variations between the 
Hebrew text of the Pentateuch and the 
Samaritan text, is in reference to Ebal and 
Gerizim. In Deut. xxvii. 4, the Samaritarr 
has Gerizim, while the Hebrew (as in A. V.) 
has Ebal, as the mount on which the altar to 
Jehovah and the inscription of the law were 
to be erected. Upon this basis they ground 
the sanctity of Gerizim and the authenticity 
of the temple and holy place, which did exist 
and still exist there. The modern name of 
Ebal is Sitti Salamiyah, from a Moham- 
medan female saint, whose tomb is stand- 
ing on the eastern part of the ridge, aUitle 
before the highest point is reached. 

E'bed. 1. (Many MSS. have Eber.) Fa- 
ther of Gaal, who with his brethren assisted 
the men of Shechem in their revolt against 
Abimelech (Judg. ix. 26, 28, 30, 31, 35). 2. 
Son of Jonathan ; one of the Bene- Adin who 
returned from Babylon with Ezra (Ezr. 
viii. 6). 

E'bed-Melech, an Aethiopian eunuch 
in the service of king Zedekiah, through 
whose interference Jeremiah was released 
from prison (Jer. xxxviii. 7, ff., xxxix. 15, 
ff.). His name seems to be an official ti- 
tle = King's slave, i. e. minister. 

Eb'en-e'zer ("the stone of help"), a 
stone set up by Samuel after a signal de- 
feat of the Philistines, as a memorial of the 
"help" received on the occasion from Je- 
hovah (1 Sam. vii. 12). Its position is care- 
fully defined as between MizPEH and Shen. 

E'ber. 1. SonofSalah, andgn/aL-grand- 
son of Shem (Gen. x. 24; 1 Chr. i. 19). 
For confusion between Eber and Heber see 
Heber. 2. Son of Elpaal and descendant 
of Sharahaim of the tribe of Benjamin (1 
Chr. viii. 12). 3. A priest in the days of 
Joiakim the son of Jeshua (Neh. xii. 20). 

Ebi'asaph, a Kohathite Levite of the 
family of Korah, one of the forefathers of 
the prophet Samuel and of Heman the 
singer (1 Chr. vi. 23, 37). The same man 
is probably intended in ix. 19. The name 
appears also to be identical with Abiasapb, 
and in one passage (1 Chr. xxvi. 1) tu 1m» 
abbreviated to Asaph. 



EBONY 



157 



ECLIPSE Oif THE SUN 



Btoony (Heb. hobnim) occurs only in 
hjZ. xxvii. 15, as one of the valuable com- 
modities imported into Tyre by the men of 
Dedan. The best kind of ebony is yield- 
ed by the Diospyros ebenum, a tree which 
grows in Ceylon and Southern India. There 
is every reason for believing that the ebony 
alforded by the Diospyros ebenum was im- 
ported from India or Ceylon by Phoenician 
Taders. 

Ebro'nah, one of the halting-places of 
the Israelites in the desert, immediately pre- 
ceding Ezion-geber (Num. xxxiii. 34, 35). 

Ecbat'ana (Heb. Achmethd). It is 
doubtful whether the name of this place is 
really contained in the Hebrew Scriptures. 
Many of the best commentators understand 
the expression, in Ezr. vi. 2, differently, 
and translate it "in a coffer." In the apoc- 
ryphal books Ecbatana is frequently men- 
tioned (Tob. iii. 7, xiv. 12, 14; Jud. i. 1, 2; 
2 Mace. ix. 3, &c.). Two cities of the name 
of Ecbatana seem to have existed in ancient 
times, one the capital of Northern Media, 
vhe Media Atropatene of Strabo ; the other 
the metropolis of the larger and more im- 
portant province known as Media Magna. 
The site of the former appears to be marked 
by the very curious ruins at Takht-i- Sulei- 
man (lat. 36° 28', long. 47° 9') ; while that 
0.' the latter is occupied by Hamadan, which 
is one of the most important cities of mod- 
ern Persia. There is generally some diffi- 
culty in determining, when Ecbatana is 
mentioned, whether the northern or the 
southern metropolis is intended. Few wri- 
ters are aware of the existence of the two 
cities, and they lie sufficiently near to one 
another for geographical notices in most 
(•ases to suit either site. The northern city 
was the " seven-walled town " descril^d by 
Herodotus, and declared by him to have 
been the capital of Cyrus (Herod, i. 98, 99, 
153) ; and it was thus most probably there 
that the roll was found which proved to 
Darius that Cyrus had really made a decree 
allowing the Jews to rebuild their temple. 
The peculiar feature of the site of Takht-i- 
Suletman is a conical hill rising to the 
height of about 150 feet above the plain, 
and covered both on its top and sides with 
massive ruins of the most antique and prim- 
itive character. In the 2d book of Macca- 
bees (ix. 3, &c.) the Ecbatana mentioned 
is undoubtedly the southern city, now rep- 
resented both in name and site by Rama- 
dan. This place, situated on the northern 
flank of the great mountain called formerly 
O. .(Utes, and now Elwend, was perhaps as 
ancient as the other, and is far better known 
in history. If not the Median capital of 
Cyrus, it was at any rate regarded from the 
time ot Darius Hystaspis as the chief city 
of the Persian satrapy of Media, and as 
such it became the summer residence of 
the Persian kings from Darius downwards. 



The Ecbatana of the book of Tobitis fhoughl 
by Sir H. Rawlinson to be the noithern 
city 

Ecclesias'tes. The title of this book 
is in Hebrew Koheleih, a feminine noun, 
signifying one who speaks publicly in an 
assembly, and hence rendered in the Sep' 
tuagint by Ecclesiastes, which is adopted 
in the English version. Koheleth is the 
name by which Solomon speaks of himself 
throughout the book. " The words of the 
preacher (Heb. Koheleth) the son of David, 
king of Jerusalem" (i. 1). The apparent 
anomaly of the feminine termination indi- 
cates that the abstract noun has been trans- 
ferred from the office to the person holding 
it. The Book is that which it professes to 
be, — the confession of a man of wide expe- 
rience looking back upon his past life and 
looking out upon the disorders and calami- 
ties which surround him. The writer is a 
man who has sinned in giving way to self- 
ishness and sensuality, who has paid th*> 
penalty of that sin in satiety and weariness 
of life, but who has through all this beeu 
under the discipline of a divine education, 
and has learnt from it the lesson which God 
meant to teach him. It is tolerably cleai 
that the recurring burden of "Vanity of 
vanities " and the teaching which recom 
mends a life of calm enjoyment, mark, 
whenever they occur, a kind of halting- 
place in the succession of thoughts. 

Ecclesias'ticus, one of the books of 
the Apocrypha, is the title given in the 
Latin Version to the book which is called 
in the Sep tuagint The Wisix)m of Jesus 
THE Son of Sirach. The word desig- 
nates the character of the writing, as pub- 
licly used in the services of the Church. 
The writer describes himself as Jesus (i. e, 
Jeshua) the son of Sirach, of Jerusalem (i. 
27), but we know nothing of the author. 
The language in which the book was origi- 
nally composed was Hebrew, i. e. perhaps 
the Aramean dialect ; and the Greek trans- 
lation incorporated in the LXX. was made 
by the grandson of the author in Egypt 
" in the reign of Euergetes," perhaps Ptol- 
emy VII. Physcon, who also bore the sur- 
name of Euergetes (b. c. 170-117). 

Eclipse of the Sun. No historical 
notice of an eclipse occurs in the Bible, 
but there are passages in the prophets 
which contain manifest allusion to this phe- 
nomenon (Am. viii. 9 ; Mic. iii. 6 ; Zech. 
xiv. 6; Joel ii. 10, 31, iii. 15). Some of 
these notices probably refer to eclipses 
that occurred about the time of the respec 
tive compositions : thus the date of Amos 
coincides with a total eclipse, which oc- 
curred Feb. 9, B. c. 784, and was visible at 
Jerusalem shortly after noon ; that of Mi- 
cah with the eclipse of June 5, b. c. 716. 
A passing notice in Jer. xv. 9 coincides in 
date with the eclipse of Sept. 30, b. c. 610k 



ED 



158 



EDOM 



BO well known from Herodotus's account 
(i. 74, 103). The darkness that overspread 
the world at the crucifixion cannot with 
reason be attributed to an eclipse, as the 
moon was at the full at the time of the 
Passover. 

Ed, i. e. " witness," a word inserted in 
the Auth. Vers, of Josh. xxii. 34, apparent- 
ly on the authority of a few MSS., and also 
uf the Syrian and Arabic Versions, but not 
existing in the generally received Hebrew 
text. 

E'dar, Tower of (accur. Eder), a 
place named only in Gen. xxxv. 21. Ac- 
cording to Jerome it was 1000 paces from 
Bethlehem. 

E'den. 1. The first residence of man, 
called in the Septuagint Paradise. The 
latter is a word of Persian origin, and de- 
scribes an extensive tract of pleasure land, 
somewhat like an English park; and the 
use of it suggests a wider view of man's 
first abode than a garden. The descrip- 
tion of Eden is as follows : — " And the 
Lord God planted a garden in Eden east- 
«rard. . . . And a river goeth forth from 
Eden to water the garden ; and from thence 
it is divided and becomes four heads (or 
arms). The name of the first is Pison : 
that is it which compasseth the whole land 
of Havilah, where is the gold. And the 
gold of that land is good : there is the bdel- 
lium and the onyx stone. And the name 
of the second river is Gihon; that is it 
«rhi<'.h compasseth the whole land of Gush. 
Ind the name of the third river is Hid- 
lekel ; that is it which floweth before As- 
syria. And the fourth river, that is Eu- 
phrates " (Gen. ii. 8-14). In the eastern 
portion then of the region of Eden was 
•"iie garden planted. The Hiddekel is the 
Tigris; but with regard to the Pison and 
Gihon, a great variety of opinion exists. 
Many ancient writers, as Josephus, identi- 
fied the Pison with the Ganges, and the Gihon 
with the Nile. Others, guided by the posi- 
tion of the two known rivers, identify the 
♦wo unknown ones with the Phasis and 
Araxes, which also have their sources in 
the highlands of Armenia. Others, again, 
have transferred the site to the sources of 
the Oxus and Jaxartes, and place it in 
Bactria; others, again, in the valley of 
Cashmere. Such speculations may be mul- 
tiplied ad infinitum, and have sometimes 
assumed the wildest character. 2. One 
of the marts which supplied the luxury of 
Tyre with richly embroidered stuffs. It is 
associated with Haran, Sheba, and Asshur. 
In 2 K. xix. 12, and Is. xxxvii. 12, *' the 
sons of Eden " are mentioned with Gozan, 
Elaran, and Rezeph, as victims of the As- 
syrian greed of conquest. In the absence 
of positive evidence, probability seems to 
point to th'j N. W. of Mesopotamia as the 
locality of Eden. 3. Brth-Edem, ''house 



of pleasure ; " probably the name of a 
country residence of the kings of Damas- 
cus (Am. i. 5). 

E'den. 1. A Gershonite Levite, son of 
Joah, in the days of Hezekiah (2 Chr. 
xxix. 12). 2. Also a Levite, contemporary 
and probably identical with the preceding 
(2 Chr. xxxi. 16). 

E'der. 1. One of the towns of Judah, 
in the extreme south, and on the borders 
of Edom (Josh. xv. 21). No traoe of it 
has been discovered in modern times. 2. 
A Levite of the family of Merari, in the 
time of David (1 Chr. xxiii. 23, xxiv. 30). 

E'dom, Idume'a, or Idumae'a. The 

name Edom was given to Esau, the first-bort 
son of Isaac, and twin brother of Jacob 
when he sold his birthright to the latter for 
a meal of lentil pottage. The peculiar 
color of the pottage gave rise to the name 
Edom, which signifies " red " (Gen. xxv. 
29-34). The country which the Lord subse- 
quently gave to Esau was hence called the 
" field of Edom " (Gen. xxxii. 3), or " land 
of Edom " (Gph. xxxvi. 16 ; Num. xxxiii. 
87), and his descendants were called the 
Edomites. Probably its physical aspect 
may have had something to do with this. 
Edom was previously called Mount Seir 
(Gen. xxxii. 3, xxxvi. 8), from Seir the 
progenitor of the Horites (Gen. xiv. 6, 
xxxvi. 20-22). The name Seir was perhaps 
adopted on account of its being descriptive 
of the " rugged" character of the territory. 
The original inhabitants of the country 
were called Horites, from Hori, the grand- 
son of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 20, 22), because 
that name was descriptive of their habits as 
" Troglodytes," or " dwellers in caves." 
Edom was wholly a mountainous country. 
It embraced the narrow mountainous tract 
(about 100 miles long by 20 broad) extend- 
ing along the eastern side of the Arabah 
from the northern end of the gulf of Elath 
to near the southern end of the Dead Sea. 
It was separated from Moab on the N. by 
the ''brook Zered" (Deut. ii. 13, 14, 18), 
probably the modern Wady-el-Ahsy. The 
ancient capital of Edom was Bozrah {Busei- 
reh) near the northern border (Gen. xxxvi. 
33 ; Is. xxxiv. 6, Ixiii. 1 ; Jer. xlix. 13, 22). 
But Sela (Petra) appears to have been the 
principal stronghold in the days of Amazi- 
ah (b. c.) 838 ; 2 K. xiv. 7) : Elath and 
Eziongeber were the sea-ports (2 Sam. viii. 
14; IK. ix. 26). Esau's bitter hatred to 
his brother Jacob for fraudulently obtaining 
his blessing appears to have been inherit- 
ed by his latest posterity. The Edomites 
peremptorily refused to permit the Israel- 
ites to pass through their land (Num. xx, 
18-21). For a period of iOO years we 
hear no more of the Edomi*es. They were 
then attacked and defeated by Saul (1 
Sam. xiv. 47). Some forty years latei 
David overthrew their arniv i« the ' Vallet 



I 



EDOM 



159 



EGLON 



of Salt," and his general, Joab, following 
ap the victory, destroyed nearly the whole 
male population (1 K. xi. 15, 16), and 
placed Jewish garrisons in all the strong- 
holds of Edoni (2 Sam. viii. 13, 14). In 
the reign of Jehoshaphat (b. c. 914) the 
Edomites attempted to invade Israel in 
conjunction with Ammon and Moab, but 
w&re miraculously destroyed in the valley 
of Berachah (2 Chr. xx. 22). A few years 
later they revolted against Jehorara, elected 
a king, and for half a century retained their 
independence (2 Chr. xxi. 8). They were 
then attacked by Amaziah, and Sela their 
great stronghold was captured (2 K. xiv. 7 ; 
2 Chr. XXV. 11, 12). Yet the Israehtes 
irere never able again completely to subdue 
them (2 Chr. xxviii. 17). When Nebuchad- 
nezzar besieged Jerusalem the Edomites 
joined him, and took an active part in the 
plunder of the city and slaughter of the 
Jews. Their cruelty at that time seems to 
be specially referred to in the 137th Psalm. 
It was on account of these acts of cruelty 
committed upon the Jews in the day of 
their calamity that the Edomites were so 
fearfully denounced by the later prophets 
(Is. xxxiv. 5-8, Ixiii. 1-4 ; Jer. xlix. 17 ; 
Lam. iv. 21; Ez. xxv. 13, 14; Am. i. 11, 
12; Obad. 10, sq.). On the conquest of 
Judah, the Edomites, probably in reward 
•for their services during the war, were 
permitted to settle in southern Palestine, 
and the whole plateau between it and Egypt, 
wliinh now usually bore the Greek name of 
Idumaea ; but they were about the same 
time driven out of Edom Proper by the 
Nabatheans. For more than four centuries 
they continued to prosper. But during the 
warlike rule of the Maccabees they were 
again completely subdued, and even forced 
to conform to Jewish laws and rites, and 
submit to the government of Jewish pre- 
fects. The Edomites were now incorporat- 
ed with the Jewish nation, and the whole 
province was often termed by Greek and 
Roman writers Idumaea. Immediately 
before the siege of Jerusalem by Titus, 
20,000 Idumaeans were admitted to the 
Holy City, which they filled with robbery 
and bloodshed. From tliis time the Edom- 
ites, as a separate people, disappear from 
the page of history. — Little is known of 
their religion ; but that little shows them 
to have been idolaters (2 Chr. xxv. 14. 15, 
20). Their habits were singular. The 
Horites, their predecessors in Mount Seir, 
irere, as their name implies, troglodytes, or 
dwellers in caves ; and the Edomites 
seem to have adopted their dwellings as 
Trell as their country. Everywhere we 
meet with caves and grottos hewn in the 
soft sandstone strata. Those at Petra are 
f^ell known. The nature of the climate, 
the drj'ness of the soil, and their great size, 
render them healthy pleasant, and com 



modious habitations, while their security 
made them specially suitable to a country 
exposed in every age to incessant attacks 
of robbers. 

E'domites. [Edom.] 

Ed'rei. 1. One of the two capital citiet 
of Bashan (Num. xxi. 33 ; Deut. i. 4, iii. 10; 
Josh. xii. 4). In Scripture it is only men- 
tioned in connection with the victory gained 
by the Israelites over the Amorites under 
Og their king, and the territory thus ac- 
quired. The ruins of this ancient city, 
still bearing the name Udr'a, stand on a 
rocky promontory which projects from the 
S. W. corner of the Lejah. The ruins are 
nearly three miles in circumference, and 
have a strange wild look, rising up in black 
shattered masses from the midst of a wilder- 
ness of black rocks. 2. A town of northern 
Palestine, allotted to the tribe of Naphtali,. 
and situated near Kedesh (Josh. xix. 37). 
About two miles south of Kedesh is a coni- 
cal rocky hill called Tell Khuraibehy the 
" Tell of the ruin," which may be the site 
of Edrei. 

Education. Although nothing is more 
carefully inculcated in the Law than the 
duty of parents to teach their children it9 
precepts and principles (Ex. xii. 26, xiii. 8, 
14; Deut. iv. 5, 9, 10, vi. 2, 7, 20, &c.), 
yet there is little trace among the Hebrews 
in earher times of education in any other 
subjects. The wisdom therefore and in- 
struction, of which so much is said in the 
Book of Proverbs, are to be understood 
chiefly of moral and religious discipline, 
imparted, according to the direction of the 
Law, by the teaching and under the exam- 
ple of parents. In later times the prophe- 
cies, and comments on them as well as oi 
the earher Scriptures, together with othei 
subjects, were studied. Parents were re- 
quired to teach their children some trade. 
Previous to the captivity, the chief deposi- 
taries of learning were the schools or col- 
leges, from which in most cases proceeded 
that succession of public teachers, who at 
various times endeavored to reform the 
moral and religious conduct of both rulerf 
and people. Besides the prophetical schools 
instruction was given by the priests in the 
Temple and elsewhere, but their subjects 
were doubtless exclusively concerned with 
religion and worship. 

Eg^lah, one of David's wives during 
his reign in Hebron, and the mother of hia 
son Ithream (2 Sam. iii. 5; 1 Chr. iii. 3) 
According to the ancient Hebrew tradition, 
she was Michal. 

Bglalm, a place named only in Is. a v. 
8, probably the same as En- bglaim. 

Eg Ion. 1. A king of the Moabitei 
(Judg. iii. 12, ff.), who, aided by the Am- 
monites and the Ama^ekites, crossed the 
Jordan and took "the city of palm-trees." 
Here, according to Josephus. he built >iira' 



EGYPT 



160 



EGYPT 



»elf a palace, and continued for eighteen 
years to oppress the children of Israel, 
irho paid him tribute. He was slain by 
Ehud. [Ehdd.] 2. A town of Judah in 
the low country (Josh. xv. 39). During 
the struggles of the conquest, Eglon was 
one of a confederacy of five towns, which 
under Jerusalem attempted resistance, by 
attacking Gibeon after the treaty of the lat- 
ter with Israel (Josh. x.). The name sur- 
rives in the modern Ajlan, a shapeless 
mass of ruins, about 10 miles from Eleu- 
theropolis and 14 from Gaza, on the S. of 
the great maritime plain. 

Egypt, a country occupying the north- 
eastern angle of Africa. Its limits appear 
always to have been very nearly the same. 
In Ezekiel (xxix. 10, xxx. 6) the whole 
country is spoken of as extending from 
Migdol to Syene, which indicates the same 
limits to the east and the south as at pres- 
ent. Names. — The common name of Egypt 
m the Bible is "Mizraim,"or more fully 
" the land of Mizraim." In form Mizraim 
48 a dual, and accordingly it is generally 
joined with a plural verb. When, there- 
fore, in Gen. x. 6, Mizraim is mentioned as 
a son of Ham, we must not conclude that 
anything more is meant than that Egypt was 
colonized by descendants of Ham. The dual 
number doubtless indicates the natural di- 
vision of the country into an upper and a 
lower region. The singular Mazor also 
occurs, and some suppose that it indicates 
Lower Egypt, but there is no sure ground 
for this assertion. The Arabic name of 
Egypt, Mizr, signifies " red mud." Egypt 
is also called in the Bible " the land of 
Ham " (Ps. cv. 23, 27; comp. Ixxviii. 51), 
a name most probably referring to Ham the 
son of Noah; and " Rahab," the proud or 
insolent ; both these appear to be poetical 
appellations. The common ancient Egyp- 
tian name of the country is written in hier- 
oglyphics KEM, which was perhaps pro- 
nounced Chem. This name signifies, alike 
in the ancient language and in Coptic, 
"black," and may be supposed to have 
been given to the land on account of the 
blackness of its alluvial soil. We may 
reasonably conjecture that Kem is the 
Egyptian equivalent of Ham, and also of 
Mazor, these two words being similar or 
even the same in sense. Under the Pha- 
raohs Egypt was divided into Upper and 
Lower, " the two regions." In subsequent 
times this double division obtained. In the 
time of the Greeks and Romans Upper 
Ej,ypt was divided into the Heptanomis and 
the ThebaTs, making altogether three prov- 
inces but the division of the whole coun- i 
try iuvO two was even then the most usual. 
General Appearance^ Climate, ^c. — The I 
general appearance of the country cannot I 
have greatly changed since the days of | 
Moses. The Delta was always a vast level i 



plain, although of old more perfectly wa- 
tered than now by the branches of the Nile 
and numerous canals, while the nariow 
valley of Upper Egj-^pt must have suffered 
still less alteration. Anciently, however, 
the rushes must have been abundant; 
whereas now they have almost disappeared, 
except in the lakes. The whole country is 
remarkable for its extreme fertility, which 
especially strikes the beholder when the 
rich green of the fields is contrasted with 
the utterly bare yellow mountains or the 
sand-strewn rocky desert on either side. 
The climate is equable and healthy. Rain 
is not very unfrequent on the northern 
coast, but inland very rare. Cultivation 
nowhere depends upon it. This absence of 
rain is mentioned in Deut. (xi. 10, 11) as 
rendering artificial irrigation necessary, 
unlike the case of Palestine, and in Zech, 
(xiv. 18) as peculiar to the country. Egypt 
has been visited in all ages by severe pesti- 
lences. Famines are frequent, and one in 
the middle ages, in the time of the FAtimee 
Khaleefeh El-Mustansirbillah, seems to 
have been even more severe than that of 
Joseph. The inundation of the Nile fer- 
tilizes and sustains the country, and makes 
the river its chief blessing. The Nile was 
on tills account anciently worshipped. 
The rise begins in Egypt about the summer 
solstice, and the inundation commence^ 
about two months later. The greatest 
height is attained about or somewhat af- 
ter the autumnal equinox. The inunda- 
tion lasts about three months. CultivatioA^ 
Agriculture, ^c. — The ancient prosperity 
of Egypt is attested by the Bible as well 
as by the numerous monuments of the 
country. As early as the age of the Great 
Pyramid it must have been densely popu- 
lated. The contrast of the present state 
of Egypt to its former prosperity is more 
to be ascribed to political than to pnys- 
ical causes. Egypt is naturally an agri- 
cultural country. As far back as the days 
of Abraham, we find that when the prod- 
uce failed in Palestine, Egypt was the 
natural resource. In the time of Joseph 
it was evidently the granary, at least dur- 
ing famines, of the nations around. The 
inundation, as taking the place of rain, has 
always rendered the system of agriculture 
peculiar; and the artificial irrigation dur- 
ing the time of low Nile is necessarily on 
the same principle. Vines were exten- 
sively cultivated. Of other fruit-trees, tlie 
date-palm was the most common and valu- 
able. The gardens resembled the fields, 
being watered in the same manner by irri- 
gation. On the tenure of land nmch light 
is thrown by the history of Joseph. Be- 
fore the famine each city and large village 
had its field (Gen. xli. 48) ; but Joseph 
gained for Pharaoh all the land, except 
that of the priests, in exchange for food. 



EGYPT 



161 



hGYFr 



and require'l for the right thus obtained a 
fifth of the produce, which became a law 




Orani!.ry, ihowing how the groin was put hi, and that the 
■^oors a b were intended for taking it out. (Wilkinson.) 



(xlvii. 20-26). Religion. — The basis of 
the religion was Nigritian fetichism, the 
loweat kind of nature-worship, differing in 
diflerent parts of the country, and hence 
obviously indigenous. Upon this were in- 
grafted, first, cosmic worship, mixed up 
with traces of primeval revelation, as in 
Babylonia ; and then, a system of personi- 
fications of moral and intellectual abstrac- 
tions. There were three orders of gods — 
the eight great gods, the twelve lesser, and 
the Osirian group. There was no promi- 
nent hero-worship, although deceased kings 
&nd other individuals often received divine 
honors. The great doctrines of the im- 



mortality of the soul, man's respcnsibility. 
and future rewards and punishnve:its, were 
taught. Among the rites, circumcision i? 
the mDst re-narkable : it is as old as the 
time of the Ivth dynasty. The Israelites 
in Egypt appear during the oppression, for 
the most part, to have adopted the Egyptian 
religion (Josh. xxiv. 14; Ez. xx. 7, 8). 
The golden calf, or rather steer, was prob- 
ably taken from the bull Apis, certainly 
from one of the sacred bulls. Remphan 
and Chiun were foreign divinities adopted 
into the Egyptian Pantheon. Ashtoretli 
was worshipped at Memphis. Doubtless 
this worship was introduced by the Phoeni- 
cian Shepherds. Army. — There are some 
notices of the Egyptian army in the O. T. 
They show, like the monuments, that its 
most important branch was the chariot- 
force. The Pharaoh of the Exodus led 
600 chosen chariots besides his whole char- 
iot-force in pursuit of the Israelites. The 
warriors fighting in chariots are probably 
the " horsemen " mentioned in the relation 
of this event and elsewhere, for in Egyptian 
they are called the " horse "or " cavalry." 
We have no subsequent indication in the 
Bible of the constitution of an Egyptian 
army until the time of the xxiid dynasty, 
when we find that Shishak's invading force 
was partly composed of foreigners ; whether 
mercenaries or allies, cannot as yet be pos- 
itively determined, although the monument* 
make it most probable that they were of 
the former character. The army of Necho, 
defeated at Carchemish, seems to have been 
similarly composed, although it probably 
contained Greek mercenaries, who soon 
afterwards became the most important 




IHflciplined Troops of the time of the XVIIIth Dynasty. (Wilkinson.) 



foreign element in the Egyptian forces. 
Domestic Life. — The sculptures and paint- 
ings of the tombs give us a very full insight 
into tl«j domestic, life of the ancient Egyp- 
tians. What most strikes us in their man- 
ners is the high position occupied by wo- 
U 



men, and the entire absence of the haren. 
system of seclusion. Marriage appears to. 
have been universal, at least with the richer 
class ; and if polygamy were tolerated it? 
was rarely practised. There were no< 
castes, although great classes were very* 



EGYPT 



162 



EGYPT 



distinct. The occupations of the higher 
class were the superintend ence of their 
fields and gardens ; their diversions, the 
pursuit of game in the deserts, or on the 
river, and fisliing. Tlie tending of cattle 
was left to tli<^ most despised of the lower 
class. The Egyi)tian feasts, and the dances, 
uiusic, and feats which accompanied them, 
fur the diversion of the guests, as well as 
the common games, were probably intro- 
iuced among the Hebrews in the most lux- 
urious days of the kingdoms of Israel and 
Judah. The account of the noontide din- 
ner of Joseph (Gen. xliii. 16,31-34) agrees 
with the representations of the monuments. 
The funeral ceremonies were far more im- 
portant than any events of the Egyptian 
life, as the tomb was regarded as the only 
true home. Magicians. — We find frequent 
reference in the Bible to the magicians of 
Egypt (Gen. xli. 8; Ex. vii. 11, &c.). The 
monuments do not recognize any such art, 
and we must conclude that magic was se- 
cretly practised, not because it was thought 
to be unlawful, but in order to give it im- 
portance. Industrial Arts. — The indus- 
trial arts held an important place in the 
occupations of the Egyptians. The work- 
ers in fine flax and the weavers of white 
linen are mentioned in a manner that 
shows they were among the chief contribu- 
tors to the riches of the country (Is. xix. 
9). The fine linen of Egypt found its way 
to Palestine (Pro v. vii. 16). Pottery was 
a great branch of the native manufactures, 
and appears to have furnished employment 
to the Hebrews during the bondage (Ps. 
Ixxxi. 6, Ixviii. 13; comp. Ex. i. 14). Fes- 
iivals, — The religious festivals were numer- 
ous, and some of them were, in the days of 
Herodotus, kept with great merrymaking 
and license. The feast which the Israelites 
celebrated when Aaron had made the gold- 
en calf seems to have been very much of 
the same character. History. — The an- 
cient history of Egypt may be divided into 
three portions : — the old monarchy, ex- 
tending from the foundation of the king- 
dom to the invasion of the Hyksos ; the 
middle, from the entrance to the expulsion 
of the Hyksos ; and the new, from the re- 
establisliment of the native monarchy by 
Amosia t> the Persian conquest. (1.) 
The Old Monarchy. — Memphis was the 
most ancient capital, the foundation of 
whi(!h is ascribed to Menes, the first mortal 
king of Egypt. The names of the kings, 
divided into thirty dynasties, are handed 
down in the lists of Manetho,* and are 
also known fron the works which they ex- 
ecuted. The most memorable epoch in 
thr; nistory of the Old Monarchy is that of 

* Manetho wag an Egyptian priest who lived under the 
Ptolemies in the 8d century B. c, and wrote in Greek a 
iiistcry of Egypt, in which he divided the kings into thirty 
iytastieg. The work itself is lost, but t'le lists of dynas- 
dM hav^been preterved by thcChrMtian. writers. 



' the Pyramid kings, placed in Manetho'a 
fourth dynasty. Their names are found 
! upon these monuments : the builder of the 
I great pyramid is called Suphis by Manetho, 
1 Cheops by Herodotus, and Khufu or Shu- 
fu, in an inscription upon the pyramid. 
The erection of the second pyramid is at 
tributed by Herodotus and Diodorus to 
Chephren ; and upon the neighboring tombs 
has been read the name of Khafra or 
Shafre. The builder of the third pyramid 
is named Mycerinus by Herodot':iS and 
Diodorus ; and in this very pyramid a cof£o 
has been found bearing the name Menkura. 
The most powerful kings of the Old Mon- 
archy were those of Manetho's twelfth dj" 
nasty -. to this period are assigned the con- 
struction of the Lake of Moeris and this 
Labyrinth. (2.) The Middle Monarchy.— 
Of this period we only know that a nomad- 
ic horde called Hyksos f for several centu- 
ries occupied and made Egypt tributary; 
that their capital was Memphis ; that in the 
Sethroite nome they constructed an immense 
earth-jamp, which they called Abaris ; that 
at a certain period of their occupatioD 
two independent kingdoms were formed iD 
Egypt, one in the Thebaid, which held in- 
timate relations with Ethiopia ; another at 
Xois, among the marshes of the Nile; and 
that, finally, the Egyptians regained tlieii 
independence and expelled the Hyksos, 
who thereupon retired into Palestine. The 
Hyksos form the fifteenth, sixteenth^ and 
seventeenth dynasties. Manetho says they 
were Arabs, but he calls the six kings of the 
fifteenth dynasty Phoenicians. (3.) Tht 
New Monarchy extends from the com- 
mencement of the eighteenth to the end of 
the thirtieth dynasty. The kingdom was 
consolidated by Amosis, who succeeded 
in expelling *he Hyksos, and thus prepared 
the way for the foreign expeditions which 
his successors carried on in Asia and 
Africa, extending from Mesopotamia in the 
former to Ethiopia in the latter continent. 
The glorious era of Egyptian history was 
under the nineteenth dynasty, when Sethi 
I., B. c. 1322, and his grandson, Ramesex 
the Great, b. c. 1311, both of whom repre- 
sent the Sesostris of the Greek historians, 
carried their arms over the whole of West- 
ern Asia, and southwards into SovdA'n, and 
amassed vast treasures, which were expend 
ed on public works. Under the later king» 
of the nineteenth dynasty the power of 
Egypt faded : the twentieth and twenty-firsi 
dynasties achieved n^^hing worthy of rec- 
ord ; but with the twenty-second we enter 
upon a period that is interesting from ita 
associations with Biblical history, the first 
of this dynasty, Sheshonk I. (Seconchis) 
B. c. 900, being the Shishak who invaded 
Judea in Hehoboam's reign and pillaged 

t This, their Eeyptian name, is derived bj M««*th« 
from Huk, a klnt<, and ao», a sheobei'L 



EGYPT 



163 



EKEON 



the Temple (1 Kings xiv. 25). Probably his 
succ(!Ssor, Osorkonl., is the Zerahof Scrip- 
tuie, defeated by Asa. Egypt makes no 
figure in Asiatic history during the xxiiird 
and xxivth dynasties ; under the xxvth it re- 
gained, in part at least, its ancient impor- 
tance. This waj an Ethiopian line, the 
« tlike sovereigns of which strove to the 
utmort to repel the onward stride of As- 
lyria. So, whom we are disposed to iden- 
tify with Sliebek II. or Sebichus, the second 
Ethiopian, made an alliance with Hoshea 
the last king oi' Israel. Tehrak or Tirha- 
kah, the third of this house, advanced 
against Sennacherib in support of Heze- 
kiah. After this, a native dynasty again 
occcupied the throne, the xxvith, of Sa'tte 
kings. Psametek I. or Psammetichus I. 
(b. c. 664), who may be regarded as the 
nead of this dynasty, warred in Palestine, 
and took Ashdod, Azotus, after a siege of 
twenty-nine years. Neku or Necho, the 
son of Psammetichus, continued the war in 
the East, and marched along the coast of 
Palestine to attack the king of Assyria. 
At Megiddo Josiah encountered him (b. c. 
608-7), notwithstanding the remonstrance 
of the Egyytian king, which is very illus- 
trative of the policy of the Pharaohs in the 
East (2 Chr. xxxv. 21), no less than is his 
lenient conduct afbsr t\t defeat and death of 
the king of Judah. The army of Necho was 
after a short space routed at Carchemish by 
Nebuchadnezzar, b. c. 605-4 (Jer. xlvi. 2) . 
The second successor of Necho, Apries or 
Pharaoh -Hophra, sent his army into Pales- 
tine to the aid of Zedekiah (Jer. xxxvii. 5, 7, 
1 1 ) , so that the siege of Jerusalem was raised 
for a time, and kindly received the fugitives 
from the captured city. He seems to have 
been afterwards attacked by Nebuchadnez- 
zar in his own country. There is, however, 
no certain account of a complete subjuga- 
tion of Egypt by the king of Babylon. 
Amasis, the successor of Apries, had a long 
and prosperous reign, and somewhat re- 
stored the weight of Egypt in the East. 
But the new power of Persia was to prove 
even more terrible to his house than Baby- 
lon had been to the house of Psammetichus, 
and the son of Amasis had reigned but six 
montliy when Cambyses reduced the coun- 
try to die condition of a province of his 
empire, b. c. 52r». — "With respect to the 
difficult question of the period of the so- 
journ of the Israelites in Egypt, the fol- 
lowing remarks may suffice. The chronol- 
ogy of Egypt is now so far settled tliat the 
accession of the eighteenth dynasty may be 
regarded as fixed to within a few years of 
B. c. 1525 The era of the Exodus, in the 
system of Ussher, is b. c. 1491. The obvi- 
ous conclusion agrees with the statement 
of Manet ho, that Moses left Egypt under 
Amosis, the first king of the eighteenth 
b nasty The same king as i»e have al- 



ready seen, expelled the Shepherd Kings: 
and there is, in fact, no doubt that the great 
power of the eighteenth dynasty was con- 
nected with this expulsion. In this change 
of dynasty many writers see a natural ex- 
planation of the " new king who knew not 
Joseph." If this view is correct, Joseph 
would have come into Egypt under one of 
the later kings of the Shepherd dynasty. 
But, plausible as this theory is, the uncer- 
tainty in which Scriptural chronology is in- 
volved prevents us from coming to any 
definite conclusion. Lepsius and other 
eminent Egyptologers place the arrival of 
the Israelites under the eighteenth dynasty, 
and the Exodus under the nineteenth, in 
the year 1314 b. c. He identifies the chief 
oppressor, from whom Moses fled, with 
the great king of the nineteenth dynasty, 
Rameses II., and the Pharaoh of the Exo- 
dus with his son and successor Menptah, 
or Phthahmen. Mr. Poole, however, 
takes an entirely opposite view, and places 
not only the arrival of the Israelites in 
Egypt, but also the Exodus, within the 
dynasties of the Shepherd kings. It seems 
impossible to come to any definite conclu- 
sion upon the subject. The difficulty of a 
solution is still further increased by the 
uncertainty as to the length of the sojourn 
of the Israelites in Egypt, whether it was 
215 years, according to the Septuagint, or 
430 years, according to the Hebrew. 

Egyptian, Egyptians. Natives of 
Egypt.^ 

£'hi, head of one of the Benjamite 
houses according to the list in Gen. xlvi, 
21. He seems to be the same as AM- ram 
in the list in Num. xxvi. 38, and if so, 
Ahiram is probably the right name, as the 
family were called Ahiramites. In 1 Chr 
viii. 1, the same person seems to be called 
Aharah, and perhaps also Ahoah, in ver. 4, 
Ahiah, ver. 7, and Aher, 1 Chr. vii. 12. 

E'hud. 1. Ehud, the son of Bilhan. 
and great-grandson of Benjamin the Patri- 
arch (1 Chr. vii. 10, viii. 6). 2. Ehud son 
of Gera of the tribe of Benjamin (Judg 
iii. 15), the second Judge of the Israelites. 
In the Bible he is not called a Judge, but a 
deliverer {I. c.) : so Othniel (Judg. iii. 9) 
and all the Judges (Neh. ix. 27). As a 
Benjamite he was specially chosen to de- 
stroy Eglon, who had established himself in 
Jericlio, which was included in the boun- 
daries of that tribe. He was very strong, 
and left-handed. [Eglon.] 

E'ker, a descendant of Judah through 
the families of Hezron and Jerahmeel (1 
Chr. ii. 27). 

Ek'ron, one of tb*^ five towns belong- 
ing to the lords of the Philistines, and the 
most northerly of the five (Josh. xiii. 3). 
Like the other Philistine cities its situa- 
tion was in the lowlands. It fell to the lot 
of Judah (Josh. xv. 45^ 46 Judg. i. 18) 



EKRONITES 



164 



ELDAAH 



and indeed formed one of the landrnarks 
on his north border. We afterwards, how- 
BYcr, find it mentioned among the cities of 
Dan (Josh. xix. 43). But it mattered little 
to wliich tribe it nominally belonged, for 
before the monarchy it was again in full 
possession of the Philistines (1 Sam. v. 10). 
Akir, the modern representative of Ekron, 
lies at about 5 miles S. W. of Ramleh. 
hi the Apocrypha it appears as Accaron 
(1 Mace. X. 89, only). 

Skronites. This word appears in 
Josh. xiii. 3, and 1 Sam. v. 10. In the for- 
mer it should be singular — "the Ekron- 
ite." 

Sl'adall, a descendant of Ephraim 
through Shuthelah (1 Chr. vii. 20). 

jEi'lah. 1. The son and successor of 
Baasha, king of Israel (1 K. xvi. 8-10) ; 
his reign lasted for little more than a year 
(comp. vcr. 8 with 10). He was killed, 
while drunk, by Zimri, in the house of his 
steward Arza, who was probably a confed- 
erate in the plot. 2. Father of Hoshea, 
the last king of Israel (2 K. xv. 30, xvii. 1). 

E'lah. 1. One of the dukes of Edom 
(Gen. xxxvi. 41; 1 Chr. i. 52). 2. Shimei 
ben-Elah was Solomon's commissariat offi- 
cer in Benjamin (1 K. iv. 18). 3. A son 
of Caleb the son of Jephunneh (1 Chr. iv. 
15). 4. Son of Uzzi, a Benjamite (1 Chr. 
ix. 8), and one of the chiefs of the tribe 
at the settlement of the country. 

Elah, The Valley of (= Valley of 
the Terebinth), a valley in (not " by," as 
the A. V. has it) which the Israelites were 
encamped against the Philistines when Da- 
vid killed Goliath (1 Sam. xvii. 2, 19). It 
is once more mentioned in the same con- 
nection (xxi. 9). It lay somewhere near 
Socoh of Judah and Azekah, and was 
nearer Ekron than any other Philistine 
town. So much may be gathered from the 
narrative of 1 Sam. xvii. 

IBlain seems to have been originally the 
name of a man, the son of Shem (Gen. x. 
22; 1 Chr. i. 17). Commonly, however, it 
is used as the appellation of a country 
(Gen. xiv. 1, 9; Is. xi. 11, xxi. 2; Jer. 
»cxv. 25 ; xlix. 34-39 ; Ez. xxxii. 24 ; Dan. 
y'ui. 2"!. 1. The Elam of Scripture appears 
to be the province lying south of Assyria 
and east of Persia Proper, to which He- 
rodotus gives the name of Cissia (iii. 91, v. 
49, &c.), and which is termed Susis or 
Susiana by the geographers. It appears 
from Gen. x. 22, that this country was ori- 
ginally peopled by descendants of Sh«m, 
closely allied to the Aramaeans (Syrians) 
and the Assyrians; and from Gen. xiv. 
1-12, it is evident that by the time of Abra- 
ham a very important power had been built 
up in the same region. It is plain that at 
tliis early time the predominant power in 
Lower Mesopotamia was Elam, which for 
a while held the place pofesessed earlier by 



Babylon (Gen. x. 10), and latei by eithei 
Babylon or Assyria. 2. A Korhite Levite, 
fifth son of Meshelemiah ; one of the Bone 
Asaph, in the time oi king David (1 Chr 
xxvi. 3). 3. A chief man of the tribe of 
Benjamin, one of the sons of Shishak (t 
Chr. viii. 24). 4. " Children of Elam," U 
the number of 1254, returned with Zerub- 
babel from Babylon (Ezr. ii. 7; Neli. vii. 
12; 1 Esd. V. 12), and a further detach- 
ment of 71 men with Ezra in the second 
caravan (Ezr. viii. 7 ; 1 Esd. viii. 33). Elaua 
occurs amongst the names of those, the 
chief of the people, who signed the cove- 
nant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 14). 5. In 
the same lists is a second Elam, whose 
sons, to the same number as in the former 
case, returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 
31 ; Neh. vii. 34), and which for the sake 
of distinction is called "the other Elam." 
0. One of the priests who accompanied 
Nehemiah at the dedication of the new wall 
of Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 42). 

E'lamites. This word is found only in 
Ezr. iv. 9. The Elamites were the original 
inhabitants of the country called Elam; 
they were descendants of Shem, and per- 
haps drew their name from an actual man 
Elam (Gen. x. 22). 

El'asah. 1. One of the Bene-Pashui , 
a priest, in the time of Ezra, who had mar- 
ried a Gentile wife (Ezr. x. 22). 2. Son of 
Shaphan ; one of the two men who were 
sent on a mission by King Zedekiah to Neb- 
uchadnezzar at Babylon (Jer. xxix. 8). 

E'lath, E'loth, the name of a town of 
the land of Edom, commonly mentioned 
together with Ezion-geber, and situate at 
the head of the Arabian Gulf, which wae 
thence called the Elanitic Gulf. It first 
occurs in the account of the wanderings 
(Deut. ii. 8), and in later times must have 
come under the rule of David in his con- 
quest of the land of Edom (2 Sam. viii. 14). 
We find the place named again in connec- 
tion with Solomon's navy (1 K. ix. 26; 
comp. 2 Chr. viii. 17). It was apparently 
included in the revolt of Edom against Jo- 
ram recorded in 2 K. viii. 20; but it waa 
taken by Azariah (xiv. 22). After this, 
however, " Rezin king of Syria recovered 
Elath, and drave out the Jews from Elath, 
and the S.yrians came to Elath and dwelt 
there to this day " (xvi. 6). From this 
time the place is not mentioned until the 
Roman period, during which it became a 
frontier-town of the south, and the resi- 
dence of a Christian bishop. The Arabic 
name is Eyleh. 

El-Beth'el, the name which Jacob is 
said to have bestowed on the place at which 
God appeared to him when he was fi^'iriK 
from Esau (Gen. xxv. 7). 

El'daah (Gen. xxv. 4; 1 Chr. i. 33), the 
last, in ordfsr, of the sons of Midian. No 
satisfactorv trace of the tri]>e which we may 



ELDAD 



it)5 



ELEPH 



mi pose to have taken the appellation has 
y^ei been fi-und. 

El dad and Me'dad, two of the 70 
elders to whom was coron^unicated the pro- 
phetic power of Moses (Num. xi. 16, 2(5). 
Althoujrh their naraes were upon the list 
srhich Moses had drawn up (xi. 26), they 
did not repair with the rest of their breth- 
ren to the tabernacle, but continued to 
propliesy in the camp. Moses, being re- 
quested by Joshua to forbid this, refused to 
do so, and expressed a wish that the gift of 
prophecy might be diffused throughout the 
people. 

Elder. The term elder or old man, as 
tJie Hebrew literally imports, was one of 
extensive use, as an oflBlcial title, among 
the Hebrews and the surrounding nations. 
It had reference to various oflSices (Gen. 
xxiv. 2, 1. 7; 2 Sam. xii. 17; Ez. xxvii. 9). 
As betokening a political office, it applied 
not only to the Hebrews, but also to the 
Egyptians (Gen. 1. 7), the Moabites and 
Midianites (Num. xxii. 7). Wherever a 
patriarchal system is in force, the office 
of the elder will be found, as the keystone 
of the social and political fabric ; it is so 
at the present day among the Arabs, 
where the Sheikh (= the old man) is the 
highest authority in the tribe. The earli- 
est notice of the elders acting in concert 
as a political body is at the time of the 
Exodus. They were the representatives 
of the people, so much so that elders 
*nd people are occasionally used as equiva- 
lent terms (comp. Josh. xxiv. 1 with 2, 19, 
21", 1 Sam. viii. 4 with 7, 10, 19). Their 
authority was undefined, and extended to 
all matters concerning the public weal. 
When the tribes became settled the elders 
were distinguished by different titles ac- 
cording as they were acting as national 
representatives, as district governors over 
the several tribes (Deut. xxxi. 28; 2 Sam. 
xix. 11), or as local magistrates in the pro- 
vincial towns, whose duty it was to sit in 
*.he gate and administer justice (Deut. xix. 
.2; Ruth iv. 9, 11; 1 K. xxi. 8). Their 
number and influence may be inferred from 
1 Sam. XXX. 26, ff. They retained their po- 
sition under all the political changes which 
the Jews underwent: under the Judges 
(Judg. ii. 7 ; 1 Sam. iv. 3) ; under the 
kings (2 Sam. xa li 4) ; during the captivity 
(Jer. xxix. 1 ; Ez. viii. 1) ; subsequently 
to the return (Ezr. v. 5, vi. 7, 14, x. 8, 14) ; 
ander the Maccabees, when they were de- 
scribed sometimes as the senate (1 Mace, 
xii. 6; 2 Mace. i. 10, iv. 44, xi. 27), some- 
times by tlieir ordinary title (1 Mace. vii. 
83, xi. 23, xii. 35) ; and, lastly, at the com- 
mencement of the Christian era, when they 
are noticed as a distinct body from the San- 
hedrim. St. Luke describes the whole 
order by the collective term ^10fa^vTl[qlov 
fLuke x>ii. 66; Acts xxii. 5). With re- 



spect to the elders in the Christian IThurclv 
see Bishop. 

El'ead, a descendant of Ephraim (1 
Chr. vii. 21). 

Elealeh, a place on the east of Jordan, 
taken possession of and rebuilt by the 
tribe of Reuben (Num. xxxii. 3, 37). By 
Isaiah and Jeremiah it is mentioned as a 
Moabite town (Is. xv. 4, xvi. 9 ; Jer. xiviii. 
84). 

Ele'asah. 1. Son of Helez, one of the 
descendants of Judah, of the family of 
Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 39). 2. Son of Rapha, 
or Rephaiah ; a descendant of Saul through 
Jonathan and Merib-baal or Mephibosheth 
(1 Chr. viii. 37, ix. 43). 

Elea'zar. 1. Third son of Aaron, bj> 
Elisheba, daughter of Amminadab. After 
the death of Nadab and Abihu without 
children (Lev. x. 1; Num. iii. 4), Eleazar 
was appointed chief over the principal Le- 
vites (Num. iii. 32). With his brother 
Ithamar he ministered as a priest during 
their father's lifetime, and immediately be- 
fore his death was invested on Mount Hor 
with the sacred garments, as the successor 
of Aaron in the office of high-priest (Num. 
XX. 28). One of his first duties was in 
conjunction with Moses to superintend the 
census of the people (Num. xxvi. 3). Af- 
ter the conquest of Canaan by Joshua he 
took part in the distribution of the land 
(Josh. xiv. 1). The time of his death is 
not mentioned in Scripture. 2. The son 
of Abinadab, of the hill of Kirjath-jearim 
(1 Sam. vii. 1). 3. The son of Dodo the 
Ahohite, i. e. possibly a descendant of 
Ahoah of the tribe of Benjamin (1 Chr. 
viii. 4) ; one of the three principal mighty 
men of David's army (2 Sam. xxiii. 9 ; 1 
Chr. xi. 12). 4. A Merarite Levite, son of 
Mahli, and grandson of Merari (1 Chr. 
xxiii. 21, 22, xxiv. 28). 5. A priest who 
took part in the feast of dedication under 
Nehemiah (Neh. xii. 42). 6. One of the 
sons of Parosh ; an Israelite (i. e. a layman) 
who had married a foreign wife, and had tft 
put her away (Ezr. x. 25; lEsdr. ix. 2&). 
7. Son of Phinehas a Levite (Ezr. viii. 33 , 
1 Esdr. viii. 63). 8. Surnamed Avarah 
(1 Mace. ii. 5), the fourth son of Matta- 
thias, who fell by a noble act of self-devo- 
tion in an engagement with Antiochus Eu- 
pator, B. c 164 (1 Mace. vi. 43, ff.). In a 
former battle with Nicanor, Eleazar was 
appointed by Judas to read " the holy book " 
before the attack, and the watchworu in tlie 
fight — "The help of God "— was his 
own name (2 Mace. viii. 23). 9. The son 
of Eliud, in the genealogy of Jesus Christ 
(Matt. i. 15). 

El-elo'he-Is'rael, the name bestowed 
by Jacob on the altar which he erected 
facing the city of Shechem (Gen. xxxiii. 
19, 20). 

Elepll, one of the towns allotted to Ben 



ELEPHANT 



166 



ELIAJKIM 



jamin, a jd named next to Jerusalem (Josh, 
jtviii. 28). 

Elephant. The word does not occur 
m the text of the canonical Scriptures of 
the A. v., but is found as the marginal 
reading to Uehemoth, in Job xl. 15. ^'■Ele- 
phants teeth " is the marginal reading for 
" ivory " in 1 K. x. 22 ; 2 Chr. ix. 41. El- 
ephants, however, are repeatedly mentioned 
in the 1st and 2d books of Maccabees, as 
being used in warfare (.1 Mace. vi.). 

Eleu'therus, a river of Syria men- 
tioned in 1 Mace. xi. 7 ; xii. 30. It sepa- 
rated Syria from Phoenicia, and formed the 
northern limit of Coele-syria. It is the 
modern Nahr-el-Kelir, " Great River." 

!Elh.a'nan. I. A distinguished warrior 
in the time of King David, who performed 
a memorable exploit against the Philistines, 
though in what that exploit exactly con- 
sisted, and who the hero himself was, it is 
not easy to determine, (a.) 2 Sam. xxi. 19 
8ays that he was the *' son of Jaare Oregim 
the Bethlehemite," and that he *' slew Goli- 
ath the Gittite, the staff of whose spear was 
Uke a weaver's beam." Here, in the A. V. 
the words *'the brother of" are inserted, to 
bring the passage into agreement with, 
(5.) 1 Chr. XX. 5, which states that *'E1- 
hanan, son of Jair (or Jaor) slew Lahmi 
the brother of Goliath the Gittite, the staff of 
whose spear," &c. Of these two statements 
the latter is probably the more correct, — 
the differences between them being much 
smaller in the original than in English. 2. 
The son of Dodo of Bethlehem, one of 
*'the thirty" of David's guard, and named 
first on the list (2 Sam. xxiii. 24 ; 1 Chr. 
xi. 26). 

E'll was descended from Aaron through 
Ithamar, the youngest of his two surviving 
sons (Lev. x. 1, 2, 12 ; comp. 1 K. ii. 27 
with 2 Sam. viii. 17; 1 Chr. xxiv. 3). As 
the history makes no mention of any high- 
priest of the line of Ithamar before Eli, he 
is generally supposed to have been the first 
of that line who held the ofllce. From him, 
his sons having died before him, it appears 
to have passed to his grandson, Ahitub (1 
Sam. xiv. 3), and it certainly remained in his 
family till Abiathar, the grandson of Ahitub, 
was " thrust out from being priest unto the 
Lord " by Solomon for his share in Adoni- 
jah's rebellion (1 K. ii. 2&, 27 ; i. 7), and the 
high-priesthood passed back again to the 
family of Eleazar in the person of Zadok (1 
K. ii. 35). Its return to the elder branch 
was one part of the punishment which had 
been denounced against Eli during his life- 
time, for his culpable negligence (1 Sam. 
ii. 22-25) when his sons by their rapacity 
and liccHtiousness profaned the priesthood, 
and brought the rites of religion into abhor- 
rence among the people (1 Sam. ii. 27-36, 
with 1 K- ii. 27). Notwithstanding thi«3 
one great blejBii;h, the character of Eli is 



marked by eminent piety, as shown by hu 
meek submission to the divine judgment (1 
Sam. iii. 18), and his supreme regard for 
the ark of God (iv. 18). In addition to the 
office of high-priest he held that of judge, 
being the immediate predecessor of his pu- 
pil Samuel (1 Sam. vii. 6, 15-17), the last 
of the judges. He died at the advanced 
age of 98 years (1 Sam. iv. 15), overcome 
by the disastrous intelligence that the ark 
of God had been taken in battle by the ]*hi- 
listines, who had also slain his sons Hophni 
and Phinehas. 

Ellab. 1. Son of Helen and leader of 
the tribe of Zebulun at the time of the cen- 
sus in the wilderness of Sinai (Num. i. 9, 
ii 7, vii. 24, 29, x. 16. 2. A Reubenite 
son of Pallu or Phallu, father or progenitoi 
of Dathan and Abiram (Num. xxvi. 8, 9, 
xvi. 1, 12; Deut. xi. 6). 3. One of Da- 
vid's brothers, the eldest of the family (1 
Chr. ii. 13; 1 Sam. xvi. 6, xvii. 13, 28). 
4. A Levite in the time of David, who waa 
both a "porter" and a musician on the 
"psaltery" (1 Chr. xv. 18, 20, xvi. 5). 5. 
One of the warlike Gadite leaders who came 
over to David when he was in the wilder- 
ness taking refuge from Saul (1 Chr. xii. 
9). 6. An ancestor of Samuel the proph- 
et; a Kohathite Levite, son of Nahath (1 
Chr. vi. 27). 7. Son of Nathanael, one of 
the forefathers of Judith, and therefore be- 
longing to the tribe of Simeon (Jud. viii. 1) 

Eli'ada. 1. One of David's sons ; ac- 
cording to the lists, the youngest but one 
of the family born to him after his estab- 
lishment in Jerusalem (2 Sam. v. 16; 1 
Chr. iii. 8). 2. A mighty man of war, a 
Benjamite, who led 200,000 of his tribe to 
the army of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 17). 

Eli'adah.. Father of Rezon, the cap- 
tain of a marauding band of Zobah which 
annoyed Solomon (1 K. xi. 23). 

EH 'ah. 1. A Benjamite; one of the 
sons of Jeroham, and a chief man of the 
tribe (1 Chr. viii. 27). 2. One of the Bene- 
Elam ; an Israelite (i. e. a layman) in the 
times of Ezra, who had married a foreign 
wife (Ezr. x. 20,). 

Ell'ahba, a Shaalbonite, one of the 
Thirty of David's guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 32 ; 
1 Chr. xi. 33). 

EU'akim. 1. Son of Hilkiah; mast*^r 
of Hezekiah's household ("over the house," 
as Is. xxxvi. 3), 2 K. xviii. 18, 26, 37. He 
succeeded Shebna in this office, after he had 
been ejected from it as a punishment for his 
pride (Is. xxii. 15-20). Eiiakim was a good 
man, as apj)ears by the title emphatically 
applied to him by God, "my servant Eha- 
kim" (Is. xxii. 20), and as was evinced bj 
his conduct on the occasion of Sennache- 
rib's invasion (2 K. xviii. 37, xix. 1-5), and 
also in the discharge of the duties of his 
hi^h station, in which he acted as a "fathei 
to 'he inhabitants of Jerusalem, uu4 to the 



ELIAM 



167 



ELIHU 



aov.6j of Juflali" (Is. xxii. 21). 2. Tho 
original name of Jehoiakim king of Judah 
(2 K. xyiil 34; 2 Chr. xxxvi. 4). 3. A 
priest in the days of NeLemiah, who as- 
sisted at the dedication of tlie new wall of 
Jeiiisaiem (Neh. xii. 41). 4. Eldest son 
of Abiid, or Judah ; brother of Joseph, and 
fallier of Azor (Matt. i. 13). 5. Son of 
Melea, and father of Jonan (Luke iii. 30, 

Eli'am. 1. Father of Bathsheba, the 
wife of David (1 Sam. xi. 3). 2. Son of 
Ahithcphel the Gilonite; one of David's 
'* thirty" warriors (2 Sam. xxiii. 34). 

£jli'as, the form in which the name of 
Elijah is given in the A. V. of the Apoc- 
rypha and N. Test. 

Ell'asaph. 1. Son of Deuel; head of 
I he tribe of Dan at the time of the census 
in the Wilderness of Sinai (Num. i. 14, ii, 
14, vii. 42, 47, x. 20). 2. Son of Lael; a 
Levite, and "chief of the house of the fa- 
ther of the Gershonite " at the same time 
^Num. iii. 24). 

fili'ashib. 1. A priest in the time of 
King David, eleventh in the order of the 
" governors " of the sanctuary (1 Chr. 
xxiv. 12). 2. Asonof Elioenai; oneof the 
latest descendants of the royal family of Ju- 
,lah (1 Chr. iii, 24). 3. High-priest at Je- 
rusalem at the time of the rebuilding of the 
walls under Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 1, 20, 21). 
4. A singer in the time of Ezra who had 
married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 24). 5. A 
son of Zattu (Ezr. x. 27), and, 6. A son 
of Bani (x. 3G), both of whom had trans- 
gressed in the same manner. 

fili'atliah, one of the sons of Heman, a 
musician in the Temple in the time of King 
David (1 Chr. xxv. 4), who with twelve 
of his sons and brethren had the twentieth 
division of the temple-service (xxv. 27). 

fjli'dad, son of Chislon ; the man chosen 
to represent the tribe of Benjamin in the 
division of the land of Canaan (Num. 
xxxiv. 21). 

E'liel. 1. One of the heads of the tribe 
of Manasseh on the east of Jordan (1 Chr. 
V. 24), 2. Son of Toah; a forefather of 
Samuel the propliet (1 Chr. vi. 34). 3. One 
of the Bene-Shimhi ; a chief man in the tribe 
of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii, 20). 4. Like the 
preceding, a Benjamite, but belonging to the 
Bene-Shashak (1 Chr. viii. 22). 5. "The 
Mahavite;" one of the heroes of David's 
fi^ard in the extended list of 1 Chr. (xi. 
46). 6. Another of the same guard, but 
without a ay express designation (xi. 47). 
7. One of the Gadite heroes who came ; 
across Jordan to David when he was in 
the wilderness of Jur'ah hiding from Saul 
(1 Chr. xii. 11). 8, A Kohathite Levite, j 
at the time of tlie transportation of the Ark j 
from the House of Obed-edom to Jerusalem , 
(1 Chr. XV, 9, 11), 9. A Levite in the 
iniL' of Hfizekiah ; one of the overseers of , 



the oflericgs made in the Temple (2 Chr. 
xxxi. 13). 

Elie'nai, one of the Bene-sbimhi; » 
descendant of Benjamin, and a chief man 
in the tribe (1 Chr. viii. 20). 

Elie'zer. 1. Abraham's chief servant, 
called by Mm " Eliezer of Damascus '' 
(Gen. XV. 2). There is an appanmt con- 
tradiction in the A. V,, for it doea not ap 
pear how, if he was " of Damascus," h« 
could be "born in Abraham's house" (\er. 
3), But the phrase " son of my house," 
only imports that he was one of Abraham's 
household, not that he was born in liis 
house. It was, most likely, this same 
Eliezer who is described in Gen, xxiv. 2. 
2. Second son of Moses and Zipporah, to 
whom his father gave this name, " because, 
said he, the God of my father was my help, 
that delivered me from the sword of Pha- 
raoh" (Ex. xviii. 4; 1 Chr. xxiii. 15, 17). 
He remained with his mother and brother 
Gershom, in the care of Jethro his grand- 
father, when Moses returned to Egypt (Ex. 
iv. 18), she having been sent back to her 
father by Moses (Ex, xviii, 2), though she 
set off to accompany him, and went part 
of the way with him, 3. One of the sons 
of Eecher, the son of Benjamin (1 Chr, 
vii, 8), 4. A priest in the reign of David 
(1 Chr. XV. 24), 5. Son of Zichri, ruler 
of the Reubenites in the reign of David (I 
Chr, xxvii. 16). 6. Son of Dodavah, of 
Mareshah in Judah (2 Chr. xx, 37), a proph- 
et, who rebuked Jehoshaphat for joining 
himself with Ahaziali king of Israel. 7. 
A chief Israelite — a "man of understand- 
ing " — whom Ezra sent with others from 
Ahava to Casiphia, to induce some Levites 
and Nethinim to accompany him to Jeru- 
salem (Ezr. viii. 16). 8, 9, 10. A priest 
a Levite, and an Israelite of the sons oi 
Harim, who, in the time of Ezra, had mar- 
ried foreign wives (Ezr. x. 18, 23, 31). 11. 
Son of Jorim, in the genealogy of Christ 
(Luke ii. 29). 

Elihoe'nai, son of Zerahiah, one of the 
Bene-Pahath-moab, who with 200 men re 
turned from the Captivity with Ezra (Ezr. 
viii. 4). 

Eliho'reph, son of Shisha, and one of 
Solomon's scribes (1 K. iv. 3). 

Eli'hu. 1. One of the interlocutors in the 
book of Job. [Job.] He is described aa 
the " son of Barachel the Buzite," and thu* 
apparently referred to the family of Buz, 
the son of Nahor, and nephew of Abm 
ham (Gen. xxii. 21). 2. Son of Tohu; a 
forefather of Samuel the prophet (I Sam. 
i. 1). 3. In 1 Chr. xxvii. 18, Elihu " ol 
the brethren of David " is mentioned as ihfc 
chief of the tribe of J idah. 4, One of 
the captains of the thousands of Manasseh 
(1 Chr. xii. 20) who followed David to 
Zikhig after he had left the Fhili!=tiue armj 
on the eve of the battle of Grill oa. 5- A 



ELIJAH 



168 



ELIJAH 



Karhite Levite in the time of David; one 

of the c'uorkeepers of the house of Jehovah. 
FIi; was a son of Sheraaiah, aud of the fam- 
ily of Obed-edom (1 Chr. xxvi. 7). 

Eli 'j ah has been well entitled " the 
grandest and the most romantic character 
tliat Israel ever produced." Certainly 
there is no personage in the O. T. whose 
career is more vividly portrayed, or who 
«xerc;ises on us a more remarkable fasci- 
nation. " Elijah the Tishbite of the in- 
habitants of Gilead," is literally all that 
is given us to know of his parentage 
and locality. To an Israelite of the tribes 
west of Jordan the title " Gileadite " 
aust have conveyed a similar impression, 
*;hougli in a far stronger degree, to that 
•fhich the title " Celt " does to us. What 
the Highlands were a century ago to the 
towns in the Lowlands of Scotland, that, 
and more than that, must Gilead have been 
to Samaria or Jerusalem. It is impossible 
rightly to estimate his character without 
recollecting this fact. It is seen at every 
turn. Of his appearance as he " stood be- 
fore " Ahab, with the suddenness of motion 
to this day characteristic of the Bedouins 
from his native hills, we can perhaps re- 
alize something from the touches, few, but 
strong, of the narrative. His chief char- 
acteristic was his hair, long and thick, and 
hanging down his back; which, if not be- 
tokening tlje immense strength of Samson, 
yet accompanied powers of endurance no 
less remarkable. His ordinary clothing 
consisted of a girdle of skin round his 
loins, which he tightened when about to 
move quickly (1 K. xviii. 46). But in ad- 
dition to this he occasionally wore the 
" mantle," or cape, of sheepskin, which 
has supplied us with one of our most fa- 
miliar figures of speech. In this mantle, 
in moments of emotion, he would hide his 
face (1 K. xix. 13), or when excited would 
roll it up as into a kind of staflP. The soli- 
tary life in which these external peculiari- 
V^s had been assumed had also nurtured 
Aat fierceness of zeal and that directness 
of address wliich so distinguished him. It 
was in the wild loneliness of the hills and 
ravines of Gilead that the knowledge of 
Jehovah, the living God of Israel, had been 
impressed on his mind, which was to form 
the subject of his mission to the idolatrous 
court and country of Israel. The northern 
kingdom had at this time forsaken almost en- 
tirely the faith of Jehovah. The worship of 
the ' alvrs had been a departure from Him ; 
but 6till it would appear that even in the 
presence of the calves Jehovah was ac- 
knowledged, and they were at any rate a 
national institution, not one imported from 
tlie i.lolatries of any of the surrounding 
countries. But the case was quite differ- 
ent when Ahab introduced the foreign reli- 
gion of Ids wife's familT, the worship of 



the Flioenician Baal It is as a witnest 
against these two evils that Elijah eomea 
forward. 1. What we may call the first 
Act in his life embraces between three and 
four years — three years and six months 
for the duration of the drought, according 
to the statements of the New Testament 
(Luke iv. 25; James v. 17), and three oi 
four months more for the journey to Horeb, 
and the return to Gilead (1 K. xvii. 1-xix- 
21). His introduction is of the most 
startling description : he suddenly appears 
before Ahab, as with the unrestrained free- 
dom of eastern manners he would have no 
difficulty in doing, and proclaims the ven- 
geance of Jehovah for the apostasy of the 
king. What immediate action followed on 
this we are not told ; but it is plain that 
Elijah had to fly before some threatened 
vengeance either of the king, or more prob- 
ably of the queen (comp. xix. 2). Per- 
haps it was at this juncture that Jezebel 
" cut off the prophets of Jehovah" (1 K. 
xviii. 4). He was directed to the brook 
Cherith. There in the hollow of the tor- 
rent-bed he remained, supported in the 
miraculous manner with which we are all 
familiar, till the failing of the brook obliged 
him to forsake it. His next refuge was at 
Zarephath, a Phoenician town lying be- 
tween Tyre and Sidon, certainly the last 
place at which the enemy of Baal would 
be looked for. The widow woman in whose 
house he lived seems, however, to have 
been an Israelite, and no Baal-worshipper, 
if we may take her adjuration by "Jeho- 
vah thy God" as an indication. Here 
Elijah performed the miracles of prolong- 
ing the oil and the meal ; and restored the 
son of the widow to life after his apparent 
dearth. In this, or some other r'^treat, an 
interval of more than two years must have 
elapsed. The drought continued, and at 
last the full horrors of famine, caused by 
the failure of the crops, descended on Sa- 
maria. The king and his chief domestic 
officer divided between them the mournful 
duty of ascertaining that neither round the 
springs, which are so frequent a feature of 
central Palestine, nor in the nooks and 
crannies of the most shaded torrent-l.eds, 
was there any of the herbage left, waich 
in those countries is so certain an indica- 
tion of the presence of moisture. It xS the 
moment for the reappearance of che proph- 
et. He shows himself first to the min- 
ister. There, suddenly planted in his path, 
is the man whom he and his master have 
been seeking for more than three years. 
Before the sudden apparition of that wild 
figure, and that stern, unbroken counte- 
nance, Obadiah could not but fall on his 
face. Elijah, however, soon calms his agi- 
tation — "As Jehovah of hosts liveth, up- 
fore whom I stand, I will surely show -qj- 
self to Ahab : " and thus reljfx *i jf Wfc 



ELIJAH 



169 



ELIJAH 



tear that, At> on a former o( casion, Elijah 
«rould disappear before he could return 
With the king, Obadiah departs to inform 
Aiiab that the man they seek is there. 
Ahab arrived, Elijah makes his charge — 
" Tbyu hast forsaken Jehovah and fol- 
lowed the Baals." He then commands 
t^at i**x Israel be collected to Mount 
C armel with the four hundred and fifty 
prophets of Baal, and the four hun- 
ired of Asherah (Ashtaroth), the latter 
being under the especial protection of 
the queen There are few more sublime 
stories in history than this. On the one 
hand the solitary servant of Jehovah, ac- 
csjmpanied by liis one attendant ; with his 
wild shaggy hair, his scanty garb and 
•heepskin cloak, but with calm dignity of 
demeanor and the minutest regularity of 
procedure, repairing the ruined altar of 
Jehovah with twelve stones — on the other 
hand the 850 prophets of Baal and Ashta- 
roth, doubtless in all the splendor of their 
•«-estments (2 K. x. 22), with tlie wild din 
>ii their vain repetitions and the maddened 
fury of their disappointed hopes, and the 
»ilent people surrounding all. The conclu- 
sion of the long day need only be glanced 
at. The fire of Jehovah consuming both 
sacrifice and altar — the prophets of Baal 
killed, it would seem by Elijah's own 
hand (xviii. 40) — the king, with an apathy 
)iIniost unintelligible, eating and drinking 
in the very midst of the carnage of his own 
adherents — the rising storm — the ride 
across the plain to Jezreel, a distance of at 
least 16 miles ; the prophet, with true Arab 
endurance, running before the chariot, but 
also with true Arab instinct stopping short 
of the city, and going no farther than the 
" entrance of Jezreel." So far the triumph 
had been complete; but the spirit of Jezebel 
was not to be so easily overcome, and her 
first act is a vow of vengeance against the 
author of this destruction. Elijah takes 
refuge in flight. The danger was great, 
and the refuge must be distant. The first 
stage on the journey was Beersheba. Here 
Elijah halted. His servant he left in the 
town ; while he himself set out alone into 
the wilderness. His spirit is quite brok- 
en, and he wanders forth over the dreary 
sweeps of tnose rocky lulls wishing for 
death. Bui God, who had brought His 
iservant into this difficulty, provided him 
with the means of escaping from it. The 
prophet was wakened from his dream of 
despondency beneath the solitary bush of 
the wilderness, was fed with the bread and 
the ^.rater which to this day are all a Bed- 
ouin's requirements, and went forward, in 
the strength of that food, a journey of forty 
days to the mount of God, even to Horeb. 
Hens, In the cave, one of the numerous 
up,verns in those awful mountains, he re- 
biained for certainly ore night. In the 



morning came the ''word of»Jenorah' — 
the question, "What dotst thou here, 
Elijah?" In answer to this invitaiion the 
prophet opens his griefs. The rej-ly comet 
in that ambiguous and indirect form ir 
which it seems necessary that the deepest 
communications with the human mind 
should be couched, to be effectual. He is 
directed to leave the cavern and stand on 
the mountain in the open air, face to face 
with Jehovah. Then, as before with Moses 
(Ex. xxxiv. 6), "The Lord passed by,** 
passed in all the terror of His most appall- 
ing manifestations ; and penetrating the 
dead silence which followed these, came 
the mysterious symbol — the "still small 
voice," and still as it was it spoke in loudet 
accents to the wounded heart of Elijah than 
the roar and blaze which had preceded it 
To him no less unmistakably than to Moses, 
centuries before, it was proclaimed that 
Jehovah was " merciful and gracious, long- 
suffering and abundant in goodness and 
truth." Elijah knew the call, and at once 
stepping forward and hiding his face hi 
his mantle, stood waiting for the Di- 
vine communication. Three commands 
were laid on him — three changes were to 
be made. Of these three commands the 
two first were reserved for Elisha to ac- 
complish, the last only was executed by 
Elijah himself. His first search was for 
Elisha. Apparently he soon found him; 
we must conclude at his native place, Abel- 
meholah. Elisha was ploughing at the 
time, and Elijah "passed over to him" — 
possibly crossed the river — and cast hin 
mantle, the well-known sheepskin cloak, 
upon him, as if, by that familiar action, 
claiming him for his son. A moment of 
hesitation, and then commenced that long 
period of service and intercourse which 
continued till Elijah's remoral, and which 
after that time procured for Elisha one of 
the best titles to esteem and reverence — 
" Elisha the son of Shaphat, who poured 
water on the hands of Elijah." 2. Ahab 
and Jezebel now probably believed that 
their threats had been effectual, and that 
they had seen the last of their tormentor. 
After the murder of Naboth, Ahab loses no 
time in entering on his new acquisition. 
But his triumph was a short one. Elijah 
had received an intimation from Jehovah 
of what was taking place, and rapidly as 
the accusation and death of Naboth had 
been hurried over, he was there to meet 
his ancient enemy on the very scene of his 
crime. And then follows the curse, in 
terms fearful to any Oriental — peculiarly 
terrible to a Jew — and most of all signifi- 
cant to a successor of the apostate princes 
of the northern kingdom. The whole of 
Elijah's denunciation may possibly be re- 
covered by putting together the words re- 
called bv Ji'hu, 2 K. ix. 26, %, ?7, «xd 



ELIJAH 



1/0 



EIJOENxU 



U^ose given in 1 K. xxi. 19-25. 3. A 
•pace of three or four years now elipses 
(comp. 1 K. xxii. 1, 51 , 2 K. i. 17) before 
we again catch a glimpse of Elijah. Aliazi- 
ali has met with a fatal accident, and is on 
liis death-bed (2 K. i. 1, 2; 1 K. xxii. 51). 
In his extremity he sends to an oracle or 
shrine of Baal at the Philistine town of 
Ekron, to ascertain the issue of his illness. 
But the oracle is nearer at hand than the 
distant Ekron. An intimation is conveyed 
to the prophet, probably at that time inhab- 
iting one of the recesses of Carmel, and, as 
an the former occasions, he suddenly ap- 
pears on the path of the messengers, with- 
out preface or inquiry utters his message of 
death, and as rapidly disappears. But this 
check only roused the wrath of Ahaziah. A 
captain was despatched, with a party of fifty, 
to take Elijah prisoner. " And there came 
down fire from heaven and consumed him 
and his fifty." A second party was sent, 
only to meet the same fate. The altered 
tone of the leader of a third party brought 
Ehjah down. But the king gained nothing. 
The message was delivered to his face in 
the same words as it had been to the mes- 
sengers, and Elijah was allowed to go 
harmless. 4. It must have been shortly 
after the death of Ahaziah that Elijah made 
a communication with the southern king- 
dom. When Jehoram the son of Jehosha- 
phat began " to walk in the ways of the 
kings of Israel," Ehjah sent him a letter 
denouncing his evil doings, and predicting 
his death (2 Chr. xxi. 12-15.) In its con- 
tents the letter bears a strong resemblance 
to the speeches of Elijah, while in the 
details of style it is very peculiar, and quite 
diflferent from the narrative in which it is 
embedded. 5. The closing transaction of 
Elijah's life introduces us to a locality 
heretofore unconnected with him. It was 
at GiLGAL — probably on the western edge 
of the hills of Ephraim — that the prophet 
received the divine intimation that his de- 
parture was at hand. He was at the time 
with Elisha, who seems now to have become 
his constant companion, and whom he 
endeavors to persuade to remain behind 
while he goes on an errand of Jehovah. But 
Elisha will not so easily give up Ms mas- 
ter. They went together to Bethel. Again 
Elijah attempts to escape to Jericho, and 
again Elisha protests that he will not be 
separated from him. At Jericho b^ makes i 
a final eflfort to avoid what they Doth so 
much dread. But Elisha is not to be con- 
quered, and the two set off across the 
undulating plain of burning sand, to the 
distant river — Elijah in his mantle or cape 
of sheepskin, Elisha in ordinary clothes. 
Fifty men of the sons of the prophets ascend 
the abrupt heights behind the town to watch 
what happens in the distance. Talking as 
they go, the two reach tlie river, and stand 



on the shelving bf.ak beside ieij Rwill browi* 
current. But they are not to stop even 
here. It is as if the aged Gileadite cannol 
rest till he again sets foot on his own side 
of the river. He rolls up his mantle as into 
a stafi', and with his old energy strikes the 
waters as Moses had done before Mm, — 
strikes them as if they were an enemy ; a/id 
they are divided Mther and thither, anil 
they two go over on dry ground. " And h 
came to pass as they still went on and 
talked, that, behold, a chariot cf fire and 
horses of fire, and parted them both asun- 
der, and Elijah went up by the whirlwind in- 
to the skies." — And here ends all the direct 
information which is vouchsafed to us of tlie 
life and work of this great prophet. How 
deep was the impression which he made on 
the mind of the nation may be judged of trom 
the fixed belief which many centuries after 
prevailed that Elijah would again appear foi 
the relief and restoration of his country. 
But on the other hand, the deep impression 
which Elijah had thus made on liis nation 
only renders more remarkable the departure 
which the image conveyed by the later m 
references to him evinces, from that so BJ 
sharply presented in the records of his 
actual life. With the exception of the 
eulogiums contained in the catalogues of 
worthies in the book of Jesus the son of 
Sirach (xlviii.) and 1 Mace. ii. 58, and tht 
passing allusion in Luke ix. 54, none of 
these later references allude to his work* 
of destruction or of portent. They all sot 
forth a very different side of his character 
to that brought out in the historical nar- 
rative. They speak of his being a man 
of Uke passions with ourselves (James v. 
17) ; of his kindness to the widow of Sarep- 
ta (Luke iv. 25); of his "restoring all 
things " (Matt. xvii. 11) ; "turning the hearta 
of the fathers to the children, and tlie diso- 
bedient to the wisdom of the just " (Mai. iv. 
5, 6; Luke i. 17). 2. A priest of the son* 
of Harim, who had married ii foreign wife 
(Ezr. x. 21). 

iEirika, a Harodite, one of David's guard 
(2 Sam. xxiii. 25). 

E'lim (Ex. XV. 27; Num. xxxiii. 9), the 
second station where the Israelites en- 
camped after crossing the Red Sea. It is 
distingnishcd as having had "twelve wells 
(rather ' fountains ') of water, and three- 
score and ten palm-trees." 

Elira'elech, a man of the tribe of Judab, 
and of the family of the Hezronites, who 
dwelt in Betblohem-Ephratah in the days 
of tilt Judges. In consequence of a great 
dearth in the land he went with his wife 
Naomi, and his two sons. MaJdon and Cbil- 
ion, to dwell in Moab, where he and lis sona 
died without posterity (Kuth i. 2, 3, &c.). 

Elioe'nai. 1. Eldest son of Neariab, 
the son of Shemaiah (1 Chr. iii. 23, 2i). 2. 
Head of a family of the Simeonites {I Chr 



ELIPHAL 



171 



ELISUA 



IT 86 ) . 3. Head of one of the families of 
Ihi sons of Becher, the son of Benjamin (1 
Chr. vii. 8). 4. Seventh son of Meshele- 
miah, thu son of Kore, of the sons of Asaph, 
a Korhite Levite, and one of the door-keep- 
ers of the '• house of Jehovah " (1 Chr. 
rx\i. 3). 5. A prifcst of the sons of Pashur, 
in the days ol Ezra, one of those who had 
married foreign wives (Ezr. x. 22). He is 
possibly the same as, 6. who is mentioned 
in Neh. xii. 41, as one of the priests who 
a/jcompanied Nehemiah with trumpets at 
tlie dedication of the wall of Jerusalem, 
7. An Israelite, of the sons of Zattu, who 
had also married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 27). 

Sl'iphal, son of Ur, one of David's 
guard (1 Chr. xi. 35). [Eliphelet, 3.] 

Eliph'alet, the last of the thirteen 
sons bom to David, after his establishment 
in Jerusalem (2 Sam. v. 16 ; 1 Chr. xiv. 7). 
[Eliphelet, 2.] 

Eriphaz. 1. The son of Esau and 
Adah, and father of Teman (Gen. xxxvi. 4 ; 
1 Chr. i. 35, 36). 2. The chief of the 
" three friends " of Job. He is called •' the 
Temanite ; " hence it is naturally inferred 
tliat he was a descendant of Teman. On 
him falls the main burden of the argument, 
that God's retribution in this world is per- 
fect and certain, and that consequently 
suffering must be a proof of previous sin 
(Job iv., v., XV., xxii.). The great truth 
brought out by him is the unapproachable 
majesty and purity of God (iv. 12-21, xv. 
12-16). [Job.] 

Eliph.'eleh^ a Merarite Levite ; one of 
the gate-keepers appointed by David to 
play on the harp " on the Sheminith" on 
the occasion of bringing up the Ark to the 
city of David (1 Chr. xv. 18, 21). 

EUph'elet. 1. The name of a son of 
David, one of the children born to him after 
his establishment in Jerusalem (1 Chr. iii. 
6). 2. Another son of David, belonging 
also to the Jerusalem family, and apparent- 
ly the last of his sons (1 Chr. iii. 8). 3. 
Son of Ahasbai, son of the Maachathite. 
One of the thirty warriors of David's guard 
(2 Sam. xxiii. 34). 4. Sonof Eshek, a de- 
scendant of king Saul through Jonathan (1 
Chr. viii. 39). 5. One of the leaders of the 
Bene-Adonikam, who returned from Baby- 
lon with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 13). 6. A man 
of the Bene-Hashum in the time of Ezra 
who had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 33). 

Elis'abeth, the wife of Zacharias and 
mother of John the Baptist. She was her- 
self of the priestly family, and a relation 
(Luke i. 36) of the mother of our Lord. 

Elise'us, the form in which the name 
Elisha appears in the A. V. of the Apocry- 
pha and the N. T. (Ecclus. xlviii. 12 ; Luke 
iv. 27). 

"31i'sha, son of Shaphat of Abel-me- 
holah; the attendant and disciple of Eli- 
]aht and subsequently his successor as 



prophet of t: t kingdom oi .srael 1. Tii« 
earliest mention of his name is in Ihe com- 
mand to Elijah in the cave at Horeb (1 K. 
xix. 16, 17). But our first introduction to 
the future prophet is in the fields ol hi? 
native place. Abel-meholah was probably 
in the valley of the Jordan. Elijah, on hi? 
way from Sinai to Damascus by the Jordan 
valley, lights on his successor engaged in 
the labors of the field. To cross to him, to 
throw over his shoulders the rough mantle 
— a token at once of investiture with the 
propliet's office, and of adoption as a son — 
was to Elijah but the work of an instant, 
and the prophet strode on as if what he 
had done were nothing — " Go back again, 
for what have I done unto thee ? " Elisha 
was not a man who, having put his hand to 
the plough, was likely to look back ; he de- 
layed merely to give the farewell kiss to his 
father and mother, and preside at a parting 
feast with his people, and then followed tlie 
great prophet on his northward road. Sev 
en or eight years must have passed betweei 
the call of Elisha and the removal of his 
master, and during the whole of that time 
we hear nothing of him. But when that 
period had elapsed he reappears, to become 
the most prominent figure in the history of 
his country during the rest of lii.^, long life. 
In almost every respect Elisha p i*esents the 
most complete contrast to Elijali. The co- 
pious collection of his sayings and doings 
which are preserved from the 3d to the 9th 
chapter of the 2d book of Kings, is full of 
testimonies to this contrast. Elijah was a 
true Bedouin child of the desert. If he 
enters a city it is only to deliver his mes- 
sage of fire and be gone. Elisha, on the 
other hand, is a civilized man, an inhab- 
itant of cities. And as with his man- 
ners ■^o with his appearance. The touches 
of the "narrative are very slight; but we 
can gather that his dress was the ordinary 
garment of an Israelite, the beged, prob- 
ably similar in form to the long abbeyeh of 
the modern Syrians (2 K. ii. 12), that hii 
hair was worn trimmed behind, in contrast 
to the disordered locks of Elijah (ii. 23, 
as explained below), and that he used a 
walking-staff (iv. 29) of the kind ordinari- 
ly carried by grave or aged citizens (Zech. 
viii. 4). The call of Elisha seems to have 
taken place about four years before the 
death of Ahab. He died in the reign of 
Joash, the grandson of Jehu. This em- 
braces a period of not less than 65 years, 
for certainly 55 of whica he held the office 
of " prophet in Israel " (2 K. v. 8). After 
the departure of his m-'J8ter, Elisha returned 
to dwell at Jericho (2 K. ii. 18). The town 
had been lately rebuilt (1 K. xvi. 34), and 
was the residence of a body of the "sons 
of the prophets " (2 K. ii. 5 15). One of 
the springs of Jericho was noxious at the 
time of Elisha's >isit At the request of 



EJLISHA 



172 



ELJSHA 



tlie men of Jericln he remedied this evil. 
He took salt in a new vessel, and cast it 
into the water at its source in the name of 
Jehovah. 2. We next meet with Elisha at 
Bethel, in the heart of the country, on his 
way from Jericho to Mount Carmel (2 K. 
ii. 23). His last visit had been made in 
company with Elijah on their road down 
to the Jordan (ii. 2). Here the boys of 
the town were clustered, waiting, as they 
«tili wait at the entrance of the villages of 
Palestine, for the chance passer-by. In 
the short- trimmed locks of E]^ha, how 
were they to recognize the successor of the 
prophet, with whose shaggy hair streaming 
over his shoulders they were all familiar ? 
So with the license of the Eastern children 
they scoff at the new comer as he walks 
by — *'Go up, roundhead! go up, round- 
head ! " For once Elisha assumed the 
sternness of his master. He turned upon 
them and cursed them in the name of Je- 
hovah, and we all know the catastrophe 
which followed. 3. Elisha extricates Je- 
horam king of Israel, and the kings of Ju- 
dah and Edom, from their difficulty in the 
campaign against Moab, arising from want 
of water (iii. 4-27). This incident proba- 
bly took place at the S. E. end of the Dead 
Sea. 4. The widow of one of the sons 
of the prophets is in debt, and her two sons 
are about to be taken from her and sold as 
slaves. She has no property but a pot of 
oil. This Elisha causes (in his absence, 
iv. 5) to multiply, until the widow has filled 
with it all the vessels which she could bor- 
row. 5. The next occurrence is at Shu- 
Qem and Mount Carmel (iv. 8-37). The 
story divides itself into two parts, separated 
from each other by several years, (a.) 
Elisha, probably on his way between 
Carmel and the Jordan valley, calls xcci- 
dentally at Shunem. Here he i? Hospi- 
tably entertained by a woman of sub- 
stance, apparently at that time ignorant 
of the character of her guest. There is 
no occasion here to quote the details of 
this charming narrative, (i.) An interval 
has elapsed of several years. The boy is 
now old enough to accompany his father 
to the corn-field, where the harvest is pro- 
ceeding. The fierce rays of the morning 
sun are too powerful for him. and he is 
carried home to his mother only to die at 
noon. She says nothing of their loss to 
her husband, but depositing her child on 
the bed of the man of God, at once starts 
m quest of him to Mount Darmel. No ex- 
planation is needed to tell Elisha the exact 
state of the case. The heat of the season 
will ailovi of no delay in taking the neces- 
sary steps, Jtnd Gehazi is at once despatched 
fo run back to Shunem with the utmost 
speed. He takes the prophet's walking- 
«taff ir his hand, which he is to lay on th« 
&ce of the child. The mother and Elisha 



follow in haste. Before Ihey reach the 
village the sun of that long, anxious, sum- 
mer afternoon must have set. Gehazi 
meets them on the road, but he has no re- 
assuring report to give ; the placing of the 
staff on the face of the dead boy had cal ed 
forth no sign of life. Then Elisha enters 
the house, goes up to his own chamber, 
"and he shut the door on them twain anl 
prayed unto Jehovah." The child is re- 
stored to life. 6. The scene now changes 
to Gilgal, apparently at a time when Elisha 
was residing there (iv. 38--41). The son"? 
of the prophets are sitting round him. It 
is a time of famine. The food of the party 
must consist of any herbs that can be 
found. The great caldron is put on »,l 
the command of Elisha, and one of the 
company brings his blanket full of such 
wild vegetables as he has collected, and 
empties it into the pottage. But no sooner 
have they begun their meal than the taste 
betrays the presence of some noxious herb, 
and they cry out, " There is death in the 
pot, O man of God ! " In this case the 
cure was effected by meal which Elisha 
cast into the stew in the caldron. 7. (iv. 
42-44). This in all probability belongs to 
the same time, and also to the same place, 
as the preceding. A man from Baal- 
shalisha brings the man of God a present 
of the first-fruits, which under the law 
(Num. xviii. 8, 12 ; Deut. xviii. 3, 4) were 
the perquisite of the ministers of the sanc- 
tuary. 8. The simple records of these 
domestic incidents amongst the sons of the 
prophets are now interrupted by an occur- 
rence of a more important character (v. 
1-27). The chief captain of the army of 
Syria, to whom his country was indebted 
for some signal success, was afllicted with 
leprosy (v. 27). One of the memberiS of 
his establishment is an Israelite girl, kid- 
napped by the marauders of Syria in one 
of their forays over the border, and she 
brings into that Syrian household the fame 
of the name and skill of Elisha. The news 
is communicated by Naaman himsrdf to the 
king. Benhadad had yet to learn the posi- 
tion and cbaracter of Elisha. He writes to 
the king of Israel a letter very characteris- 
tic of a military prince. With this letter, 
and with a present, and a full retinue ol 
attendants (13, 15, 23), Naaman proceeds 
to Samaria, to the house of Elista. Elislm 
still keeps in the background, and while 
Naaman stands at the (^ocrway, contorts 
himself with sending out a messenger wilh 
the simple direction to bathe seven times? 
in the Jordan. The independent behavior 
of the prophet, and the simplicity of the 
prescription, all combined to enrage Naa- 
man. His slaves, however, knew hnw to 
deal with the quick but not ungenerous 
temper of their master, and the result is, 
that he goes down to lb i Jordan and dipi 



ELISHA 



173 



ELISUA 



himself seven times, " and his flesh came 
again like the flesh of a little child, and he 
ras clean." His first business after his 
cure is to thank his benefactor. He re- 
turns with his whole following, and this 
time he will not be denied the presence of 
Elisha ; but making his way in, and stand- 
ing before him, he gratefully acknowledges 
the power of the God of Israel, and en- 
treats him to accept the present which he 
has brought from Damascus. Elisha is 
firm, and refuses the offer, though re- 
pealed with the strongest adjuration. But 
Oehazi cannot allow such treasures thus 
to escape him. So he frames a story by 
which the generous Naaman is made to 
send back with him to Elisha's house a 
considerable present in money and clothes. 
He then went in and stood before his mas- 
ter as if nothing had happened. But the 
prophet was not to be so deceived. His 
heart had gone after his servant through 
the whole transaction, even to its minutest 
details, and he visits Gehazi with the tre- 
mendous punishment of the leprosy, from 
which he has just relieved Naaman. 9. 
(vi. 1-7). We now return to the sons of 
iie prophets ; but this time the scene ap- 
pears to be changed, and is probably at 
Jericho, and during the residence of Elisha 
thore. As one of them was cutting at a 
tree overhanging the stream, the iron of his 
axe flew off and sank into the water. His 
cry soon brought the man of God to his aid. 
The stream of the Jordan is deep up to the 
very bank, especially when the water is so 
low as to leave the wood dry, and is more- 
over so turbid that search would be useless. 
But the place at which the lost axe en- 
tered the water is shown to Elisha ; he breaks 
off a stick and casts it into the stream, and 
the iron appears on the surface, and is re- 
covered by its possessor. 10. (vi. 8-23). 
Elisha is now residing at Dothan, half way 
on the road between Samaria and Jezreel. 
The incursions of the Syrian marauding 
bands (comp. v. 2) still continue. Their 
manoeuvres are not hid from the man of 
God, and by his warnings he saves the king 
"not once nor twice." A strong party 
with chariots is despatched to effect the 
capture of Elisha. They march by night, 
and before morning take up their station 
round the base of the eminence on which 
the ruins of Dothan still stand. Elisha's 
servant is the first to discover the danger. 
But Elisha remains unmoved by his fears. 
He prays to Jehovah, and the whole of the 
Syrian warriors are struck blind. Then 
descending, he offers to lead them to the 
person and the place which they seek. He 
conducts them to Samaria. There, at the 
Drayerof the prophet, their sight is restored, 
•nd they find themselves not in a retired 
country village, but in the midst of the 
capital of Israel, and in the presence of 



I the king and his troops. Aflci* sucn a ns 
I pulse it is not surprising that the mars ud- 
I ing forays of the Syrian troops ceased. 1 1 
I (vi. 24-vii. 2). But the king of Syria 
could not rest under such dishonor. He 
abandons his marauding system, and gathers 
a regular army, with which he lays siege to 
Samaria. The awful extremities to whict 
the inhabitants of the place were driven 
need not here be recalled. 12. (viii. 1-6). 
We now go back several years to an inci- 
dent connected with the lady of Shunem, 
at a period antecedent to the cure of Naa- 
man and the transfer of his leprosy to 
Gehazi (v. 1, 27). Elisha had been made 
aware of a famine which Jehovah was about 
to bring upon the land for seven years ; and 
he had warned his friend the Shunammitu 
thereof that she might provide for her safety. 
At the end of the seven years she returned 
to her native place, to find that during he\ 
absence her house with the field-land at- 
tached to it had been appropriated by some 
other person. To the king therefore the 
Shunammite had recourse. And now oc- 
curred one of those rare coincidences which 
it is impossible not to ascribe to something 
more than mere chance. At the very mo- 
ment of the entrance of the >roman and 
her son the king was listening to a recital 
by Gehazi of " all the great things which 
Elisha had done." The woman was in- 
stantly recognized by Gehazi. From her 
own mouth the king hears the repetition 
of the wonderful tale, and, whether from 
regard to Elisha, or struck by the extraor- 
dinary coincidence, orders her land to be 
restored with the value of all its product 
during her absence. 13. (viii. 7-15). 
Hitherto we have met with the prophet 
only in his own country. We now find 
him at Damascus. He is there to carry 
out the command given to Elijah on Hore> 
to anoint Hazael to be king over Syria 
At the time of his arrival Benhadad was 
prostrate with his last illness. The king's 
first desire is naturally to ascertain his 
own fate ; and Hazael is commissioned to 
be the bearer of a present to the prophet, 
and to ask the question on the part of 
his master, " Shall I recover of this dis- 
ease ? " The reply, probably originally 
ambiguous, is doubly uncertain in the pres- 
ent doubtful state of the Hebrew text ; but 
the general conclusion was unmistakable : 
" Jehovah hath showed me that he shall 
surely die." But this was not all that had 
been revealed to the prophet. If Benhadad 
died, who would be king in his stead but 
the man who now stood before him ? The 
prospect was one which drew forth the tears 
of the man of God. At Hazael's request 
Elisha confesses the reason of his tears. 
But the prospect is one which has no sor- 
row for Hazael. His only doubt is the 
possibility of such good fortune for one w 



ELISHAH 



174 



ELON 



mean. " But what is thy slave, do^- that 
he is, that he should do this great thing? " 
To which Elisha replies, " Jehovah hath 
showed me that thou wilt be king over 
Syria." Returning to the king, Hazael 
r«ll8 him only half the dark saying of the 
man of God — " He told me that thou 
Bhouldast surely recover." But that was 
the last day of Benhadad's life. 14. (ix. 
1-10). Two of the injunctions laid on 
Elijah had now been carried out; the third 
ftill remained. The time was come for 
the fulfilment of the curse upon Ahab by 
anointing Jehu king over Israel. Elisha's 
personal share in the transaction was con- 
fined to giving directions to one of the 
sons of the prophets. [Jehu.] 15. Be- 
yond this we have no record of Elisha's 
having taken any part in the revolution of 
Jehu, or the events which followed it. He 
does not again appear till we find him on 
his death-bed in his own house (xiii. 14- 
19). 16. (xiii. 20-22). The power of the 
prophet, however, does not terminate with 
his death. Even in the tomb he restores the 
dead to life. 

Eli'sliah, the eldest son of Javan (Gen. 
<.. 4). The residence of his descendants is 
described in Ez. xxvii. 7, as the '* isles of 
Elishah," whence the Phoenicians obtained 
their purple and blue dyes. Some connect 
the race of Elishah with the Aeolians, 
oihers with Elis, and in a more extended 
sense Peloponnesus, or even Hellas. It 
appears correct to treat it as the designa- 
ion of a race rather than of a locality. 

ESisla'ama. 1. Son of Ammihud, the 
"prince" or "captain" of the tribe of 
Ephraim in the wilderness of Sinai (Num. 
I. 10, ii. 18, vii. 48, x. 22). From 1 Chr. 
vii. 26 we find that he was grandfather to 
Ci^e great Joshua. 2. A son of King David, 
born to him of his wives after his establish- 
nent in Jerusalem (2 Sam. v. 16 ; 1 Chr. 
iii. 8, xiv. 7.) 3. Another son of David (1 
Chr. iii. 6), who in the other lists is called 
Elishua. 4. A descendant of Judah ; the 
son of Jekamiah (1 Chr. ii. 41). 5. The 
father of Nethaniah and grandfather of Ish- 
mael (2 K. xxv. 25 ; Jer. xli. 1). 6. Scribe 
to king Jehoiakim (Jer. xxxvi. 12, 20, 21). 
7. A priest in the time of Jehoshaphat (2 
Chr. xvii. 1). 

£lisll'apliat, son of Zichri ; one of the 
captains of hundreds in the time of Jehoiada 
(2 Chr. xxiii. 8). 

Eli^Jh'eba, the wife of Aaron (Ex. vi. 
83). Sh3 was the daughter of Amminadab, 
and sister of Naashon the captain of the 
host of Judah (Num. ii. 3). 

fjlishu'a, one of David's sons, born after 
his settlement in Jerusalem (2 Sam. v. 15 ; 
I Chr. xiv. 5). 

E'liud, son of Achim in the genealogy 
>f Christ (Matt. i. 15). 

Eli^'apbau. 1. A Levite, son of Uz- 



ziel, chief of the house of the Kohathite« 
at the time of the census in the wildern-^^sh 
of Sinai (Num. iii. 30). 2. Son of Par- 
nach ; prince of the tribe of Zebulun (Num, 
xxxiv. 25). 

Eli'zur, son of Shedeur ; prince of the 
tribe, and over the host of Reuben (Num. 
i. 5, ii. 10, vii. 30, 35, x. 18). 

El'kanah. 1. Son, or rather grandson 
(see 1 Chr. vi. 22, 23 [7, 8]), of Korah, ac- 
cording to Ex. vi. 24. 2. A descendant of 
the above in the line of Ahimoth, otherwise 
Mahath, 1 Chr. vi. 26, 35 (Heb. 11, 20). 
3. Another Kohathite Levite, was son of 
Jeroham, and father of Samuel the illus- 
trious Judge and Prophet (1 Chr. vi. 27, 
34). All that is known of him is contained 
in the above notices and in 1 Sam. i. 1, 4, 
8, 19, 21, 23, and ii. 2, 20. 4. A Levite 
(1 Chr. ix. 16). 5. A Korhite who joined 
David while he was at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 
6). 6. An officer in the household of Ahaz, 
king of Judah, who was slain by Zichri th*= 
Ephraimite, when Pekah invaded Judah. 
(2 Chr. xxviii. 7). 

El'kosh, the biuthplace of the prophet 
Nahum, hence called " the Elkoshite," 
Nah. i. 1. Two widely differing Jewish 
traditions assign as widely different locali- 
ties to this place. In the time of Jerome 
it was believed to exist in a small village 
of Galilee. Others assign it to Alkush, a 
village on the east bank of the Tigris, 
about two miles north of Mosul. The for- 
mer is more in accordance with the internal 
evidence afforded by the prophecy, which 
gives no sign of having been written in As- 
syria. 

El'lasar, the city of Arioch (Gen. xiv, 
1), seems to be the Hebrew representative 
of the old Chaldaean town called in the 
native dialect Larsa or Larancha. Larsa 
was a town of Lower Babylonia or Chaldaea, 
situated nearly half way between Ur {Mug- 
heir^ and Erech ( Warka), on the left bank 
of the Euphrates. It is now Senkereh. 

Elm, Hos. iv. 13. See Oak. 

Elmo'dam, son of Er, in the geneala 
gy of Joseph (Luke iii. 28). 

Ernaam, the father of Jeribai and Josh- 
aviah, two of David's guard, according to 
1 Chr. xi. 46. 

El'nathan. 1. The maternal grand 
father of Jehoiachin (2K. xxiv. 8) is doubt- 
less the same man with Elnathan the son of 
Achbor (Jer. xxvi. 22, xxxvi. 12, 25) 2. 
The name of three persons, apparently Le- 
vites, in the time of Ezra (Ez. viii 16). 

E'lon. 1. A Hittite, whose daughter 
was one of Esau's wives (Gen. xxvi. 34, 
xxxvi. 2). 2. The second of the three 
sons attributed to Zebulun (Gen. xlvi. 14; 
Num. xxvi. 26) ; and the founder of the 
family of the Elonites. 3. Elon the Zeb- 
ulonite, who judged Israel for ten years, and 
was buried in Aijalon in Zebulun ( Tudjjr 



ELON- BETH-HAN AN 



175 



EMBROIDEREK 



rfi. 11, 12). 4. One of the towns in tlie 
oorJer of the tribe of Dan (Josh. xix. 43). 

E'lon-beth -hanan is named with 
two Dnnite towns as forming one of Solo- 
mon's commissariat districts (1 K. iv. 9). 

E'lonites, The, Num. xxvi. 26. [Elon, 



E'l 



'loth, 1 K. ix. 26. [Elath.] 

Elpa'al, a Benjamite, son of Hushim 
and brother of Abitub (1 Chr. viii. 11). He 
was the founder of a numerous family. 

Elpa'let, one of David's sons bom in 
Jerusalem (1 Chr. xiv. 5). 

El-pa'ran. Literally " the terebim^h 
of Paran" (Gen. xiv. 6). [Paran.] 

El'tekeh, one of the cities in the bor- 
der of Dan (Josh. xix. 44), which with itf* 
suburbs was allotted to the Kohatliite Le- 
vites (xxi. 23). 

El'tekon, one of the towns of the tribe 
of Judah in the mountains (Josh. xv. 59). 
£t has not yet been identified. 

El'tolad, one of the cities in the south 
of Judah (Josh. xv. 80) allotted to Simeon 
(JosL. xix. 4) ; and in possession of that 
tribe until the time of David (1 Chr. iv. 

Elul, Neh. vi. 15; 1 Mace. xiv. 27. 
[Months.] 

Elu'zai, one of the warriors of Benja- 
min, WHO joined David at Ziklag (1 Chr. 
xii. 5). 

El'ymas, the Arabic name of the Jew- 
ish magus or sorcerer Barjesus (Acts xiii. 
6, ff.). 

El'zabad. 1. One of the Gadite heroes 
jrho came across the Jordan to David (1 
Chr. xii. 12). 2. A Korhite Levite (1 Chr. 
Axvi. 7). 

El'zaphan, second son of Uzziel, who 
ras the son of Kohath son of Levi (Ex. 
vi. 22). 

Embalming, the process by which 
dead bodies are preserved from putrefac- 
tion and decay. It was most general 
among the Egyptians, and it is in connec- 
tion with this people that the two instances 
which we meet with in the O. T. are men- 
tioned (Gen. 1. 2, 26). Of the Egyptian 
method of embalming there remain two 
minute accounts, which have a general 
kind of agreement, though they differ in 
details. Herodotus (ii. 86-89) describes 
tlu-ee modes, varying in completeness and 
expense, and practised by persons regular- 
ly trained to the profession who were initi- 
ated into the mysteries of the art by their 
ftn( estors. The embalmers first removed 
pui-t of the brain throu^jh the nostrils, by 
means of a crooked iron, and destroyed the 
rest Dy injecting caustic drugs. An incision 
was then made along the flank with a sharp 
Ethiopian stone, and the whole of the in- 
testines removed. The cavity was rinsed 
out with palm-wine, and afterwards scoured 
with pou tided perfumes. It was then filled 



with pure mj rrh pounded, cassia, and oth 
er arumalics, except frankincense. Thi» 
done, the body was sewn up and steeped in 
natron for seventy days. When the sev- 
enty days were accomplished, the embalm- 
ers washed the corpse and swathed it in 
bandages of linen, cut in strips and smeared 
with gum. They then gave it up to th« 
relatives of the deceased, who provided for 




iimM±iJ« i ' i' '•! IMO^LMI.^ liS IJ l' 'il.iiili'il^:^tii'«i'fe 




The Mummj-'s H«ii4, mcd at an open panel of the coflbL 
(Wilkinson.) 

it a wooden case, made in the shape of a 
man, in which the dead was placed, and de- 
posited in an erect position against the waD 
of the sepulchral chamber. The second 
mode of embahnin^^ cost about 20 minae. In 
this case no incision was made in the body, 
nor were the intestmes removed, but cedar- 
oil was injected into the stomach by the 
rectum. The oil was prevented from es 
caping, and the body wm then steeped in 
natron for the appointed number of days. 
On the last day the oil was withdrawn, and 
carried ofl* with it the stomach and intes- 
tines in a state of solution, while the flesh 
was consumed by the natron, and nothing 
was left but the skin and bones. The body 
in this state was returned to the relatives 
of the deceased. The third mode, which 
was adopted by the poorer classesi, and cost 
but Uttle, consisted in rinsing out the intes- 
tines with syrma<ia, an infusion of senna 
and cassia, and steeping the body for the 
usual number of days in natrum. It do«t 
not appear that embalming, properly so 
called, was practised by the Hebrews. 

Embroiderer. This term is given is 
the A. V. as the equivalent of r<5A;^w, the pro 
ductions of the art being described as " nee 
die work " {rikmdh). In Exodus the em- 
broiderer is contrasted with the *' ciinning 
workman" {chdshSb). Various explana- 
tions have been offered as to the distint'tion 
between them, but most of these overlook 
the distinction marked in the Bible itself, 
viz. that the rdkim wove simply a varie- 
gated texture, without gold thread or fig- 
ures, and that the choxheb interwove gold 
thread or figures into the variegated tex- 
ture. The distincticn, as giyen hw th« 



2:M£liALD 



176 



EN-DOK 



Talmudists, is* this — that; riJcmdh, or •* nee- 
dlework," was where a pattern was attached 
to the stuff by being sewn oii to it. on one 
side, and the work of the chdshih wiienihe 
pattern was worked into the stuff by the 
loom, and so appeared on both sides. The art 
of embroidery by the loom was extensively 
practised among the nations of antiquity. 
In addition to the Egyptians, the Babyloni- 
ans were celebrated for it; but embroid- 
ery in the proper sense of the term, i. e. 
with the needle, was a Phrygian invention 
of later date (Plin. viii. 48). 

Bmerald, a precious stone, first in the 
•econd row on the breastplate of the high- 
priest (Ex. xxviii. 18, xxxix. 11), imported 
to Tyre from Syria (Ez. xxvii. 16), used as 
a seal or signet (Ecclus. xxxii. 6), as an 
ornament of clothing and bedding (Ez. 
xxviii. 13; Jud. x. 21), and spoken of as 
,)ne of the foundations of Jerusalem (Rev. 
xxi. 19; Tob. xfii. 16). The rainbow round 
the throne is campared to Emerald in Rev. 
iv. 3. 

Emerods (Deut. xxviii. 27; 1 Sam, v. 
6, 9, 12, vi. 4, 5, 11). Probably hemorrhoi- 
dal tHraors, or bleeding piles, are intended. 
These are very common in Syria at pres- 
ent, oriental habits of want of exercise and 
improper food, producing derangement of 
the liver, constipation, &c., being such as 
to cause them. 

£'miius, a tribe or family of gigantic 
stature which originally inhabited the re- 
gion along the eastern side of the Dead 
Sea. They were related to the Anakim, 
and were generally called by the same 
name ; but their conquerors the Moabites 
termed them Emim — that is, "terrible 
men " (Deut. ii. 11) — most probably on ac- 
count of their fierce aspect. 

Emman'uel, Matt. i. 23. [Imman- 

ITEL.] 

Era'maus, the village to which the two 
disciples were going when our Lord ap- 
peared to them on the way, on the day of 
His resurrection (Luke xxiv. 13). Luke 
makes its distance from Jerusalem sixty 
ttadia (A. V. "threescore furlongs"), or 
about 7i miles ; and Josephus mentions " a 
rillage called Emmaus " at the same dis- 
tance. Tlie site of Emmaus remains yet 
to be iientified. 

Emmaus, or Nicop'olis (l Mace. iii. 
40) , a town in the plain of Philistia, at the 
foot of the mountains of Judah, 22 Roman 
miles from Jerusalem, and 10 from Lydda. 
rt was fortified by Bacchides, the general of 
Antiochus Epiphanes, when he wa^ engaged 
in the war with Jonathan Maccaoaeus (1 
Mace. ix. 60). It was in the plain beside 
this city that Judas Maccabaeus so signally 
defeated the Syrians with a mere handful 
of men, as related in 1 Mace. iii. 67, iv. 3, 
&c. A small miserable village called ^Amwds 
%ti\l occupies the site of the ancient city. 



Em'mor, the father of Sychem (A'^t 

vii. 16). [Hamok.] 

En, at the beginning of many Hebrew 
words, signifies a spring or fountain. 

E'nam, one of the cities of Judah is 
the Shefelah or lowland (Josh. xv. 34). 

E'nan. Ahira ben-Enan was " prince ** 
of the tribe of Naphtali at the time of th<» 
numbering of Israel in the wilderness of 
Sinai (Num. i. 15). 

Encampment primarily denoted the 
resting-place of an army or company of 
travellers at night (Ex. xvi. 13 ; Gen. xxxii, 
21), and was hence applied to the army or 
ca»"avan when on its march (Ex. xiv. 19; 
Josh. X. 5, xi. 4; Gen. xxxii. 7, 8). Among 
nomadic' tribes war never attained to thp 
dignity of a science, and their encamp- 
ments were consequently devoid of all the 
appliances of more systematic warfare. 
The description of the camp of the Israel- 
ites, on their march from Egypt (Num. ii., 
iii.), supplies the greatest amount of in- 
formation on the subject. The tabernacle, 
corresponding to the chieftain's tent of an 
ordinary encampment, was placed in the 
centre, and around and facing it (Num. ii. 
1), arranged in four grand divisions, cor- 
responding to the four points of the com- 
pass, lay the host of Israel, according to 
their standards (Num. i. 52, ii. 2). In the 
centre, round the tabernacle, and with no 
standard but the cloudy or fiery pillar which 
rested over it, were the tents of the priests 
and Levites. The former, with Moses and 
Aaron at their head, were encamped on the 
eastern side. The order of encampment 
was preserved on the march (Num. ii. 
17). 

Enchantments. 1. Heb. Idtim or 
lehdiim (Ex. vii. 11, 22, viii. 7), secret 
arts. 2. CeshAphim (2 K. ix. 22 ; Mic. r. 
12; Nah. iii. 4), "muttered spells." The 
belief in the po\* ir of certain formulae was 
universal in the ancient world. 3. Li- 
chdshtm (Eccl. x. 11). This word is es- 
pecially used of the charming of serpents. 
Jer. viii. 17 (cf. Ps. Iviii. 5 ; Ecclus. xii. 
13; Eccl. X. m. 4. The word nich&- 
shim is used of the enchantments soughr 
by Balaam (Num. xxiv. 1). It properly 
alludes to ophiomancy, but in this place 
has a general meaning of endeavoring to 
gain omens. 6. Cheber is used for magic 
(Is. xlvii. 9, 12). Any resort to these meth- 
ods of imposture was strictly forbidden in 
Scripture (Lev. xix. 26 ; Is. xlvii. 9, &c.), 
but to eradicate the tendency is almost im- 
possible (2 K. xvii. 17; 2 Chr. xxxiii. 6), 
and we find it still flourishing at the Chris- 
tian era (Acts xiii. 6, 8, viii. 9, 11 ; Gal. v 
20; Rev. ix. 21). 

En'-dor, a place in the territory of Issa- 
char, and yet possessed by Manasseh (Josh, 
xvii. 11). Endor was long held in memory 
by the Jewish people as connected with the 



EN -EGLAIM 



177 



ENOCH, THE BOoK OF 



^eat victoiy over Sisera and Jabin. It 
w^as here that the witch dwelt whom Saul 
consulted (1 Sara, xxviii. 7). It was known 
to Eusebius, who describes it as a large vil- 
hige 4 miles S. of Tabor. Here to the N. 
of Jebel Diihy the name still lingers. The 
distance from the slopes of Gilboa to En- 
dor is 7 or 8 miles, over difficult ground. 

En-egla'im a place named only by 
Ezekiel (xlvii. 10), apparently as on the 
Dead Sea ; but whether near to or far from 
Engedi, on the west or east side of the Sea, 
it is impossible to ascertain. 

En-gan'nim. 1. A city in the low 
country of Judah, named between Zanoah 
and Tappuah (Josh. xv. 34). 2. A city on 
the border of Issachar (Josh. xix. 21), 
allotted with its " suburbs " to theGershon- 
ite Levites (xxi. 29), probably Jentn. the 
first village encountered on the ascent from 
the great plain of Esdraelon into the hills 
of the central country. 

Engedi, a town in the wilderness of 
Judah (Josh. xv. 62), on the western shore 
of the Dead Sea TEz. xlvii. 10). Itsorigi- 
i^al name was Hazazon-Tamar, on account 
of the palm-groves which surrounded it (2 
Chr. XX. 2; Ecclus. xxiv. 14). Its site is 
about the middle of the western shore of 
the lake, at the fountain of Ain Jidy, from 
which the place gets its name. It was im- 
mediately after an assault upon the " Am- 
oritei, that dwelt in Hazazon-Tamar," that 
the five Mesopotamijn kings were attacked 
by the rulers of the plain of Sodom (Gen. 
xiv. 7; comp. 2 Chr. xx. 2). Saul was 
told that David war, in the " wilderness of 
Engedi;" and he took "3000 men, and 
went to seek DaviJ and his men upon the 
rocks of the wili goats " (1 Sam. xxiv. 1- 
4). The vineyards of Engedi were cele- 
brated by Salomon (Cant. i. 14). 

Enori'?'?. a term exclusively applied to 
milit.'^r*' .^i'j.Ssi in the Bible. The engines 
to '*'hje"'-» chf; term is applied in 2 Chr. xxvi. 
15 vf iV »iesigned to propel various missiles 




-Mi< 



AMyrian War-«ngine. (From Botta, pi. 180.) 

ttom tht> walls of a besieged town : one, with 

•rhich tiie iiebrevr.s were acquainted, was 

12 



the battering-ram, described in Ez. xxri. 9 
and still more precisely in Ez. iv. 2, xxi. 2^. 
! Engraver. His chief business was cut- 
ting names or devices on rings ar.d soals ; 
the only notices of engraving are in con- 
I nection with the high-priest's dress — tlie 
two onyx-stones, the twelve jewels, andtiie 
mitre-plate having inscriptions on them 
(Ex. xxviii. 11, 21, 36). 

En-had'dah, one of the cities on the 
border of Issachar named next to Engan- 
nim (Josh. xix. 21). 

En-hak'kore, the spring wMch burst 
out in answer to the cry of Samson after 
his exploit with the jawbone (Judg. xv. 19). 

En-ha'zor, one of the fenced cities in 
the inheritance of Naphtali, distinct from 
Hazor (Josh. xix. 37). It has not yet been 
identified. 

En-mish'pat, Gen. xiv. 7. [Kadesh.J 

E'noch. 1. The eldest son of Cain 
(Gen. iv. 17), who called the city which he 
built after his name (18). 2. The son of 
Jared and father of Methuselah (Gen. v. 
21, flf. ; Luke iii. 28). In the Epistle of Jude 
(24) he is described as "the seventh from 
Adam ; " and the number is probably no- 
ticed as conveying the idea of divine com- 
pletion and rest, while Enoch was hmiselt 
a type of perfected humanity. After the 
birth of Methuselah it is said (Gen. v. 22-24) 
that Enoch " walked with God three hun- 
dred years . . . and he was not ; for God 
took him." The phrase "walked with 
God " is elsewhere only used of Noah (Gen. 
vi. 9; cf. Gen. xvii. 1, &c.), and is to be 
explained of a prophetic life spent in im- 
mediate converse with the spiritual woria. 
In the Epistle to the Hebrews the spring 
and issue of Enoch's life are clearly marked. 
— Both the Latin and Greet fathers com- 
monly coupled Enoch and Elijah as historic 
witnesses of the possibility of a resurrection, 
of the body and of a true human existence 
in glory ; and the voice of early ecclesias-- 
tical tradition is almost unanimous in re-- 
garding them as " the two witnesses " (Rev. 
xi. 3, ff.) who should fall before " the beast. "^ 

Enoch, The Book of. The first trace- 
of its existence is generally found in the 
Epistle of St. Jude (14, 15), but the 
words of the Apostle leave it uncertain^ 
whether he derived his quotation from tra- 
dition or from writing, though the widt. 
spread of the book in the second ceniary • 
seems almost decisive in favor of the latter'- 
supposition. Considerable fragments are- 
preserved in the Ohronographia of Georgi- 
us Syjicellus (about 792 a. d.), and these, 
with the scanty notices of earlier writers, 
constituted the sole remains of the book- 
known in Europe till the close of tiie lasu 
century. Meanwhile, howev^er, a reporr 
was current that the entire book was pre- 
served in Abyssinia; and at length, in 1773. 
Bruce brought with him on his return from 



ENOJS 



178 



EPIIES-DAMMIM 



Egjr^t three MSS. cortainir.g the completp 
Etbiopic translation. The Ethiopic trans- 
lation was made from the Greek, and prob- 
ably towards tke middle or close of the 
fourth century. But it is uncertain whether 
tlie Oreek text was the original, or itself a 
translation from the Hebrew. In its pres< nt 
sihnpe the book consists of a series of reve- 
tutions supposed to have been given to 
^"'-nc)oh and Noah, vhich extend to the most 
i^.iried aspects of nature and life, and are 
lesigned to offer a comprehensive vindica- 
tion of the action of Providence. Notwith- 
standing the quotation in St. Jude, and the 
wide circulation of the book itself, the 
apocalypse of Enoch was uniformly and 
distinctly separated from the canonical 
Scriptures. 

E'non, a place " near to Salim," at 
which John baptized (John iii. 23). It was 
evidently west of the Jordan (comp. iii. 22, 
with 26, and with i. 28), and abounded in 
water. This is indicated by the name, 
which is merely a Greek version of a Chal- 
dee word, signifying " springs." Aenon is 
given in the Onomasticon as 8 miles south 
of Scythopolis "near Salem and the Jordan." 

iB'nos, the son of Seth ; properly called 
Enosh, as in 1 Chr. i. 1 (Gen. iv. 26, v. 6, 
7 9, 10, 11; Luke iii. 38). 

B nosh. The same as the preceding (1 
( hr. i. 1). 

Bn-rimmon, one of the places which 
i)ie men of Judah re-inhabited after their 
return from the Captivity (Neh. xi. 29). 
Perhaps the same as " Ain and Rimmon " 
(Josh. XV. 32), and "Ain, Remmon " (xix. 
7; and see 1 Chr. iv. 32). 

En-ro'gel, a spring which formed one 
of the landmarks on the boundary line be- 
fween Judah (Josh. xv. 7) and Benjamin 
xviii. 16). Here, Jonathan and Ahimaaz 
remained, after the flight of David, awaiting 
intelligence from within the walls (2 Sam. 
xvii. 17; and here, by the stone Zoheleth, 
which is close to En-rogel, Adonijah held 
tlw feast, wliich was the first and last act 
of liis attempt on the crown (1 K. i. 9). It 
may be identified with the present " Foun- 
tain of the Virgin," 'Ain Unim ed-Daraj 
the perennial source from which the 
Pool of Siloam is supplied. 

En'-shemesh, a spring which formed 
one of the landmarks on the north bounda- 
ry of Judah (Josh. xv. 7) and the south 
honndary of Benjamin (xviii. 17), perliaps 
Atn- /laud or Ain- Ohdt, — the " Well of the 
Apostles," — about a mile below Bethany. 

Ensign {nSs ; in the A. V. generally 
'* ensign," sometimes "standard;" degel, \ 
•' standard," with the exception of Cant. ii. ; 
4, "banner;" dth, "ensign"). The dis- | 
tincti*^ bitween these three Hebrew terms 
ifi sufficiently marked by their respective 
uses : nes is a signal : degel a military s^lan- 
iai'dicx .« la'gt di«:i»iaQ.of an army ; and 



6th, the same for a small one. Neither M. 
them, however, expresses the idea which 
" standard " conveys to our ndnds, viz. a 
fag ; the standards in use among tne He- 
brews probably resembled those of the 
Egyptians and Assyrians — a figure or de- 
vice of some kind elevated on a pole. (1.) 
The notices of the nes or " ensign " ar€ 
most frequent ; it consisted of some well* 
understood signal which was exhibited on 
the top of a pole from a bare mountain top 
(Is. xiii. 2, xviii. 3). What the nature of 
the signal was, we have no means of sta^ 
ing. The important point to be observed 
is, that the nis was an occasional signal, 
and not a military standard. (2.) The term 
degel is used to describe the standards which 
were given to each of the four divisions of 
the Israelite army at the time of the Exodus 
(Num. i. 52, ii. 2, AT., x. 14, flf.). The char- 
acter of the Hebrew military standards ie 
quite a matter of conjecture ; they probably 
resembled the Egyptian, which consisted 
of a sacred emblem, such as an animal, a 
boat, or the king's name. 

En-tap'puah. It is probably identi- 
cal with Tappuah, the position of which will 
be elsewhere examined (Josh. xvii. 7). 

Epaene'tus, a Christian at Rome, 
greeted by St. Paul in Rom. xvi. 5, and 
designated as his beloved, and the first fruit 
of Asia unto Christ. 

Ep'aphras, a fellow-laborer with the 
Apostle Paul, mentioned Col. i. 7, as hav- 
ing taught the Colossian church the grace 
of God in truth, and designated a faithful 
minister of Christ on their behalf. He was 
at that time with St. Paul at Rome (Col. iv. 
12), and seems by the expression there used 
to have been a Colossian by birth. We find 
him again mentioned in the Epistle to Phi- 
lemon (ver. /'.n, which was sent at the same 
time as that to the Colossians. Epaphras 
may be the same as Epaphroditus, but the 
notices in the N. T. do not enable us to 
speak with any confidence. 

Epaphrodi'tus (Phil. ii. 25, iv. 18). 
See above under Epaphras. 

E'phah, the first, in order, of the sont 
of Midian (Gen. xxv.4; 1 Chr. i. 33), after- 
wards mentioned by Isaiah (Ix 6, 7). 

E'phah. 1. Concubine of Caleb, in thf 
line of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 46). 2. Son of Jah- 
dai ; also in the line of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 47 k 

Ephah. [Measurks.] 

E'phai, a Netophathite, whose sons were 
among the " captains of the forces " left ir 
Judah after the deportation to Babylon 
(Jer. xl. 8, xli. 3, comp. xl. 13). 

E'pher, the second, in order, of the 
sons of Midian (Gon. xxv. 4 ; 1 Chr. i. 33). 

E'pher. 1. A son of Ezra, among the 
descendants of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 17). 2. 
One of the heads of the families of Manas- 
seh on the east of Jordan (1 Chr. v. 24). 

E'phea-dam mim. a place betweeo 



EFHESIA^S 



179 



EPHESUS 



Socoh fnd Acekah, at which tJ «■ Philistines 
were encamped before the affray in which 
Goliath was killed (1 Sam. xvii. 1). Under 
the shorter form of Pas-da.mmim it occurs 
once again in a similar connection (1 Chr. 
xi. 13). 

Ephesians, The Epistle to the, was 
written by the Apostle St. Paul during his 
first captivity at Rome (Acts xxviii. 16), 
apparently immediately after he had writ- 
ten the Epistle to tlie Colossians [Colos- 
83.A.N8, Ep. to], and during tliat period 
(perhaps the early part of a. d. 62) when 
his imprisonment had not assumed the 
severer character which seems to have 
marked its close. This epistle was ad- 
dressed to the Christian church at Ephesus. 
[Ephesus.] Its contents may be divided 
into two portions, the first mainly doctrinal 
(ch. i.-iii.), the second hortatory and 
practical. The Apostle reminds his con- 
verts that they had been redeemed from 
sin by grace, and not by works, and he 
exliorts them to walk worthy of this call- 
ing, and to keep the unity of the Spirit. 

Eph'esus, the capital of the Roman 
province of Asia, and an illustrious city in 
the district of Ionia, nearly opposite the 
island of Samos. St. Paul's life furnishes 
illustrations of the mercantile relations of 
Ephesus with Achaia on the W., Mace- 
donia on the N., and Syria on the E. As 
te the relations of Ephesus to the inland 
regions of the continent, these also are 
prominently brought before us in the Apos- 
tle's travels. The " upper coasts " (Acts 
six. 1) through which he passed, when 
about to take up his residence in the city, 
were the Phrygian table-lands of the in- 
ferior. Two great roads at least, in the 
Roman times, led eastward from Ephesus ; 
one through the passes of Tmolus to Sardis 
(Rev. iii. 1) and thence to Galatia and the 
N". E., the other round the extremity of 
Pactyas to Magnesia, and so up the valley 
of the Maeander to Iconium, whence the 
communication was direct to the Euphrates 
and to the Syrian Antioch. There seem 
in liave been Sardian and Magnesian gates 
on the E. side of Ephesus corresponding to 
these roads respectively. There were also 
coast -roads leading northwards to Smyrna 
and southwards to Miletus. By the latter of 
cliese it is probable that the Ephesian elders 
travelled when summoned to meet Paul at 
the latter city (Acts xx. 17, 18). Con- 
spicuous at the head of the harbor of Ephe- 
sus was the great temple of Diana or 
Artemis, the tutelary divinity of the city. 
This building was raised on immense sub- 
structions, in consequence of the swampy 
nature of tlie ground. The earlier temple, 
which had been begun before the Persian 
war, was burnt down in the night when | 
Alexander the Great was born ; and an- [ 
•» her structure, raised by the enthaeias*'' ! 



co-operation of all the inhabitants of 
" Asia," had taken its place. The mag- 
nificence of this sanctuary was a proverl; 
throughout the civilized world. In conse- 
quence of this devotion the city of Ephesus 
was called veoixoQog (Acts xix. 35) or "war- 
den " of Diana. Another consequence of 
the celebrity of Diana's worship at Ephesuf 
was, that a large manufactory grew up 
there of portable shrines, which strangere 
purchased, and devotees carried with them 
on journeys or set up in their houses. Of 
the manufacturers engaged in this business, 
perhaps Alexander the "coppersmith" (2 
Tim. iv. 14) was one. The case of De- 
metrius the " silversmith " is explicit. The 
city was celebrated for its magical arts. In 
illustration of the magical books which 
were publicly burnt (ver. 19) under the in- 
fluence of St. Paul's preaching, it is enough 
here to refer to the Ephesian Writings 
(mentioned by Plutarch and others), which 
were regarded as a charm when pronounced, 
and when written down were carried about 
as amulets. Asia was a proconsular prov- 
ince; and in harmony with this fact we 
find proconsuls (A. V. " deputies ") special- 
ly mentioned (ver. 38). Again we learn 
from Pliny (v. 31) that Ephesus was an 
assize town ; and in the sacred narrative 
(ver. 38) we find the court-days alluded to 
as actually being held (A. V. "the law is 
open ") during the uproar. Ephesus itself 
was a " free city," and had its own assem- 
blies and its own magistrates. The senate 
is mentioned by Josephus ; and St. Luke, 
in the narrative before us, speaks of " tho 
people " and of its customary assemblieii 
(ver. 39, A. V. " a lawful assembly ") 
We even find conspicuous mention mad? 
of one of the most important municipal 
officers of Ephesus, the " Town-Clerk " oi 
keeper of the records, whom we know from 
other sources to have been a person of 
great influence and responsibility. It is 
remarkable how all these political and re- 
ligious characteristics of Ephesus, which 
appear in the sacred narrative, are illus- 
trated by inscriptions and coins. The 
coins of Ephesus are full of allusions to 
the worship of Diana in various aspects. 
The Jews were established there in consid- 
erable number? (Acts ii. 9, vi. 9). It is 
here, and here oiily, that we find disciples 
of John the Baptist explicitly mentioned 
after the ascension of Christ (Acts xviii. 
25, xix. 3). The case of Apollos (xviii. 
2+) is an exemplification further of the in- 
tercourse between this place and Alexan- 
dria. The first seeds of Christian truth 
were possibly sown at Ephesus immediately 
after the Great Pentecost (Acts ii.). In 
St. Paul's stay of more thaa two years 
(xix. 8, 10, XX. 31), which formed the most 
important passage of his third circuit, and 
during which he labored, first in th(j svna- 



EPHLAj. 



180 



EPHIIAIM 



gugae {xix.. S), and tlien in the school of 
Tyrannus (ver. 9), and also in private 
houses (xx. 20), and during which he wrote 
the First Epistle to the Corinthians, we 
have the period of the chief evangelization 
of this shore of the Aegean. The address 
at Miletus shows that the church at Ephe- 
Bus was thoroughly organized under its 
presbyters. At a later period Timothy 
was set over them, as we learn from the 
two epistles addressed to him. Among St. 
Paul's other companions, two, Trophimus 
and Tychicus, were natives of Asia (xx. 
4), and the latter probably (2 Tim. iv. 12), 
the former certainly (Acts xxi. 29), natives 
of Ephesus. In the same connection we 
ought to mention Onesiphorus (2 Tim. i. 
16-18) and his household (iv. 19). On the 
other hand must be noticed certain speci- 
fied Ephesian antagonists of the Apostle, 
the sons of Sceva and his party (Acts xix. 
14), Hymenaeus and Alexander (1 Tim. i. 
20; 2 Tim. iv. 14), and Phygellus and Her- 
mogenes (2 Tim. i. 15). The whole place is 
now utterly desolate, with the exception of 
the small Turkish village at Ayasaluk. 
The ruins are of vast extent. 

£pll'lal, a descendant of Judah, of the 
Ikmily of Hezron and of Jerahmeel (1 Chr. 
u. 37). 

BpllOd, a sacred vestment originally ap- 
propriate to the high -priest (Ex. xxviii. 4), 
but afterwards worn by ordinary priests (1 
Sam. xxii. 18), and deemed characteristic 
of the office (1 Sam. ii. 28, xiv. 3; Hos. iii. 
4). For a description of the robe itself 
see High- Priest. The importance of the 
Ephod as the receptacle of the breastplate 
led to its adoption in the idolatrous forms 
of worship instituted in the time of the 
Judges (Judg. viii. 27, xvii. 5, xviii. 14, ff.). 

E'phod, father of Hanniel of the tribe 
of Manasseh (Num. xxxiv. 23). 

E'phraim, the second son of Joseph 
by his wife Asenath. The first indication 
we have of that ascendency over his elder 
brother Manasseh, which at a later period 
(he tribe of Ephraim so unmistakably pos- 
sessed, is in the blessing of the children by 
Jacob, Gen. xlviii. Ephraim would appear 
at that time to have been about 21 years 
oli. He was born before the beginning of 
ihe seven years of famine, towards the lat- 
ter part of which Jacob had come to Egypt, 
17 years before his death (Gen. xlvii. 28). 
Before Joseph's death Ephraim's family had 
reached the third generation (Gen. 1. 23), 
and it must have been about this time that 
the afl'ray mentioned in 1 Chr. vii. 21 oc- 
curred. To this early period too must 
probably be referred the circumstance al- 
luded to in Ps. Ixxviii. 9. It is at the time 
of the sending of the spies to the Promised 
Land that we are first introduced to the 
great hero to whom the tribe owed much 
(»f its subsequent greatness. Under Joshua 



the tribe must have taken a mgh pOi^^tioo 
in the nation, to judge from tne tone 
which the Ephraimites assumed on occa- 
sions shortly srbsequent to the conquest 
The boundaries of the portion of Ephraim 
are given in Josh. xvi. 1 10. The south 
! boundary was coincident for part of its 
, length with the north boundary of Benja- 
min. It extended from the Jordan on tlw? 
E., at the reach opposite Jericho, to the 
i Mediterranean on the W., probably about 
I Joppa. On the N. of Ephraim and Ma- 
nasseh were the tribes of Asher, Zebulun, 
and Issachar. The territory thus allotted 
to the " house of Joseph" may be roughly 
estimated at 55 miles from E. to W. by 70 
from N. to S., a portion about equal in ex- 
tent to the counties of Noifolk and Suffolk 
(Eng.) combined. But tliough simibr in 
size, nothing can be more difierent in its 
nature from those level counties than this 
broken and hilly tract. Central Palestine 
consists of an elevated district which rises 
from the flat ranges of the wi.'derness on 
the south of Judah, and terminates on the 
north with the slopes which descend into 
the great plain of Esdraelon. On the west 
a flat strip separates it from the sea, and 
on the east another flat strip formf the val- 
ley of the Jordan. Of this district the 
northern half was occupied by thf( great 
tribe we are now considering. Th^s was 
the Har- Ephraim^ the " Mount Ephraim," 
a district which seems to extend as far 
south as Ramah and Bethel (1 Sam. i. 1, 
vii. 17; 2 Chr. xiii. 4, 19, compared -vith 
XV. 8), places but a few miles north of Jeru- 
salem, and within the limits of Benjamin. 
After the revolt of Jeroboam, the history 
of Ephraim is the history of the kingdom 
of Israel, since not only did the tribe be- 
come a kingdom, but the kingdom em- 
braced little besides the tribe. This is not 
surprising, and quite susceptible of expla- 
nation. North of Ephraim the country 
appears never to have been really takei? 
possession of by the Israelites. And \t 
addition to this original defect there ifc 
much in the physical formation and cir- 
cumstances of the upper portion of Pales- 
tine to explain why those tribes never took 
any active part in the kingdom. But on 
the other hand the position of Ephraim 
was altogether different. It was one at 
once of great richness and great security. 
Her fertile plains and well watered valleys 
could only be reached by a laborious as- 
cent through steep and narrow ravines, all 
but impassable for an army. There is no 
record of any attack on the central king- 
dom, either from the Jordan valley or the 
maritime plain On the north side, froip 
the plain of Esdraelon, it was more acces- 
sible, and it was from this side that the 
final invasion appears to have ieenmade. 
E'phraim. In <' Baal-hazor which ur 



BPHKAIM 



181 



£K 



b> Ephrdim'' was Absalom's sheep farm, 
it which took place the murder of Amnon, 
one of the earliest precursors of the great 
rev!>lt (2 Sam. xiii. 23). There is no clew 
to its situation. 

S'phraiin, a city *' in the district near 
che wilderness " to which our Lord retired 
with his disciples when threatened with vio- 
lence by the priests (John xi. 54). Per- 
haps Ophrah and Ephraim are identical, 
and their modern representative is et-Tai- 
ytbeh. It is situated 4 or 5 miles east of 
Bethel, and 16 from Jerusalem. 

E'phraim, Gate of, one of the gates 
of the city of Jerusalem (2 K. xiv. 13 ; 2 
Chr. XXV. 23; Neh. viii. 16; xii. 39), prob- 
ably at or near the position of the present 
" Damascus gate." 

E'phraim, The Wood of, a wood, or 
rather a forest, on the E. of Jordan, in 
which the fatal battle was fought between 
the armies of David and of Absalom (2 
Sam. xviii. 6). The name is probably de- 
rived from the slaughter of Ephraim at the 
fords of Jordan by the Gileadites under 
Jephthah (Judg. xii. 1, 4, 5). 

E'phraimite. Of the tribe of Ephra- 
im; elsewhere called " Ephrathite " (Judg. 
sii. 5). 

Ephra'in, a city of Israel, which with 
its dependent hamlets Abijah and the army 
of Judah captured from Jeroboam (2 Chr. 
xiii. 19). It has been conjectured that this 
Ephrain or Ephron is identical with the 
Ephraim by which Absalom's sheep-farm 
of Baal-hazor was situated ; with the city 
called Ephraim near the wilderness in which 
our Lord lived for some time; and with 
Ophrah, a city of Benjamin, apparently 
not far from Bethel. But nothing more 
than conjecture can be arrived at on these 
points. 

Eph'ratah or Bph'rath. 1. Second 
wife of Caleb the son of Hezron, mother 
of Hur, and grandmother of Caleb the spy, 
according to 1 Chr. n. 19, 60, and prob- 
ably 24, and iv. 4. 2. The ancient name 
of Bethlehera-Judah, as is manifest from 
Gen. XXXV. 16, 19, xlviii. 7. 

Eph'rathite. 1. An inhabitant of Beth- 
lehem (Ruth i. 2). 2. An Ephraimite (1 
Sara. i. 1; IK. xi. 26). 

Eph'ron. 1. The son of Zochar, a 
Hittite, from whom Abraham bought the 
field and cave of Machpelah (Gen. xxiii. 
8-17; XXV. 9, xlix. 29, 39, 1. 13). 2. A 
very strong city on the east of Jordan be- 
tween Carnaim (Ashteroth-Karnaim) and 
Bethshean, attacked and demolished by 
Judas Maccabaeua (1 Mace. v. 46-52; 2 
Mace. xii. 27). 

Eph'ron, 'Moimt. The "cities of 
Mount Ephron " formed one of the land- 
marks on the northern boundary of the 
tribe of Judah (Josh. xv. 9). 

Eploiireaus, The. de»-'ved tlieir name 



from Epicurus (342-271 b c), a philoso- 
pher of Attic descent, whose " Garden " ai 
Athens rivalled in popularity the " Porch" 
and the '* Academy." The doctrines of 
Epicurus found wide acceptance in Asia 
Minor and Alexandria, and they gained n 
brilliant advocate at Rome in Lucretius 
(95-50 B. c). The object of Epicurus 
was to find in philosophy a piacti('al guide 
to happiness. True pleasure and not ab- 
solute truth was the end at which he aimed ; 
experience and not reason the test on 
which he relied. It is obvious that a sys- 
tem thus framed would degenerate by a 
natural descent into mere materialism ; and 
in this form Epicurism was the popular 
philosophy at the beginning of the Christian 
era. When St. Paul addressed " Epicure- 
ans and Stoics " (Acts xvii. 18) at Athens, 
the philosophy of life was practically re- 
duced to the teaching of those two antag- 
onistic schools. 

Epiph'anes (1 Mace. i. 10, x. 1). [Aw- 
Tiocnus Epiphanes.] 

Ep'iphi (3 Mace. vi. 38), name of the 
eleventh month of the Egyptian Vague 
year, and the Alexandrian or Egyptian 
Julian year. 

Epistle. The epistles of the N. T. in 
their outward form are such as might be 
expected from men who were brought into 
contact with Greek and Roman customs, 
themselves belonging to a different race, 
and so reproducing the imported style with 
only partial accuracy. They begin (the 
Epistle to the Hebrews and 1 John ex- 
cepted) with the names of the writer, 
and of those to whom the Epistle is ad 
dressed. Then follows the formula of sal- 
utation. Then the letter itself commences; 
in the first person, the singular and plural 
being used indiscriminately. When the 
substance of the letter has been completed, 
come the individual messages. The con- 
clusion in this case was probably modified 
by the fact that the letters were dictated to 
an amanuensis . When he had done his work, 
the Apostle took up the pen or reed, and 
added, in his own large characters (Gal. 
vi. 11) the authenticating autograph. In 
one instance, Rom. xvi. 22, the amanuensis 
in his own name adds his salutation. An 
allusion in 2 Cor. iii. 1 brings before us 
another class of letters which must have 
been in frequent use in the early ages of 
the Christian Church, by which travellers 
or teachers were commended by one church 
to the good offices of others. 

Er. 1. First born of Judah. Er "was 
wicked in the sight of the Lo«-i ; and the 
Lord slew him." It does not appear what 
the nature of his sin was; but, from his 
Canaanitish birth on the mother's side, it 
was probably connected with the abomina 
ble idolatries of Canaan (Gen. xxxviii. 8-7 ; 
Num. xxvi. 19). 2. Descendant of Sh slab 



EKAJ* 



182 



ESAU 



I 



int null of Julah (1 Chr. iv. 21;. 3. Son 
of Jose, and father of Elmodam (Luke 
iii. 28). 

!E'ran, son of Shuthelah, eldest son of 
Ephraim (Num. xxvi. 36). Eran was the 
head of the family of 

E^ranites, The, Num. xxvi. 36. 

E rocll, one of the cities of Nimrod's 
kingdom in the land of Shinar (Gen x. 10), 
doubtless the same as Orchoe, 82 miles S. 
and 43 E. of Babylon, the modern designa- 
tions of the site, Warka, Irka, and Irak, 
bearing a considerable affinity to the origi- 
nal name. 

Eras'tUS. 1. One of the attendants or 
deacons of St. Paul at Ephesus, who with 
Timothy was sent forward into Macedonia 
while the Apostle himself remained in Asia 
(Acts xix. 22). He is probably the same 
with Erastus who is again mentioned in the 
salutations to Timothy (2 Tim. iii. 20), 
though not the same with, 2. Erastus the 
chamberlain, or rather the public treasurer, 
of Corinth, who was one of the early con- 
verts to Christianity (Rom. xvi, 23). Ac- 
cording to the traditions of the Greek 
Church, he was first treasurer to the Church 
at Jerusalem, and afterwards Bishop of 
Paneas. 

E'ri, son of Gad (Gen. xlvi. 16), and 
ancestor of the Erites (Num. xxvi. 16). 

Esa'ias, the form of the name of the 
prophet Isaiah in the N. T. [Isaiah.] 

E'sar-had'don, one of the greatest of 
the kings of Assyria, was the son of Sen- 
nacherib (2 K. xix. 37) and the grandson of 
Sargon who succeeded Shalmaneser. Noth- 
ing is really known of Esar-haddon until 
his accession (ab. b. c. 680; 2K. xix. 37; 
Is. xxxvii. 38). He appears by his monu- 
ments to have been one of the most power- 
ful — if not the most powerful — of all tlie 
Assyrian monarchs. He carried his arms 
over all Asia between the Persian Gulf, the 
Armenian mountains, and the Mediterra- 
nean. In consequence of the disaffection 
of Babylon, and its frequent revolts from 
former Assyrian kings, Esar-haddon, hav- 
ing subdued the sons of Merodach-Baladan 
»rho headed the national party, introduced 
the new policy of substituting for the former 
government by viceroys, a direct depend- 
ence upon the Assyrian crown He is the 
only Assyrian monarch whom we find to 
have actually reigned at Babylon, where he 
built himself a palace, bricks from which 
have been recently recovered bearing his 
name. His Babylonian reign lasted thir- 
teen years, from b. c. 680 to b. c. 667 ; and 
it was doubtless within this space of time 
that Manasseh, king of Judah, having been 
seized by his captains at Jerusalem on a 
charge of rebellion, was brought before 
him at Babylon (2 Chr. xxxiii. 11) and de- 
tained for a ti<ie as orisoner there. As a 



builder of great works Esar-haddon is pa> 
ticularly distinguished. Besides his palace 
at Babylon, he built at least three others in 
different parts of his dominions, either for 
himself or his son. The south-west palace 
at Nimrud is the best preserved of his con- 
structions. It is conjectured that Esar- 
haddon died about b. c. 660. 

E'sau, the eldest son of Isaac, and twin* 
brother of Jacob. The singular appearanc* 
of the child at his birth originated the name 
(Esau means hairy, Gen. xxv. 25). This 
was not the only remarkable circumstance 
connected with the birth of the infant. Ever 
in the womb the twin-brothers struggled to- 
gether (xxv. 22). Esau's robust frame and 
"rough" aspect were the types of a wild 
and daring nature. The peculiarities of 
his character soon began to develop them- 
selves. He was, in fact, a thorough Bed- 
ouin, a " son of the desert," who delighted to 
roam free as the wind of heaven, and who 
was impatient of the restraints of civilized 
or settled life. His old father, by a caprice 
of affection not uncommon, loved his wilful, 
vagrant boy ; and his keen relish for savory 
food being gratified by Esau's venison, he 
liked him all the better for his skill in hunt- 
ing (xxv. 28). An event occurred which 
exhibited the reckless character of Esau on 
the one hand, and the selfish, grasping na- 
ture of his brother on the other. Jacob 
takes advantage of his brother's distress to 
rob him of that which was dear as life itself 
to an Eastern patriarch. Esau married at 
the age of 40, and contrary to the wish of 
his parents. His wives were both Canaan- 
ites ; and they "were bitterness of spirit 
unto Isaac and to Rebekah" (Gen. xxvi. 
34, 35). The next episode in the history 
of Esau and Jacob is still more painful 
than the former. Jacob, through the craft 
of his mother, is again successful, and se- 
cures irrevocably the covenant blessing. 
Esau vows vengeance. But he knew not a 
mother's watcliful care. By a characteristic 
piece of domestic policy Rebekah succeed- 
ed both in exciting Isaac's anger against 
Esau, and obtaining his consent to Jacob'* 
departure. When Esau heard that his fa- 
ther had commanded Jacob to take a wife 
of the daugliters of his kinsman Laban, he 
also resolved to try whether by a new alli- 
ance he could propitiate his parents. He 
accordingly married his cousin Mahalath, 
the daugliter of Ishmael (xxviii. 8, 9). 
This marriage appears to have brought him 
into connection witli the Ishmaelitish tribes 
beyond the valley of Arabah. He soon af- 
terwards established himself in Mount Seir ; 
still retaining, however, some interest in 
his father's property in Southern Palestine. 
He was residing in Mount Seir when Jacot 
returned from Padan-aram, and liad then be- 
come so rich and powerful that the impre» 



ESAY 



185 



ESHCUL 



n.kos o(\iis brollier's early offences seem to 
have been almost completely effaced. It 
does not appear that the brothers again met 
until the death of their father about 20 years 
afterwards. They united in laying Isaac's 
body in the cave of Machpelah. Of Esau's 
BUbsequent lii story nothing is known; for 
that of his descendants see Edom. 

E'say, the form of the name of Isaiah 
m Ecclus. xlviii. 20, 22; 2 Esd. ii. 18. 

[Is W1A.H.] 

ilsdrae'lon. This name is merely the 
Greek form of the Hebrew word Jezreel. 
It occurs in this exact shape only twice in 
the A.. V. (Jud. iii. 9, iv. 6). In Jud. iii. 3 
It is EsDRAELOM, and in i. 8 Esdrelom, with 
the addition of " the great plain." In the 
O. T. the plain is called the Valley of 
Je^reel; by Josephus "the great plain." 
The name is derived from the old royal 
;itj of Jezreel, which occupied a com- 
manding site, near the eastern extremity 
of the plain, on a spur of Mount Gilboa. 
" Th«! great plain of Esdraelon" extends 
across, Central Palestine from the Mediter- 
ranean to the Jordan, separating the moun- 
tain ranges of Carmel and Samaria from 
those of Galilee. The western section of 
it is properly the plain of Accho, or 'Akka. 
The main body of the plain is a triangle. 
[ts base on the east extends from Jenin 
(^the ancient Engannim) to the foot of the 
hills below Nazareth, and is about 15 miles 
long : the north side, formed by the hills 
of Galilee, is about 12 miles long; and the 
south side, formed by the Samaria range, 
is about 18 miles. The apex on the west 
is a narrow pass opening into the plain of 
'Akka. From the base of this triangular 
plain three branches stretch out eastward, 
like fingers from a hand, divided by two 
bleak, gray ridges — one bearing the fa- 
miliar name of Mount Gilboa : the other 
•called by Franks Little Hermon, but by 
natives Jehel ed-Duhy. The central branch 
is the richest as well as the most cele- 
brated. This is the "Valley of Jezreel" 
proper — the battle-field on wliich Gideon 
triumphed, and Saul and Jonathan were 
overthrown (Judg. vii. 1, sq. ; 1 Sam. xxix. 
and xxxi.). Two things are worthy of spe- 
cial notice in the plain of Esdraelon : 1. 
its wonderful richness. 2. its desolation. 
If yte except the eastern branches, there is 
not a single inhabited village on its whole 
surface, and not more tlan one sixth of its 
soil is cultivated. It is the home of the 
wild wandering Bedouin. 

ijp'dras. The form of the name of 
Ezra the scribe in 1 and 2 Esdras. 

Es'dras, First Book of, the first in 
order of the Apocryphal books in the Eng- 
lish Bible. It was never known to exist in 
Hebrew, and formed no part pf the Hebrew 
Canon. As regards the contents of the 
book, aud the author or authors of it — *he 



first chapter is a transcript ol the two last 
chapters of 2 Chr. for the most part ver 
bati/H, and only in one or two parts sliglitly 
abridged and paraphrased. Chapters iii., iv., 
and v., to the end of v. 6, are the originaX 
portions of the book, and the rest is a tran- 
script more or less exact of the book of 
Ezra, with the chapters transposed and 
quite otherwise arranged, and a portioi: of 
Nehemiah. Hence a twofold design in the 
compiler is discernible. One to introduce 
and give Scriptural sanction to the legend 
about Zerubbabel ; the other to explain *he 
great obscurities of the book of Ezra in 
which, ho yever, he has signally failed. As 
rega^'ds the time and place when the C3m- 
pilation was made, the original portion is 
that which alone aflbrds much clew. This 
seems to indicate that the writer was thor- 
oughly conversant with Hebrew, even if he 
did not write the book in that language. 
He was well acquainted too with the books 
of Esther and Daniel (1 Esdr. iii. 1, 2, 
sqq.), and other books of Scripture (ih. 
20, 21, 39, 41, &c., and 45 compared with 
Ps. cxxxvii. 7). But that he did not live 
under the Persian kings, appears by the 
undiscriminating way in which he uses 
promiscuously the phrase Medes and Per- 
sians^ or, Persians and Mcdes, according 
as he happened to be imitating the language 
of Daniel or of the book of Esther. 

Es'dras, The Second Book of, in 
the English Version of the Apocrypha, and 
so called by the author (2 Esdr. i. 1). The 
original title, "the Apocalypse of Ezra," is 
far more appropriate. Chapters iii.-xiv. 
consist of a series of angelic revelations 
and visions in which Ezra is instructed in 
some of the great mysteries of the moral 
world, and assured of the final triumph of 
the righteous. The date of the book is un- 
certain, but there can be no doubt that it is 
a genuine product of Jewish tliought. The 
Apocalypse was probably written in Egypt ; 
the opening and closing chapters (;ertainly 
were. Though this book is included among 
those which are " read for examples of life " 
by the English Church, no use of it is there 
made in public worship. 

E'sek, a well, which the herdsmen of 
Isaac dug in the valley oi Gerar (Gen. 
xxvi. 20). 

Esh-ba'al, the fourth soxi of Sa il, ac- 
cording to the genealogies of 1 Clir. viij. 3. 
and ix. 39, is doubtless the same person w 

ISH-BOSHETH. 

Esh'ban, a Horite ; one oi the foui 



(Gen. 



one 
xxxvi. 



2ii; 1 Car 



sons of DiSHAN 

i. 41). 

Esll'col, brother of Mamre the Ara.)rite, 
and of Aner; and one of Abraham's com- 
paniors in his pursuit of the fr ir kings who 
had Ch Tied off Lot (Gen. xiv. 13, 24). 

Esh'col. The VaUry, or the Brooi* 
of, a wady in tlie neighborhood of Hebrun. 



E8HEAJS 



184 



ESTHER, BOOK OF 



explored by the spies who were sent by 
Moses from Kadesh-barnea (Num. xxxiii. 
9 ; D<;ut. i. 24). The name is still attached 
to a spring of fine water called 'Ain-Esh • 
kali, in a v^alley about two miles north of 
Hebron. 

Ssh'ean, one of the cities of Judah 
.Josli. XV. 52). 

E'shek, a Benjaraite, one of the late 
descendants of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 39). 

Esh'kalonites, The, Josh. xiji. 3. 

[ASKKtLON.] 

Esh'taol, a town in the low country — 
the Shefelah — of Judah, afterwards allotted 
to Dan (Josh. xv. 33, xix. 41). Here Sam- 
ton spent his boyhood, and hither after his 
last exploit his body was brought (Judg. 
xiii. 25, xvi. 31, xviii. 2, 8, 11, 12). 

Esh'taulites, The, with the Zareath- 
ites, were among the families of Kirjath- 
jearim (1 Chr. ii. 53). 

Eshtem'Oa, and in shorter form Esh- 
temoh', a town of Judah, in the mountains 
(Josh. XV. 50), allotted to the priests (xxi. 
14 ; 1 Chr. vi. 57). It was one of the places 
frequented by David and his followers dur- 
ing the long period of their wanderings (1 
Sam. XXX. 28, comp. 31). Its site is at 
Semu'a, a village seven miles south of 
Hebron. Eshtemoa appears to have been 
founded by the descendants of the Egyptian 
wife of a certain Mered (1 Chr. iv. 17). 

Esh'ton, a name which occurs in the 
fc^enealogies of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 11, 12). 

Es'li, son of Na gge or Naggai, in the 
genealogy of Chriac (Luke iii. 25). 

Es'ril, 1 Esd. ix. 34. [Azareel, or 

OHARAI.] 

Es'rom, Matt. i. 3 ; Luke iii. 33. [Hez- 

RON.] 

Essenes', a Jewish sect, who, according 
to the description of Josephus, combined 
the ascetic virtues of the Pythagoreans and 
Stoics with a spiritual knowledge of the Di- 
vine Law. It seems probable that the name 
signifies " seer," or " the silent, the mysieri- 
ous.'" As a sect the Essenes were distin- 
guished by an aspiration after ideal purity 
rather than by any special code of doctrines. 
From the Maccabaean age there was a con- 
tinuous effort among the stricter Jews to 
attain an absolute standard of holiness. 
Eacli class of devotees was looked upon as 
practicall}! impure by their successors, who 
tarred the laws of purity still further ; and 
the Eat^enes stand at the extreme limit of 
th3 mystic asceticism which was thus grad- 
ually reduced to shape. To the Pharisees 
they stood nearly in the same relation as 
that in which the Pharisees themselves 
stood with regard to the mass of the people. 
There were isolated communities of Es- 
senes, which were regulated by strict rules, 
analogous to those of the monastic institu- 
tions of a later date. All things were held 
m cnuiuoQ, withimt distinction of property ; 



I and special provision was made ioi the re- 
I lief of the poor. Self-denial, temperance, 
and labor — especially agriculture — were 
the marks of the outward life of tht Es- 
senes; purity and divine communion tht 
objects of their aspiration. Slaver/, war, 
and commerce were alike forbidden. Tl leii 
best known settlements were on the N. W. 
shore of the Dead Sea. 

Es'ther, ^he Persian name of Hadas- 
SAH, daughtf c of Abihail, the son of Shiraei, 
the son of Kish, a Benjamite. Esther wai 
a beautiful Jewish maiden, whose ancestor 
Kish had been among the captives led a-vay 
from Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar when 
Jehoiachin was taken captive. She was an 
orphan without father or mother, and had 
been brought up by her cousin Mordecai, 
who had an office in the household of Ahas- 
uerus king of Persia, and dwelt at " Shu- 
shan the palace." When Vasliti was dis- 
missed from being queen, and all the fairest 
virgins of the kingdom bad been collected 
at Shushan for the king lo make choice of 
a successor to her from among them, the 
choice fell upon Esther. The tang was not 
aware, however, of her race and parentage ; 
and so, on the representation of Haman the 
Agagite that the Jews scattered through hiti 
empire were a pernicious race, he gave him 
full power and authority to kill them all, 
young and old, women and children, and 
take possession of their property. The 
means taken by Esther to avert this great 
calamity from her people and her kindr^id 
are fully related in the book of Esther. 
History is wholly silent both about Vashti 
and Esther. Herodotus mentions only one 
of Xerxes' wives ; Scripture mentions two 
only, if indeed either of them were wives 
at all. It seems natural to conclude that 
Esther, a captive, and one of the harem, 
was not of tlie highest rank of wives, but 
that a special iionor, with the name of 
queen, may have been given to her, as tc 
Vashti before her, as the favorite concubint 
or inferior wife, whose offspring, however, 
if she had any, would not have succeeded 
to the Persian throne. 

Es'ther, Book of, one of the latest oi 
the canonical books of Scripture, haying 
been written late in the reign of Xerxes, or 
early in that of his son Artaxerxes LoJigim- 
anus. The author is not known, but maj 
very probably have been Mordecai himself. 
Those who ascribe it to Ezra, or the men 
of the Great Synagogue, may have merely 
meant that Ezra edited and added it to the 
canon of Scripture, which he probably did. 
The book of Esther is placed among the 
hagiographa by the Jews, and in that firsi 
portion of them which they call "the five 
rolls." It is sometimes emphatically called 
Megillah ("roll") without rther distinc- 
tion, and is read through by the Jews in 
their syna/ogues at rbe feast of Fuiim. II 



ETAM 



185 



EUERGETES 



dh8 often been remarked as a peculiarity 
f»f this book that the name of God does not 
once occur in it. The style of writing is 
remarkably chaste and simple. It does not 
m the least savor of romance. The He- 
brcAv is very like that of Ezra and parts of 
Lhe Chronic] es; generally pure, but mixed 
priLh some w^oi ds of Persian origin, and 
tome of C haldiic affinity. In short it is 
just ^hat one would expect to find in a 
*^crk of the age to which the book of Es- 
ther professes to belong. As regards the 
Septuagint version of the book, it consists 
*f the canonical Esther with various inter- 
polations prefixed, interspersed, and added 
at the close. Though, however, the inter- 
polations of the Greek copy are thus mani- 
•est, they make a consistent and intelligible 
stary. But the Apocryphal additions as 
they are inserted in some editions of the 
Latin Vulgate, and in the English Bible, 
are incomprehensible. 

B'tam. 1. A village of the tribe of 
Simeon, specified only in the list in 1 Chr. 
iv. 32 (comp. Josh. xix. 7). 2. A place in 
Judah, fortified and garrisoned by Reho- 
boam (2 Chr. xi. 6). Here, according to 
the statements of Josephus and the Tal- 
mudists, were the sources of the water from 
w^hich Solomon's gardens and pleasure- 
grounds were fed, and Bethlehem and the 
Temple supplied. 

E'tam, The Rock, a cliff or lofty rock, 
mto a cleft or chasm of which Samson re- 
tired after his slaughter of the Philistines 
(Judg. XV. 8, 11). Tills natural strong- 
hold was in the tribe of Judah ; and near 
it, probably at its foot, was Lelii or Ramath- 
lehi, and Enhakkore (xv. 9, 14, 17, 19). 
The name Etam was held by a city in the 
neighborhood of Bethlehem (2 Chr. xi. 6), 
which is known to have been situated in 
the extremely uneven and broken country 
round the m jdern Urtas. Here is a fitting 
scene for the adventure of Samson. 

£i'th.ani, one of the early resting-places 
of the Israelites when they quitted Egypt, 
the position of which may be very nearly 
fixed in consequence of its being described 
as "in the edge of the wilderness " (Ex. 
xiii. 20; Num. xxxiii. 6, 7). Etham may 
be placed where the cultivable land ceases, 
near the Seha Bidr or Seven Wells, about 
three miles from the western side of the 
ancient head of the gulf. 

£j'than. 1. Ethan the Ezrahite, one 
of the four sons of Mahol, whose wisdom 
was excelled by Solomon (1 K. iv. 31 ; 1 
Chr. ii. 6). His name is in the title of Ps. 
Ixxxix. 2. Son of Kishi or Kushaiah; a 
Mi-rarite Levite, head of that family in the 
time of king David (1 Chr. vi. 44), and 
spoken of as a "singer." With Heman 
and Asaph, the heads of the other two fam- 
ilies of Le^ites, Ethan was appointed to 
sound with cymbals (xr. 17, 19). 3. A 



Gershonite Levite, one of thft ancestors 
of Asaph the singer (1 Chr. vi. 42, Heb. 
27). 

Eth'anim. [Months.] 

Ethba'al, king of Sidon and father of 
Jezebel (1 K. xvi. 31). Josephus repre- 
sents him as king of the Tyrians as well ai 
the Sidonians. We may thus identify him 
with Eithobalus, who, after having assas- 
sinated Pheles, usurped the throne of Tyre 
for 32 years. The date of Ethbaal's reign 
may be given as about b. c. 940-908. 

E'ther, one of the cities of Judah in the 
low country, the Shefelah (Josh. xv. 42), 
allotted to Simeon (xix. 7). 

Ethio'pia. The country which ttM» 
Greeks and Romans described as " Aethio- 
pia " and the Hebrews as " Cush" lay to 
the S. of Egypt, and embraced, in its most 
extended sense, the modern Nuhia, Serb- 
naar, Kordofan, and northern Abyssinia, 
and in its more definite sense the kingdom 
of Merog. Syene marked the division be- 
tween Ethiopia and Egypt (Ez. xxix. 10) 
The Hebrews do not appear to have had 
much practical acquaintance with Ethiopiy 
itself, though the Ethiopians were well 
known to them through their intercoursi? 
with Egypt. The inhabitants of Ethiopia 
were a Hamitic race (Gen. x. 6). Thej 
were divided into various tribes, of which 
the Sabaeans were the most powerful. Thp 
history of Ethiopia is closely interwoven 
with that of Egypt. The two countrie* 
were not unfrequently united under tho 
rule of the same sovereign. Shortly be- 
fore our Saviour's birth a native dynasty of 
females, holding the official title of Candace 
(Plin. vi. 35), held sway in Ethiopia, and 
even resisted the advance of the Romao 
arms. One of these ia the queen noticed 
in Acts viii. 27. 

Ethio'pian, properly " Cushite " (Jer. 
xiii. 23) ; used of Zerah (2 Chr. xiv. 9 [8]), 
and Ebed-melech (Jer. xxxviii. 7, 10, 12, 
xxxix. 16). 

Ethio^pian Woman. The wife of 
Moses is so described in Num. xii. 1. She 
is elsewhere said to have been the daugb- 
ter of a Midianite, and in consequence of 
this some have supposed that the allusion 
is to another wife whom Moses married 
after the death of Zipporah. 

Ethio'pians, properly "Cush" or 
"Ethiopia '' in two passages (Is. xx. 4 ; Jer. 
xlvi. 9). Elsewhere " Cushites," or inhalv- 
itants of Ethiopia (2 Chr. xii. 3, xiv. 12 
[11], 13 [12], xvi. 8, xxL 16; Dan. xi. 43; 
Am. ix. 7; Zeph. ii. 12). 

Eth'nan, one of the sons of Helah the 
wife of Ashur (1 Chr. iv. 7). 

Eth'ni, a Gershonite Levite (1 Chr. vi. 
41; Heb. 26). 

Eubu'lus a Christian at Rome men 
lioned by St. Paul (2 Tim. iv. 2n. 

Euer'getes. [Ptoi^emaefs III.l 



EUNICE 



186 



EYANGELIS1 



Bunl'oe, mother of Timotheus (2 Tim. 

1,5). 

Eunuch. The law (Deut. xxiii. I; 
comp. Lev. xxii. 24) is repugnant to thus 
Heating any Israelite. The origination of 
the practice is ascribed to Semiramis, and 
i* no doubt as early, or nearly so, as East- 
ern despotism itself. The complete assim- 
ilation of the kingdom of Israel, and lat- 
terly of J-^idah, to the neighboring models 
of desp jtism, is traceable in the rank and 
prominence of eunuchs (2 K. viii. 6, ix. 32, 
Kxlii. 11, XXV. 19 ; Is. Ivi. 3, 4 ; Jer. xxix. 
2, xxxiv. 19, xxxviii. 7, xli. 16, lii. 25). 
They mostly appear in one of two rela- 
tions, either military, as " set over the men 
of war," greater trustworthiness possibly 
counterbalancing inferior courage and mil- 
itary vigor, or associated, as we mostly 
recognize them, with women and children. 
We find the Assyrian Rab-Saris, or chief 
eunuch (2 K. xviii. 17), employed together 
with other high officials as ambassador. It 
Is probable that Daniel and his companions 
were thus treated, in fulfilment of 2 K. xx. 
17, 18 ; Is. xxxix. 7 ; comp. Dan. i. 3, 7. 
The court of Herod of course had its eu- 
nuchs, as had also that of Queen Candace 
(Acts viii. 27). 

Euo'dias, a Christian woman at Philippi 
(Phil. iv. 2). The name is correctly Eu- 

ODIA. 

Buphra'tes is probably a word of 
Aryan origin, signifying " the good and 
abounding river." It is most frequently 
denoted in the Bible by the term *'the 
river." The Euphrates is the largest, the 
longest, and by far the most important of 
the rivers of Western Asia. It rises from 
two chief sources in the Armenian moun- 
tains, and flows into the Persian Gulf. The 
entire course is 1780 miles, and of this dis- 
tance more than two thirds (1200 miles) is 
navigable for boats. The width of the 
river is greatest at the distance of 700 or 
800 miles from its mouth — that is to say, 
from its junction with the Khahour to the 
village of Werai. It there averages 400 
yards. The annual inundation of the 
Euphrates is caused by the melting of the 
mows in the Arm3nian highlands. It oc- 
curs in the month of May. The great 
hydraulic works ascribed to Nebuchadnez- 
zar had for their chief object to control 
the inundation. The Euphrates is first 
mentioned in Scripture as one of the four 
rivers of Eden (Gen. ii. 14). Its celebrity 
is there sufficiently indicated by the ab- 
sence of any explanatory phrase, such as 
Eccorapanies the names of the other streams. 
We next hear of it in the covenant made 
with Abraham (Gen. xv. 18), where the 
whole country from " the great river, the 
river Euphrates," to the river of Egypt is 
promised to the chosen race. During the 
reigns of David and Solomon the dominion 



of Israel actually attained to the fuV. exleci 
both ways of the original prc-mise, the 
Euphrates forming the boundary of their 
empire to the N. E., and the river of Egypt 
to the S. W. This wide-spread territory 
was lost upon the disruption of the empire 
under Rehoboam ; and no more is heard \r 
Scripture of the Euphrates until the ex- 
pedition of Necho against the Babj loniaiis 
in the reign of Josiah. The river stll 
brings down as much water as of old, but 
the precious element is wasted by tiie 
neglect of man; the various watercourses 
along which it was in former times con- 
veyed are dry; the main channel haa 
shrunk; and the water stagnates in un- 
wholesome marshes. 

Eupolemus, the " son of John, the 
son of Accos," one of the envoys sent to 
Rome by Judas Maccabaeus, cir. b. c. 161 
(1 Mace. viii. 17; 2 Mace. iv. 11). He 
has been identified with the historian of the 
same name, but it is by no means clear that 
the historian was of Jewish descent. 

Euroc'lydon, the name given (Acts 
xxvii. 14) to the gale of wind which off the 
south coast of Crete seized the ship in 
which St. Paul was ultimately wrecked on 
the coast of Malta. It came down from 
the island, and therefore must have blovn, 
more or less, from the northward. 

Eu'tychus, a youth at Troas (Acts xx, 
9), who sitting in a window, and having 
fallen asleep while St. Paul was discoursing 
far into the night, fell from the third story, 
and being taken up dead, was miraculously 
restored to life by the Apostle. 

Evangelist means " the publisher of 
glad tidings," and therefore seems common 
to the work of the Christian ministry gen- 
erally; yet in Eph. iv. 11, the " evange- 
lists " appear on the one hand after the 
"apostles " and "prophets : " on the other 
before the " pastors " and " teachers." This 
passage accordingly would lead us to think 
of them as standing between the two other 
groups — sent forth as missionary preachers 
of the Gospel by the first, and as such pre- 
paring the way for the labors of the second. 
The same inference would seem to follow 
the occurrence of the word as applied tu 
Philip in Acts xxi. 8. It follows from what 
has been said that the calling of tlie Evan- 
gelist is the proclamation of the glad tiding* 
to those who have not known them, rather 
than the instruction and pastoral care of 
those who have believed and been baptised 
It follows also that the name denotes a 
work rather than an order. The Evangelist 
might or might not be a Bishop-Elder or a 
deacon. The Apostles, so ftir as they 
evangelized (Acts viii. 25, xiv. 7 ; 1 Cor. i. 
17), might claim the title, though there 
were many Evangelists who were not Apos- 
tles. If the Gospel was a written book, 
and the office of the Ev^angelists waa *« 



EVE 



187 



EXCOMMUNICATION 



read or distribute it, then the writers of 
guoh books were pre-eminently the Evan- 
gelists. In later liturgical language the 
word was applied to the reader of tlie 
Gospel for the day. 

Eve, the name given in Scripture to the 
tirst woman. The account of Eve's crea- 
tion is found at Gen. ii. 21, 22. Perhaps 
that which we are cliiefly intended to learn 
from the narrative is the foundation upon 
which the union between man and wife is 
built, viz., identity of nature and oneness 
of origin. Through the subtlety of tlie 
serpent. Eve was beguiled into a violation 
of the one commandment wliich had been 
imposed upon her and Adam. The Scrip- 
ture account of Eve closes with the birth 
of Seth. 

E'vi, one of the five kings or princes of 
Midian, slain by the Israelites (Num. xxxi. 
8; Josh. xiii. 21). 

E'vil-mero'dach (2 K. xxv. 27), the 
son and successor of Nebuchadnezzar. He 
reigned but a short time, having ascended 
the throne on the death of Nebuchadnezzar 
in B. c. 561, and being himself succeeded 
by Neriglissar in b. c 559. He was mur- 
dered by Neriglissar. 

Excommunication. I. Jewish Ex- 
communication. The Jewish system of ex- 
communication was threefold. For a first 
oflTence a delinquent was subjected to the 
penalty of Niddui. The twenty-four of- 
fences for which it was inflicted are vari- 
ous, and range in heinousness from the 
oflTence of keeping a fierce dog to that of 
taking God's name in vain. The oflender 
was first cited to appear in court ; and if 
he refused to appear or to make am.ends, 
his sentence was pronounced. The term 
of tliis punishment was thirty days ; and it 
was extended to a second and to a third 
thirty days when necessary. If at the end 
of that time the offender was still contu- 
macious, he was subjected to the second 
excommunication, termed Cherem, a word 
meaning something devoted to God (Lev. 
xxvii. 21, 28; Ex. xxii. 20 [19]; Num. 
xviii. 14). Severer penalties were now at- 
tached. The sentence was delivered by a 
court of ten, and was accompanied by a 
solemn malediction. Lastly followed Sham- 
mdihd, which was an entire cutting off* 
from the congregation. The punishment 
of excommunication is not appointed by 
the Law of Moses. It is founded on the 
natural right of self-protection which all 
societies enjoy. The case of Korah, Da- 
tlian, and Abiram (Num. xvi.), the curse 
denounced on Meroz (Judg. v. 23), the 
commission and proclamation of Ezra (vii. 
26, X. 8), and the reformation of Nehemiah 
''xiii. 25), are appealed to by the Talmud- 
ists as precedents by which their proceed- 
ings are regulated. In the New Testament, 
Jewish exconxmnoication is brought prom- 



inently before us in the case of the mau 
that was bom blind (John ix.). The ex- 
pressions heie used refer, no doubt, to the 
first form of excommunication, or Niddui, 
In Luke vi. 22, it has been thought that our 
Lord referred specifically to the three forms 
of Jewish excommunication • "Ulessed are 
ye when men sliall hate j ju, and when 
they shall separate you from their com- 
pany, and shall reproach you, and cast ovi 
your name as evil, for the Son of Man's 
sake." The three words very accurately 
express the simple separation, the addi- 
tional malediction, and the final exclusion 
of niddui, cherem, and shammdthd. II. 
Chi'istian Excortimvnication. Excommu- 
nication, as exercised by the Christia;i 
Church, is not merely founded on the nat- 
ural right, possessed by all societies, nor 
merely on the example of the Jewish 
Church and nation. It was instituted by 
our Lord (Matt, xviii. 15, 18), and it was 
practised and commanded by St. Paul (3 
Tim. i. 20; 1 Cor. v. 11; Tit. iii. 10). In 
the Epistles we find St. Paul frequettly 
claiming the right to exercise discipLne 
over liis converts (comp. 2 Cor. i. 23, x)iL 
10). In two cases we find him exercisi"ig 
this authority to the extent of cutting off 
oflTenders from the Church. What is 
the full meaning of the expression, ^' de- 
liver unto Satan," is doubtful. All agree 
that excommunication is contained in it. 
but whether it implies any further pun- 
ishment, inflicted by the extraordinary pow- 
ers committed specially to the Apostles, 
has been questioned. Introduction intc 
the Church is, in St. Paul's mind, a trans- 
lation from the kingdom and power of 
Satan to the kingdom and government of 
Christ. This being so, he could hardly 
more naturally describe the effect of ex- 
cluding a man from the Church than by the 
words " deliver him unto Satan." In ad- 
dition to the claim to exercise discipline, 
and its actual exercise in the form of ex 
communication, by the Apostles, we fine? 
Apostolic precepts directing that discipline 
should be exercised by the rulers of th# 
Church, and tliat in some cases excommu 
nication should be restored to (2 Thess. iii 
14; Kom. xvi. 17; Gal. v. 12; 1 Tim. vi 
3; Tit. iii. 10; 2 John 10; 3 John 10; 
Rev. ii. 20). There are two passages still 
more important to our subject (Gal. i. 8, 9: 
1 Cor. xvi. 22). It has been supposed that 
these two expressions, " let him be Anath- 
ema," " let Mm be Anathema Maranatba,' 
refer respectively to the two later stages of 
Jewish excommunication — the cherem, and 
the shammdthd. The Nature of Excom- 
munication is made more evident by the 
acts of St. Paul than by any investigatio'^ 
of Jewish practice or of the etymology o^ 
words. We thus find, (1) that it is a spir- 
itual penalty, involving do temporal puw 



EXECUTIC/NER 



1S8 



EZBON 



Ishnient, except accidentally; (2) that it 
consists in separati )n from the «;ommunion 
of the Church; (3) that its object is the 
good of the sufferer (1 Cor. v. 5), and the 
protection of the sound members of the 
Church (2 Tim. iii. 17) ; (4) that its sub- 
jects are those who are guilty of heresy (1 
Tim. i. 20), or gross immorality (1 Cor. v. 
1) ; (5) that it is inflicted by the authority 
of the Church at large (Matt, xviii. 18), 
wielded by the highest ecclesiastical oflicer 
(1 Cor. V. 3; Tit. iii. 10); (6) that this 
oflElcer's sentence is promulgat'^d by the 
congregation to which the offender belongs 
(1 Cor. V. 4), in deference to his superior 
judgment and command (2 Cor. ii. 9), and 
in spite of any opposition on the part of a 
minority (ih. 6) ; (7) that the exclusion 
•nay be of indefinite duration, or for a pe- 
riod ; (8) that its duration may be abridged 
at the discretion and by the indulgence of 
the person who has imposed the penalty 
{ib. 8) ; (9) that penitence is the condi- 
{ion on which restoration to communion is 
Ip-anted {ib. 7) ; (10) that the sentence is 
to be publicly reversed as it was publicly 
promulgated (ib. 10). 

Executioner. The Hebrew word de- 
»«jribes, in the first instance, the oflGice of 
executioner, and, secondarily, the general 
duties of tne body-guard of a monarch. 
Thus Potiphar was " captain of the execu- 
tioners " (Gen. xxxvii. 36; see margin). 
That the *' captain of the guard " himself 
occasionally performed the duty of an ex- 
ecutioner appears from 1 K. ii. 25, 34. 
Nevertheless the post was one of high dig- 
nity. 

Exile. [Captivity.] 

Ex'odus (that is, going out [of Egypt]), 
the second book of the Law or Pentateuch. 
».t may be divided into two principal parts : 
-. Historical, i. 1-xviii. 27; and, II. Legis- 
lative, xix. 1-xl. 38. The former of these 
may be subdivided into, (1.) the preparation 
for the deliverance of Israel from their 
bondage in Egypt; (2.) the accompUsh- 
ment of that deliverance. I. (1.) The first 
section (i, 1-xii. 36) contains an account of 
the following particulars : The great in- 
crease of Jacob's posterity in the land of 
Egypt, and their oppression under a new 
dynasty, which occupied the throne after 
the death of Joseph (ch. i.) ; the birth, ed- 
ucation, and flight of Moses (ii.) ; his sol- 
emn call to be the deliverer of his people 
(iii. 1-iv. 17% and his return to Egypt in 
consequence (iv. 18-31) ; his first ineffectu- 
al attempt to prevail upon Pharaoh to let the 
Israelites go, which only resulted in an in- 
crease of their burdens (v. 1-21) ; a fur- 
ther prepa ation of Moses and Aaron for 
their office^ together with the account of 
their genealogies (v. 22-vii. 7) ; the succes- 
sive signs and woe iers, by means of which 
the Jeliverauce of Israel fron the land of 



bondage is at length accomplished, and tn 
institution of the Passover (vii. 8-xii. 86). 
(2.) A narrative of events from the depart- 
ure out of Egypt to the arrival of the Is- 
raelites at Mount Sinai. II. The solemn 
establishment of the Theocracy on Mount 
Sinai. This book, in short, gives a sketch 
of the early history of Israel as a nation : 
and the history has three clearly marked 
stages. First we see a nation enslaved; 
next a nation redeemed ; lastly a nation set 
apart, and through the blending of its reli- 
gious and political life consecrated to the 
service of God. 

Ex'odus, The, of the Israelites from 
Egypt. On the date of this event see 
Egypt, p. 163. The history of the Exodus 
itself commences with the close of that of 
the Ten Plagues. [Plagues of Egypt.] 
In the night in which, at midnight, the 
firstborn were slain (Ex. xii. 29), Pharaoh 
urged the departure of the Israelites (ver. 
31, 32). They at once set forth from Ra- 
meses (ver. 37, 39), apparently during the 
night (ver. 42), but towards morning, on 
the 15th day of the first month (Num. xxxiii. 
3). They made three journeys and en- 
camped by the Red Sea. Here Pharaoh 
overtook them, and the great miracle oc- 
curred by which they were saved, while the 
pursuer and his army were destroyed. [Rep 
Sea, Passage or.] 

Exorcist. The use of the term exor- 
cists in Acts xix. 13 confirms what we know 
from other sources as to the common prac- 
tice of exorcism amongst the Jews. That 
some, at least, of them not only pretended 
to, but possessed, the power of exorcising, 
appears by our Lord's admission when he 
asks the Pharisees, "If I by Beelzebub 
cast out devils, by whom do your disciples 
cast them out?" (Matt. xii. 27;. What 
means were employed by real exorcists we 
are not informed. David, by playing skil- 
fully on a harp, procured the temporar}' 
departure of the evil spirit which troubled 
Saul (1 Sam. xvi. 23). It was the profane 
use of the name of Jesus as a mere charm 
or spell which led to the disastrous issue 
recorded in the Acts of the Apostles (xix. 
13-16). The power of casting out devils 
was bestowed by Christ while on earth 
upon the Apostles (Matt. x. 8) and the sev- 
enty disciples (Luke x. 17-19, and was, ac- 
cording to His promise (Mark xvi. 17), 
exercised by believers after His Ascensioi 
(Acts xvi. 18) ; but to the Christian miracle, 
whether as performed by our Lord himself 
or by His followers, the N. T. writers nevei 
apply the terms " exorcise " or '* exorcist. 

Expiation. [Sacrifice.] 

Ez'bai, father of Naarai, who was ow 
of David's tliirty mighty men (1 Chr. xi 
37). 

Ez'bon. 1. Son of Gad, and foundei 
of ona of th^ Gadite families (G«n. xJvi 



EZEKIAS 



189 



BZKA 



16; Num. xxvi. 16). 2. Son of Bela, the 
son of Benjamin, according to 1 Clir. vii. 7. 
Ezeki'as, Matt. i. 9, 10. [Hezekiah,] 
Eze'kiel, one of the four greater proph- 
ets, was the son of a priest named Biizi, 
and was taken captive in the captivity of Je- 
hoiachin, eleven years before the destruc- 
tion of Jerusalem. He was a member of a 
community of Jewish exiles who settled on 
tlie banks of the Chebar, a ** river" or 
stream of Babylonia. It was by this river 
'' in the land of the Chaldaeans " that God's 
message first reached him (i.3). His call 
took place " in the fifth year of king Jehoia- 
chin's captivity," b. c. 595 (i. 2), " in the 
thirtieth year, in the fourth month." The lat- 
ter expression is uncertain. It now seems 
generally agreed that it was the 30th year 
from the new era of Nabopolassar, father of 
Nebuchadnezzar, who began to reign b. c. 
625. The use of this Chaldee epoch is the 
more appropriate as the prophet wrote in 
Babylonia, and he gives a Jewish chronol- 
ogy in ver. 2. The decision of the ques- 
tion is the less important because in all 
other places Ezekiel dates from the year 
of Jehoiachin's captivity (xxix. 17, xxx. 
29, et passim). We learn from an inci- 
dental allusion (xxiv. 18) — the only refer- 
ence which he makes to his personal history 
— that he was married, and had a house 
(viii. 1) in his place of exile, and lost his 
wife by a sudden and unforeseen stroke. 
He lived in the highest consideration among 
his companions in exile, and their elders 
consulted him on all occasions (viii. 1, xi. 
25, xiv. 1, XX. 1, &c.). The last date he 
mentions is the 27th year of the captivity 
(xxix. 17), so that his mission extended 
over twenty -two years, during part of which 
period Daniel was probably living, and al- 
ready famous (Ez. xiv. 14, xxviii. 3). He 
is e-aid to have been murdered in Babylon 
by some Jewish prince whom he had con- 
victed of idolatry, and to have been buried 
in the tomb ol Shem and Arphaxad, on the 
banks of the Euphrates. The tomb, said 
to have been built by Jehoiachin, was shown 
a few days' journey from Bagdad. Ezekiel 
was distinguished by his stern and inflex- 
ible energy of will and character ; and we 
also observe a devoted adherence to the 
rites and ceremonies of his national re- 
ligion. The depth of his matter, and the 
marvellous nature of his visions, make him 
occasionally obscure. The book is divided 
into two great parts — of which the destruc- 
tion of Jerusalem is the turning-point; 
chapters i.-xxiv. contain predictions deliv- 
ered before that event, and xxv.-xlviii. 
after it, as we see from xxvi. 2. Again, 
cftiapters i.-xxxii. are mainly occupied with 
correction, denunciation, and reproof, while 
the remainder deal chiefly in consolation 
and promise. A parenthetical section 
in th& middle of tho book (xxv.-xxxii.) 



contains a gioup of propheciej against 
seven foreign nations, the septenary ar- 
rangement being apparently intentional. 
There are no direct quotations from Eze- 
kiel in the New Testament, but in the 
Apocalypse there are many parallels and 
obvious allusions to the later chapters 
(xl.-xlviii.). 

E'zel, The Stone. A well-known ston* 
in the neighborhood of Saul's residence, 
the scene of the parting of David and 
Jonathan when the former finally fled from 
the court (1 Sam. xx. 19). 

E'zem, one of the towns of Simeon, 
(1 Chr. iv. 29). 

E'zer. 1. A son of Ephraim, who was 
slain by the aboriginal inhabitants of Gath, 
while engaged in a foray on their cattle 
(1 Chr. vii. 21). 2. A priest who assisted 
in the dedication of the walls of Jerusalem 
under Nehemiah (Neh. xii. 42). 3. Father 
of Hushah of the sons of Hur (1 Chr 
iv. 4). 

E'zion-ga'ber, or E'zion-ge'ber 
(Num. xxxiii. 35 ; Deut. ii. 8 ; 1 K. ix. 26, 
xxii. 48; 2 Chr. viii. 17), the last station 
named for the encampment of the Israel- 
ites before they came to the wilderness of 
Zin. It probably stood at Ain el- Ghudydn 
about ten miles up what is now the drj 
bed of the Arabah, but which was probablj 
then the northern end of the gulf. 

Ez'nite, The. According to the state- 
ment of 2 Sam. xxiii. 8, " Adino the Ez- 
nite" was another name for " Josheb-bas 
shebeth " a Tachcemonite (1 Chr. xi. 11). 

Ez'ra, called Esdras in the Apocrypha, 
the famous. Scribe and Priest, descended 
from Hilkiah the high-priest in Josiah's 
reign, from whose younger son Azariab 
sprung Seraiah, Ezra's father, quite a dif^ 
ferent person from Seraiah the high-prie«t 
(Ezr. vii. 1). All that is really known of 
Ezra is contained in the four last chapters of 
the book of Ezra and in Neh. viii. and xii. 26. 
From these passages we learn that he was a 
learned and pious priest residing at Baby^ 
Ion in the time of Artaxerxes Longimanus. 
The origin of his influence with the king 
does not appear, but in the seventh year 
of his reign, in spite of the unfavorable 
report which had been sent by Rehum and 
Shimshai, he obtained leave to go to Jeru- 
salem, and to take with him a company of 
Israelites, together with priests, Levites, 
singers, porters, and Nethimm. The jour- 
ney of Ezra and his companions from Baby- 
lon to Jerusalem took just four months ; and 
they brought up with them a large free- 
will offering of gold and silver, and silver 
vessels. It appears that his great design 
was to effect a religious reformation among 
the Palestine Jews, and to bring them back 
to the observation of the Law of Moses, 
from which they had grievously declined. 
His first step, accordingly , was to enf( rce h 



EZK^, BOOK OF 



19D 



FAIRS 



separatio.v from their wives upon au who 
had made heathon marriages, in which 
number wo/e many priests and Levites, as 
well as otJier Israelites. This was eflected 
in little more tlian six montlis after his 
arrival at Jerusalem. With the detailed 
account of this important transaction Ez- 
ra's autobiography ends abruptly, and we 
hear nothing more of him till, 13 years 
ifterwards, ic the 20th of Artaxerxes, we 
find bim again at Jerusalem witli Nehemiah 
•*thf Tirshatha." It seems probable that 
after he had effected the above-named ref- 
ormation, and had appointed competent 
judges and magistrates, with authority to 
maintain it, he himself returned to the king 
of Pff rsia. The functions he executed under 
Nehemiah's government were purely of a 
priestly and ecclesiastical character. But 
in such he filled the first place. As Ezra is 
not mentioned after Nehemiah's departure 
for Babylon in the 32d Artaxerxes, and as 
everything fell into confusion during Nehe- 
miah's absence (Neh. xiii.), it is not unlikely 
that Ezra may have died or returned to 
Babylon before that year. There was a Jew- 
ish tradition that he was buried in Persia. 
The principal works ascribed to him by the 
Jews are : 1. The institution of the Great 
Synagogue. 2. The settling the canon of 
Scripture, and restoring, correcting, and 
editmg the whole sacred volume. 3. The 
introduction of the Chaldee character in- 
stead of the old Hebrew or Samaritan. 
4-. The authorship of the books of Chron- 
icles, Ezra, Nehemiah, and, some add, Es- 
tLer , and, many of the Jews say, also of 
rl-e books of Ezckiel, Daniel, and the twelve 
prophets. 5. The establishment of syna- 
gogues. 

Ez'ra, Book of, is a continuation of 
the books of Chronicles. Like these books, 
it consists of the contemporary historical 
journals kept from time to time, which 
4^ere afterwards strung together, and either 
abridged or added to, as the case required, 
oy a later hand. That later hand, in the 
♦»iook of Ezra, was doubtless Ezra's own, 
as appears by the four last chapters, as well 
as by other matter inserted in the previous 
chapters. The chief portion of the last 
chapter of 2 Chr. and Ezr. i. was probably 
rritten by Daniel. As regards Ezr. ii., 
and as far as iii. 1, it is found (with the ex- 
ception of clerical errors) in the 7th ch. of 
N ahemiah, where it belongs beyond a shad- 
ow of doubt. The next portion extends 
from iii. 2 to the end of ch. vi. With the 
exception of one large explanatory addition 
by Ezra, extending from iv. 6 to 23, this 
portion is the work of a writer contem- 
porary with Zerubbabel and Jeshua, and an 
eye-witness of the rebuilding of the Temple 
in the beginning of the reign of Darius 
Hystaspis. That it was the prophet Hag- 
jrai becomes tolerably sure when »ve ob- 



serve further the remarkable coincidence! 
in style. Ezr. iv. 6-23 is a parenthetic ad- 
dition by a much later hand, and as the 
passage most clearly shows, made in the 
reign of Artaxerxes Longimanus. Tlio 
compiler who inserted ch. ii., a document 
drawn up in the reign of Artaxerxes to 
illustrate the return of the captives under 
Zerubbabel, here inserts a notice of two 
historical facts — of which (me occurred in 
the reign of Xerxes, and the otlier in the 
reign of Artaxerxes — to illustrate the op- 
position offered by the heathen to the re- 
building of the Temple in the reign of 
Cyrus and Cambyses. The last four chap- 
ters, beginning with ch. vii., are Ezra's 
own, and continue the history after a gaj 
of fifty-ciglit years — from the sixth of 
Darius to the seventh of Artaxerxes. It is 
written partly in Hebrew, and partly in 
Chaldee. The Chaldee begins at iv. 8, and 
continues to tlie end of vi. 18. The letter 
or decree of Artaxerxes, vii. 12-26, is also 
given in the original Chaldee. Tlie period 
covered by the book is eighty years, from 
the first of Cyrus, b. c. 536, to the be- 
ginning of the eighth of Artaxerxes, b. a. 
456. 

Ez'rahite, The, a title attached to two 
persons — Ethan (1 K. iv. 31; Ps. Ixxxix. 
title) and Heman (Ps. Ixxxviii. title). 

Ez'ri, son of Chelub, superintendent of 
king David's farm-laborers (1 Chr. xxvii. 
26). 



II 



R 



Fable. Of the fable, as distinguished 
from the parable [Parable], we have but 
two examples in the Bible, (I.) that of the 
trees choosing their king, addressed by 
Jotham to the men of Shechem (Judg. ix. 
8-15) ; (2.) that of the cedar of Lebanon 
and the thistle, as the answer of Jehoash 
to the challenge of Amaziah (2 K. xiv. 9). 
The fables of false teachers claiming tc 
belong to the Christian church, alluded to 
by writers of the N. T. (1 Tim. i. 4, iv. 7; 
Tit. i. 14; 2 Pet. i. 16), do not appear to 
have had the character of fables, properly 
so called. 

Fair Havens, a harbor in the island 
of Crete (Acts xxvii. 8), though not men- 
tioned in any other ancient writing, is still 
known by its own Greek name, and appears 
to have been the harbor of Lasaea. These 
places are situated four or fi-'-e miles to the 
E. of Cape Matala, which is the most con- 
spicuous headland on the S. coast of Crete, 
and immediately to the W. of which th*' 
coast trends suddenly to the N. 

Fairs, a word which occurs only in Ez. 
xxvii., and there no less than seven tirasu f 
(ver. 12, 14, 16, 19, 22, 27, 33) : in the last 
of these verses it is rendered " war°s," and 



FALLOW-DEEE 



191 



FASTS 



this vre believe to he the true meaning of 
the word tliroughout. 

Fallow-deer (Heb. yachmxir). The 
Heb. word, which is mentioned only in 
Deut. xiv. 5 and in 1 K. iv. 23, is probably 
the Alcelaphus buhalis of Barbary and N. 
Africa. It is about the size of a stag, and 
lives in herds. 

. Famine. In the whole of Syria and 
Arabia, the fruits of the earth must ever be 
dependent on rain ; the watersheds having 
few large springs, and the small rivers 
not being sufficient for the irrigation of 
tiveu twe level lands. If therefore the 
heavy rains of November and December 
fail, the sustenance of the people is cut off 
in the parching drought of harvest-time, 
when the country is almost devoid of mois- 
tare. Egypt, again, owes all its fertility to 
its mighty river, whosa annual rise inun- 
dates nearly the whole land. The causes 
of dearth and famine in Egypt are occa- 
sioned by defective inundation, preceded 
and accompanied and followed by prevalent 
easterly and southerly winds. The first 
famine recorded in the Bible is that of 
Abraham after he had pitched liis tent on 
the east of Bethel (Gen. xii. 10). We 
may conclude that this famine was exten- 
sive, although this is not v^uite proA'cd by 
the fact of Abraham's going to Egypt; for 
on the occasion of the second famine, in 
the days of Isaac, this patriarch found 
refuge with Abimelech king of the Philis- 
tines in Gerar (Gen. xxvi. 1, sq.). We 
hear no more of times of scarcity until the 
great famine of Egypt which " was over all 
the face of the earth." We have mentioned 
the caief causes of famines in Egypt : this 
instance differs in the providential recur- 
rence of seven years of plenty, whereby 
Joseph was enabled to provide against the 
coming dearth, and to supply not only the 
population of Egypt with corn, but those 
oi the surrounding countries (Gen. xli. 
63-57). The modern history of Egypt 
tlirows some curious light on these ancient 
records of famines ; and instances of their 
recurrence may be cited to assist us in un- 
derstanding tlieir course and extent. The 
most remarkable famine was that of the 
reign of the FAtimee Khaleefeh, El-Mus- 
tansir billah, which is the only instance on 
record of one of seven years' duration in 
Egypt since the time of Joseph (a. h. 457- 
i64, A. I). 1064-1071). Vehement drought 
and pestilence continued for seven consec- 
itive years, so that the people ate corpses, 
and animals that died of themselves. The 
famine of Samaria resembled it in many 
particulars ; and that very briefly recorded 
in 2 K. viii. 1, 2, affords another instance 
01" one of seven years. In Arabia, famines 
an; of frt quent occurrence. 

Farthing. Two names of coins in 
tflc N T. are rendered in the A. V. by this 



word. — 1. xo9qixvrriq, quadtans (Matt, ». 
26; Mark xii. 42), a coin current in Palfes- 
tine in the time of our Lord. It was •^uir- 
alent to two lepta (A. V. "mites "). The 
name quadrans was originally given to th*» 
quarter of the Roman as, or piece of thro* 
unciae, therefore also called teruncius. 2. 
anauQiov (Matt. X. 29; Luke xii. 6), prop- 
erly a small as, assa^'imn, but in the tim»> 
of our Lord used as the (xr. equivalent of 
the Lat. as. The rendering of the Vulg 
in Luke xii. 6 makes it probable that a sin- 
gle coin is intended by two assaria. 

Fasts. I. One fast only was appointed 
by the law, that on the day of Atonement 
There is no mention of any other periodi 
cal fast in the O. T., except in Zech. viL 
1-7, viii. 19. From these passages it ap 
pears that the Jews, during their captivity, 
observed four annual fasts, in the fourth, 
fifth, seventh, and tenth months. Zecha 
riah simply distinguishes the fasts by th« 
months in which they were observed ; buv 
the Mishna and St. Jerome give statements 
of certain historical events which they were 
intended to commemorate. The numbei 
of annual fasts in the present Jewish Cal- 
endar has been multiplied to twenty-eight. 
II. Public fasts were occasionally pro- 
claimed to express national humiliation, 
and to supplicate divine favor. In the case 
of public danger, the proclamation appears 
to have been accompanied with the blow- 
ing of trumpets (Joel ii. 1-15). The fol 
lowing instances are recorded of strictly 
national fasts: Samuel gathered "all Is- 
rael " to Mizpeh and proclaimed a fast (1 
Sam. vii. 6) ; Jehoshaphat appointed one 
" throughout all Judah" when he was pre- 
paring for war against Moab and Ammor 
(2 Chr. XX. 3) ; in the reign of Jehoiakim. 
one was proclaimed for " all the people ir 
Jerusalem and all who came thither out of 
the cities of Judah," when the prophecy ol 
Jeremiah was publicly read by Baruoh 
( Jer. xxxvi. 6-10 ; cf. Baruch i. 5) ; three 
days after the feast of Tabernacles, when 
the second temple was completed, " the 
children of Israel assembled with fasting 
and with sackclothes and earth upon them " 
to hear the law read, and to confess their 
sins (Neh. ix. 1). There are references to 
general fasts in the Prophets (Joel i. 14, ii. 
15; Is. Iviii.), and two are noticed in the 
books of the Maccabees (1 JNtacc. iii. 46, 
47; 2 Mace. xiii. 10-12). III. Private 
occasional fasts are recognized in one pas- 
sage of the law (Num. xxx. 13). The in- 
stances given of individuals fasting under 
the influence of grief, vexation, or anxi(»- 
ty, are numerous. IV. In tlie N. T. the 
only references to the Jewifli fasts are tbf 
mention of "the Fast" in Acts xxvii. 9 
(generally understood to denote the Day 
of Atonement), and the allusions to the 
weekly fasts (Matt. ix. 14; Maik v. 18- 



FAT 



192 



FENCED CITIES 



Luke V. 33, xviii. 12; Acts x. 30). These 
fasts originated some time after the cap- 
tivity. They were observed on the second 
and fifth days of the week, which, being ap- 
pointed as the days for public fasts, seem 
to have been selected for these private vol- 
untary fasts. V. The Jewish fasts were 
observed with various degrees of strict- 
oees. Sometimes there was entire absti- 
nence from food (Esth. iv. 16, &c.). On 
other occasions, there appears to have been 
aniy a restriction to a very plain diet (Dan. 
X. 3). Those who fasted frequently dressed 
m sackcloth or rent their clothes, put ashes 
on their head and went barefoot (IK. xxi. 
27; Neh. ix. 1; Ps. xxxv. 13). VI. The 
sacrifice of the personal will, which gives 
to fasting all its value, is expressed in the 
old term used in the law, afflicting the soul. 

Fat. The Hebrews distinguished be- 
tween the suet or pure fat of an animal, and 
the fat which was intermixed with the lean 
(Neh. viii. 10) . Certain restrictions were 
imposed upon them in reference to the for- 
mer; some parts of the suet, viz., about the 
stomach, the entrails, the kidneys, and the 
tail of a sheep, which grows to an excessive 
size in many eastern countries, and pro- 
duces a large quantity of rich fat, were for- 
bidden to be eaten in the case of animals 
offered to Jehovah in sacrifice (Lev. iii. 3, 
9, 17, vii. 3, 23). The ground of the pro- 
hibition was that the fat was the richest part 
of the animal, and therefore belonged to 
liim (iii. 16). The presentation of the fat 
as the richest part of the animal was agree- 
able to the dictates of natural feeling, and 
was the ordinary practice even of heathen 
nations. The burning of the fat of sacri- 
fices was particularly specified in each kind 
of offering. 

Fat, i. e. Vat, the word employed in 
the A. V. to translate the Hebrew term 
yekeb, in Joel ii. 34, iii. 13. The word com- 
monly used for yekeb is "winepress" or 
" winefat," and once "pressfat" (Hag. ii. 
16). The " vats " appear to have been ex- 
cavated out of the native rock of the hills 
on which the vineyards lay. 

Pather. The position and authority of 
the father as the head of the family are ex- 
pressly assumed and sanctioned in Scrip- 
ture, as a likeness of that of the Almighty 
over His creatures. It lies of course at the 
root of that so-called patriarchal govern- 
ment (Gen. iii. 16; 1 Cor. xi. 3), which 
was introductory to the more definite sys- 
tems which followed, and which in part, but 
not wholly, superseded it. The father's 
blessing was regarded as conferring special 
benefit, but his malediction special injury, 
on those on whom it fell (Gen. ix. 25, 27, 
xxvii. 27-40, xlviii. 15, 20, xlix.) ; and so 
also the sin of a parent was held to affect, 
in certain cases, the welfare of his descend- 
ants (2 K. V. 27). The command to honor 



parents is noticed by St. Paul a« the only ± 
one of the Decalogue which bore a distinct 
promise (Ex. xx. 12; Eph. vi. 2), and dis- 
respect towards them was condemned by 
the Law as one of the worst of crimes (Ex. 
xxi. 15, 17 ; 1 Tim. i. 9). It is to this well 
recognized theory of parental authority and 
supremacy that the very various uses of 
the term "father" in Scripture are duc\ 
" Fathers " is used in the sense of seniors 
(Acts vii. 2, xxii. 1), and cf parents in ger*' 
eral, or ancestors (Dan. v. 2; Jer. xxvii 
7; Matt, xxiii. 30, 32). 

Fathom. [Measures.] 

Feasts. [Festivals.] 

Fe'lix, a Roman procurator of Judaea, 
appointed by the Emperor Claudius, whose 
freedman he was, on the banishment of 
Ventidius Cumanus in a. d. 53. Tacitus 
states that Felix an^ Cumanus were joint 
procurators ; Cumanus having Galilee, and 
Felix Samaria. Felix was the brother 
of Claudius's powerful freedman Pallas. 
He ruled the province in a mean, cruel, and 
profligate manner. His period of office 
was full of troubles and seditions. St. 
Paul was brought before Felix in Caesarea. 
He was remanded to prison and kept there 
two years, in hopes of extorting money 
from him (Acts xxiv. 2Q, 27). At the end 
of that time Porcius Festus [Festus] was 
appointed to supersede Felix, who, on his 
return to Rome, was accused by the Jews 
in Caesarea, and would have suffered the 
penalty due to his atrocities, had not his 
brother Pallas prevailed with the Emperor 
Nero to spare him. This was probably in 
the year 60 a. d. The wife of Felix was 
Drusilla, daughter of Herod Agrippa L, 
the former wife of Azizus king of Emesa. 

Fenced Cities. The broad distinction 
between a city and a village in Biblical 
language consisted in the possession of 
walls. The city had walls, the village was 
unwalled, or had only a watchman's tower, 
to which the villagers resorted in times of 
danger. A threefold distinction is thus ob- 
tained — 1. cities ; 2. unwalled villages ; '6 
villages with castles or towers (1 Chr. xxvii 
25). The district east of the Jordan, form- 
ing the kingdoms of Moab and Bashan, is 
said to have abounded from very early 
times in castles and fortresses, such as 
were built by Uzziah to protect the cattle, 
and to repel the inroads of the neighboring 
tribes, besides unwalled towns (Deut. iiL 
5; 2 Chr. xxvi. 10). The fortifications of 
the cities of Palestine, thus regularly 
" fenced," consisted of one jC more walls 
crowned with battlemented parapets, hav- 
ing towers at regular intervals (2 Chr. 
xxxii. 5; Jer. xxxi. 38), on which in later 
times engines of war were placed, and 
watch was kept by day and night in timt 
of war (2 Chr. xxvi. 9, 15 ; Judg. ix. 4fi j 
2 K. ix. 17.^ 



FERRET 



193 



FIR 



.reeping 
The an- 



Ferret. One of the unclean 
things mentioned in Lev. xi. 30. 
imal referred to was probably a reptile of 
the lizard tribe. The Rabbinical writers 
seem to have identified this animal with the 
tiedgehog. 

Festivals. I. The religious times or- 
dained in the Law fall under three heads : 
(1.) Those formally connected with the 
institution of the Sabbath; (2.) The his- 
torical or great festivals ; (3 ) The Day of 
Atonement. (1.) Immediately connected 
with the institution of the Sabbath are : (a) 
The weekly Sabbath itself, (b) The sev- 
enth new moon or Feast of Trumpets, (c) 
The Sabbatical Year, (d) The Year of 
Jubilee. (2.) The great feasts are: (a) 
The Passover, (b) The Feast of Pente- 
cost, of Weeks, of Wheat-harvest, or, of 
the First-fruits, (c) The Feast of Taber- 
nacles, or of Ingathering. On each of 
these occasions every male Israelite was 
commanded '• to appear before the Lord," 
that is, to attend in the court of the taber- 
nacle or the temple, and to make his offer- 
ing with a joyful heart (Deut. xxvii. 7 ; 
Neh. viii. 9-12). The attendance of wo- 
men was voluntary, but the zealous often 
went up to the Passover. On all the days 
of Hjly Convocation there was to be an 
entire suspension of ordinary labor of 
all kinds (Ex. xii. 16 ; Lev. xvi. 29, xxiii. 
*1, 24, 25, 35). But on the intervening 
days of the longer festivals work might be 
carried on. Besides their religious pur- 
pose, the great festivals must have had an 
important bearing on the maintenance of a 
feeling of national unity. The frequent 
recurrence of the sabbatical number in the 
organization of these festivals is too re- 
markable to be passed over, and seems, 
when viewed in connection with the sab- 
batical sacred times, to furnish a strong 
proof that the whole system of the festivals 
of the Jewish law was the product of one 
mind. The agricultural significance of the 
three great festivals is clearly set forth in 
the account of the Jewish sacred year con- 
tained in Lev. xxiii. The times of the 
festivals were evidently ordained in wis- 
dom, so as to interfere as little as possi- 
ble with the industry of the people. (3.) 
For the Day of Atonement see that article. 
II. After the captivity, the Feast of Purim 
(Esth. ix. 20, sq.) and that of the Dedica- 
tion (1 Mace. iv. 56) were instituted. 

Pes'tUS, Por'cius, successor of Felix 
u procurator of Judaea (Acts xxiv. 27), 
sent by Nero probably in the autumn of the 
year 60 a. d. A few weeks after Festus 
reached his province he heard the cause of 
St. Paul, who had been left a prisoner by 
Felix, in the presence of Herod Agrippa 
II. and Bernice his sister (Acts xxv. 11, 
12). Judaea was in the same disturbed 
<tat< during the procur '•-tors hip of Festus, 
13 



which had prevailed through that of hi« 
predecessor. He died probably in the sum- 
mer of 62 A. D., having ruled the province 
less than two years. 

Fetters. Fetters were usually made of 
brass, and also in pairs, the word being in 
tlie dual number. Iron was occasionally em- 
ployed for the purpos'.- (Ps. cv. 18, cxlix. 8). 

Fever (kaddachath, dalleketh, char- 
chiir ; Lev. xxvi. 16; Deut. xxviii. 2'1). 
These words, from various roots, signifying 
heat or inflammation, are rendered in the 
A. V. by various words suggestive of fe>'£r, 
or a feverish afiection. The third word 
may perhaps be erysipelas. Intermittent 
fever and dysentery, the latter often fatal, 
are ordinary Arabian diseases. 

Field. The Hebrew sadeh is applied 
to any cultivated ground, and in some in- 
stances in marked opposition to the neigh- 
boring wilderness. On the other \ and the 
sadeh is frequently contrasted witli what is 
enclosed, whether a vineyard, a garden, or 
a walled town. In many passages the term 
implies what is remote from a house (Gen. 
iv. 8, xxiv. 63; Deut. xxii. 25) or settled 
habitation, as in the case of Esau (Gen. 
xxv. 27). The separate plots of ground 
were marked off by stones, which might 
easily be removed (Deut. xix. 14, xx^ii. 
17; cf. Job xxiv. 2; Prov. xxii. 28, xxiii. 
10) ; the absence of fences rendered the 
fields liable to damage from straying cattle 
(Ex. xxii. 5) or fire (ver. 6; 2 Sam. xiv. 
30) : hence the necessity of constantly 
watching flocks and herds. From the ab- 
sence of enclosures, cultivated land of any 
size might be termed a field. It should be 
observed that the expressions " fruitful 
field" (Is. X. 18, xxix. 17, xxxii. 15, 16), 
and "plentiful field" (Is. xvi. 10; Jer. 
xlviii. 33), are not connected with sadeh, 
but with carmel, meaning a park or well- 
kept wood, as distinct from a wilderness or 
a forest. 

Fig, Fig-tre© (Heb. ieindh), a word 
of frequent occurrence in the O. T, where 
it signifies the tree Ficus Carica of Idn- 
naeus, and also its fruit. The fig-tre<? is 
very common in Palestine TDeut. viii, 8) 
Mount Olivet was famous for its fig-trees 
in ancient times, and they are still found 
there. "To sit under one's own vine and 
one's own fig-tree " became a proverbifl.1 
expression among the Jews to denote peace 
and prosperity (1 K. iv. 25; Mic. iv. 4; 
Zech. iii. 10). 

Fir (Hob. birdsh, berdth, Is. xiv. 8 ; Ez 
xxvii. 5, &c.). As the term " cedar " is in 
all probability applicable to more than one 
tree, so also "fir" in the A. V. represents 
probably one or other of the fol lowing 
trees: 1, Pinus sylvestris, or Scotch fir; 
2. Larch ; 3. Cupressus sempervirens, or 
cypress, all which are at this day found iD 
the Lebanon. 



FIEE 



194 



firsa fruits 



Fire is represented as the sj mbol of Je- 
hovah's presence, anu the instrument of 
his power, in the way either of approval or 
of destruction (Ex. iii, 2, xiv. 19, &c.). 
Parallel with this application of fire and 
with its symbolical meaning are to be noted 
the similar use for sacrificial purposes and 
the respect paid to it, or to the heavenly 
bodies as symbols of deity, which prevailed 
among so many nations of antiquity, and 
of which the traces are not even now ex- 
tinct ' e. g. the Sabaean and Magian sys- 
tems of worship, and their alleged connec- 
tion with Abraham ; the occasional relapse 
of the Jews themselves into sun, or its cor- 
rupted form of fire-worship (Is. xxvii. 9 ; 
Deut. xvii. 3, &c.), the worship or deifica- 
tion of heavenly bodies or of fire, prevail- 
ing to some extent, as among the Persians, 
»o also even in Egypt. Fire for sacred pur- 
poses obtained elsewhere than from the 
altar was called " strange fire," and for the 
use of such Nadab and Abihu were pun- 
ished with death by fire from God (Lev. x. 
1, 2; Num. iii. 4, xxvi. 61). 

Firepan, one of the vessels of the 
Temple service (Ex. xxvii. 3, xxxviii. 3 ; 2 
K. xxv. 15; Jer. Iii. 19). The same word 
is elsewhere rendered " snuff-dish " (Ex. 
xxv. 38, xxxvii. 23; Num. iv. 2) and " cen- 
ser " (Lev. X. 1, xvi. 12; Num. xvi. 6, ff.). 
There appear, therefore, to have been two 
articles so called : one, like a chafing-dish, 
to carry live coals for the purpose of burn- 
ing incense; another, like a snuffer-dish, 
to be used in trimming the lamps, in order to 
carry the snuffers and convey away the snuff. 

Firkin. [Weights and Measures.] 

Firmament. The Hebrew term rdJcia, 
so translated, is generally regarded as ex- 
pressive of simple expansion, and is so 
rendered in the margin of the A. V. (Gen. 
i. 6). The root means to expand by beat- 
ing, whether by thv3 hand, the foot, or any 
instrument. It is especially used of beat- 
ing out metals into thin plates (Ex. xxxix. 
3; Num. xvi. 39). The sense of solidity, 
therefore, is combined with the ideas of 
expansion and tenuity in the term. The 
same idea of solidity runs through all the 
references to the rdkla. In Ex. xxiv, 10, 
it is represented as a solid floor. So again, 
in Ez. i. 22-26, the "firmament" is the 
floor on which the throne of the Most High 
is placed. Further, the ofllce of the rdkla 
in the economy of the world demanded 
$irength and substance. It was to serve as 
a division between the waters above and 
the waters below (Gen. i. 7). In keeping 
with this view the rdkta was provided with 
'windows" (Gen. vii. 11; Is. xxiv. 18; 
Mai. iii. 10) and "doors " (Ps. Ixxviii. 23), 
through which the rain and the snow might 
descend. A secondary purpose which the 
rdkta served was to support the heavenly 
bodies, sun, mo)n, and stars (Gen. i. 14), 



in which 'hey were fixed as nails, ami froa 
which, consequently, they might be said to 
drop ofi' (Is. xiv. 12, xxxiv. 4; Matt. xxiv. 
29). _ 

First-born. Under the Law, in mem- 
ory of the Exodus, the eldest son was re- 
garded as devoted to God, and was in every 
case to be redeemed by an offering not ex- 
ceeding 5 shekels, within one month from 
birth. If he died before the expiration of 
30 days, the Jewish doctors held the father 
excused, but liable to the payment if he 
outlived that time (Ex. xiii, 12-15, xxii 
29; Num. viii. 17, xviii. 15, 16; Lev 
xxvii. 6). The eldest son received a double 
portion of the father's inheritance (Deut. 
xxi. 17), but not of the mother's. Under 
the monarchy, the eldest son usually, but 
not always, as appears in the case of Solo- 
mon, succeeded his father in the kingdom 
(1 K. i. 30, ii. 22). The male first-born of 
animals was also devoted to God (Ex. xiii. 
2, 12, 13, xxii. 29, xxxiv. 19, 20). Unclean 
animals were to be redeemed with the ad- 
dition of one fifth of the value, or else put 
to death ; or, if not redeemed, to be sold, 
and the price given to the priests (Lev. 
xxvii. 13, 27, 28). 

First-fruits. 1. The Law ordered in 
general, that the first of all ripe fruits md 
of liquors, or, as it is twice expressed, th« 
first of first-fruits, should be offered in 
God's house (Ex. xxii. 29, xxiii. 19, xxxiv. 
27). 2. On the morrow after the Passovei 
sabbath, i. e. on the 16tb of Nisan, a sheaf 
of new corn was to be Drought to the priesi 
and waved before the alt^r, in p.cknowledg _ . 
ment of the gift of fi j'.i,fulness (Lev. xxii." ■| 
5, 6, 10, 12, ii. 12). 3. At ttie expiratioi " ' 
of 7 weeks from thie tirie, f'. e. at the Feas^ 
of Pentecost, an ol 'ation was to be made 
of 2 loaves f lea\ ;ned bread made from 
the new flour, whir Ii were to be waved in 
like manner with Mie Passover sheaf (Ex. 
xxxiv. 22; Lev. xxiii. 15, 17; Num. xxviii. 
26). 4. The feai; of ingathering, i. e. the 
Feast of Tabern-K les in the 7th month, was 
itself an acknow/^dgment of the fruits of 
the harvest (Ex. xxiii. 16, xxxiv. 22; Lev. 
xxiii. 39). Thcse four sorts of offering* 
were national. Besides them, the two fol- 
lowing were ol' an individual kind. 6. A 
cake of the firsc dough that was baked, wa« 
to be offered a j a heave-offering (Num. xv. 
19, 21). 6. The first-fruits of the land 
were to be brought in a basket to the holy 
place of God's choice, and there presented 
to the priest, who was to set the basket 
down before the altar (Deut. xxvi. 2-1 1). 
The offerings were the perquisite of tliC 
priests (Num. xviii. 11; Deut. xviii. 4) 
Nehemiah, at the Return from Captivity, 
took pains to reorganize the offerings of 
first-fruits of both kinds, and to appoint 
places to receive them (Neh. x. 35, 37, xii 
44V An offering of first-fruits is mentioned 



flSll 



195 



FLOOR 



ts an acceptable one to the prophet Elisha 
(2 K. iv. 42). 

Fish. The Hebrews recognized fish as 
one of the great divisions of the animal 
kdngdora, and, as such, give them a place 
in the account of the creation (Gen. i. 21, 
28), as well as in other passages where an 
exhaustive description of living creatures 
is intended (Gen. ix. 2 ; Ex. xx. 4 ; Deut. 
iv. 18 ; IK. iv. 33) The Mosaic law (Lev. 
ri. 9, 10) pronouKoed unclean such fish as 
were devoid of fins and scales : these were 
and are regarded as unwholesome in Egypt. 
Among the Philistines, Dagon was repre- 
sented by a figure, half man and half fish 
(1 Sam. V. 4). On this account the wor- 
ship of fish is expressly prohibited (Deut. 
iv. 18). In Palestine, the Sea of Galilee 
was and still is remarkably well stored 
with fish. Jerusalem derived its supply 
chiefly from the Mediterranean (comp. Ez. 
xlvii. 10). The existence of a regular fish- 
market is implied in the notice of the fish- 
gate, which was probably contiguous to it 
(2 Chr. xxxiii. 14 ; Neh. iii. 3, xii. 39 ; 
Zeph i. 10). Numerous allusions to the 
art of fishing occur in the Bible. The 
most usual method of catching fish was by 
the use of the net, either the casting net 
(Hab. i. 15; Ez. xxvi. 5, 14, xlvii. 10), 
probably resembling the one used in Egypt, 




An Egyptian Landing-net. rV7ilkin8on.) 

as shown in Wilkinson (iii. 55), or the 
draw or drag net (Is. xix. 8; Hab. i. 15), 
wliich was larger, and required the use of 
a boat : the latter was probably most used 
on the Sea of Galilee, as the number of 
boats kept on it was very considerable. 
Angling was a favorite pursuit of the 
wealthy in Egypt, as well as followed 
by the poor who could not afford a net. 
A still more scientific method was with the 
trident or the spear, as practised in Egypt in 
taking the crocodile (Job xli. 7) or the 
hippopotamus. 

Fitches (t. e. Vetches), the represen- 
tative in the A. V. of the two Heb. words 
tusstm^th and keUich, As to tho fv)rmer 



see Rye. Ketsach denotes without doubt 
the NigeUa sativa, an herbaceous annual 
plant belonging to the natural order Ranujt- 
culaceae, and sub-order Belleboreae, which 
grows in the S. of Europe and in the N. of 
Africa. 

Flag, the representative in the A. V. 
of the two Heb. words dchU and sUph, 1. 
Achd, a word, according to Jerome, of 
Egyptian origin, and denoting "any green 
and coarse herbage, such as rushes and 
reeds, which grows in marshy places." It 
seems probable that some specific plant Iti 
denoted in Job viii. 11. The word occur-s 
once again in Gen. xli. 2, 18, where it i« 
said that the seven well-favored kine came 
up out of the river and fed in an dchxi. It 
is perhaps the Cyperus esculentus. 2. S^ph 
(Ex. ii. 3, 5 ; Is. xix. 6) appears to be used 
in a very wide sense to denote "weeds of 
any kind." 

FlagOIlt a word employed in the A. V. 
to render two distinct Hebrew terms : 1. 
Ashtshah (2 Sam. vi. 19; 1 Chr. xvi. 3, 
Cant. ii. 5; Hos. iii. 1). It really means a 
cake of pressed raisins. 2. Nebel (Is. xxii. 
24) is commonly used for a bottle or vessel, 
originally probably a skin, but in later times 
a piece of pottery (Is. xxx. 14). 

Flax. Two words are used for this 
plant in the O. T., or rather the same word 
slightly modified. Eliminating all the places 
where the words are used for the article 
manufactured in the thread, the piece, or 
the made up garment, we reduce them to 
two (Ex. ix. 31; Josh. ii. 6). It seems 
probable that the cultivation of flax for 
the purpose of the manufacture of linen was 
by no means confined to Egypt ; but that 
originating in India it spread over Asia at 
a very early period of antiquity. That it 
was grown in Palestine even before the con- 
quest of that country by the Israelites ap 
pears from Josh. ii. 6. The various pro- 
cesses employed in preparing the flax for 
manufacture into cloth are indicated: 1. 
The drying process. 2. The peeling of the 
stalks, and separation of the fibres. 3. The 
hackling (Is. xix. 9). That flax was one 
of the most important crops in Palestine 
appears from Hos. ii. 5, 9. 

Flea, an insect twice only mentioned io 
Scripture, viz., in 1 Sam. xxiv. 14, xxvi. 
20. Fleas are abundant in the East, and 
afford the subject of many proverbial ex- 
pressions. 
Flesh. [Food.] 

Flint. The Heb. chaMAmish is rendered 
flint in Deut. viii. 15, xxxii. 13 ; Ps. cxiv. 
8 ; and Is. 1. 7. In Job xxviii. 9 the sanie 
word is rendered rock in the text, and flint 
in the margin. In Ez. iii. 9 the English 
word "flint" occurs in the same serse, but 
there it represents the Heb. Tzor^ 
Flood. [Noah.] 
Floor. [Pavembkt.1 



FLOUR 



196 



FOOD 



Flour. [Brkad.] 

Flute (1 K. i. 4, marg. [Pipe]), a mu- 
lical instrument mentioned amongst others 
(Dan. iii. 5, 7, 10, 15) as used at the wor- 
ship of the golden image which Nebuchad- 
nezzar had set up. 

Flux, Bloody (Acts xxviii. 8), the 
same as our dysentery, which in the East 
is, though sometimes sporadic, generally 
epidemic and infectious, and then assumes 
its worst form. 

Fly, Flies. 1. ZebUb occurs only in 
Eccl. X. 1 and in Is. vii. 18, and is prob- 
ably a generic name for any insect. The 
zSbUb from the rivers of Egypt has been 
identified with the zimb of which Bruce 
gives a description, and which is evident- 
ly some species of Tabanus. 2. ^Ardb 
("swarms of flies " "divers sorts of flies ," 
A. v.), the name of the insect, or insects, 
which God sent to punish Pharaoh ; see Ex. 
viii. 21-31 ; Ps. Ixxviii. 45, cv. 31. As the 
drdb are said to have filled the houses of 
the Egjrptians, it seems not improbable that 
common flies (^Muscidae) are more espe- 
cially intended. The identification of the 
^drdb with the cockroach is purely gratui- 
tous. 

Food. The diet of Eastern nations has 
been in all ages light and simple. As com- 
pared with our own habits, the chief points 
of contrast are the small amount of animal 
food consumed, the variety of articles used 
as accompaniments to bread, the substitution 
of milk in various forms for our liquors, 
and the combination of what we should 
deem heterogeneous elements in the same 
dish, or the same meal. The chief point 
of agreement is the large consumption of 
bread, the importance of which in the eyes 
of the Hebrew is testified by the use of the 
term lechem (originally food of any kind) 
specifically for bread, as well as b}' the ex- 
pression " stafi" of bread" (Lev. xxvi. 26; 
Ps. cv. 16; Ez. iv. 16, xiv. 13). Simpler 
preparations of corn were, however, com- 
mon ; sometimes the fresh green ears were 
eaten in a natural state, the husks being 
rubbed offby the hand (Lev. xxiii. 14 ; Deut. 
xxiii. 25 ; 2 K. iv. 42 ; Matt. xii. 1 ; Luke 
ri. 1) ; more frequently, however, the grains, 
after being carefully picked, were roasted 
in a pan over a fire (Lev. ii. 14), and eaten 
ds '* parched corn," in which form they were 
an ordinary article of diet, particularly 
among laborers, or others who had not the 
means of dressing food (Lev. xxiii. 14 ; Ruth 
ii. 14 ; 1 Sam. xvii. 17, xxv. 18 ; 2 Sam. xvii. 
28) : tliis practice is still very usual in the 
East. Sometimes the grain was bruised 
(A. V. "beaten," Lev. ii. 14, 16), and then 
dried in the sun ; it was eaten either mixed 
with oil (Lev. ii. 15), or made into a soft 
cake (A. V. " dough ; " Num. xv. 20 ; Neh. x. 
87 ; Ez. xliv. 30). The Hebrews used a great 
rariety of articles (John xxi. 6) to give a rel- 



ish to oTcAd. Sometimes salt ^^as so u§**d 
(Job vi. 6), as we learn from the passage just 
quoted; sometime? the bread was dipj>ed 
into the sour wine (A. V. " vinegar ") 
which the laborers drank (Ruth ii. 14); 
or, where meat was eaten, into the gravy, 
which was either served up separately for 
the purpose, as by Gideon (Judg. vi. 19), 
or placed in the middle of the meat-dish, as 
done by the Arabs. Milk and its prepara- 
tions hold a conspicuous place in Eastern 
diet, as affording substantial nourishment; 
sometimes it was produced in a fresh state 
(Gen. xviii. 8), but more generally in the 
form of the modern leban, i. e. sour milk 
(A. V. " butter; " Gen. xviii. 8; Judg. v. 
25; 2 Sam. xvii. 29). Fruit was another 
source of subsistence : figs stand first in 
point of importance ; they were generally 
dried and pressed into cakes. Grapes were 
generally eaten in a dried state as raisins. 
Fruit-cake forms a part of the daily food of 
the Arabians. Of vegetables we have most 
frequent notice of lentils (Gen. xxv. 34; 2 
Sam. xvii. 28, xxiii. 11 ; Ez. iv. 9), which 
are still largely used by the Bedouins in 
travelling; beans (2 Sara. xvii. 28; Ez. iv. 
9), leeks, onions, and garlic, which were 
and still are of a superior quality in Egypt 
(Num. xi. 5). The modern Arabians con- 
sume but few vegetables : radishes and 
leeks are most in use, and are eaten raw 
with bread. In addition to these classes we 
have to notice some other important articles 
of food : in the first place, honey, whether 
the natural product of the bee (1 Sam. xiv. 
25; Matt. iii. 4), which abounds in most 
parts of Arabia, or of the other natural and 
artificial productions included under that 
head, especially the dibs of the Syrians and 
Arabians, i. e. grape-.juice boiled down, 
which is still extensively used in the East ; 
the latter is supposed to be referred to in 
Gen. xliii. 11, and Ez. xxvii. 17. With re- 
gard to oil, it does not appear to have been 
used to the extent we might have anticipat- 
ed. Eggs are not often noticed, but were 
evidently known as articles of food (Is. x. 
14, lix. 5: Luke xi. 12.) The Orientals 
have been at all times sparing in the use 
of animal food : not only does the exces- 
sive heat of the climate render it both un- 
wholesome to eat much meat, and expen- 
sive from the necessity of immediately 
consuming a whole animal, but beyond this 
the ritual regulations of the Mosaic law in 
ancient, as of the Koran in modern times, 
have tended to the same result. The pro- 
hibition expressed against consuming the 
blood of any animal (Gen. ix. 4) was more 
fully developed in the Levitical law, and 
enforced by the penalty of death (Lev. iii. 
17, vii. 26, xix. 26 ; Deut. xii. 16 ; 1 Sam. 
xiv. 32, ff. ; Ez. xliv. 7, 15). Certain por- 
tions of the fat of sacrifices were also for- 
bidden ('Lcr. iii. 9, 10), as being set apari 



FOOTMAN 



197 



FOUNTAIN 



fbr the altar (Lev. iii. 16, vii. 25 ; cf. 1 Sam. 
ii. 16, ff. ; 2 Chr. vii. 7). In addition to the 
above, Christians were forbidden to eat the 
flesh of animals, portions of which had 
been offered to idols. All beasts and birds 
classed as unclean (Lev. xi. 1, ff. ; Deut. 
xiv. 4, ff.) were also prohibited. Under 
these restrictions the Hebrews were per- 
mitted the free use of animal food : gen- 
erally speaking they only availed them- 
selves of it in the exercise of hospitality 
(Gen. xviii. 7), or at festivals of a reli- 
gious (Ex. xii. 8), public (1 K. i. 9; 1 Chr. 
xii. 40), or private character (Gen. xxvii. 
4 ; Luke xv. 23) ; it was only in royal 
households that there was a daily consump- 
tion of meat (1 K. iv. 23; Neh. v. 18). 
The animals killed for meat were — calves 
(Gen. xviii. 7; 1 Sam. xxviii. 24; Am. 
vi. 4) ; lambs (2 Sam. xii. 4; Am. vi. 4) ; 
oxen, not above three yoars of age (1 
K. i. 9 ; Prov. xv. 17 ; Is. xxii. 13 ; Matt. 
xxii. 4) ; kids (Gen. xxvii. 9 ; Judg. vi. 19 ; 
1 Sam. xvi. 20) ; harts, roebucks, and fal- 
low-deer (IK. iv. 23) ; birds of various 
kinds ; fish, with the exception of such as 
were without scales and fins (Lev. xi. 9; 
Deut. xiv. 9). Locusts, of which certain 
species only were esteemed clean (Lev. xi. 
22), were occasionally eaten (Matt. iii. 4), 
but considered as poor fare. 

Footman, a word employed in the 
Auth. Version in two senses. 1. Gener- 
fti'.y, to distinguish those of the people or 
of the fighting-men who went on foot from 
those who were on horseback or in chariots. 
But, 2. The word occurs in a more special 
sense (in 1 Sam. xxii. 17 only), and as the 
translation of a different term from the 
above. This passage affords the first men- 
tion of the existence of a body of swift run- 
tiers in attendance on the king, though 
luch a thing had been foretold by Samuel 
(1 Sam. viii. 11). This body appears to 
have been afterwards kept up, and to have 
been distinct from the body-guard — the six 
hundred and the thirty — who were origi- 
nated by David. See 1 K. xiv. 27, 28 ; 2 
Chr. xii. 10, 11 ; 2 K. xi. 4, 6, 11, 13, 19. 
In each of these cases the word is the same 
as the above, and is rendered "guard;" 
but the translators were evidently aware of 
its signification, for they have put the word 
'• runners " in the margin in two instances 
(IK. xiv. 27; 2 K. xi. 13). 

Forehead. The practice of veiling the 
face in public for women of the higher 
classes, especially married women, in the 
East, sufficiently stigmatizes with reproach 
the unveiled face of women of bad charac- 
ter (Gen. xxiv. 65; Jer. iii. 3). The cus- 
tom among many Oriental nations both of 
coloring the face and forehead, and of im- 
pressing on the body marks indicative of 
devotion to some special deity or religious 
jkjct is mentioned els«^ where. The "jew Is 



for the forehead," mentioned by Ezekifti 
(xvi. 12), and in margin of A. V. (Gen. 
xxiv. 22), were in all probability nose-ringt 
(Is. iii. 21). 

Forest. Although Palestine has neveir 
been in historical times a woodland coun- 
try, yet there can be no doubt that thern 
was much more wood formerly than there 
is at present. (1.) The wood of Ephraim 
clothed the slopes of tlie hills that bordered 
the plain of Jezreel, and the plain itself in 
the neighborhood of Bethshan (Josh. xvii. 
15, ff'.). (2.) The wood of Bethel (2. K. ii. 
23, 24) was situated in the ravine which 
descends to the plain of Jericho. (3.) 
The forest of Hareth (1 Sam. xxii. 5) was 
somewhere on the border of the Philistine 
plain, in the southern part of Judah. (4 ) 
The wood through which the Israelites 
passed in their pursuit of the Philistines (1 
Sam. xiv. 25) was probably near Aijalon 
(comp. V. 31). (5.) The "wood" (Ps. 
cxxxii. 6) implied in the name of Kirjath- 
jearim (1 Sam. vii. 2) must have been 
similarly situated, as also (6.) were the 
" forests " in which Jotham placed his forts 
(2 Chr. xxvii. 4). (7.) The plain of 
Sharon was partly covered with wood (Is. 
Ixv. 10). (8.) The wood in the wilderness 
of Ziph, in which David concealed himself 
(1 Sam. xxiii. 15, ff.), lay S. E. of Hebron. 
The house of the forest of Lebanon (IK. 
vii. 2, X. 17, 21 ; 2 Chr. ix. 16, 20) was so 
called probably from being fitted up with 
cedar. 

Fortifications. [Fenced Cities.] 

Fortuna'tus (1 Cor. xvi. 17), one of 
three Corinthians, the others being Steph- 
anas and AchaTcus, who were at Ephesue 
when St. Paul wrote his first Epistle 
There is a Fortunatus mentioned at the 
end of Clement's first Epistle to the Co 
rinthians, who was possibly the same per- 
son. 

Fountain. Among the attractive fea 




Fountain at Nazareth. (Bobcrta.) 



FOWL. 



198 



FRONT LETS 



tiires presented by the Land of Promise to 
the nation migi*ating from Egypt by way 
of the desert, none would be more striking 
than the natural gush of waters from the 
ground. The springs of Palestine, though 
short-lived, are remarkable for their abun- 
dance and beauty, especially those which 
fall into the Jordan and its lakes through- 
out its whole course. The spring or foun- 
iain of living water, the " eye " of the 
landscape, is distinguished in all Oriental 
languages from the artificially sunk and en- 
closed well. Jerusalem appears to have 
possessed either more than one perennial 
spring, or one issuing by more than one 
outlet. In Oriental cities generally public 
fountains are frequent. Traces of such 
fountains at Jerusalem may perhaps be 
found in the names En-Rogel (2 Sam. xvii. 
17), the "Dragon-well" or fountain, and 
the " gate of the fountain " (Neh. ii. 13, 14). 

FowL Several distinct Hebrew and 
Greek words are thus rendered in the A. 
V. of the Bible. Of these the most com- 
mon is 'dph, which is usually a collective 
term for all kinds of birds. In 1 K. iv. 23, 
among the daily provisions for Solomon's 
table, " fatted fowl " are included. In the 
N. T. the word translated *' fowls " is most 
fr>;uently that which comprehends all kinds 
of birds (including ravens j Luke xii. 24). 
[Sparrow.] 

Fox (Heb. shtVdl). Probably the 
"jackal" is the animal signified in almost 
»11 the passages in the O. T. where the 
Hebrew term occurs. The shA'AUm of 
Judg. XV. 4 are evidently *' jackals," and 
not '* foxes," for the former animal is gre- 
garious, whereas the latter is solitary in its 
habits. With respect to the jackals and 
foxes of Palestine, there is no doubt that 
the common jackal of the country is the 
Ganis aureus, which may be heard every 
night in the villages. A vulpine animal, 
ander the name of Cants Syriacus, occurs 
in Lebanon. The Egyptian Vul^jes Niloti- 
ms, and doubtless the common fox of our 
)wn country, are Palestine species. 

Frankincense, a vegetable resin, brit- 
tle, glittering, and of a bitter taste, used 
tor the purpose of sacrificial fumigation 
(Ex. xxx. 34-36). It is obtained by suc- 
cess! v^e incisions in the bark of a tree called 
the arbor thuris, the first of which yields 
the purest and whitest kind; while the 
produce of the after incisions is spotted 
with yellow, and as it becomes old loses its 
w^liitsness altogether. The Hebrews im- 
ported their frankincense from Arabia (Is. 
Ix. 6; Jer. vi. 20), and more particularly 
from Saba; but it is remarkable that at 
present the Arabian Libanum, or Olibanum 
is of a very inferior kind, and that the finest 
frankincense imported into Turkey comes 
through Arabia from the islands of the In- 
dian Archipelago. There can be little 



doubt that the tree which produces the In- 
dian frankincense is the Boswellia serrata 
of Roxburgh, or Boswellia thurifera oi 
Colebrooke. It is still extremely uncer- 
tain what tree produces the Arabian Olil>' 
anum. 

Frog. The mention of this reptile in 
the O. T. is confined to the passage in Ex. 
viii. 2-7, &c., in which the plague of frogs 
is described, and to Ps. Ixxviii. 45, cv. 30. 
In the N. T. the word occurs once only, io 
Rev. xvi. 13. There is no question as to 
the animal meant. The only known spe- 
cies of frog which occurs at present in 
Egypt is the Rana esculenia, the edible 
frog of the continent. 

Frontlets, or Phylacteries (Ex. 
xiii. 16 ; Deut. vi. 8, xi. 18 ; Matt, xxiii. 5). 
These " frontlets " or " phylacteries " were 
strips of parchment, on which were written 
four passages of Scripture (Ex. xiii. 2-10, 
11-17 ; Deut. vi. 4-9, 13-23) in an ink pre- 
pared for the purpose. They were then 
rolled up in a case of black calfskin, which 
was attached to a stiffer piece of leather, 
having a thong one finger broad, and one 
and a half cubits long. They were placed 
at the bend of the left arm. Those worn 
on the forehead were written on four strips 
of parchment, and put into four little cells 
within a square case, on which the letter 
■25 was written. The square had two thongs, 
on which Hebrew letters were inscribed. 
That phylacteries were used as amulets is 
certain, and was very natural. The ex- 
pression "they make broad their phylac- 
teries " (Matt, xxiii. 5) refers not so much 
to the phylactery itself, which seems lo 




Frontleti or Phylacteries. 

I 

have been of a prescribed brek ithj as tw 
the case in which the parchment was kept, 
which the Pharisees, among ilnAr other 
pretentious customs (Mark vii. 8, 4 ; Luke 
V. 38, &c.), made as conspicuous as they 
could. It is said that the Pharisees wor» 



DULLER 



199 



GABRIEL 



item always, whereas the common people 
only ased them at prayers. The modern 
Jews only wear them at mornmg prayers, 
and sometimes at noon. In our Lord's 
lime they were worn by all Jews, except 
the Karaites, women, and slaves. Boys, at 
the age of thirteen years and a day, were 
bouid to wear them. The Karaites ex- 
plained Deut. vi. 8, Ex. xiii. 9, &c., as a 
figurative command to remember the law, 
as is certainly the case in similar passages 
(ProY. iii. 3, vi. 21, vii. 3 ; Cant. viii. 6, 
&.C.). It seems clear to us that the scope 
of these injunctions favors the Karaite in- 
terpretation. 

Fuller. The trade of the fullers, so 
far as it is mentioned in Scripture, appears 
to have consisted cliiefly in cleansing gar- 
Jients and whiteniiig them. The process 
of fulling or cleansing cloth consisted in 
treading or stamping on the garments with 
the feet or with bats in tubs of water, in 
which some alkaline substance answering 
the purpose of soap had been dissolved. 
The substances used for this purpose which 
are mentioned in Scripture are natrum 
(Prov. XXV. 20 ; Jer. ii. 22) and soap (Mai. 
iii. 2). Other substances also are men- 
tioned as being employed in cleansing, 
which, together with alkali, seem to identi- 
fy the Jewish with the Roman process, as 
urine and chalk. The process of whiten- 
ing garments was performed by rubbing into 
them cliEilk or earth of some kind. Creta 
Cimolia ^^Cimolite) was probably the earth 
most fr-^quently ttsed. The trade of the 
fullers, as causing offensive smells, and 
also an requiring space for drying clothes, 
appears to have been carried on at Jerusa- 
lem outside the city. 

Fuller's Field, The, a spot near Je- 
Pisaiem (2 K. xviii. 17 ; Is. vii. 3, xxxvi. 
2) so close to the walls that a person speak- 
ing from there could be heard on them (2 
K.. xviii. 17, 26). One resort of the fullers 
of Jerusalem would seem to have been be- 
low the city on the south-east side. But 
Rabshn.keh and his *' great host" must have 
come from the north; and the Fuller's 
Field was therefore, to judge from this cir- 
cumstance, on the table-land on the north- 
ern side of the city. 

Funerals. [Eukial.] 

Furlong. [Measures.] 

Furnace. Various kinds of furnaces 
are noticed in tlie Bible, such as a smelting 
or calcining furnace (Gen. xix. 28 ; Ex. ix. 
8, 10, xix. 18), especially a lime-kiln (Is. 
xxxiii. 12; Am. ii. 1); a refining furnace 
(Prov. xvii. 3, xxvii. 21; Ez. xxii. 18, ff.) ; 
a large furnace built like a brick-kiln (Dan. 
Li. 22, 23) ; the potter's furnace (Ecclus. 
xivii. 5; the blacksmith's furnace (Ecclus. 
ixxviii. 28). The Persians were in the 
babit )f using the furnace as a means of in- 




The Egyptian Potter's Furnace. (Wilkinson.) 

flicting punishment (Dan. I. c. ; Jer. xxix 
22; 2 Mace. vii. 5; Hos. vii. 7). 



G. 



Ga'al, son of Ebed, aided the Shechem- 
ites in their rebellion against Abimelecb 
(Judg. ix.). 

Ga'ash. On the north side of " the hill 
of Gaash " was the city which was given to 
Joshua (Josh. xxiv. 30 ; Judg. ii. 9 ; comp. 
Josh. xix. 49, 50). It does not appear to 
have been recognized. 

Ga'ba. The same name as Geba. It 
is found in the A. V. in Josh, xviii. 24; 
Ezr. ii. 26 ; Neh. vii. 30. 

Gab'atha, Esth. xii. i. [Bigthan.] 

Gab'bai, apparently the head of an im- 
portant family of Benjamin resident at Je- 
rusalem (Neh. xi. 8). 

Gab'batha, the Hebrew or Chaldee 
appellation of a place, also called "Pave- 
ment," where the judgment-seat or bema 
was planted, from his place on which Pilate 
delivered our Lord to death (John xix. 13). 
The place was outside the praetorium, for 
Pilate brought Jesus forth from thence to 
it. It is suggested that Gabbatha is a mere 
translation of *' pavement." It is more 
probably from an ancient root signifying 
height or roundness. In this case Gabba- 
tha designated the elevated Bema ; and the* 
"pavement" was possibly some mosaic or 
tessellated work, either formi"^g the te'na. 
itself, or the flooring of the .*«:rt imme ii- 
ately round it. 

Ga'briel. The word, which is not im 
itself distinctive, but merely a descripti-)!! 
of the angelic office, is used as a proj er 
name or title in Dan. viii. 16, ix. 21, and ir» 
Luke i. 19, 26. In the ordinary traditions, 
Jewish and Christian, Gabriel is spoken '^f 
as one of the archangels. In Scripture lie 
is set forth only as the representative of the 
angelic nature in its ministration of jom* 
fort and sympathy to m.in. 



GAD 



•200 



GAHAK 



Gad, Jacob's *eventh son, the first-born 
i>f Zilpah, Leah's maid, and whole-brother 
K) Asher (Gen. xxx. 11-13, xlvi. 16, 18). 
The word means either "fortune" or 
*' troop : " hence Leah said at his birth, — 
" a troop (of children) cometh " (Gen. xxx. 
ii. ; comp. xlix. 19). Of the childhood and 
life of the patriarch Gad nothing is pre- 
served. At the time of the descent into 
Egypt seven sons are ascribed to him. 
The alliance between the tribes of Reuben 
and Gad was doubtless induced by the sim- 
ilarity of their pursuits. Of all the sons of 
Jacob these two tribes alone returned to 
the land which their forefathers had left 
five hundred years before, with their occu- 
pations unchanged. At the halt on the east 
of Jordan we find them coming forward to 
Moses with the representation that they 
*' have cattle," — "a great multitude of cat- 
tle," and the land where they now are is a 
"place for cattle." They did not, however, 
attempt to evade taking their proper share 
of the difliculties of subduing the land of 
Canaan, and after that task had been ef- 
fected they were dismissed by Joshua "to 
their tents," to their "wives, their little 
ones, and their cattle," which they had left 
behind them in Gilead. The country al- 
lotted to Gad appears, speaking roughly, to 
have lain chiefly about the centre of the 
land east of Jordan. The south of that 
district — from the Arnon ( Wady Mojeh) , 
about half way down the Dead Sea, to Hesh- 
bon, nearly due east of Jerusalem — was 
occupied by Reuben, and at or about Hesh- 
bon the possessions of Gad commenced. 
They embraced half Gilead, as the oldest 
record specially states (Deut. iii. 12), or 
half the land of the children of Ammon 
(Josh. xiii. 25), probably the mountainous 
district which is intersected by the torrent 
Jabbok, including, as its most northern 
town, the ancient sanctuary of Mahanaim. 
On the east the furthest landmark given is 
" Aroer, that faces Rabbah," the present 
Amman (Josh. xiii. 25). West was the 
Jordan (27). Such was the territory al- 
lotted to the Gadites, but thtJre is no doubt 
that they soon extended themselves beyond 
these limits. The oflicial records of the 
reign of Jotham of Judah (1 Chr. v. 11, 16) 
s]\ow them to have been at that time estab- 
lished over the whole of Gilead, and in pos- 
«f;Sfsion of Bashaii as far as Salcah, and 
very far both to the north and the east of 
the border given them originally, while the 
Manassites were pushed still further north- 
wards to Mount Hermon (1 Chr. v. 23). 
The character of the tribe is throughout 
strongly marked - fierce and warlike — 
" strong men of might, men of war for the 
battle, that could handle shield and buckler, 
their faces the faces of lions, and like roes 
upon the mountains for swiftness." Gad 
was carried into captivity by Tiglath-Pile- 



ser (1 Chr. v. 26), and in the thne of Jere- 
miah the cities of the tribe seem to have 
been inhabited by the Ammonites. 

Gad, "the seer," or " the king's seer," 
i. e. David's (1 Chr. xxix. 29 ; 2 Chr. xxix. 
25 ; 2 Sam. xxiv. 11 ; 1 Chr. xxi. 9), was a 
"prophet" who appears to have jointd 
David when in the hold (1 Sam. xxii. 5). 
He reappears in connection with the pun» 
ishment inflicted for the numbering of tlie 
people (2 Sam. xxiv. 11-19: 1 Chr. xxi. 9- 
19). He wrote a book of the Acts of Da- 
vid (1 Chr. xxix. 29), and also assisted in 
the arrangements for the musical service of 
the "house of God" (2 Chr. xxix. 25). 

Gad, properly "the Gad," with the 
article. In the A. V. of Is. Ixv. 11 the 
clause " that prepare a table for that 
troop " has in the margin instead of the 
last word the proper name " Gad," which 
evidently denotes some idol worshipped by 
the Jews in Babylon, though it is impof si- 
ble positively to identify it. 

Gad'ites, The, the dercendants of Gad. 
and members of his tribe. 

Gad'ara, a strong city situated neai tho 
river Hieromax, east of the Sea of Galilee, 
over against Scythopolis and Tiberias, and 
sixteen Roman miles distant from each of 
those places. Josephus calls it the cap- 
ital of Peraea. A large district was at- 
tached to it. Gadara itself is not mentioned 
in the Bible, but it is evidently identical 
with the " country of the Gadarenes,"* cr 
Gergesenes (Matt. viii. 28 ; Mark v. 1 • 
Luke viii. 26, 37). The ruins of this city, 
now called Um Keis, are about two miles 
in circumference. Gadara derives its great- 
est interest from having been the scene of 
our Lord's miracle in healing the demoni- 
acs (Matt. viii. 28-34; Mark v. 1-21; Luke 
viii. 26-40). The whole circumstances of 
the narrative are strikingly illustrated by 
the features of the country. Another thing 
is worthy of notice. The most interesting 
remains of Gadara are its tombs, which dot 
the clifls for a considerable distance round 
the city. Gadara was captured by Vespa- 
sian on the first outbreak of the war with 
the Jews ; all its inhabitants massacred ; 
and the town itself, with the surrounding 
villages, reduced to ashes. 

Gad'di, son of Susi ; the Manassite spy 
sent by Moses to explore Canaan (Num. 
xiii. 11). • 

Gad'diel, a Zebulonite, one of tlje 
twelve spies (Num. xiii. 10). 

Ga'di, father of Menahem (2 K. xv. U, 
17}. 

Ga'ham, son of Naior, Abranami 
brother, by his concubine Reumah (Gen 
xxii. 24). 

Ga'har. The Bene-Gahar were among 
the families of Nethinim who returned from 
the captivitv with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 47 
Neh. vij 49'). 



GAIUS 



•201 



GALILEE 



viai'Ua. [John, Second and Third 
Kpistles of.] 
Gal'aad, the Greek form of the word 

GiLEAD. 

G-a'laL 1. A Levite, one of the sons 
of Asaph (1 Chr. ix. 15). 2. Another Le- 
rite of the family of Elkanah (1 Chr. ix. 
IGV 3. A third Levite, son of Jeduthun 
CNeh. xi. 17). 

Gala'tia is literally the "Gallia" of 
the East. The Galatians were in their or- 
i^n a stream of that great Keltic torrent 
▼ hich poured into Greece in the third cen- 
tury before the Christian era. Some of 
these invaders moved on into Thrace, and 
appeared on the shores of the Hellespont 
md Bosporus, when Nicomedes I., king of 
Bithynia, being then engaged in a civil war, 
invited them across to help him. At the 
end of the Kepublic, Galatia appears as a 
dependent kingdom; at the beginning of 
the Empire as a province (a. d. 26). The 
Roman province of Galatia may be roughly 
described as the central region of the pe- 
ninsula of Asia Minor, with the provinces 
of Asia on the west, Cappadocia on the 
east, Pamphylia and Cilicia on the south, 
and Bithynia and Pontus on the north. 
These Eastern Gauls preserved much of 
their ancient character, and something of 
tlieir ancient language. The prevailing 
speech, however, of the district was Greek. 
The inscriptions found at Ancyra are 
Greek, and St. Paul wrote his Epistle in 
Greek. It is difficult at first sight to de- 
termine in what sense the word Galatia is 
used by the writers of the N. T., or whether 
always in the same sense. In the Acts of 
the Apostles the journeys of St. Paul 
through the district are mentioned in very 
general terms. On all accounts it seems 
most probable that Galatia is used by St. 
Luke as an ethnographical term, and not 
for the Roman province of that name. 

Galatians, The Epistle to the, was 

written by the Apostle St. Paul not long 
after his journey through Galatia and Phry- 
gia (Acts xviii. 23), and probably in the 
early portion of his two years and a half 
stay at Ephesus, which terminated with the 
Pentecost of a. d. 57 or 58. The Epistle 
appears to have been called forth by the 
machinations of Judaizing teachers, who, 
shortly before the date of its composition, 
nad endeavored to seduce the churches of 
this province into a recognition of circum- 
cisicn (v. 2, 11, 12, vi. 12, sq.), and had 
openly sought to depreciate the apostolic 
claims of St. Paul (comp. i. 1, 11). The 
scope and contents of the Epistle are thus 
— (1) apologetic (i., ii.) and polemical (iii. 
iv.) ; and (2) horatory and practical (v., 
vi.) ; the positions and demonstrations of 
the former portion being used with great 
power and persuasiveness in the exhorta- 
tions of the latter. Two historical ques- 



tions require a brief notice : 1. The num- 
ber of visits made by St. Paul to the 
churches of Galatia previous to his writing 
the Epistle. These seem certainly to have 
been two. The Apostle founded the cimrchea 
of Galatia in the visit recorded Acts xvi. 
6, during his second missionary journey, 
about A. D. 51, and revisited them at the 
period and on the occasion mentioned Acts 
xviii. 23, when he went through the coun- 
try of Galatia and Phrygia. On this occa- 
sion it would seem probable that he found 
the leaven of Judaism beginning to work 
in the churches of Galatia. 2. Closely al- 
lied with the preceding question is that of 
the date, and the place from which the 
Epistle Avas written. It was probably writ- 
ten about the same time as the Epistle to 
Romans at Corinth, during the three monthi 
that the Apostle staid there (Acts xx. 2, 3), 
apparently the winter of a. d. 57 or 58. 

Galbanum, one of the perfumes em- 
ployed in the preparation of the sacred in- 
cense (Ex. XXX. 34). The galbanum of 
commerce is brought chiefly from India 
and the Levant. It is a resinous gum of a 
brownish yellow color, and strong, disa- 
greeable smell, usually met with in masses, 
but sometimes found in yellowish, tear- like 
drops. But, though galbanum itself is 
well known, the plant which yields it Laa 
not been exactly determined. 

Gal'eed, the name given by Jacob to 
the heap which he and Laban made on 
Mount Gilead in witness of the covenant 
then entered into between them (Gen. 
xxxi. 47, 48; comp. 23, 25). 

Gal'ilee. This name, which in the Ro- 
man age was applied to a large province, 
seems to have been originally confined to n 
little "circuit" of country round Kedesh 
Naphtali, in wliich were situated the twent) 
towns given by Solomon to Hiram, king of 
Tyre, as payment for his work in convey- 
ing timber from Lebanon to Jerusalem 
(Josh. XX. 7; 1 K. ix. 11). They were 
then, or subsequently, occupied by stran- 
gers, and for this reason Isaiah gives to the 
district the name " Galilee of the Gentiles ' 
(Is. ix. 1). It is probable that the strangers 
increased in number, and became during 
the captivity the great body of the inhab- 
itants ; extending themselves also over the 
surrounding country, they gave to their new 
territories the old name, until at length 
Galilee became one of the largest provinces 
of Palestine. In the time of our Loid aU 
Palestine was divided into three provinces, 
Judaea, Samaria, and Galilee (Acts ix. 31 ; 
Luke xvii. 11; Joseph. B.J. iii. 3). The 
latter included the whole northern section 
of the country, including the ancient terri- 
tories of Issachar, Zebulun, Asher, and 
Naphtali. On the west it was bounded by 
the territory of Ptolemais, which probably 
included the whole plain of Akka to *^ha 



GAiJLEE, SEA OF 



202 



GAO^LIO 



foot of Oarinel. The southern border ran 
along the base of Carmel and of the hills 
of Samaria to Mount Gilboa, and then de- 
scended the valley of Jezreel by Scythop- 
olis to the Jprdan. The river Jordan, the 
Sea of Galilee, and the upper Jordan to 
the fountain at Dan, formed the eastern 
border; and the northern ran from Dan 
westward across the mountain ridge till it 
touched the territory of the Phoenicians. 
Galilee was divided into two sections, 
" Lower " and '* Upper." Lower Galilee 
included the great plain of Esdraelon with 
Itb offshoots, which run down to the Jordan 
and the Lake of Tiberias ; and the whole 
of the hill country adjoining it on the north 
to the foot of the mountain-range. It was 
thus one of the richest and most beautiful 
sections of Palestin3. The chief towns of 
Lower Galilee were Tiberias, Tarichaea, at 
the southern end of the Sea of Galilee, 
and Sepphoris. The towns most celebrated 
in N. T. history are Nazareth, Cana, and 
Tiberias (Luke i. 26; John ii. 1, vi. 1). 
Upper Galilee embraced the whole moun- 
tain-range lying between the upper Jordan 
and Phoenicia. To this region the name 
"Galilee of the Gentiles" is given in the 
O. and N. T. (Is. ix. 1 ; Matt. iv. 15). The 
town of Capernaum, on the north shore of 
the lake, was in Upper Galilee. Galilee 
was the scene of the greater part of our 
Lord's private life and public acts. His 
early years were spent at Nazareth; and 
when He entered on His great work He 
made Capernaum His home (Matt. iv. 13, 
ix. 1). It is a remarkable fact that the first 
three Gospels are chiefly taken up with our 
Lord's ministrations in this province, while 
die Gospel of John dwells more upon those 
in Judaea. The nature of our Lord's par- 
ables and illustrations was greatly influ- 
enced by the peculiar features and products 
of the country. The Apostles were all 
either Galileans by birth or residence (Acts 
i. 11). After the destruction of Jerusalem, 
Galilee became the chief seat of Jewish 
schools of learning, and the residence of 
their most celebrated Rabbins. 
Galilee, Sea of. [Gennesareth.] 
Gklll, the representative in the A. V. of 
the Hebrew words mererdh, or merdrdh, 
and rdsh. 1 . Mererdh or mirdrdh denotes 
etymologically " that which is bitter; " see 
Job xiii. 26, "thou writest bitter things 
against me." Hence the terra is applied to 
the *' bile " or " gall" from its intense bit- 
terness (Job xvi. 13, XX. 25) ; it is also 
used of the " poison " of serpents (Job xx. 
14), which the ancients erroneously be- 
lieved was their gall, 2. Rdsh, generally 
translated " gall " by the A. V., is in Hos. 
X. 4 rendered " hemlock : " in Deut. xxxii. 
83, and Job xx. 16, rdsh denotes the 
" poison " or *' venom " of serpents. From 
Deut. xxix. 18, and Lam. iii. 19. coTjpared 



with Hos. X. 4, it is evident that the Ilebre* 
term denotes some bitter, and perhaps poi 
sonous plant. Other writers have supposed, 
and with some reason (from Deut. xxxii. 
32), that some berry-bearing plant must be 
intended. Gesenius understands "poppies." 
The capsules of the Papaveraceae may 
well give the name of r6sh ("head") to 
the plant in question, just as we speak i»f 
poppy heads. The various species of this 
family spring up quickly in corn-fields, and 
the juice is extremely bitter. A steeped 
solution of poppy heads may be " the wa- 
ter of gall " of Jer. viii. 14. The passages 
in the Gospels which relate the circum- 
stance of the Roman soldiers offering our 
Lord, just before his crucifixion, " vinegar 
mingled with gall," according to St. Mat- 
thew (xxvii. 34), and "wine mingled with 
myrrh," according to St. Mark's account 
(xv. 23), require some consideration. " Mat- 
thew, in his usual way," as Hengstenberg re- 
marks, " designates the drink theologically : 
always keeping his eye on the prophecies 
of the O. T., he speaks of gall and vinegar 
for the purpose of rendering the fulfilment 
of the Psalms more manifest. Mark again 
(xv. 23), according to his way, looks rathei 
at the outward quality of the drink." 
"Gall" is not to be understood in any 
other sense than as expressing the bitter 
nature of the draught. Notwithstanding 
the almost concurrent opinion of ancient 
and modern conuDentators that the " wine 
mingled with myrrh " was offered to our 
Lord as an anodyne, we cannot readily 
come to the same conclusion. Had the 
soldiers intended a mitigation of suffering, 
they would doubtless have offered a draught 
drugged with some substance having nar- 
cotic properties. The drirk in question 
was probably a mere ordinary beverage of 
the Romans, 

Gallery, an architectural term, de- 
scribing the porticos or verandas which 
are not uncommon in Eastern liouses. It 
is doubtful, however, whether the Hebrew 
words, so translated, have any reference tc 
such an object. 

Galley. [Ship.] 

Gal'lim (=" heaps," or, possibly, 
" springs "), a place which is twice men- 
tioned in the Bible : (1.^ As the native 
place of the man to whom Michal, David's 
wife, was given (1 Sam. xxv. 44). There 
is no clew to the situation of the place. 
(2.) The name occurs again in the cata- 
logue of places terrified at the approach of 
Sennacherib (Is. x. 30). The name of 
Gallim has not been met with in mo«ierD 
times. 

Gallio, Junius Annacus Gallio, the 
Roman proconsul of Achaia when St. 
Paul was at Corhith, a. d. 53, under tlw 
Emperor Claudius (Acts xviii. 12). He 
was brother to Lucius Annaeus Seneca, th« 



GALLOWS 



:^03 



GAIIDEN 



philosopher. Jerome in the Chronicle of 
Eusebius says that he committed suicide in 
the year 65 a. d. 

Gallows. [Punishment.] 

Gama'liel- 1. SonofPedahzur; prince 
or captain of the tribe of Manasseh at the 
census at Sinai (Num. i. 10, ii. 20, vii. 54, 
59), and at starting on the march through 
the wilderness (x. 23). 2. A Pharisee 
and celebrated doctor of the law, who gave 
prudent worldly advice in the Sanhedrii'v 
respecting the treatment of the followers 
of Jesus of Nazareth (Acts v. 34, ff.). We 
learn from Acts xxii. 3 that he was the 
preceptor of St. Paul. He is generally 
identified with the very celebrated Jewish 
doctor Gamaliel. This Gamaliel was son 
of Rabbi Simeon, and grandson of the cele- 
brated Hillel; he was president of the 
Sanhedrim under Tiberius, Caligula, and 
Claudius, and is reported to have died 
eighteen years before the destruction of 
Jerusalem. 

Games. Among the Greeks the rage 
for theatrical exhibitions was such that 
every city of any size possessed its theatre 
and stadium. At Ephesus an annual con- 
test was held in honor of Diana. It is 
probable that St. Paul was present when 
these games were proceeding. A direct 
reference to the exhibitions that took place 
on such occasions is made in 1 Cor. xv. 
32. St. Paul's Epistles abound with allu- 
sions to the Greek contests, borrowed 
probably from the Isthmian games, at 
which he may well have been present dur- 
ing his first visit to Corinth. These con- 
tests (2 Tim. iv. 7; 1 Tim. vi. 12) were 
divided into two classes, the pancratium, 
consisting of boxing and wrestling, and the 
pentathlon, consisting of leaping, running, 
quoiting, hurling the spear, and wrestling. 
The competitors (1 Cor. ix. 25; 2 Tim. ii. 
5) required a long and severe course of 
previous training (1 Tim. iv. 8), during 
which a particular diet was enforced (1 
C/or. ix. 25, 27). In the Olympic contests 
these preparatory exercises extended over 
a period of ten months, during the last of 
which they were conducted under the super- 
vision of appointed oflficers. The contests 
took place in the presence of a vast multi- 
♦^ude of spectators (Heb. xii. 1), the com- 
petitors being the spectacle (1 Cor. iv. 9 ; 
H3b. X. 33). The games were opened by 
the proclamation of a herald (1 Cor. ix. 
27), whose office it was to give out the 
name and country of each candidate, and 
eapecially to announce the name of the 
victor before the assembled multitude. 
Tlie judge was selected for his spotless 
integrity (2 Tim. iv. 8) : his office was to 
decide any disputes (Col. iii. 15) and to 
give the prize (1 Cor. ix. 24; Phil. iii. 14), 
consisting of a crown (2 Tim. ii. 5, iv. 8) 
of leaves of wild olive at the Olympic 



games, and of pine, or at t lie period, iv/, 
at the Isthmian games. St. Paul alludei 
to two only out of the five contests, boxing 
and running, more frequently to the latter. 
In boxing (cf. 1 Cor. ix. 2&) the hands and 
arms were bound with the cestus, a band of 
leather studded with nails. The foot-race 
(2 Tim. iv. 7) was run in the stadium (1 
Cor. ix. 24), an oblong area, open at one 
end, and rounded in a semicircular form at 
the other, along the sides of which were 
the raised tiers of seats on which the spec- 
tators sat. The judge was stationed by the 
goal (Phil. iii. 14), which was clearly visible 
from one end of the stadium to the other. 

Gam'madims. This word occurs only 
in Ez. xxvii. 11. A variety of explanations 
of the term have been offered. (1.) One 
class renders it *' pygmies." (2.) A second 
treats it as a geographical or local term. 
(3.) A third gives a more general sense to 
the word, *' brave warriors." Hitzig sug« 
gests " deserters." After all, the render- 
ing in the LXX., " guards," furnishes the 
simplest explanation. 

Ga'nml, a priest ; the leader of the 22d 
course in the service of the sanctuary (I 
Chr. xxiv. 17). 

Garden. Gardens in the East, as the 
Hebrew word indicates, are enclosures, or 
the outskirts of towns, planted with varioun 
trees and shrubs. From the allusions in 
the Bible we learn that they were sur- 
rounded by hedges of thorn (Is. v. 6), oi 
walls of stone (Pro v. xxiv. 31). For fur- 
ther protection lodges (Is. i. 8 ; Lam. ii. 6) 
or watchtowers (Mark xii. 1) were built in 
them, in which sat the keeper (Job xxvii. 
18) to drive away the wild beasts and rob- 
bers, as is the case to this day. The gar- 
dens of the Hebrews were planted with 
flowers and aromatic shrubs (Cant. vi. 2, 
iv. 16), besides olives, fig-trees, nuts, or 
walnuts (Cant. vi. 11), pomegranates, and 
others for domestic use (Ex. xxiii. 11 
Jer. xxix. 5; Am. ix. 14). Gardens of 
herbs, or kitchen-gardens, are mentioned 
in Deut. xi. 10, and 1 K. xxi. 2. Cucum- 
bers were grown in them (Is. i. 8 ; Bar. vi. 
70), and probably also melons, leeks, 
onions, and garlic, which are spoken 
of (Num. xi. 5) as the productions of a 
neighboring country. The rose-garden in 
Jerusalem, said to have been situated west- 
ward of the temple mount, is remarkable as 
having been one of the few gardens, which, 
from the time of the prophets, existed 
within the city walls. But of all the gar- 
dens of Palestine none is possessed of as- 
sociations more sacred and imperishable 
than the garden of Gethsemane, beside the 
oil-presses on the slopes of Olivet. In a 
climate like that of Palestine the neiga- 
borhood of water was an important cons?i- 
eration in selecting the site of a garde-^. 
To the old Hebrew poets *' a well- water ^ 



GAREB 



204 



GATH 



^rdcn, or "a tree planted by tl.e waters," 
w&a an ea»blem of luxuriant fertility and 
material prosperity (Is. Iviii. 11 ; Jer. :cvii. 
8, xxxi. 12). From a neighboring stream 
or cistern wore supplied the channels or 
conduits by which the gardens were inter- 
sected, and the water was thus conveyed 
to all parts (Ps. i. 3; Eccl. ii. 6; Ecclus. 
xxiv. 30). It is matter of doubt what is the 
exact meaning of the expression " to water 
with the foot " in Deut. xi. 10. The He- 
brews made use of gardens as places of 
burial (John xix. 41). Manass^h and his 
son Anion were buried in the garden of 
their palace, the garden of Uzza (2 K. 
xxi. 18, 26). The retirement of gardens 
rendered them favorite places for devotion 
(Matt. xxvi. 36 ; John xviii. 1 ; cf. Gen. 
xxiv. 63). In the degenerate times of the 
monarchy they were selected as the scenes 
of idolatrous worship (Is. i. 29, Ixv. 3, 
Ixvi. 17), and images of the idols were 
probably erected in them. The traditional 
gardens and pools of Solomon, supposed 
to be alluded to in Eccl. ii. 5, 6, are shown 
in tne Wady Urtds {i. e. Hortus), about 
an hour and a quarter to the south of Beth- 
lehem. The "king's garden," mentioned 
in 2 K. XXV. 4 ; Neh. iii. 15 ; Jer. xxxix. 4, 
lii 7, was near the pool of Siloam, at the 
mouth of the Tyropoeon, north of Bir Eyub, 
and was formed by the meeting of the val- 
leys of Jehoshaphat and Ben Hinnom. 

Oa'reb, one of the heroes of David's 
army (2 Sam. xxiii. 38). 

Gareb, The Hill, in the neighborhood 
of Jerusalem, named only in Jer. xxxi. 39. 

Garlic (Num. xi. 5), is the Allium Sati- 
iTum of Linnaeus, which abounds in Egypt. 

Garment. [Dress.] 

Gar'mite, The. Keilah the Garmite, 
(. e. the descendant of Gerem, is mentioned 
in the obscure genealogical lists of the 
families of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 19). 

Garrison. The Hebrew words so ren- 
dered in the A. V. are derivatives from the 
root ndtsab to " place, erect," which may 
be applied to a variety of objects. (1.) 
Mattsah and mattsahah undoubtedly mean 
a " garrison," or fortified post (1 Sam. xiii. 
i3, xiv. 1, 4, 12, 15; 2 Sam. xxiii. 14). 
(2). Netsib is also used for a "garrison" 
■in 1 Chr. xi. 16), but elsewhere for a 

column " erected in an enemy's country 
as a token of conquest (1 Sam. xiii. 3). 
(3.) The same word elsewhere means 
" officers " placed over a vanquished peo- 
ple (2 Sam. viii. 6, 14 ; 1 Chr. xviii. 13 ; 2 
Chr. xvii. 2). (i.) Mattsehah in Ez. xxvi. 
11 means a " pillar." 

Gash'mu. A variation of the name 
Gesiiem (Neh. vi. 6). 

Ga'tam, the fourth son of Eliphaz the 
won of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 11; 1 Chr. i. 36), 
and one of Ite 'dukjs" of Eliphaz (Gen. 
uivi 16). 



^ 



Gate. The gates and gateways of east- 
ern cities anciently held, and still hold, an 
important part, not only in the defence but 
in tlie public economy of the place. They 
are thns sometimes taken as representing 
the ciiy itself (Gen. xxii. 17, xxiv. 60; 
Deut. xii. 12; Judg. v. 8; Ruth iv. 10; 
Ps. Ixxxvii. 2, cxxii. 2). Among the 
special purposes for which they were used 
may be mentioned : 1. As places of pub- 
lic resort (Gen. xix. 1, xxiii. 10, xxxiv. 
20, 24; 1 Sam. iv. 18, &c.). 2. Places 
for public deliberation, administration of 
justice, or of audience for kings and 
rulers, or amlnssadors (Deut. xvi. 18, xxi. 
19, XXV. 7; Josh. xx. 4; Judg. ix. 35, &c.). 
3. Public markets (2 K. vii. 1). In heathen 
towns the open spaces near the gates ap- 
pear to have been sometimes used as places 
for sacrifice (Acts xiv. 13; comp. 2 K. 
xxiii. 8). Regarded therefore as positions 
of great importance the gates of cities were 
carefully guarded and closed at raghtfall 
(Deut. iii. 5; Josh. ii. 5,7; Judg, ix. 40, 
44). They contained chambers ofer the 
gateway (2 Sam. xviii. 24). The doors 
tliemselves of the larger gates mentioned 
in Scripture were two-leaved, plated with 
metal, closed with locks and fastened i? ith 
metal bars (Deut. iii. 5 ; Ps. cvii. 16 ; Is, 
xiv. 1, 2). Gates not defended by iron 
were of course liable to be set on fire by 
an enemy (Judg. ix. 52). Tlie gateways 
of royal palaces and even of private hoases 
were often richly ornamented. Sentenoee 
from the Law were inscribed on a.na above 
the gates (Deut. vi. 9 ; Is. liv. 12 ; Rev. 
xxi. 21). The gates of Solomon's Temple 
were very massive and costly, being over- 
laid with gold and carvings (IK. vi. 34, 35 ; 
2 K. xviii. 16). Those of the Holy Place 
were of olive-wood, two-leaved, and over- 
laid with gold ; those of the temple of fir 
(1 K. vi. 31, 32, 34; Ez. xli. 23, 24). The 
figurative gates of pearl and precious stones 
(Is. liv. 12 ; Rev. xxi. 21) may be regarded 
as having their types in the massive stone 
doors which are found in some of the an- 
cient houses in Syria. These are of sin- 
gle slabs several inches thick, sometimes 
10 feet high, and turn on stone pivotf 
above. The parts of the doorway were 
the thresholrji (Judg. xix. 27) ; the side- 
posts, the lintel (Ex. xii. 7). In the Tem- 
ple, Levites, and in houses of the wealthier 
classes, and in palaces, persons were es- 
pecially appointed to keep t'le door ^Jer. 
xxxv. 4; 2 K. xii. 9, xxv. 18, &c.). 

Gath, one of the fir-e "oyal cities of 
the Philistines (Jjsh. xiii. 3; 1 Sam. vi. 
17) ; and the native place of the giant Go- 
liath '1 Sam. xvii. 4, 23). It probably 
stood upon the conspicuous hill now called 
Tell-es-SdJieh, upon the side of the plain of 
Philistia, at the foot of the mountains of 
Jadah ; 10 miles £. of Asbdod, and about 



GArH HEPHER 



205 



GEBA 



the same distance S. by E. of Ekron. It 
is irregular in form, and about 200 ft. high. 
Gath occupied a strong position (2 Chr. xi. 
8) on the border of Judah and Philistia (1 
Sam. xxi. 10; 1 Chr. xviii. 1); and from 
Its strength and resources forming the key 
of both countries, it was the scene of fre- 
quent struggles, and was often captured 
and recaptured (2 Chr. xi. 8, xxvi. 6 ; 2 K. 
xii. 17; Am. vi. 2). The ravages of war 
to which Gath was exposed appear to have 
destroyed it at a comparatively early pe- 
riod, as it is not mentioned among the other 
royal cities by the later prophets (Zeph. ii. 
4; Zech. ix. 5, 6). It is familiar to the 
Bible student as the scene of one of the 
most romantic incidents in the life of king 
David (1 Sara. xxi. 10-15). 

Gath-he'pher, or Git'tah-he'pher, 
a town on the border of the territory of 
Zebulun, not far from Japhia, now Yd.fa 
(Josh. xix. 12, 13), celebrated as the native 
place of the prophet Jonah (2 K. xiv. 25). 
El-Meshhad, a village 2 miles E. of Se- 
plrieh, is the ancient Gath-hepher. 

Gath-rim'mon. 1. A city given out 
of the tribe of Dan to the Levites (Josh, 
xxi. 24 ; 1 Chr. vi. 69), situated on the plain 
of Philistia, apparently not far from Joppa 
(Josh. xix. 45). 2. A town of the half 
tribe of Manasseh west of the Jordan, as- 
signed to the Levites (Josh. xxi. 25). The 
reading Gath-rimmon is probably an error 
of the transcribers. 

Ga'za (properly Azzah), one of the five 
chief cities of the Philistines. It is re- 
markable for its continuous existence and 
importance from the very earliest times. 
The secret of this unbroken history is to 
be found in the situation of Gaza. It is 
the last town in the S. W. of Palestine, on 
the frontier towards Egypt. The same pe- 
culiarity of situation has made Gaza impor- 
tant in a military sense. Its name means 
" the strong ; " and this was well elucidat- 
ed in its siege by Alexander the Great, 
which lasted five months. In Gen. x. 19 
it appears, even before the call of Abra- 
ham, as a " border " city of the Canaan- 
ites. In the conquest of Joshua the terri- 
tory of Gaza is mentioned as one which he 
was not able to subdue (Josh. x. 41, xi. 22, 
xiii. 3). It was assigned to the tribe of 
Judah (Josh. xv. 47), and that tribe did 
obtain possession of it (Judg. i. 18) ; but 
they did not hold it long; for soon after- 
<rards we find it in the hands of the Phi- 
listines (Judg. iii. 3, xiii. 1, xvi. 1, 21) ; in- 
deed it seems to have been their capital ; 
and apparently continued through the times 
of Samuel, Saul, and David to be a Philis- 
tine city (1 Sam. vi. 17, xiv. 52, xxxi. 1 ; 2 
Sam. xxi. 15). i&olomon became master 
of '*Azz.ih" (1 K. iv. 24). But in after 
times the same .rouble with the Philistines 
recurred (2 Chr. xxi 16, xxvi. 6, xxviii. 



18). The passage where Ga?.a is m,;o« 
tioned in the N. T. (Acts viii. aG) is fiiUof 
interest. It is the account of the baptism 
of the Ethiopian eunuch on his return from 
Jerusalem to Egypt. The words " which is 
desert" have given rise to much discus- 
sion. The probability is, that they refer 
to the road, and are used by the angel tr 
inform Philip, who was then in Samaria 
on what route he would find the eunuch 
Besides the ordinary road from Jerusalenr 
by Ramleh to Gaza, there was another, 
more favorable for carriages (Acts xiii. 28), 
further to the south through Hebron, and 
thence through a district comparatively 
without towns and much exposed to the in- 
cursions of the people from the desert. Th* 
modern Ghuzzeh is situated partly on an 
oblong hill of moderate height, and partly 
on the lower ground. The climate of the 
place is almost tropical, but it has devip 
wells of excellent water. There are a few 
palm-trees in the town, and its fruit- or- 
chards are very productive. But the chief 
feature of the neighborhood is the wide- 
spread olive-grove to the N. and N. E. 

Gaza'ra, a place frequently mentioned 
ii- ^he wars of the Maccabees, and of great 
importance in the operations of both par- 
ties (1 Mace. ix. 52, xiii. 53, xiv. 7, 33, 34, 
36, XV. 28, xvi. 1; 2 Mace. x. 32-36). 
There is every reason to believe that Gaz- 
ara was the same place as the more ancient 
Gezer or Gazer. 

Ga'zathites, The (Josh. xiii. 3), the 
inhabitants of Gaza. 

Ga'zer, 2 Sam. v. 25; 1 Chr. xiv. 16 
[Gezer.] 

Ga'zez, a name which occurs twice in 
1 Chr. ii. 46; (1) as son of Caleb by Ephah 
his concubine ; and (2) as son of Haran, 
the son of the same woman ; the second is 
possibly only a repetition of the first. 

Ga'zites, The, inhabitants of Gaza 
(Judg. xvi. 2). 

Gaz'zam. The Bene-Gazzam were 
among the families of the Nethinim wh< 
returned from the captivity with Zerubba 
bel (Ezr. ii. 48; Neh. vii. 51). 

Ge'ba, a city of Benjamin, with " sub • 
urbs," allotted to the priests (Josh. xxi. 17; 
1 Chr. vi. 60). It is named amongst the 
first group of the Benjamite towns ; appar- 
ently those lying near to and along the north 
boundary (Josh, xviii. 24). Here the name 
is given as Gaba. During the wars of the 
earlier part of the reign of Saul, Geba wat» 
held as a garrison by the Philistines (1 Sam. 
xiii. 3), but they were ejected by Jonathan. 
Later in the same campaign we find it re- 
ferred to to define the position of the two 
rocks which stood in the ravine below the 
garrison of Michmash, in terms which fix 
Geba on the south and Michmash on the 
north of the ravine (] Sam. xiv. 5 ; the A. V. 
has here Gibeah). Exactly in accordanc* 



GEBAL 



206 



GENEALOGY 



•rith this is the position of tlie modem vil- 
lage of Jeha, which stands picturesquely on 
the top of its steep temced hill, on the very 
edge of the great Wady Suweinit, looking 
northwards to the opposite village, which 
also retains its old name of Mukhmas. 

Ge'bal, a proper name, occurring in Ps. 
Ixxxiii. 7, in connection with Edom and 
Moab, Ammon and Amalek, the Philistines 
tnd the inhabitants of Tyre. The contexts 
both of the psalm and of the historical 
records will justify our assuming the Gebal 
of the Psalms to be one and the same city 
with the Gebal of Ezekiel (xxvii. 9), a mar- 
itime town of Phoenicia. From the fact 
that its inhabitants are written " Giblians " 
in the Vulg., and " Biblians " in the LXX., 
we may infer their identity with the Gib- 
lites, spoken of in connection with Lebanon 
by Joshua (xiii. 5), and that of their city 
with the " Biblus " (or Byblus) of profane 
literature. It is called Jehail by the Arabs, 
thus reviving the old Biblical name. 

Qe'ber. 1. The son of Geber resided 
in the fortress of Ramoth-Gilead, and had 
charge of Havoth-Jair, and the district of 
Argob (IK. iv. 13). 2. Geber the son of 
Uri had a district south of the former — the 
■'land of Gilead" (IK. iv. 19). 

Ge'bim, a village north of Jerusalem 
fis. X. 31), apparently between Anathoth 
(the modern Anaid) and the ridge on which 
Nob was situated. 

G^dali'all, sen of Ahikam (Jeremiah's 
protector, Jer. xxvi. 24), and grandson of 
Shaphan the secretary of king Josiah. Af- 
ter the destruction of the Temple, b. c. 
688, Nebuchadnezzar departed from Judaea, 
leaving Gedaliah with a Chaldean guard 
(Jer. xl. 5) at Mizpah to govern the vine- 
dressers and husbandmen (Jer. lii. 16) who 
were exempted from captivity. Jeremiah 
joined Gedaliah ; and Mispah became the 
resort of Jews from various quarters (Jer. 
xl. 6, 11). He was murdered by Ishmael 
two months after his appointment. 

Ged'eon. The Greek form of the He- 
brew name Gideon (Heb. xi. 32). 

Go'der. The king of Geder was one of 
the 31 kings who were overcome by Joshua 
7n the west of the Jordan (Josh. xii. 13). 
It is possible that it may be the same place 
as the Geder named in 1 Chr. iv. 39. 

Gede'rah, a town of Judah in the low- 
land country (Josh. xv. 36), apparently in its 
eastern part. No town bearing this name 
has however been yet discovered in this 
hitherto little explored district. 

Gede'rathite, The, the native of a 
place called Gederah, apparently in Ben- 
jamin (1 Chr. xii. 4). 

Ged'erite, The, the native of some 
place named Geder or Gederah (1 Chr. 
xxvii. 28). 

G^d'eroth, a town in the low country 
of Judah (Josh. xv. 41; 2 Chr. xxviii. 18). 



Gederotha'im, a town in the low 
country of Judah (Josh. xv. 36), named 
next in order to Gederah. 

Ge'dor, a town in the mountainous part 
of Judah (Josh. xv. 58), a few miles north 
of Hebron. Kobinson discovered a JedUr 
halfway between Bethlehem and Hebron, 
about two miles west of the road. 

Geha'zi, the servant or boy of Elisha. 
He was sent as the prophet's messenger on 
two occasions to the good Shunammite (2 
K. iv.) ; obtained fraudulently money and 
garments from Naaman, was miraculously 
smitten with incurable leprosy, and was 
dismissed from the prophet's service (2 K. 
v.). Later in the history he is mentioned 
as being engaged in relating to King Joram 
all the great things which Elisha had done 
(2 K. viii.). 

Gehen'na. [Hinnom.] 

Gel'iloth, a place named among the 
marks of the south boundary line of the 
tribe of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 17). The 
name Geliloth never occurs again in this 
locality, and it therefore seems probable 
that Gilgal is the right reading. 

Gemal'li, the father of Ammiel, the 
Danite spy (Num. xiii. 12). 

Gemari'ah. 1. Son of Shaphan the 
scribe, and father of Michaiah. He was one 
of the nobles of Judah, and had a chaok- 
ber in the house of the Lord, from which 
Baruch read Jeremiah's alarming prophecy 
in the ears of all the people, b. c. 606 (Jer. 
xxxvi.). 2. Son of Hilkiah, was made the 
bearer of Jeremiah's letter to the captive 
Jews (Jer. xxix.). 

Gems. [Stones, Pkecigus.] 

Genealogy. In Hebrew the term foi 
genealogy or pedigree is " the book of the 
generations ; " and because the oldest his- 
tories were usually drawn up on a genea- 
logical basis, the expression often extended 
to the whole history, as is the case with the 
Gospel of St. Matthew, where " the book of 
the generation of Jesus Christ" includes 
the whole iiistory contained in that GospeL 
The promise of the land of Canaan to the 
seed of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob succes- 
sively, and the separation of the Israelites 
from the Gentile world; the expectation 
of Messiah as to spring from the tribe of 
Judah; the exclusively hereditary priesu- 
hood of Aaron with its dignity and emolu- 
ments ; the long succession of kings in the 
line of David ; and the whole ii vision and 
occupation of the land upon genealogical 
principles by the tribes, families, and houses 
of fathers, gave a deeper importance to the 
science of genealogy among the Jews than 
perhaps any other nation. With Jacob, the 
founder of the nation, the system of reck- 
oning by genealogies was much further de- 
veloped. In Gen. xxxv. 22-26, we have • 
formal account of the sons of Jacob, the 
patriarclis of the nation, repeated in £¥. i 



II 



GENEALOGY 



207 



GENEALOGY OF CHRIST 



1--5. In Gen. xlvi. we have an exact gene- 
alogical census of the house of Israel at 
the time of Jacob's going down to Egypt. 
When the Israelites were in the wilderness 
of Sinai, their number was taken by Divine 
command " after their families, by the 
hou?e of their fathers." According to these 
genealogical divisions they pitched their 
tents, and marched, and offered their gifts 
and offerings, chose spies, and the whole 
land of Canaan was parcelled out amongst 
them. When David established the temple 
services on the footing which continued till 
the time of Christ, he divided the priests 
and Levites into courses and companies, 
each under the family chief. When Heze- 
kiah reopened the temple, and restored 
the temple services, which had fallen into 
disuse, he reckoned the whole nation by 
genealogies. When Zerubbabel brought 
back the captivity from Babylon, one of his 
first cares seems to have been to take a cen- 
sus of those that returned, and to settle them 
according to their genealogies. Passing 
on to the time of the birth of Christ, we 
have a striking incidental proof of the 
continuance of the Jewisli genealogical 
economy in the fact that when Augustus 
ordered the census of the empire to be 
taken, the Jews in the province of Syria 
inmiediately went each one to his own city. 
Another proof is the existence of our 
Lord's genealogy in two forms as given by 
St. Matthew and St. Luke. The mention 
of Zacharias, as "of the course of Abia," of 
Elizabeth, as "of the daughter of Aaron," 
a.nd of Anna the daughter of Phanuel, as 
" of the tribe of Aser," are further indica- 
tions of the same thing. From all this it is 
abundantly manifest that the Jewish gene- 
alogical records continued to be kept till 
near the destruction of Jerusalem. But 
there can be little doubt that the registers 
of the Jewish tribes and families perished 
at the destruction of Jerusalem, and not 
before. It remains to be said that just 
notions of the nature of the Jewish genea- 
logical records are of great importance with 
a view to the right interpretation of Scrip- 
ture. Let it only be remembered that these 
records have respect to political and terri- 
torial divisions, as much as to strictly gen- 
ealogical descent, and it will at once be 
"♦een how erroneous a conclusion it may 
be, that all who are called "sons" of such 
or such a patriarch, or chief father, must 
necessarily be his very children. If any 
one family or house became extinct, some 
other would succeed to its place, called 
after its own chief father. Hence of course 
a census of any tribe drawn up at a later 
period, would exhibit different divisions 
from one drawn up at an earlier. The 
same principle must be borne in mind in in- 
terpreting any particular genealogy. Again, 
wlien a pedigree was abbreviated, it would 



naturally specify such generations as would 
indicate from what chief houses the perscMa 
descended. But then as regards the chron- 
ological use of the Scripture genealogies, 
it follows from the above view that great 
caution is necessary in using them as meas- 
ures of time, though they are invaluable 
for this purpose whenever we can be sure 
that they are complete. The Jewish gen- 
ealogies have two forms, one giving the 
generations in a descending, the other in 
an ascending scale. Examples of the de- 
scending form may be seen in Ruth iv. 18- 
22, or 1 Chr. iii. Of the ascending, 1 Chr. 
vi. 33-43 (A. V.) ; Ezr. vii. 1-5. Females 
are named in genealogies when there is 
anything remarkable about them, or when 
any right or property is transmitted through 
them. See Gen. xi. 29, xxii. 23, xxv. 1--4, 
XXXV. 22-26 ; Ex. vi. 23 ; Num. xxvi. 33 ; 
1 Chr. ii. 4, 19, 50, 35, &c. 

Genealogy of Jesus Christ. The 
New Testament gives us the genealogy of 
but one person, that of our Saviour. The 
following propositions will explain the true 
construction of these genealogies : — 1. 
They are both the genealogies of Joseph 
i. e. of Jesus Christ as the reputed and 
legal son of Joseph and Mary. 2. The 
genealogy of St. Matthew is Joseph's gen- 
ealogy as legal successor to the throne of 
David. St. Luke's is Joseph's private gen- 
ealogy, exhibiting his real birth, as David's 
son, and thus showing why he was heir to 
Solomon's crown. The simple principle 
that one evangelist exhibits that genealogy 
which contained the successive heirs to 
David's and Solomon's throne, while the 
other exhibits the paternal stem of him who 
was the heir, explains all the anomalies of 
the two pedigrees, their agreements as well 
as their discrepancies, and the circumstance 
of there being two at all. 3. Mary, the 
mother of Jesus, was in all probability the 
daughter of Jacob, and first cousin to 
Joseph her husband. But besides these 
main difficulties, as they have been thought 
to be, there are several others which can- 
not be passed over in any account, how- 
ever concise, of the genealogies of Christ. 
The most startling is the total discrepancy 
between them both and that of Zerubbabel 
in the O. T. (1 Chr. iii. 19-24). In thip 
last, of seven sons of Zerubbabel not one 
bears the name, or anything like the name, 
of Rhesa or Abiud ; and of the next gen- 
eration not one bears the name, or any- 
thing like the name, of Eliakim or Joanna, 
which are in the corresponding generation 
in Matthew and Luke. Rhesa is in fact 
not a name at all, but it is the Chaldee title 
of the princes of the captivity. It is very 
probable therefore that this title should 
have been placed against the name of 
Zerubbabel by some early Christian Tew, 
and thence crept into the text If this b# 



GENEALOGY OF CHEIST 



208 



GENEALOGY OF CHPJ8T 



BO, St. Luke will then give Joanna as the 
son of Zerubbabel. But Joanna is the very 
same name as Hananiah, the son of Zerub- 
babel according to 1 Chr. iii. 19. [Hana- 
NiAH.] In St. Matthew this generation is 
omitted. In the next generation w e iden- 
tify Matthew's Ab-jud (Abiud) with Luke's 
Juda, and both with Hodaiah of 1 Chr. iii. 
24, by the simple process of supposing the 
Shemaiah of 1 Chr. iii. 22 to be the same 
person as the Shimei of ver. 19. The 
next difficulty is the difference in the num- 
ber of generations between the two gene- 
alogies. St. Matthew's division into three 
fourteens gives only 42, while St. Luke, 
from Abraham to Christ inclusive, reckons 
56, or, which is more to the point (since 
the generations between Abraham and 
David are the same in both genealogies), 
while St. Matthew reckons 28 from David 
to Christ, St. Luke reckons 43, or 42 with- 
out Rhesa. Bwt the genealogy itself supplies 
the explanation. In the second tessaro- 
decade, including the kings, we know that 
three generatioimS are omitted — Ahaziah, 
Joash, Amaziah - - in order to reduce the 
generations) from 17 to 14 : the difference 
between tlese 17 und the 19 of St. Luke be- 
ing very small, bo in like manner it is 
obvious that the generations have been 
abridged in the same way in the third di- 
vision to keep to the number 14. Another 
difficulty is the apparent deficiency in the 
number of the last tessaro-decade, which 
seems to contain only 13 names ; but the 
explanation of this is, that either in the 
process of translation, or otherwise, the 
names of Jehoiakim and Jehoiachin have 
got confused and expressed by the one 
name Jechonias. The last difficulty of 
sufficient importance to be mentioned here 
is a chronological one. In both the gen- 
ealogies there are but three names be- 
tween Salmon and David — Boaz, Obed, 
Jesse. But, according to the common 
chronology, from the entrance into Canaan 
(when Salmon was come to man's estate) 
to the birth of David was 405 years, or 
from that to 500 years and upwards. Now 
for about an equal period, from Solomon to 
Jehoiachin, St. Luke's genealogy contains 
20 names. Obviously therefore either the 
chronology or the genealogy is wrong. It 
must suffice here to assert that the shorten- 
ing the interval between the Exodus and 
David by about 200 years, which brings it 
to the length indicated by the genealogies, 
does in the most remarkable manner bring 
Iraelitish history into harmony with Egyp- 
tian, with the traditional Jewish date of the 
Exodus, with the fragment of Edomitish 
history preserved in Gen. xxxvi. 31-39, 
and with the internal evidence of the Israel- 
itish history itself. The following pedigree 
wUl exhibit the successive generations as 
given by the two Evangelists : — 



According Adam 


) 


to 1 


L4UD6Ch 


St. Luke. Seth 


1 


1 


Noah 


Eno8 


1 


1 


Shem 


Cainan 


1 


1 


Arohaxad 


Maleleel 


1 


1 


Cmtum 


Jared 


1 


1 


Sala 


Enoch 


1 


1 


Heber 


Mathusala 


1 


1 


Pharei 


Phalec (Peleg) 


1 


1 


Ezrom 


Ragau (Reu) 


1 


1 


Aram (Ran> 


Saruch (Serug) 


1 


1 


Aminadab 


Nachor 


1 


1 


NaasoQ 


Thara (Terah) 


1 


1 


Salmon — Bftcha* 


Accoramg Abraham 


1 


to Matt. 1 


Booz — Both 


and Luke. Isaac 


1 


1 


Obed 


Jacob 


1 


Judah 


Jesse 

1 


According Solo 




David— BatbriMtH 

1 


mon According Nathan 


to Matt. t to Luke. 


1 


Roboam 

1 


Mattatha 

1 


Abia 

1 


Menan 
Melea 

1 


1 
Asa 

1 


Josaphat 

1 


Eliakim 
1 


Joram (Ahaziah. 
Joash, Amazian) 


Jonan 


1 


^l 


Joseph 


Oziaa 


1 


Joatham 


Juda 


1 


1 


Simeon 


Achaz 


1 


Ezekias 


Levi 

1 


1 


Matthat 


Manasses 


1 


1 


Jorim 


AmoD 


1 


1 


Eliezcr 


Josias 


1 


1 


Jow 


Jechonias (»'. e. Je- 


bL 


hoiakim) and his 


brothers (». e. Je- 
hoahaz, Zedekiah, 


1 


Elmodan 


and Shalliun). 


^ 1 


1 


Coaam 


Jechonias (». e. Je- 


AddL 


hoiachin), child- 


less. 


Helctal 

1 










Neri 




(Man. and Luke.) 


1 


His heir waa 


. . Salathiel 





Zorobabel (the Prince or Bheaai 

Joanna (Hananiah, in 1 Chr. ill It, 
omitted by Matthew, i. 13) 

Juda, or Abiud (Hodaiah, 1 Ctax. Iti U 



Matt. 



Eliakim 

I 

Azof 

Sadoc 

I 
Achim 

EUud 

Eleazer 



LuJee Joseph 

Seme! 

Mattathiaa 

Maatb 

Nagga 

£aU 

NaiUD 

AnuM 

MittalMf 



GENERA TIOl^ 



209 



GENESIS 



( Jfatt. and Luke.) 



Josepb 
Janna 
Melchi 



His h eir was . . Matthan or MatiJiat 



Heli 



Luke. 



Jacob 

I (.Matt, and Luke.) | 

Hmsj m Jux>b' 'I b^ir wm Josenh 

JESUS, called Chrut 

Thus it will be seen that the whole num- 
ber of generations from Adam to Christ, 
both i^iclusive, is 74, without the second 
Cainan and Rhesa. 

Generation. In the long-lived Patri- 
archal age a generation seems to have been 
computed at 100 years (Gen. xv. 16 ; comp. 
13, and Ex. xii. iO) ; but subsequently the 
reckoning was the same which has been 
adopted by other civilized nations, viz., 
from thirty to forty years (Job xlii. 16). 
For generation in tlie sense of a definite 
period of time, s a Gen. xv. 16 ; Deut. 
xxiii. 3, 4, 8, &c. As an indefinite period 
of time : — for time past, see Deut. xxxii. 
7 ; Is. Iviii. 12 ; for time future, see Ps. 
xlv. 17, Ixxii. 5, &c. Generation is also 
used to signify the men of an age, or time, 
as contemporaries (Gen. vi. 9 ; Is. liii. 8) ; 
fosterity, especially in legal formulae (Lev. 
lii. 17, &c.) ; fathers, or ancestors (Ps. xlix. 
19). 

Genes'areth. [Gennesabet.] 

Gen'esis, the first book of the Law or 
Pentateuch, so called from its title in the 
Septuagint, that is. Creation. Respecting 
its integrity and author, see Pentateuch. 
The book of Genesis (with the first chap- 
ters of Exodus) describes the steps which led 
to the establishment of the Theocracy. It 
is a part of the writer's plan to tell us what 
the Divine preparation of the world was, 
in order to show, first, the significance of 
the call of Abraham, and next, the true na- 
ture of the Jewish theocracy. He begins 
with the creation of the world, because the 
God who created the world and the God 
who revealed Himself to the fathers is the 
same God. The book of Genesis has thus 
a character at once special and universal. 
It embraces the world ; it speaks of God as 
the God of the whole human race. But as 
the Intro luction to Jewish history, it makes 
the univ.^rsal interest subordinate to the 
national. Five principal persons are the 
pillars, so to speak, on which the whole 
superstructure rests : Adam, Noah, Abra- 
ham, Isaac and Jacob. I. Adam. The 
creation of the world, and the earliest his- 
tory of mankind (ch. i.-iii.). As yet no di- 
vergence of the diffcrtnt families of man. 
II. Noa) The history of Adam's de- 
•cendstnta to the d'.^ath of Noah (iv.-ix.) 
U 



Here we have (1) the line of Cain branch- 
ing oflT while the history follows the for- 
tunes of Seth, whose descendants are (2) 
traced in genealogical succession, and in 
an unbroken line as far as Noah, and (3) 
the history of Noah himself (vi.-ix.), con- 
tinued to his death. III. Abraham. Noah's 
posterity till the death of Abraham (x.-xxv. 
18). Here we have (1) the peopling of the 
whole earth by the descendants of Noah's 
three sons (xi. 1-9). The history of two of 
these is then dropped, and (2) the line of 
Shem only pursued (xi. 10-32) as far as Te- 
rah and Abraham, where the genealogiciil 
table breaks off. (3) Abraham is now tie 
prominent figure (xii.-xxv. 18). But as 
Terah had two other sons, Nahor and I la- 
ran (xi. 27), some notices respecting thtir 
families are added. Lot's migration with 
Abraham into the land of Canaan is men- 
tioned, as well as the fact that he was the 
father of Moab and Ammon (xix. 37, 38), 
nations whose later history was intimately 
connected with that of the posterity of 
Abraham. Nahor remained in Mesopota- 
mia, but his family is briefly enumerated 
(xxii. 20-24), chietiy no doubtfor Rebekah's 
sake, who was afterwards the wife of Isaac. 
Of Abraham's own children, there branches 
off first the line by Ishmael (xxi. 9, &c.), 
and ne»xt the children by Keturah ; and the 
genealogical notices of these two brancht § 
of his posterity are apparently brought to- 
gether (xxv. 1-6, and xxv. 12-18), in order 
that, being here severally dismissed at the 
end of Abraham's life, the main stream of 
the narrative may flow in the channel of 
Isaac's fortunes. IV. Isaac. Isaac's life 
(xxv. 19-xxxv. 29), a life in itself retiring 
and uneventful. But in his sons the final 
separation takes place, leaving the field 
clear for the great story of the chosen seed. 
Even when Nahor's family comes on tlie 
scene, as it does in ch. xxix., we hear only 
so much of it as is necessary to throw light 
on Jacob's history. V. Jacob. The his- 
tory of Jacob and Joseph (xxxvi. 1). Here, 
after Isaac's death, we have (1) the geneal- 
ogy of Esau (xxxvi.), who then drops out 
of the narrative, in order that (2) the his- 
tory of the Patriarchs may be carried oi> 
without intermission to the death of Joseph 
(xxxvii.-l.) It will be seen that a specific 
plan is preserved throughout. The main 
purpose is never forgotten. God's relation 
to Israel holds the first place in the writer's 
mind. It is tliis which it is his object tc 
convey. The history of that chosen seed, 
who were the heirs of the promise and the 
guardians of the Divine oracles, is the only 
history which interprets man's relation to 
God. By its light all others shine, an^ 
may be read when the time shall come 
Meanwhile, as the difl'erent families drop 
off here and there from the principal stock, 
their course is briefly indicated. Beyond 



GENNESAKE7 



21U 



GERIZIM 



all doubt, then, we may trace in the book 
of Genesis a systematic plan. 

Gennes'aret, Land of. After the 
nj'racle of feeding the five thousand, our 
Lord and His disciples crossed the Lake of 
Gennesaret and came to the other side, at 
R place which is called '* the land of Gen- 
nesaret " (Matt. xiv. 34; Mark vi. 53). It 
is generally beUeved that this term was ap- 
plied to the fertile ciescent-shaped plain on 
the western shore of the lake, extending 
from Khan Minyeh on the north to the 
steep hill behind Mejdel on the south, and 
called by the Arabs el-Ghuweir^ " the little 
Ghor." Mr. Porter gives the length as 
three miles, and the greatest breadth as 
about one mile. Additional interest is given 
to the land of Gennesaret, or el-Ghuweir, by 
the probability that its scenery suggested 
the parable of the Sower. 

Gennes'aret Sea of, called in the O. 
T. "the Sea of Chinnereth," or "Cinne- 
roth " (Num. xxxiv.ll ; Josh. xii. 3), from a 
town of that name which stood on or near 
its shore (Josh. xix. 35). At its north-west- 
ern angle was a beautiful and fertile plain 
called " Gennesaret " (Matt. xiv. 34 ; Mark 
vi. 58), from which the name of the lake 
was taken. The lake is also called in the 
N. T. " the sea of Galilee," from the prov- 
ince of Galilee which bordered on its west- 
ern side (Matt. iv. 18 ; Mark vii. 31 ; John 
vi. 1); and "the sea of Tiberias," from 
the celebrated city (John vi. 1). Its mod- 
ern name is Bahr Tuhartyeh. Most of our 
Lord's public life was spent in the environs 
of the Sea of Gennesaret. This region 
was then the most densely peopled in all 
Palestine. No less than nine cities stood 
Ml the very shores of the lake. The sea 
of Gennesaret is of an oval shape, about 
thirteen geographical miles long, and six 
broad. The river Jordan enters it at 
its northern end, and passes out at its 
southern end. In fact the bed of the lake 
is just a lower section of the great Jordan 
valley. Its most remarkable feature is its 
deep depression, being no less than 700 feet 
below the level of the ocean. The scenery 
is bleak and monotonous. The great de- 
pression makes the climate of the shores 
almost tropical. This is very sensibly felt 
by the traveller in going down from the 
plains of Galilee. In summer the heat is 
intense, and even in early spring the air 
.has something of an Egyptian balminess. 
The water of the lake is sweet, cool, and 
transparent; and as the beach is every- 
where pebbly it has a beautiful sparkling 
look. It abounds in fish now as in ancient 
times. 

Gentiles. In the O. T. the Heb. 
gdyim signified the nations, the surround- 
ing naXion% J foreigners as opposed to Israel 
(Neh. V. 8), and was used with an invidious 
rneanliig. In the N. T. it is used as equiv- 



alent to Greek. But the A. V. is not con 

sistent in its translation of the word ffellen, 
sometimes rendering it by "Greek" C^^ct* 
xiv. 1, xvii. 4; Rom. i. 16, x. 12), some- 
times by "Gentile " (Rom. ii. 9, 10, iii. 9; 
1 Cor. X. 32). The latter use of the wcrJ 
seems to have arisen from the almost uni- 
versal adoption of the Greek language. 

Gen'ubath, the son of Hadad, an Edom- 
ite of the royal family, by an Egyptian prin- 
cess, the sister of Tahpenes, the queen of the 
Pharaoh who governed Egypt in the latter 
part of the reign of David (IK. xi. 20; 
comp. 16). 

Ge'ra, one of the " sons," i. e. de- 
scendants, of Benjamin, enumerated in 
Gen. xlvi. 21, as already living at the time 
of Jacob's migration into Egypt. He was 
son of Bela (1 Chr. viii. 3). The text oi 
this last passage is very corrupt ; and the 
different Geras there named seem to re- 
duce themselves into one — the same as the 
son of Bela. Gera, who is named (Judg. 
iii. 15) as the ancestor of Ehud, and in d 
Sam. xvi. 5, as the ancestor of Shimei who 
cursed David, is probably also the sam«» 
person. 

Gerah. [Weights and Measures.] 

Ge'rar, a very ancient city south oi 
Gaza. It occurs chiefly in Genesis (x 19, 
XX. 1, xxvi. 16) ; also incidentally in 2 Chr. 
xiv. 13, 14. It must have trenched on the 
" south" or "south country " of later Pal- 
estine. From a comparison of xxi. 32 with 
xxvi. 23, 26, Beersheba would seem to be 
just on the verge of this territory, and per- 
haps to be its limit towards the N. E. 

Gergesenes', [Gadara.] 

Ger'izim. On the position of Mount 
Gerizim, see Ebal. It is an important 
question whether Gerizim was the moun- 
tain on whic Abraham was directed to of- 
fer his son Isaac (Gen. xxii. 2, and sq.) 
First, then, let it be observed that it is not 
the mountain, but the district which ii 
there called Moriah, and that antecedently 
to the occurrence which took place " upon 
one of the mountains " in its vicinity — a 
consideration which of itself would natur> 
ally point to the locality, already known to 
Abraham, as the plain or plains of Mcreh, 
"the land of vision," "the high land;** 
and therefore consistently "the land of 
adoration," or "religious worship," as it is 
variously explained. That all these inter* 
pretations are incomparably more applica- 
ble to the natural features i;f Gerizim and 
its neighborhood, than to the hillock (in 
comparison) upon which Solomon built hii 
temple, none can for a moment doubt who 
have seen both. [Moriah.] The Samari- 
tans, therefore, through whom the tradi- 
tion of the true site of Gerizim has been 
preserved, are probably not wrong when 
they point out still — as they have done 
from time immemorial — Geri/^'^i as th« 



GERIZITES 



211 



GETHSEMANE 



hill upon which Abraham's " faith was 
made perfect." Another tradition of the 
Samaritans is far less trustworthy: viz., 
that Mount Gerizim was the spot where 
Melchisedech met Abraliam — though there 
certainly was a Salem or Slialera in that 
neighborhood (Gen. xxxiii. 18). Lastly, 
the altar which Jacob built was not on Ger- 
izim, as the Samaritans contend, though 
probably about its base, at the head of the 
plain between it and Ebal, " in the parcel 
of a field " which that patriarch purchased 
from the children of Hamor, and where he 
epread his tent (Gen. xxxiii. 18-20). Here 
was likewise liis well (John iv. 6), and the 
tomb of his son Joseph (Josh. xxiv. 32), 
both of which are still shown. We now 
enter upon the second phase in the history 
of Gerizim. According to Josephus, a 
marriage contracted between Manasseh, 
brother of Jaddus, the then high-priest, and 
the daughter of Sanballat the Cuthaean 
(comp. 2 K. xvii. 24), having created a 
great stir amongst the Jews, who had been 
strictly forbidden to contract ahen mar- 
riages (Ezr. ix. 2; Neh. xiii. 23), Sanbal- 
lat, in order to reconcile his son-in-law to 
this unpopular affinity, obtained leave from 
Alexander the Great to build a temple 
upon Mount Gerizim, and to inaugurate a 
rival priesthood and altar there to those of 
Jerusalem. " Samaria thencdforth, " says 
Prideaux, " became the common refuge 
acl asylum of the refractory Jews." Ger- 
izim is likewise still to the Samaritans 
what Jerusalem is to the Jews, and Mecca 
lo the Mohammedans. 

Ger'izites, l Sam. xxvii.8. [Gerzites.] 
Ger'^shom. 1. The first-born son of 
Moses and Zipporah (Ex. ii. 22, xviii. 3). 
The name is explained in these passages 
ivs = *' a stranger there," in allusion to 
Moses' being a foreigner in Midian — " For 
he said, I have been a stranger {Ger) in a 
foreign land." Its true meaning, taking it 
as a Hebrew word, is " expulsion." The 
circumcision of Gershom is probably relat- 
ed in Ex. iv. 25. 2. The form under 
which the name Gershon — the eldest son 
of Levi — is given in several passages of 
Chronicles, viz., 1 Chr. vi. 16, 17, 20, 43, 
62, 71, XV. 7. 3, The representative of 
the priestly family of Phinehas, among 
those who accompanied Ezra from Babylon 
(Ezr. viii. 2). 

Qer'sbon, the eldest of the three sons 
©f Levi, born before the descent of Jacob's 
family into Egypt (Gen. xlvi. 11 ; Ex. vi. 
16). But, though the eldest born, the fam- 
ilies of Gershon were outstripped in fame 
bj their younger brethren of Kohath, from 
wliom sprang Moses and the priestly line 
of Aaron. At the census in the wilder- 
ness of Sinai the whole number of the 
nales of the sons of Gershon was 7500 
rf^um. iii. 22), midway between the Ko- 



hathites and the Merarites. The sons of 
Gershon (the Gershonites) had charge ol 
the fabrics of the Tabernacle — the cover- 
ings, curtains, hangings, and cords (Num. 
iii. 25, 26, iv. 25, 26) ; for the transport of 
these they had two covered wagons and 
four oxen (vii. 3, 7). In the encampment 
their station was behind the Tabernacle, 
on the west side (Num. iii. 23). In the 
apportionment of the Levitical cities thir- 
teen fell to the lot of the Gershonites. 
These were in the northern tribes — two in 
Manesseh beyond Jordan, four in Issachar, 
four in Asher, and three in Naphtali. 

Ger'shonites, The, the family de- 
scended from Gershon or Gershom, the 
son of Levi. " The Gershonite," as ap- 
plied to individuals occurs in 1 Chr. xxvi.21. 

Ger'zites, The, a tribe who with the 
Geshurites and the Amalekites occupied 
the land between the south of Palestine 
and Egypt in the time of Saul (1 Sam. 
xxvii. 8). In the name of Mount Gerizim 
we have the only remaining trace of the 
presence of this old tribe of Bedouins in 
central Palestine. 

Ge'sham (properly Geshan, as in 
A. V. of 1611), one of the sons of Jahdai, 
in the genealogy of Judah and family of 
Caleb (1 Chr. ii. 47). 

Ge'shem, and Gash'mu, an Arabian, 
mentioned in Neh. ii. 19, and vi. 1, 2, 6. 
We may conclude that he was an inhab- 
itant of Arabia Petraea, or of the Arabian 
Desert, and probably the chief of a tribe. 

Ge'shur, a little principality in the 
north-eastern corner of Baslian, adjoining 
the province of Argob (Deut. iii. 14), and 
the kingdom of Aram (Syria in the A. V. ; 
2 Sam. XV. 8; comp. 1 Chr. i. 23). It ia 
highly probable that Geshur was a section 
of the wild and rugged region now called 
el-Lejdh. [Argob.] 

Gesh'uri and Gesh'urites. 1. The 
inhabitants of Geshur (Deut. iii. 14 ; Josh, 
xii. 5, xiii. 11). 2. An ancient tribe which 
dwelt in the desert between Arabia and 
Philistia (Josh. xiii. 2 ; 1 Sam. xxvii. 8). 

Ge'ther, the third in order of the son* 
of Aram (Gen. x. 23). No satisfactory 
trace of the people sprung from this stock 
has been found. 

Gethsem'ane, a small " farm " (A. V. 
" place ; " Matt. xxvi. 36 ; Mark xiv. 32), 
situated across the brook Kedron (Jolm 
xviii. 1), probably at the foot of Mount 
Olivet (Luke xxii. 39), to the N. W., and 
about i or I of a mile English from the 
walls of Jerusalem. There was a " gar- 
den," or rather orchard, attached to it, to 
which the olive, fig, and pomegranate 
doubtless invited resort by their hospitable 
shade. And we know from the Evangel- 
ists Luke (xxii. 39) and John (xviii. 2) 
that our Lordofttimes resorted thither with 
his disciples. Bat Gethsemane has not com* 



GEUEL 



212 



GIBEAII 



flown to us as a scene of mirth ; its inex- 
haustible associations are the offspring of a 
single event — the Agony of the Son of God 
on the evening preceding His Passion. A 
garden, with eight venerable olive-trees, and 
a grotto to the north, detached from it, and 
in closer connection with the church of the 
Sepulchre of the Virgin, are pointed out as 
the Gethsemane. Against the contemporary 
antiquity of the olive-trees it has been urged 
that Titus cut down all the trees about Jeru- 
salem. The probability would seem to be 
that they were planted by Christian hands 
to mark the spot; unless, like the sacred 
olive of the Acropolis, they may have re- 
produced themselves. 

Q-eu'el> son of Machi, the Gadite spy 
(Num. xiii. 15). 

Ges'er, an ancient city of Canaan, 
whose king, Horam, or Elam, coming to 
the assistance of Lachish, was killed with 
all his people by Joshua (Josh. x. 33, xii. 
12). It formed one of the landmarks on 
the south boundary of Ephraim, between 
the lower Beth-horon and the Mediterra- 
nean (xvi. 3), the western limit of the tribe 
(1 Chr. vii. 28). It was allotted with its 
suburbs to the Kohathite Levites (Josh. 
xxi. 21 ; 1 Chr. vi. 67) ; but the original 
inhabitants were not dispossessed (Judg. 
i. 29) ; and even down to the reign of Solo- 
mon the Cananites were still dwelling there, 
and paying tribute to Israel (1 K. ix. 16). 
Ewald takes Gezer and Geshur to be the 
same. In one place Gob is given as iden- 
tical with Gezer (1 Chr. xx. 4; comp. 2 
Sam. xxi. 18). 

Gez'rites, Tlie. The word which the 
Jewish critics have substituted in the mar- 
gin of the Bible for the ancient reading, 
"the Gerizite" (1 Sam. xxvii. 8). [Ger- 
ziTES, The.] 

Gi'ah,, a place named only in 2 Sam. ii. 
24, to designate the position of the hill 
Ammah. 

Giants. 1. They are first spoken of 
m Gen. vi. 4, under the name Nephilim. 
We are told in Gen. vi. 1-4 that " there were 
Nephilim in the earth," and that afterwards 
the "sons of God" mingling with the 
beautiful " daughters of men " produced 
a race of violent and insolent Gibhorim 
(A. V. "mighty men"). But who were 
the parents of these giants? who are "the 
sons of God?"? They were most proba- 
bly the pious Sethites, though the prev- 
alent opinion both in the Jewish and early 
Christian Ciurch is that they were angels. 
It was probably this ancient view which 
gave rise to the spurious Book of Enoch, 
and the notion quoted from it by St. Jude 
(6), and alluded to by St. Peter (2 Pet. ii. 
4). 2. The Eephaim, a name which fre- 
quently occurs. The earliest mention of 
them is the record of their defeat by Che- 
dorlaomor and some allied kings at Ashte- 



roth Karnaim (Gen. xiv. 6) Extirpat'ed, 
however, from the east of Palestine, they 
long found a home in the west (2 Sim. 
xxi. 18, sq. ; 1 Chr. xx. 4). It is probable 
that they had possessed districts west of 
the Jordan in early times, since the " Val- 
ley of Eephaim " (2 Sam. v. 18 ; 1 Chr. xi. 
15; Is. xvii. 5), a rich valley S. W. of 
Jerusalem, derived its name from them. 
They were probably an aboriginal people 
of which the Emim, Anakim, and Znzui 
were branches. 

Gib'bar. Bene-Gibbar, to the number 
of ninety-five, returned with Zerubbabel 
from Babylon (Ezr. ii. 20). 

Gib'bethon, a town allotted to the 
tribe of Dan (Josh. xix. 44), and after- 
wards given with its " suburbs " to the Ko- 
hathite Levites (xxi. 23). 

Gib'ea. Sheva "the father of Mac- 
benah," and " father of Gibea," is men- 
tioned with other names unmistakably 
those of places and not persons, among the 
descendants of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 49, comp. 
42). This would seem to point out Gibea, 

Gib'eah, a word employed in the Bible 
to denote a "hill." Like most words of 
this kind it gave its name to several towu» 
and places in Palestine, which would doubt- 
less be generally on or near a hill. They 
are — 1. Gibe ah, a city in the mountain 
district of Judah, named with Maon and 
the southern Carmel (Josh. xv. 57; and 
comp. 1 Chr. ii. 49, &c.). 2. Gibeath is 
enumerated among the last group of the 
towns of Benjamin, next to Jerusalem 
(Josh, xviii. 28). It is generally taken to 
be the place which afterwards became so 
notorious as " Gibeah-of-Benjamin " or 
" of- Saul." But this was five or six miles 
north of Jerusalem. The name being in 
the "construct state" — Gibeath and not 
Gibeah — may it not belong to the follow- 
ing name Kirjath, and denote the hill ad- 
joining that town? 3. The place in which 
the Ark remained from the time of its re- 
turn by the Philistines till its removal by 
David (2 Sam. vi. 3, 4 ; comp. 1 Sam. viL 
1, 2). 4. Gibeah-of-Benjamin, first ap- 
pears in the tragical story of the Levite 
and his concubine (Judg. xix., xx.). It 
was then a " city," with the usual open 
street or square (Judg. xix. 15, 17, 20), 
and containing 700 " chosen men " (xx. 
15), probably the same whose skill as sling 
ers is preserved in the next verse. In 
many particulars Gibeah agrees very close- 
ly with Tuleil-el- Ful, a conspicuous emi- 
nence just four miles north of Jerusalem, 
to the right of the road. We next meet 
with Gibeah-of-Benjamin during the Philis- 
tine wars of Saul and Jonathan ^l Sam. 
xiii., xiv.). It now bears its full title. Aa 
" Gibeah-of-Benjamin " this place is re- 
ferred to in 2 Sam. xxiii. 29 (comp. 1 Chr. 
xi. 31), and as "Gibeah" it is mentioned 



G1J3EATH 



213 



GIER-EAGLE 



by Hosea (v. S, ix. 9, x. 9), but it does not 
again appear in the history. It is, how- 
ever, almost without doubt identical with 
— 5. Gibeah-of-Sacl. This is not men- 
tioned as Saul's city tjl' after his anointing 
(1 Sam. X. 26), when ne is said to have 
gone " hoiiie " to Gibeah. In the subse- 
quent narrative the town bears its full 
Qamo (xi. 4). 6. Gibeah-in-the-Field, 
named only in Judg. xx. 31, as the place 
U. ^iii:.a one of the " highways " led from 
Gibeah-of-Benjamin. It is probably the 
same as Geba. The "meadows of Gaba"' 
(A. V. Gibeah; Judg. xx. 33) have no 
connection with the "field," the Hebrew 
•rords being entirely different. 

Gib'eatll, Josh, xviii. 28. [Gibeah, 2.] 

Gib'eathite, The, i. e. the native of 
Gibeah (1 Chr. xii. 3). 

Gib'eon, one of the four cities of the 
HiviTES, the inhabitants of which made a 
league with Joshua (ix. 3-15), and thus 
escaped the fate of Jericho and Ai (comp. 
xi. 19). Gibeon lay within the territory 
of Benjamin (xviii. 25), and with its " sub- 
urbs " was allotted to the priests (xxi. 17), 
of whom it became afterwards a principal 
station. It retains xts ancient name almost 
intact, El-Jib. Its distance from Jerusalem 
by the main road is as nearly as possible Qk 
tniles ; but there is a more direct road re- 
ducing it to 5 miles. 

Gib'eonites, The, the people of Gib- 
won, and perhaps also of the three cities 
associated with Gibeon (Josh. ix. 17) — 
Hivites ; and who, on the discovery of the 
«tratagem by which they had obtained the 
protection of the Israelites, were condemned 
to be perpetual bondmen, hewers of wood 
and dra^vers of water for the congregation, 
and for the house of God and altar of Je- 
hovah (Josh. Lx. 23, 27). Saul appears to 
have broken this covenant, and in a fit of 
enthusiasm or patriotism to have killed 
some, and devised a general massacre of 
the rest (2 Sam. xxi. 1, 2, 5). Thi^ was 
expiated many years after by giving up 
seven men of Saul's descendants to the 
Gibeonites, who hung them or crucified 
them " before Jehovah " — as a kind of sac- 
rifice — in Gibeah, Saul's own town (4, 6, 9). 

Gib'lites, The. [Gebal.] 

Giddal'ti, one of the sons of Heman, 
the king's seer (1 Chr. xxv. 4). 

Gid del. 1. CMldren of Giddel were 
ainong the Nethinim who returned from 
the captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 47 ; 
Neh. vii. 49). 2. Bene-Giddel were also 
aujong the "servants of Solomon" who 
returned to Judaea in the same caravan 
»,Ezr. ii. 56; Neh. vii. 58). 

Gid'eon, a Manassite, youngest son of 
Joash of the Abiezi-ites, an undistinguished 
family who live! at Ophrah, a town proba- 
Wy on the west of Jordan (Judg. vi. 15). 
He was Ihe fifth record'id Judge of Israel, 



and for many reasons the greatest of theni 
all. "When we first hear of him he was 
grown up and had sons (Judg. vi. 11, viii. 
20), and from the apostrophe of ihe angel 
(vi. 12) we may conclude that ho had al- 
ready distinguished himself in war against 
the roving bands of nomadic robbers who 
had oppressed Israel for seven years, and 
whose countless multitudes (compared to 
locusts from their terrible devastations, vi. 
5) annually destroyed all the produce of 
Canaan, except such as could be concealed 
in mountain- fastnesses (vi. 2). It was 
probably during this disastrous period that 
the emigration of Elimelech took place 
(Ruth i. 1, 2). When the angel appeared, 
Gideon was threshing wheat with a flail in 
the winepress, to conceal it from the preda- 
tory tyrants. His call to be a deliverer, and 
his destruction of Baal's altar, are related 
in Judg. vi. After this begins the second 
act of Gideon's life. Clothed by the Spirit 
of God (Judg. vi. 34 ; comp. 1 Chr. xii. 18 ; 
Luke xxiv. 49), he blew a trumpet, and 
was joined by Zebulun, Naphtali, and even 
the reluctant Asher. Strengthened by a 
double sign from God, he reduced his army 
of 32,000 by the usual proclamation (Dent. 
XX. 8; comp. 1 Mace. iii. 56). By a sec- 
ond test at "the spring of trembling" he 
again reduced the number of his followers 
to 300 (Judg. vii. 5, sq.). The midnight 
attack upon the Midianites, their panic, 
and the rout and slaughter that followed, 
are told in Judg. vii. The memory of this 
splendid deliverance took deep root in the 
national traditions (1 Sam. xii. 11; Ps. 
Ixxxiii. 11; Is. ix. 4, x. 26; Heb. xi. 32). 
After this there was a peace of 40 years, 
and we see Gideon in peaceful possession 
of his well-earned honors, and surrounded 
by the dignity of a numerous household 
(viii. 29-31). It is not improbable that, 
like Saul, he had owed a part of his popu- 
larity to his princely appearance (Judg. 
viii. 18). In this third stage of his life 
occur alike his most noble and his most 
questionable acts, viz., the refusal of the 
monarchy on theocratic grounds, and the 
irregular consecration of a jewelled ephod 
formed out of the rich spoils of Midian 
which proved to the Israelites a temptation 
to idolatry, although it was doubtless in- 
tended for use in the worship of Jehovah. 

Gideo'ni, a Benjamite, father of Abidaa 
(Num. i. 14, iii. 22, vii. 60, 65, x. 24\ 

Gi'dom, a place named only in Judg, 
XX. 45. It would appear to have been situ- 
ated between Gibeah ( Tuleil-el- Ful) and the 
clifi' Rimmon. 

Gier-eagle, an unclean bird mentioned 
in Lev. xi. 18 and Deut. xiv. 17. There is 
no reason to doubt that the rdchdm of th« 
Heb. Scriptures is identical in reality as in 
name with the racham. of the Arabs, vi/ , 
the Egyptian vulture. 



GDrr 



214 



GIMZO 



Qifl'. The gitmg and receiving of pres- 
diits has m all ages been not only a more 
frequent, but also a more formal and sig- 
nificant proceeding in the East than among 
ourselves. We cannot adduce a more re- 
markahle proof of the important part which 
presents play in the social life of the East 
than the fact that the Hebrew language pos- 
sesses no less than fifteen different expres- 
sions for the one idea. The nature of the 
presents was as various as were the occa- 
sions. The mode of presentation was with 
as much parade as possible. The refusal 
of a present was regarded as a high indig- 
Qit3'. No less an insult was it, not to bring 
i present when the position of the parties 
dn.-raanded it (1 Sam. x. 27). 

Gi'hon. 1. The second river of Para- 
dise (Gen. ii. 13). [Eden.] 2. A place 
near Jerusalem, memorable as the scene 
of the anointing and proclamation of Solo- 
mon as king (1 K. i. 33, 38, 45). 

Gil'alai, one of the priests' sons at the 
consecration of the wall of Jerusalem 
(Ne'h. xii. 36). 

Gilbo'a, a mountain range on the east- 
ern side of the plain of Esdraelon, rising 
over the city of Jezreel (comp. 1 Sam. xxviii. 
4 with xxix. 1). It is only mentioned in 
Scripture in connection with one event in 
Israelitish history, the defeat and death of 
Saul and Jonathan by the Philistines (1 
Sara. xxxi. 1 ; 2 Sam. 1. 6, xxi. 12 ; 1 Chr. 
X. 1, 8.) Of the identity of Gilboa with the 
ridge which stretches eastward, from the 
ruins of Jezreel, no doubt can be enter- 
tained. The village is now called Jelhdu. 

Gil'ead. 1. A mountainous region 
bounded on the west by the Jordan, on the 
north by Bashan, on the east by the Arabian 
pJateau, and on the south by Moab and Am- 
mon (Gen. xxxi. 21 ; Deut. iii. 12-17). It is 
sometimes called *' Mount Gilead " (Gen. 
xxxi. 25), sometimes "the land of Gilead" 
Num. xxxii. 1) ; and sometimes simply " Gil- 
ead " (Ps. Ix. 7 ; Gen. xxxvii. 25) ; but a com- 
parison of the several passages shows that 
they all mean the same thing. The name 
Gilead, as is usual in Palestine, describes the 
physical aspect of the country. It signifies 
" a hard rocky region." The statements in 
Gen. xxxi. 48, are not opposed to this ety- 
ajology. The old name of the district was 
Gilead, but by a slight change in the pro- 
nunciation, the radical letters being re- 
tained, the meaning was made beautifully 
api)licable to the " heap of stones " Jacob 
and Laban had built up — " the heap of 
witness." Those acquainted with the mod- 
ern Arabs and their literature will see how 
intensely such a play upon the word would 
be appreciated by them. The mountains 
of Gilead have a real elevation of from two 
to three thousand feet; but their apparent 
elevation on the western side is much great- 
er, owing to the depression of the Jordan 



valley, which averages about 1000 feef 
Their outline is singularly uniform, i esem 
bUng a massive wall running along th«' 
horizon. The name Galaad occurs several 
times in the history of the Maccabees (I 
Mace. V. 9, sq.). 2. Possibly the name of 
a mountain west of the Jordan, near Jezreel 
(Judg. vii. 3). We are inclined, however, 
to think that the true reading in this place 
should be Gilboa. 3. Son of Machir, 
grandson of Manasseh (Num. xxvi. 29, 30). 
4. The father of Jephthah (Judg. xi. 1, 3). 

Gil'eadites, The (Judg. xii. 4, 5; 
Num. xxvi. 29 ; Judg. x. 3), a branch of the 
tribe of Manasseh, descended from Gilead 
There appears to have been an old standing 
feud between them and the Ephraimites, 
who taunted them with being deserters. 

Gil' gal. 1. The site of the first camp 
of the Israelites on the west of the Jordan, 
the place at which they passed the first nighl 
after crossing the river,and where the twelve 
stones were set up which had been takeD 
from the bed of the stream (Josh. iv. 19, 
20, comp. 3) ; where also they kept their 
first passover in the land of Canaan (r. 10). 
It was in the " end of the east of Jericho *' 
(A. V. '* in the east border of Jericho ") ap 
parently on a hillock or rising ground (v 
3, comp. 9), in the Arboth- Jericho (A. V. 
"the plains "), that is, the hot depressed 
district of the Ghor which lay between thfc 
town and the Jordan (v. 10). We again 
encounter Gilgal in the time of Saul, when 
it seems to have exchanged its military as- 
sociations for those of sanctity. We again 
have a glimpse of it, some sixty years later, 
in the history of David's return to Jerusa- 
lem (2 Sam. xix.). Its site is uncertain. 
But, 2. it was certainly a distinct place 
from the Gilgal which is connected with the 
last scene in the life of Elijah, and with one 
of Elisha's miracles (2 K. ii.). The men- 
tion of Baal-shalisha (iv. 42) gives a clew 
to its situation, when taken with the notice 
of Eusebius, that that place was fifteen 
miles from Diospolis (Lydda) towards the 
north. In that very position stand now the 
ruins bearing the name of Jiljilieh, i. e. Gil- 
gal. 3. The " KING OF THE NATIONS Of 

Gilgal," or rather perhaps the " king of 
Goim-at-Gilgal," is mentioned in the cata- 
logue of the chiefs overthrown by Joshua 
(Josh. xii. 23). 4. A Gilgal is spoken of 
in Josh. XV. 7, in describing the rcrlh bor- 
der of Judah. 

Gi'loh, a town in the mountainous part 
of Judah, named in ine first group, with 
Debir and Eshtemoh (Josh. xv. 51) ; it wai 
the native place of the famous Ahithophei 
(2 Sam. XV. 12). 

Gi'lonite, The, native of Giloh (2 Sam. 
XV. 12; xxiii. 34"). 

Gimzo, a town which with its depen- 
dent villages was taken possession of by 
the Philistines in the reign of Abaz 2 Chr 



GIN 



215 



GOAD 



*xviii 18y The name (Jimzu) still re- 
mains attaclied to a large village between 
two and tliree miles S. W. of Lydda, south 
of the road between Jerusalem and 
Jafa. 

Gin , a trap for birds or beasts : it con- 
sisted of a net (Is. viii. 14, and a stick to 
act as a springe (Am. lii. 5"). 

Gi nath, father of Tibni(^l K. xvi.2i, 22). 

Gill.'lieth.O, one of the chief of the 
priests and Levites who returned to Juaaea 
with Zerubbabel (Neh. xii. 4). He is 
doubtless the same person as 

Gin'nethon, a priest who sealed the 
M venant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 6). 

Girdle, an essential article of dress in 
tlie East, and worn both by men and wo- 
men. The common girdle was made of 
leather (2 K. i. 8 ; Matt. iii. 4), like that 
w orn by the Bedouins of the present day. 
A finer girdle was made of linen (Jer. xiii. 

1 ; Ez. xvi. 10), embroidered with silk, and 
sometimes with gold and silver thread 
(Dan. X. 5; Rev. i. 13, xv. 6), and fre- 
quently studded with gold and precious 
stones or pearls. The manufacture of these 
girdles farmed part of the employment of 
women (Prov. xxxi. 24). The girdle was 
fastened by a clasp of gold or silver, or tied 
in a knot so that the ends hung down in 
front, as in the figures on the ruins of Per- 
sepolia. It was worn by men about the 
loins (Is. V. 27, xi. 5). The girdle of wo- 
men was generally looser than that of the 
men, and was worn about the hips, except 
when they were actively engaged (Prov. 
Kxxi. 17). The military girdle was worn 
about the waist ; the sword or dagger was 
suspended from it (Judg. iii. 16 ; 2 Sam. 
Kx. 8 ; Ps. xlv. 3) . Hence girding up the 
loins denotes preparation for battle or for 
active exertion. In times of mourning, 
girdles of sackcloth were worn as marks of 
humiliation and sorrow (Is. iii. 24, xxii. 12). 
In consequence of the cosily materials of 
which girdles were made, they were fre- 
quently given as presents (1 Sam. xviii. 4 ; 

2 Sam. xviii. 11). They were used as 
pockets, as among the Arabs still, and as 
purses, one end of the girdle being folded 
back for the purpose (Matt. x. 9 ; Mark vi. 
8). The girdle worn by the priests about 
the close-fitting tunic (Ex. xxviii. 39, xxxix. 
29) is described by Josephus as made of 
linen so fine of texture as to look like the 
slough of a snake, and embroidered with 
Qowers of scarlet, purple, blue, and fine 
linen. It was about four fingers broad, 
and was wrapped several times round the 
priest's body, the ends hanging down to 
the feet. The " curious girdle " (Ex. xxviii. 
8) was made of the same materials and 
colors as the ephod, that is, of " gold, blue, 
and purple, and scarlet, and fine twined 
linen." Josephus describes it as sewn to 
■he bn^aitplate. After passing once round 



it was tied in front upon the seant, tlie Midi 
hanging down. 

Gir'gashites, The, one of the natiom 
who were in possession of Canaan before 
the entrance thither of the children of Is- 
rael (Gen. X. 16. xv. 21; Deut. vii. 1 ; 
Josh. iii. 10, xxiv. 11; 1 Chr. i. 14; Neb. 
ix. 8). 

Gir'gasite, The (Gen. x. 16). See 
the foregoing. 

Gis'pa, one of the overseers of the 
Netiiinim, in '' the Ophel," after the rctur: 
from captivity (Neh. xi. 21). 

Git'tah-hepher, Josh. xix. 13. [Gath- 

HEPHER.J 

Gittaim. [Gittites.] 

Git'tites, the 600 men who followed 
David from Gath, under Ittai the Gittite (2 
Sam. XV. 18, 19), and who probably acted 
as a kind of body-guard. Obed-edom "the 
Gittite " may have been so named from the 
town of Gittaim in Benjamin (2 Sam. iv. 3 ; 
Neh. xi. 33), or from Gath-rimmon. 

Gittith, a musical instrument, by some 
supposed to have been used by the people 
of Gath ; and by others to have been em- 
ployed at the festivities of the vintage (Ps. 
viii., Ixxxi., Ixxxiv.). 

Gi'zonite, The. " The sons of Hashem 
the Gizonite " are named amongst the war- 
riors of David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 34). 
Kennicott concludes that the name should 
be GouNi. 

Glass. The Heb. word occurs only in 
Job xxviii. 17, where in A. V. it is rendered 
" crystal." In spite of the atccnce of spe- 
cific allusion to glass in the sacred writings, 
the Hebrews must have been aware of the 
invention. From paintings representing 
the process of glass-blowing which have 
been discovered at Beni-hassan, and in 
tombs at other places, we know that the in- 
vention is at least as remote as the age of 
Osirtasen the first (perhaps a contemporary 
of Joseph), 3500 years ago. Fragments 
too of wine- vases as old as the Exodus have 
been discovered in Egypt. Tlie art was 
also known to the ancient Assyrians. In 
the N. T. glass is alluded to as an emblem 
of brightness (Rev. iv. 6, xv. 2, xxi. 18). 

Gleaning. T^p gleaning of fruit trees, 
as well as of corn fields was reserved for 
the poor. [Corner.] 

Glede, the old name for the commoin 
kite {milvus aier) occurs only in Deat. xi^.. 
13 among the unclean birds of p'ey- 

Gnat, mentioned only in the f roverbial 
expression used by our Saviour in Matt. 
xxiii. 24. 

Goad (Judg. iii. 31 ; 1 Sam. xiii. 21). 
But the Hebrew word in the latter passage 
proOably means the point o^ the plough- 
sha/re. The frrmer word does pi Dbably 
refer to the goad, tlie long handle o which 
might be used as a formidable weapon 
The instrument, as still used in the coan- 



GOAT 



216 



GOD 



tnes of Souclieiii Europe and Western Asia, 
consists of a rod about eight feet long, 
brought to a sharp point and sometimes 
cased with iron at the head. 

GrOat. There appear to be two or three 
varieties of the common goat {Hircus aega- 
grus) at present bred in Palestine and 
Syria, but wliether they are identical with 
those which were reared by the ancient 
Hebrews it is not possible to say. The 
most marked varieties are the Syrian goat 
^Capra Mainbrica, Linn.), and the Angora 
goat {Capra Angorensis, Linn.), with fine 
long hair. As to the "wild goats " (1 Sam. 
xxiv. 2 ; Job xxxix. 1, and Ps. civ. 18) it is 
not at all improbable that some species of 
ibex is denoted. 

Goat, Scape. [Atonement, Day or.] 

Go'ath., a place apparently in the neigh- 
borhood of Jerusalem, and named, in con- 
nection with the hill Gareb, only in Jer. 
xxxi. 39. 

Gob, a place mentioned only in 2 Sam. 
xxi. 18, 19, as the scene of two encounters 
between David's warriors and the Philis- 
tines. In the parallel account in 1 Chr. 
XX. 4, the name is given as Gezer. 

Goblet, a circular vessel for wine or 
other liquid. 

God. Throughout the Hebrew Scrip- 
cures two chief names are used for the one 
true divine Being — Elohim, commonly 
translated God in our Version, and Jeho- 
vah, translated Lord. Elohim is the plu- 
ral of Eloah (in Arabic Allah), a form 
which occurs only in poetry and a few pas- 
sages of later Hebrew (Neh. ix. 17 ; 2 Chr. 
*«.xii. 15). It is also formed with the pro- 
nominal suffixes, as Eloi, my God, with the 
dependent genitive, and with an epithet, in 
which case it is often used in the short 
form El (a word signifying strength), as in 
El-Shapdai, God Almighty, the name by 
which God was specially known to the pa- 
triarchs (Gen. xvii. 1, xxviii. 3; Ex. vi. 3). 
The etymology is uncertain, but it is gen- 
erally agreed that the primary idea is that 
of strength, power to effect; and that it 
properly describes God in that character in 
which He is exhibited to all men in His 
works, as the creator, sustainer, and su- 
preme governor of the world. Hence it is 
used to denote any being believed in and 
w 01 slipped as God; but in the sense of a 
b^iaihtn deity, or a divine being spoken of 
LndLfiititely, the singular is most often used, 
and the plural is employed, with the strict 
id 3a of number, for the collective objects 
af polytheistic worship, the gods, the gods 
4>f the heathen. It is also used for any 
ot ing that strikes an observer as god-like 
(1 Sam. xxviii. 13), and for kings, judges, 
and others endowed with authority from 
God (]*salm Ixxxii. 1, 6, viii. 6, xcvii. 7, 
Ac. ; Ex. xxi. 6, xxii. 7, 8). The short 
form El is used for a hero, or mighty man. 



as Nebuchadneezar (Ezek. xxxi. 11;, a 
sense derived at once from the meaning of 
strength. The plural form of Elohtm has 
given rise to much discussion. The fan(;i- 
ful idea, that it referred to the Trinity of 
Persons in the Godhe id, hardly finds now 
a supporter among scholars. It is eithei 
what grammarians call the plural of ma- 
jesty, or it denotes the fulness' of divine 
strength, the sum of the powers displayed 
by God. Jehovah denotes specifically th€ 
one true God, whose people the Jews were, 
and who made them the guardians of His 
truth. The name is never applied to a 
false god, nor to any other being, except 
One, the Angel-Jehovah, who is thereby 
marked as one with God, and who appears 
again in the New Covenant as " God mani- 
fested in the flesh." Thus much is clear ; 
but all else is beset with difliculties. At a 
time too early to be traced, the Jews ab- 
stained from pronouncing the name, for 
fear of its irreverent use. The custom is 
said to have been founded on a strained 
interpretation of Lev. xxiv. 16 ; and the 
phrase there used, "The Name" (Shema), 
is substituted by the Rabbis for the unutter- 
able word. They also call it "the name 
of four letters " (filn'^)? " the great and 
terrible name," "the peculiar name," " the 
separate name." In reading the Scriptures 
they substituted for it the word Adonai 
{Lord), from the translation .f which bj 
KvQtDc in the LXX., followed by the Vul- 
gate, which uses Dominus, we have gc/t 
the LoBD of our Version. Our translator* 
have, however, used Jehovah in four pas- 
sages (Ex. vi. 3 ; J'salm Ixxxiii. 18 ; Is 
xii. 2, xxvi. 4), and in the compounds, Je- 
h'ovah-Jireh, Jehovah- Nissi, and Jehovah- 
Shalom, (^Jehovah shall see, Jehovah is mj 
Banner, Jehovah is Peace, Gen. xxii. 14 
Ex. xvii. 15 ; Judges vi. 24) ; while th» 
similar phrases Jehovah- Tsidkenu and Je- 
hovah- Shammah are translated, " the Lobi 
our righteousness," and " the Lord is there ' 
(Jer. xxiii. 6, xxxiii. 16 ; Ezek. xlviii. 36) 
In one passage the abbreviated form Jah ii 
retained (Psalm Ixviii. 4). The substitu- 
tion of the word Lord is most unhappy; 
for, while it in no way represents the mean- 
ing of the sacred name, the mind has con- 
stantly to guard against a confusion with 
its lower uses, and above all, the direct per- 
sonal bearing of the name on the revelation 
of God through the whole course of Jewish 
history is kept injuriously out of sight. The 
key to the meaniyig of the name is unquec 
tionably given in God's revelation of Himself 
to Moses by the phrase " I am that I am," 
in connection with the statement, that Hf 
was now first revealed by his name Jeho- 
vah (Ex. iii. 14. vi. 3). Without entering 
here upon questions of Hebrew philology, 
we must be content to take as established 
the etvmological coniection of the am* 



GOG 



217 



GOMEK 



Jehovah witfi the Hebrew substai-tive verb, 
irith the inference that it expresses the 
essential, eternal, unchangeable Being 
of Jehovali. But more, it is not the ex- 
pression only, or chietiy, of an absolute 
truth: it is a practical revelation of God, 
in His essential, unchangeable relation to 
His ('.Uos3n people, the basis of His Cove- 
tiait. This is both implied in the occasion 
jn irhi<-h it is revealed to Moses, and in the 
Sflienth verse of Ex. iii. And here we 
4nvl the solution of a difficulty raised by 
Ex. vi. 3, as if it meant that the name Je- 
kotah had not been known to the patri- 
archs. There is abundant evidence to the 
contrary. As early as the time of Seth, 
" men began to call on the name of Jeho- 
f&h" (Gen. iv. 25). The name is used by 
the patriarchs themselves (Gen. xviii. 14; 
xxiv. 40; xxvi. 28; xxviii. 21). It is the 
basis of titles, like Jehovah-Jireh, and of 
proper names, like Moriah and Jochehed. 
Indeed, the same reasoning would prove 
that the prtriarchs did not know God as 
Elohim, but exclusively as El-Shaddai. 
But, in fact, the word name is used here, 
as elsewhere, for the attributes of God. 
He was about, for the first time, fully to re- 
veal that aspect of His character which the 
name implied. [Jehovah.] 

Gog. 1. A Reubenite (1 Chr. v. 4), 
son of Shemaiah. 2. [Magog.] 

GrO'lan, a city of Bashan (Deut. iv. 
43) , allotted out of the half tribe of Manas- 
seh to the Levites (Josh. xxi. 27), and one 
of the three cities of refuge east of the 
Jordan (xx. 8). Its very site is now un- 
known. It gave its name to the province 
of Gaulanitis, which is frequently men- 
tioned by Josephus. It lay east of Galilee, 
and north of Gadaritis. [Gad aba.] The 
Jordan from the Sea of Galilee to its foun- 
tains at Dan and Caesarea-Philippi, formed 
its western boundary. It corresponds to 
the modern province of Jauldn (which is 
the Arabic form of the Hebrew Golan). 
The greater part of Gaulanitis is a flat and 
fertile table-land, well watered, and clothed 
with luxuriant grass. 

Gold, the most valuable of metals, 
trora its color, lustre, weight, ductility, and 
other useful properties. Hence it is used 
as an emblem of purity (Job xxiii. 10) and 
nobility (Lam. iv. 1). Gold was known 
from the very earliest times (Gen. ii. 11). 
It was at first chiefly used for ornaments, 
&c. (Gen. xxiv. 22). Coined money was 
not known to the ancients till a compara- 
tively late period; and on the Egyptian 
tombs gold is represented as being weighed 
in rings for commercial purj/oses. (Comp. 
Gen. xliii. 21), Gold was extremely abun- 
dant in ancient times (1 Chr. xxii. 14; 2 
Chr. i. 15, ix. 9; Nah. ii, 9; Dan. iii. 1) ; 
but this did not depreciate its value, be- 
cause of the enormous quantities consumed 



by the wealthy in furniture, &c. (1 K. vi. 
22, x. passim ; Cant. iii. 9, 10 ; JJsth. i. 6 ; 
Jer. X. 9). The chief countries mentioned 
as producing gold are Arabia, Sheba, and 
Ophir (1 K. ix 28, x. 1; Job xxviii. 16). 
Other gold-bearing countries were Uphaz 
(Jer. x. 9 ; Dan. x. 5) and Parvaim (2 
Chr. iii. 6). Metallurgic processes are 
mentioned in Ps. Ixvi. 10; Prov. xvii. 3, 
xxvii. 21 ; and in Is. xlvi. 6, the trade of 
goldsmith (cf. Judg. xvii. 4) is alluded to 
in connection with the overlaying of idoli 
with gold-leaf. 

Gol'gotha, the Hebrew name of the 
spot at which our Lord was crucified (Matt 
xxvii. 33: Mark xv. 22; John xix. 17). 
By these three Evangelists it is interpreted 
to mean the "place of a skull." St. 
Luke's words are really as follows — " the 
place which is called ' a skull ' " — not, as 
in the other Gospels, " of a skull," thus 
employing the Greek term exactly as they 
do the Hebrew one. Two explanations of 
the name are given : (1) that it was a spot 
where executions ordinarily took place, 
and therefore abounded in skulls. Or (2) 
it may come from the look or form of the 
spot itself, bald, round, and skull-like, and 
therefore a mound or hillock, in accordance 
with the common phrase — for which there 
is no direct authority — "Mount Calvary." 
Whichever of these is the correct explana» 
tion, Golgotha seems to have been a known 
spot. 

Q-o] i'ath, a famous giant of Gath, who 
" morn.'ng and evening for forty days " de- 
fied the armies of Israel (1 Sam. xvii.). 
He was possibly descended from the old 
Rephaim [Giants], of whom a scattered 
remnant took refuge with the Pliilistines 
after their dispersion by the Ammonites 
(Deut. ii. .'^O, 21; 2 Sam. xxi. 22). His 
height was "six cubits and a span," which, 
taking the cubit at 21 inches, would make 
him lOi feet h:gh. But the LXX. and Jo- 
sephus read '■''four cubits and a span." 
The scene of bia combat with David was 
the Valley of the Terebinth, between 
Shochoh and Ai ekah, probably among the 
western passes of Benjamin, although a 
confused modern tradition has given the 
name of Ain Ja}:lood (spring of Goliath) 
to the spring of Harod (Judg. vii. 1). In 
2 Sam. xxi. 19, we find that another Goli- 
ath of Gath was slain by Elhanan, also a 
Bethlehemite. 

Go'mer. 1. The oldest son of Japheth, 
and the father of Ashkeraz, Riphath, and 
Togarmah (Gen. x. 2, 3). His name is 
subsequently noticed but ones Ez. xxxviii. 
6) as an illy or subjeci; of the Scythian 
king Gog. He is generally recognized as 
the progenitor of the early Cimmerians, of 
the later Cimbri and the other branches of 
the Celtic family, and of the modern GaeJ 
and Cymry, the latter preserving m\\h ^*»x; 



(iUMOKKAH 



218 



GOSPELS 



sligl t deviation the original name. 2. The 
daughter of Diblaim, and concubine of 
Rosea (i. 3"). 

Gomor rah, in the N. T. written Go- 
mor'rha, one of the five " cities of the 
plain," or " vale of Siddim," that under 
their respective kings joined battle there 
with Chedorlaomer (Gen. xiv. 2-8) and his 
allies, by whom they were discomfited till 
Abraham came to the rescue. Four out of 
the five were afterwards destroyed by the 
Lord with fire from heaven (Gen. xix. 23- 
29). One of them only, Zoar or Bela, 
which was its original name, was spared at 
tlie request of Lot, in order that he might 
take refuge there. Of these Gomorrah 
seems to have been only second to Sodom 
in importance, as well as in the wickedness 
that led to their overthrow. What that 
atrocity was may be gathered from Gen. 
xix. 4-8. Their geographical position is 
di^ussed under Sodom. 

Gopher Wood. Only once in Gen. 
vi. 14. Two principal conjectures have 
been proposed : — 1. That the " trees of 
Gopher" are any trees of the resinous 
kind, such as pine, fir, &c. 2 That Gopher 
is cypress. 

Go'shen, the name of a part of Egypt 
where the Israelites dwelt for the whole 
period of their sojourn in that country. It 
is usually called the " land of Goshen," but 
also Goshen simply. It appears to have 
borne another name, "the landof Rameses" 
(Gen. xlvii. 11), unless this be the name of 
a district of Goshen. It was between Jo- 
seph's residence at the time and the frontier 
of Palestine, and apparently the extreme 
province towards that frontier (Gen. xlvi. 
29). The results of an examination of 
Biblical evidence are that the land of Go- 
shen lay between the eastern part of the 
ancient Delta and the western border of 
Palestine, that it was scarcely a part of 
Egypt Proper, was inhabited by other for- 
eigners besides the Israelites ; that it was 
t pasture land, especially suited to a shep- 
herd-people, and sufficient for the Israelites, 
who there prospered, and were separate 
from the main body of the Egyptians. These 
Indications seem to indicate the Wddi-t- 
Tumeyldt, the valley along which anciently 
flowed the canal of the Red Sea. 

Gospels. The name Gospel (from god 
and spell, Angl. Sax. good message or news, 
which is a translation of theGreek tiiayY^^^'i^) 
is applied to the four inspired histories of 
the life and teaching of Christ contained in 
the New Testament, of which separate ac- 
counts are given in their place. They were 
all composed during the latter half of the 
first century : those of St. Matthew and St. 
Mark some years before the destruction of 
Jerusalem ; that of St. Luke probably about 
A.. D. 64 ; and that of St. John towards the 
close of the century. Before the end of the 



second je tury, there is abundant evi^enc* 
that the four Gospels, as one collection, 
were generally used and accepted. A« a 
matter of literary history, nothing can be 
better established than the genuineness of 
the Gospels. On comparing these foui 
books one with another, a peculiar difficulty 
claims attention, which has had much to do 
with the controversy as to their geLaine- 
ness. In the fourth Gospel the narrative 
coincides with that of the other three in a 
few passages only. Putting aside the ac- 
count of the Passion, there are only thret 
facts which John relates in common with 
the other Evangelists. Two of these are, 
the feeding of the five thousand, and the 
storm on the Sea of Galilee (ch. vi.). The 
third is tho anointing of His feet by Mary. 
Whilst the others present the life of Jesus 
in Galilee, John follows him into Judaea ; 
nor sliould we know, but for him, that oui 
Lord had journeyed to Jerusalem at the 
prescribed feasts. The received explanation 
is the only satisfactory one, namely, that 
John, writing last, at the close of the first 
century, had seen the other Gospels, and 
purposely abstained from writing anew 
what they had sufficiently recorded. — In 
the other three Gospels there is a great 
amount of agreement. If we suppose the 
history that they contain to be divided into 
sections, in 42 of these all the three narra- 
tives coincide, 12 more are given by Mat- 
thew and Mark only, 5 by Mark and Luke 
only, and 14 by Matthew and Luke. To 
these must be added 5 peculiar to Matthew, 
2 to Mark, and 9 to Luke ; and the enumei'a- 
tion is complete. But this applies only to 
general coincidence as to the facts narratv^d : 
the amount of verbal coincidence, that is. the 
passages either verbally the same, or cou)- 
ciding in the use of many of the same 
words, is much smaller. Various theories 
have been proposeil to account for this phe- 
nomenon. (1.) The first and most obvious 
suggestion would be, that the narrators made 
use of each other's work. Acccrdingly 
many have endeavored to ascertain which 
Gospel is to be regarded as the first ; which 
is copied from the first ; and which is the 
last, and copied from the otlier two. But 
the theory in its crude form is in itself most 
improbable ; and the wonder is that so much 
time and learning have been devoted to it. 
It assumes that an Evangelist lias taken up 
the work of his predecessor, and, witliout 
substantial alteration, has made a few 
changes in form, a few additions and rty 
trenchments, and then has allowed the 
whole to go forth under his name. (2.j 
The supposition of a common original from 
which the three Gospels were drawn, eacl* 
with more or less modification, would nat- 
urally occur to those who rejected the no- 
tion that the Evangelists had copied from 
each other. But if all the Evangelists bad 



GOUKD 



219 



GOVEENOll 



agreed to draw from a common origiual, it 
must have been widely if not universally 
Accepted in the Church; and yet there is 
no record of its existence. If the work 
was of high authority, it would have been 
preserved, or at least mentioned ; if of low- 
er authority, it could not have become the 
basis of three canonical Gospels. (3.) 
There is another supposition to account for 
these facts. It is probable that none of the 
Gospels was written until many years after 
the day of Pentecost on which the Holy 
Spirit descended on the assembled disci- 
ples. From tliat day commenced at Jeru- 
salem the work of preaching the Gospel 
and converting the world. Now their 
preaclung must have been, from the nature 
of the case, in great part historical ; it must 
have been based upon an account of the 
life and acts of Jesus of Nazareth. Nor is 
there anything unnatural in the supposition 
that the Apostles intentionally uttered their 
witness in tlie same order, and even, for 
the most part, in the same form of words. 
It is supposed, then, that the portions of 
the three Gospels which harmonize most 
exactly owe their agreement to the fact 
that the apostolic preaching had already 
clothed itself in a settled or usual form of 
words, to wliich the writers inclined to con- 
form without feeling bound to do so ; and 
tlie diflerences which occur, often in the 
closest proximity to the harmonies, arise 
from the feeling of independence with 
which each wrote what he had seen and 
heard, or, in the case of Mark and Luke, 
what apostolic witnesses had told him. 

Gourd. 1. Kikdydn only in Jon. iv. 
6-10. The plant which is intended by this 




CMtoiH>a Plant. 



word, and which afforded shade to th« 
prophet Joe ah before Nineveh, is the JBi- 
cinus communis, or castor-oil plant, which, 
formerly a native of Asia, is now natural^ 
ized in America, Africa, and the south of 
Europe. This plant varies considerably in 
size, being in India a tree, but in England 
seldom attaining a greater height than three 
or four feet. The leaves are large and 
palmate, with serrated lobes, and would 
form an excellent shelter for the sun-strick- 
en prophet. The seeds contain the oil so 
well known under the name of " castor-oil," 
which has for ages been in high repute as a 
medicine. 2. With regard to the "wild 
gourds " (pakku'dth) of 2 K. iv. 39, which 
one of " the sons of the prophets " gath- 
ered ignorantly, supposing them to be good 
for food, there can be no doubt that it is a 
species of the gourd tribe (^Cucurbitaceae)^ 
which contains some plants of a very bitter 
and dangerous character. As several kinds 
of Cucurbitaceae, such as melons, pump- 
kins, &c., are favorite articles of refreshing 
food amongst the Orientals, we can easily 
understand the cause of the mistake. 

Governor. In the Auth. Ver. this one 
English word is the representative of no 
less than ten Hebrew and four Greek words. 
1. The chief of a tribe or family. 2. A 
ruler in his capacity of lawgiver and dis- 
penser of justice. 3. A ruler considereil 
especially as having power over the proper 
ty and persons of his subjects (Josh. xii. 
2; Ps. cv. 20; Gen. xxiv. 2). The " gov- 
ernors of the people," in 2 Chr. xxiii. 20- 
appear to have been the king's body-guard 
(cf. 2 K. xi. 19). 4. A prominent person- 
age, whatever his capacity. It is applied 
to a king as the military and civil chief of 
his people (2 Sam. v. 2, vi. 21 ; 1 Chr. 
xxix. 22), to the general of an army (2 
Chr. xxxii. 21), and to the head of a tribe 
(2 Chr. xix. 11). It denotes an officer of 
high rank ' in the palace, the lord high 
chamberlain (2 Chr. xxviii. 7). It is ap 
plied in 1 K. x. 15 to the petty chieftaimi 
who were tributary to Solomon (2 Chr. ix. 
14) ; to the military commander of the 
Syrians (IK. xx. 24), the Assyrians (2 K. 
xviii. 24, xxiii. 6), the Chaldeans (Jer. 11. 
23), and the Medes (Jer. li. 38). Undei 
the Persian viceroys, during the Babyloni- 
an captivity, the land of the Hebrews ap- 
pears to have been portioned out among 
" governors " (pachdth) inferior in rank to 
the satraps (Ezr. viii. 36), like the other 
provinces which were under the dominion 
of the Persian king (Neh. ii. 7, 9). It is 
impossible to determine the precise limits 
of their authority, or the functions which 
they had to perform. It appears from Ezr. 
vi. 8 that these governors were intrusted 
with the collection of the king's taxes ; and 
from Neh. v. 18, xii. 26, that they were sup- 
ported by a contribution levied upon th« 



UOZAN 



220 



GROVE 



people, which ws,s technically termed " the 
oread of the governor " (comp. Ezr. iv. 14). 
They were probably assisted in discharging 
their official duties by a council (Ezr. iv. 7, 
vi. 6). The " governor " beyond the river 
had a judgment-seat at Jerusalem, from 
which iHobably he administered justice 
when making a progress ihrough his prov- 
ince (Neh. iii. 7). 

Go'zan seems in the A. V. of 1 Chr. v. 
?6, to be the name of a river ; but in Kings 
(2 K. xvii. 6, and xviii. 11) it is evidently 
applied not to a river but a country. Gozan 
was the tract to which the Israelites were 
carried away captive by Pul, Tiglath-Pile- 
ser, and Shalmaneser, or possibly Sargon. 
It is probably identical with the Gauzanitis 
of Ptolemy, and may be regarded as repre- 
sented by the Mygdonia of other writers. 
It was the tract watered by the Habor, the 
modern KJiabour, the great Mesopotamian 
affluent of the Euphrates. 

Grape. [Vine.] 

Grass. This is the ordinary rendering 
of the Hebrew word chdtsir (1 K. xviii. 5 ; 
Job xl. 6; Ps. civ. 14; Is. xv. 6). As the 
herbage rapidly fades under the parching 
heat of the sun of Palestine, it has afforded 
to the sacred writers an image of the fleet- 
ing nature of human fortunes (Job viii. 12 ; 
Ps. xxxvii. 2), and also of the brevity of 
human life (Is. xl. 6, 7; Ps. xc. 5). 

Grasshopper. [Locust.] 

Grave. [Burial.] 

Greaves (mitschdh). This word oc- 
curs in the A. V. only in 1 Sam. xvii. 6. 
Its ordinary meaning is a piece of defen- 
wve armor which reached from the foot to 
ihe knee, and thus protected the shin of 
the wearer. But the mitschdh of the above 
passage can hardly have been armor of this 
Qature. It was not worn on the legs, but 
en the feet of Goliath, and would therefore 
appear to have been a kind of shoe or 
boot. 

Greece, Greeks, Grecians. The 
histories of Greece and Palestine are little 
connected with each other. In Gen. x. 2- 
5 Moses mentions the descendants of Javan 
ae peopling the isles of the Gentiles ; and 
when the Hebrews came into contact with 
the lonians of Asia Minor, and recognized 
them as the long-lost islanders of the west- 
ern migration, it was natural that they 
should mark the similarity of sound be- 
tween Javan and lones. Accordingly the 
O. T. word which is Grecia, in A. V. 
Greece, Greeks, &c., is in Hebrew Javan 
l^Joel iii. 6; Dan. viii. 21): the Hebrew, 
however, is sometimes retained (Is. Ixvi. 
19; Ez. xxvii. 13). The Greeks and He- 
brews met for the first time in the slave- 
giarket. The medium of communication 
seems to have been the Tyrian slave-raer- 
char^ts. About b. o. 800 Joel speaks of 
the T^rians as selliiig the cl/ldren of 



Judah to the Grecians (JoeI iii. 6) ; and ir 
Ez. xxvii. 13 the Greeks are mentioned as 
bartering their brazen vessels for slaves. 
Prophetical notice of Greece occurs ii 
Dan. viii. 21, &c., where the history of 
Alexander and his successors is rapidly 
sketched. Zechariah (ix. 13) foretells the 
triumphs of the Maccabees against the 
Graeco- Syrian empire, while Isaiah looks 
forward to the conversion of the Greeks 
amongst other Gentiles, through the in- 
strumentality of Jewish missionaries (Ixvi. 
19). In 1 Mace. xii. 5-23 we have an ac- 
count of an embassy and letter sent by the 
Lacedaemonians to the Jews. The most 
remarkable feature in the transaction is the 
claim which the Lacedaemonians prefer to 
kindred with the Jews, and which Areus 
professes to establish by reference to a 
book. The name of the country, Greece, 
occurs once in N. T. (Acts xx. 2), as op' 
posed to Macedonia. [Gentiles ] 

Greyhound. The translation in the 
text of the A. V. (Prov. xxx. 31) of the 
Hebrew word zarzir mothnayin, i. e. " on^ 
girt about the loins." Various are the 
opinions as to what animal " comely in 
going" is here intended. Some think "a 
leopard," others " an eagle," or " a man 
girt with armor," or " a zebra," or " a war- 
horse girt with trappings." But perhaps 
the word means " a wrestler," when girt 
about the loins for a contest- 
Grinding. [Mill.] 
Grove. A word used in the A. V., with 
two exceptions, to translate the mysterious 
Hebrew term Asherah, which is not a grove, 
but probably an idol or image of some kind. 
[Asi^ERAH.] It is also probable that there 
was a f^onnection between this symbol or 
image, whatever it was, and the sacred 
symbolic tree, the rcprese atation of which 
occurs so frequently on Assyrian sculp- 
tures, and is figured below. 2. The two 
exceptions noticed above are Gen. xxi. 33. 




Sacred Symbolic Tree of the iisyriani. 

and 1 Sam. xxii. 6 (margin;. In the re- 
ligions of the ancient heathen world groves 
play a prouinent pa'^t. In the old times 




GUDGODAH 



221 



HAD AD 



aJLars only were erected to the gods. It 
ras thought wrong to shut up the gods 
witFiin walls, and hence trees were the first 
temples ; and from the earliest times groves 
are mentioned in connection with religious 
worship (Gen. xii. 6, 7, xiii. 18 ; Deut. xi. 
30; A. V. "plain"). The groves were 
generally found connected with temples, 
and often had the right of affording an asy- 
lum. Some have supposed that even the 
Jewish Temple had an enclosure planted 
with palm and cedar (Ps. xcii. 12, 13) and 
alive (Ps. lii. 8), as the mosque which 
stands on its site now has. This is more 
than doubtful ; but we know that a cele- 
brated oak stood by the sanctuary at She- 
chem (Josh. xxiv. 26; Judg. ix. 6). There 
are in Scripture many memorable trees : 
e. g. Allon-bachuth (Gen. xxxv. 8), the tam- 
arisk in Gibeah (1 Sam. xxii. 6), the tere- 
binth in Shechem (Josh. xxiv. 26) under 
which the law was set up, the palm-tree of 
Deborah (Judg. iv. 5), the terebinth of en- 
chantments (Judg. ix. 37), the terebinth of 
wanderers (Judg. iv. 11), and others (1 
Sam. xiv. 2, x. 3, sometimes " plain " in 
A. v.). This observation of particular 
trees was among the heathen extended to 
a regular worship of them. 

Gud'godah, Deut. x. 7. [HoK Hagid- 

OAD.] 

Guest. [Hospitality.] 

Gu'ni. 1. A son of Naphtali (Gen. 
xlvi. 24; 1 Chr. vii. 13), the founder of the 
femily of the Gunites (Num. xxvi. 48). 2. 
4 descendant of Gad (1 Chr. v. 15). 

Gu'nites, The, descendants of Guni, 
son of Naphtali (Num. xxvi. 48). 

Gur, Tlie going up to, an ascent or 
rising ground, at which Ahaziah received 
his death-blow while flying from Jehu after 
the slaughter of Joram(2 K. ix. 27). 

Gur Baal, a place or district in which 
dwelt Arabians, as recorded in 2 Chr. xxvi. 
7. It appears from the context to have 
been in the country lying between Palestine 
and the Arabian peninsula; but this, al- 
though probable, cannot be proved. 



H. 

Haanash'tari, a man, or a family, im- 
mediately descended from Ashur, "father 
of Tekoa" by his second wife Naarah (1 
Chr. iv. 6). 

Habai'ab.. Bene-Habaiah were among 
the sons ol the priests who returned from 
Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 61 ; Neh. 
vii. 63). 

Hab'akkuk, the eighth in order of the 
minor prophets. Of the facts of the 
prophet's life we have no certain informa- 
tion. He probably delivered his prophecy 
ftbout the 12th or 13th year of Josiah (b. g. 



630 or 629). The prophet *;ommence8 bj 
announcing his office and important mis- 
sion (i. 1). He bewails the corruption and 
social disorganization by which he is sur- 
rounded, and cries to Jehovah for help 
(i. 2-4). Next follows the reply of the 
Deity, threatening swift vengeance (i. 5- 
11). Tlie prophet, transferring himself to 
the near ftiture foreshadowed in the divine 
threatenings, sees the rapacity and boastful 
irap'ety of the Chaldean hosts, but, confi 
dent that God has only employed them as the 
instruments of correction, assumes (ii. 1) 
an attitude of hopeful expectancy, and waita 
to see the issue. He receives the divine 
command to write in an enduring form the 
vision of God's retributive justice, as re- 
vealed to his prophetic eye (ii. 2, 3). The 
doom of the Chaldeans is first foretold ii» 
general terms (ii. 4-6), and the announce 
ment is followed by a series of dtiuuncia 
tions pronounced upon them by the nation;* 
who had suffered from their oppressiob 
(ii. 6-20). The strophical arrangement oi 
these " woes " is a remarkable feature of 
the prophecy. The whole concludes witl' 
the magnificent Psalm in chap, iii., a com- 
position unrivalled for boldness of concep- 
tion, sublimity of thought, and majesty of 
diction. 

Habazini'ah, apparently the head of 
one of the families of the Bechabixes (Jer 
xxxv. 3). 

Habergeon, a coat of mail coverinfr 
the neck and breast. [Arms.] 

Ha'bor, the "river of Gozan " (2 K. 
xvii. 6, and xviii. 11), is identified beyond 
all reasonable doubt with the famous af 
fluent of the Euphrates, which is called 
Aborrhas and Chaboras by ancient writers, 
and now Khahour. 

Hachali'ah, the father of Nehemiab 
(Neh. i. 1, X. 1). 

Hach'ilah, The Hill, a hill apparent 
ly situated in a wood in the wilderness or 
waste land in the neighborhood of Ziph ; in 
the fastnesses, or passes, of which David 
and his six hundred followers were lurking 
when the Ziphites informed Saul of his 
whereabouts (1 Sam. xxiii. 19 ; comp. 14. 
15, 18). No trace of the name Hachilah 
has yet been discovered. 

Hach'moni, Son of, and The Hach'- 
monite (l Chr. xxvii. 32, xi. 11). 
Hachmon or Hachmoni was no doubt the 
founder of a family to which these men be- 
longed : the actual father of Jashobeam was 
Zabdiel (1 Chr. xxvii. 2), and he is also 
said to have belonged to the Korhites (1 
Chr. xii. 6), possibly the Levites descended 
from Korah. 

Ha'dad, originally the indigenous ap- 
pellation of the Sun among the Syrians, and 
thence transferred to the king, as the high- 
est of earthly authorities. The title appeart 
to have been an official one, like Pharaoh 



HADADEZER 



222 



HAGAB 



ft is found occasionally in the altered fom 
Eladar (Gen. xxv. 15, xxxvi. 39, compared 
with 1 Chr. i. 30, 50). 1. Son of Ishmael 
CGen. xxv. 15; 1 Chr. i. 30). 2. A king 
of Edom who gained an important victory 
over the Midianites on the field of Moab 
(Gen. xxxvi. 35; 1 Chr. i. 46). 3. Also a 
king of Edom, with Pan for his capital 
(1 Chr. J, 50). 4. A member of the royal 
house of Edom (IK. xi. 14, ff.). In his 
childhood he escaped the massacre under 
Joab, in which his father appears to have 
perished, and fled with a band of followers 
into Egypt. Pharaoh, the predecessor of 
Solomon's father-in-law, treated him kind- 
ly, and gave him his sister-in-law in mar- 
riage. After David's death Hadad resolved 
to attempt the recovery of his dominion : 
Pharaoh in vain discouraged him, and upon 
this he left Egypt and returned to his own 
country. 

Hadade'zer (2 Sam. viii. 3-12 ; 1 K. 
ri. 23). [Hadarezer.] 

Ha'dad-riin'mon is, according to the 
ordinary interpretation of Zech. xii. 11, a 
place in the valley of Megiddo, named after 
two Syrian idols, where a national lamen- 
tation was held for the death of king 
Josiah. 

Ha'dar. [Hadad.] 

Hadare'zer, son of Rehob (2 Sam. viii. 
3), the king of the Aramite state of Zobah, 
who was pursued by David, and defeated 
ndth great loss both of chariots, horses, and 
men (1 Chr. xviii. 3, 4). After the first 
repulse of the Ammonites and their Syrian 
lilies by Joab, Hadarezer sent his army to 
the assistance of his kindred the people of 
Maachah, Rehob, and Ishtob (1 Chr. xix. 
16; 2 Sam. x. 15, comp. 8). Under the 
command of Shophach, or Shobach, the 
captain of the host, they crossed the Eu- 
phrates, joined the other Syrians, and 
-sncamped at a place called Helam. David 
himself came from Jerusalem to take the 
command of the Israelite army. As on the 
former occasion, the rout wat complete. 

Had'ashah, one of the towns of Judah, 
in the maritime low country (Josh. xv. 37 
only), probably the Adas a of the Macca- 
baean history. 

Hadas'sah, probably the earlier name 
of Esther (Esth. ii. 7). 

Hadat'tah, According to the A. V. 
one of the towns of Judah in the extreme 
louth (Josh. XV. 25). 

Ha'did, a place named, with Lod (Lyd- 
d») and Ono, only in the later books of the 
history (Ezr. ii. 33; Neh. vii. 37, xi. 34). 
In the time of Eusebius a town called 
Aditha, or Adatha, existed to the east of 
Diospolis (Lydda). This was probably 
Hadid. 

Had'lai, a man of Ephraim (2 Chr. 
sxvlii. 12). 

HadO'ram. 1. The fifth son of Joktan 



(Gen. X. 27; 1 Chr. i. 21). His settlements, 
unlike those of many of Jocktan's sons, have 
not been identified. 2. Son of Tou or Toi 
king of Hamath; his father's ambassador 
to congratulate David on his victory over 
Haderezei king of Zobah (1 Chr. xviii. 10). 
3. The form assumed in Chronicles by the 
name of the intendant of taxes under David, 
Solomon, and Rehoboam (2 Chr. x. 18). In 
Kings the name is given in the longer form 
of Adoniram, but in Samuel (2 Sam. xx. 
24) as Adoram. 

Ha'drach, a country of Syria, men- 
tioned once only, by the prophet Zechariah 
(ix. 1, 2). The position of the district, 
with its borders, is here generally stated; 
but the name itself seems to have wholly 
disappeared. It still remains unknown. 

Ha'gab. Bene-Hagab were among the 
Nethinim who returned from Babylon with 
Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 46). 

Hag'aba. Bene-Hagaba were among 
the Nethinim who came back from captivity 
with Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 48). The name 
is slightly diflTerent in form from 

Hag'abah, under which it is found in 
the parallel list of Ezr. ii. 45). 

Ha'gar, an Egyptian woman, the hand- 
maid, or slate, of Sarah (Gen. xvi. 1), 
whom the latter gave as a concubine tc 
Abraham, after he had dwelt ten years in 
the land of Canaan and had no children by 
Sarah (xvi. 2 and 3). That she was a bond- 
woman is stated both in the O. T. and in 
the N. T., in the latter as part of her typical 
character. It is recorded that " when she 
saw that she had conceived, her mistress was 
despised in her eyes " (4), and Sarah, with 
the anger, we may suppose, of a free woman, 
rather than of a wife, reproached Abraham 
for the results of her own act. Hagar fled, 
turning her steps towards her native land 
through the great wilderness traversed by 
the Egyptian road. By the fountain in the 
way to Shur, the angel of the Lord found 
her, charged her to return and submit her- 
self under the hands of her mistress, and 
delivered the remarkable prophecy respect- 
ing her unborn child recorded in ver. 10- 
12. On her return, she gave birth to 
Ishmael, and Abraham was then eighty-sia 
years old. Mention is not again made of 
Hagar in the history of Abraham until thw 
feast at the weaning of Isaac, when " Sarah 
saw the son of Hagar the Egyptian, which 
she had borne unto Abraham, mocking ; " 
and in exact sequence with the ^rst flight 
of Hagar, we now read of her expulsion. 
The verisimilitude, oriental exactness, and 
simple beauty of this story are internal evi- 
dences attesting its truth, apart from all 
other evidence. The name of Hagar occurs 
elsewhere only when she takes a wife to 
Ishmael (xxi. 21) ; and in the genealogy 
(xxv. 12). St. Paul refers to her as the 
type of the old covenant, likening her to 



HAGARENES 



223 



HAIB 



Mount Siuai, the Mount of the Law (Gal iv. 
22 seqq.)- 

Hagarenes', Ha'garites, a people 
dwelling to the east of Palestine, with whom 
the tribe of Reuben made war in the time 
of Saul (1 Chr. v. 10, 18-20). The same 
people, as confederate against Israel, are 
mentioned in Ps. Ixxxiii. 6. It is generally 
believed that they were named after Hagar, 
and that the important town and dictrict of 
Hejer, on the borders of the Persian Gulf^ 
represent them. 

Ha'gerite, The. Jaziz the Hagerite, 
t. e. the descendant of Hagar, had the 
charge of David's sheep (1 Chr. xxvii. 31). 

Hag'gai, the tenth in order of the Mi- 
aor Prophets, and first of those who proph- 
esied after the Captivity. With regard to 
his tribe and parentage both history and 
tradition are alike silent; but it is more 
than probable that he was one of the exiles 
who returned with Zerubbabel and Joshua. 
The rebuilding of the temple, which was 
commenced in the reign of Cyrus (b. c. 
535), was suspended during the reigns of 
his successors, Cambyses and Pseudo-Smer- 
dis, in consequence of the determined hos- 
tility of the Samaritans. On the accession 
of Darius Hystaspis (b. c. 521), the proph- 
ets Haggai and Zechariah urged the renewal 
of the undertaking, and obtained the per- 
mission and assistance of the king (Ezr. v. 
If vi. 14). According to tradition, Haggai 
was Lorn in Babylon, was a young man 
when he came to Jerusalem, and Was bu- 
ried \r\ih honor near the sepulchres of the 
priests. The names of Haggai and Zecha- 
riah are associated in the LXX. in the titles 
of Ps. 137, 145-148 ; in the Vulgate in those 
ai Ps. Ill, 145; and in the Peshito Syriac 
in those of Ps. 125, 126, 145, 146, 147, 148. 
It may be that tradition assigned to these 
prophets the arrangement of the above-men- 
tioned psalms for use in the temple service. 
Tho style of Haggai is generally tame and 
prosaic, though at times it rises to the dig- 
nity of severe invective, when the prophet 
rebukes his countrymen for their selfish in- 
dolence and neglect of God's house. But 
the brevity of the prophecies is so great, 
and the poverty of expression which char- 
acterizes them so striking, as to give rise to 
a conjecture, not without reason, that in 
their present form they are but the outline 
or summary of the original discourses. 
They were deUvered in the second year of 
Darius Hystaspis (b. c. 520), at intervals 
frjm the 1st day of the 6th month to the 
24 til day of the 9th month in the same 
year. 

Hag'geri. " Mibhar son of Haggeri" 
was one of the mighty men of Da-vdd's 
^ard, according to 1 Chr. xi. 38. The 
parallel passage --2 Sam. xxiii. 36 — has 
" Bani the Gadite," which is probably the 
5«*Tect reading. 



Hag'gi, second son of Gad (Geii. xlrl 

16; Num. xxvi. 15). 
Haggi'ah, a Merarite Levlte () Chr. vl. 

30). 

Hag'gites, The, a Gadite family sprung 

from Haggi (Num. xxvi. 15). 

Hag'gith, one of David's wiies, th« 
mother of Adonijah (2 Sam. iii. 4 : 1 K. L 
5, 11, ii. 13; 1 Chr. iii. 2). 

Ha'i. The form in which the well-known 
place Ai appears in the A. V. on its first in- 
troduction (Gen. xii. 8, xiii. 3). 

Hair. The Hebrews were fully alive to 
the importance of the hair as an element 
of personal beauty, whether as seen in the 
" curled locks, black as a raven," of youth 
(Cant. V. 11), or in the "crown of glory** 
that encircled the head of old age (Prov. 
xvi. 31). Long hair was admired in the 
case of young men ; it is especially noticed 
in the description of Absalom's person (2 
Sam. xiv. 26). The care requisite to keep 
the hair in order in such cases must have 
been very great, and hence the practice of 
wearing long hair was unusual, and only 
resorted to as an act of religious obser- 
vance. In times of affliction the hair waa 
altogether cut oflf (Is. iii. 17, 24, xv. 2 ; Jer. 
vii. 29). Tearing the hair (Ezr. ix. 3) and 
letting it go dishevelled were similar tokens 
of grief. The usual and favorite color of 
the hair was black (Cant. v. 11), as is indi- 
cated in the comparisons to a "flock ol 
goats " and the " tents of Kedar " (Cant. iv. 
1, i. 6) : a similar hue is probably intended 
by the purple of Cant. vii. 5. The ap- 
proach of age was marked by a sprinkling 
(Hos. vii. 9) of gray hairs, which soon 
overspread the whole head (Gen. xlii. 38, 
xliv. 29 ; IK. ii. 6, 9 ; Prov. xvi. 31, xx. 
29). Pure white hair was deemed charac- 
teristic of the Divine Majesty (Dan. vii. 9 ; 
Rev. i. 14). The chief beauty of the haii 




Egypttm Wigf. (Wilkinson.) 

consisted in curls, whether of a natural oi 
artificial character. With regard to the 
mode of dressing the hair, we have no very 
precise information; the terms used are o< 



HAKKATAN 



224 



HAMATH 



• general character, as of Jezebel (2 K. ix. 
30), of Judith (x. 3). The terms used in 
the N. T. (1 Tim. ii. 9 ; 1 Pet. iii. 3) are 
also of a general character. The arrange- 
ment of Samson's hair into seven locks, or 
more properly braids (Judg xvi. 13, 19) 
involves the practice of plai<^ing, which was 
also familiar to the Egyptians and Greeks. 
The locks were probably kept in their place 
by a illet, as in Egypt. Ihe Hebrews, like 
other nations of an^Ji^iity, anointt-d the 
hair profusely with o'ntments, which were 
generally compou'id yd of various aromatic 
ingredients (Ruth iii. 3; 2 Sam. xiv. 2; Ps. 
xxiii. 5, xlv. 7, xcii. 10; Eccl. ix. 8; Is. iii. 
24) ; more f specially on occasion of fes- 
tivities or hoppitality (Matt. vi. 17, xxvi. 
7; Luke vv. 46). It appears to have been 
the custom of the Jews in our Saviour's 
time to swear by the hair (Matt. v. 36), 
much as the Egyptian women still swear 
by the side-lock, and the men by their 
beards. 

Hak'katan. Johanan, son of Hakka- 
tan was the chief of the Bene-Azgad who 
returned from Babylon with Ezra (Ezr. 
viii. 12). 

Hak'koz, a priest, the chief the seventh 
course in the service of the sanctuary, as 
appointed by David (1 Chr. xxiv. 10). In 
Ezr. ii. 61 and Neh. iii. 4, 21, the name 
occurs again as Koz in the A. V. 

Haku'pha. Bene-Hakupha were among 
the Nethinim who returned from Babylon 
with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 51 ; Neh. vii. 53). 

Halah is probably a different place 
from the Calah of Gen. x. 11. It may be 
identified with the Chalcitis of Ptolemy. 

Ha'lak, The Mount, a mountain 
twice, and twice only, named as the south- 
ern limit of Joshua's conquests (Josh. xi. 
17, xii. 7), but which has not yet been iden- 
tified. 

Hal'hul, a town of Judah in the moun- 
tain district (Josh. xv. 58). The name 
still remains unaltered, attached to a con- 
spicuous hill a mile to the left of the road 
from Jerusalem to Hebron, between 3 and 
4 miles from the latter. 

Ha'U, a town on the boundary of Asher, 
named between Helkath and Beten (Josh. 
xix. 25). 

Hall, used of the court of the high- 
priest's house (Luke xxii. 55). In Matt, 
xxvii. 27, and Mark xv. 16, *' hall " is sy- 
nonymous with '* praetoriura," which in 
John xviii. 28 is in A. V. "judgment- 
ball." 

Halleligah. [Alleluia.] 

HaUo'hesh, one of the chief of the 
people who sealed the covenant with Nehe- 
miah (Neh. x. 24). 

Halo'hesh. Shallum, son of Hal-lo- 
hesh, was " ruler of the half part of 
Jerusalem " at the time of the repair of the 
••all byNehemiah (Neh. iii. 12'). 



Ham. 1. The name of one of th« 
three sons of Noah, apparently the second 
in age. It probably signifies "warm "or 
" hot." This meaning is confirmed by that 
of the Egyptian word Kem (Egypt), the 
Egyptian equivalent of Ham, which sig- 
nifies " black," probably implying warmth 
as well as blackness. Of the iiistoiy of 
Ham nothing is related except his irrever- 
ence to his father, and the curse which thai 
patriarch pronounced. The sons of Ham 
are stated to have been " Cush and Miz- 
raim and Phut and Canaan " (Gen. x. 6 ; 
comp. 1 Chr. i. 8). The name of Ham 
alone, of the three sons of Noah, is known 
to have been given to a country. Egypt 
is recognized as the " land of Ham " in the 
Bible (Ps. Ixxviii. 51, cv. 23, cvi. 22). The 
other settlements of the sons of Ham are 
discussed under their respective names.. 
An inquiry into the history of the Hamitfe 
nations presents considerable difficulties, 
since it cannot be determined in the cases 
of the most important of those commonly 
held to be Hamite that they were purely 
of that stock. It is certain that the three 
most illustrious Hamite nations — the Cush- 
ites, the Phoenicians, and the Egyptians 

— were greatly mixed with foreign peoples. 
There are some common characteristics, 
however, which appear to connect the dif- 
ferent branches of the Hamite family, and 
to distinguish them from the children of 
Japheth and Shem. Their architecture has 
a solid grandeur that we look for in vain 
elsewhere. 2. According to the present 
text (Gen. xiv. 5), Chedorlaomer and his 
allies smote the Zuzim in a place called 
Ham. If, as seems likely, the Zuzim be 
the same as the Zamzummim, Ham must 
be placed in what was afterwards the Am- 
monite territory. Hence it has been con- 
jectured, that Ham is but another form of 
the name of the chief stronghold of the 
children of Amnion, Rabbah, now Am- 
man. 

Ha'man, the chief minister or vizier of 
king Ahasuerus (Esth. iii. 1). After the 
failure of his attempt to cut off all the 
Jews in the Persian empire, he was hanged 
on the gallows which he had erected for 
Mordecai. The Targum and Josephus in- 
terpret the description of him — the Agagite 

— as signifying that he was of Amalekitish 
descent. 

Ha'math, the principal city of Upper 
Syria, was situated in the valley of the 
Orontes, which it commanded from the low 
screen of hills which forms the water- 
shed between the Orontes and the Liidny 

— the "entrance of Haraath," as it is 
called in Scripture (Num. xxxiv. 8; Josh, 
xiii. 5, &c.) — to the defile of Daphne be- 
low Antioch. The Hamathites were a 
Hamitic race, and are included among the 
descendants of Canaan (Gen. x. 18). We 




HAMATE -ZOB AH 



225 



HANANI 



jiust regard them as closely akin to the 
Hiirites on whom they bordered, and with 
whom they were generally in alliance. 
Nothing appears of the power of Hamath 
until the time of David (2 Sam. viii. 10). 
Hamath seems clearly to have been in- 
cluded in the dominions of Solomon (1 K. 
iv. 21-24). The " store-cities," which Sol- 
omon ''built in Hamath" (2 Chr. viii. 4), 
•■ere perhaps staples for trade. In the As- 
syrian inscriptions of the time of Ahab 
(b. c. 900) Hamath appears as a separate 
power, in alliance with the Syrians of Da- 
iia^scus, the Hittites, and the Phoenicians. 
About three quarters of a century later 
Jeroboam the Second " recovered Hamatli" 
(2 K. xiv. 28). Soou afterwards the As- 
syrians took it (2 K. xviii. 34, xix. 13, 
&c.), and from this time it ceased to be 
a place of nmch importance. Antiochus 
Epiphanes changed its name to Ei^iphaneia. 
The natives, however, called it Hamath, 
even in St. Jerome's thne, and its present 
name, Hamah, is but slightly altered from 
«he ancient form. 

Ha'math-zo'bah (2 Chr. viii. 3) has 
been conjectured to be the same as Hamath. 
But the name Hariiath-zohah would seem 
rather suited to another Hamath which was 
distinguished from the " Great Hamath " by 
the suffix " Zobah." 

Hara'athite, The, one of the families 
descended from Canaan, named last in the 
li.st (Gen. x. 18 ; I Chr. i. 16). 

Harn'math, one of the fortified cities 
m the territory allotted to Naphtali (Josh, 
xix. 35). It was near Tiberias, one mile 
distant, and had its name, Chammath, "hot 
baths," because it contained those of Ti- 
berias. In the list of Levitical cities given 
out of Naphtali (Josh. xxi. 32) the name of 
this place seems to be given as Hammoth- 

DOR. 

Hammed'atha, father of the infamous 
Haman (Esth. iii. 1, 10, viii. 5, ix. 24). 

Ham'melech, lit. " the king," unne- 
cesarily rendered in the A, V. as a proper 
name (Jer. xxxvi. 26, xxxviii. 6). 

Hammoreketh, a daughter of Machir 
and sister of Gilead (1 Chr. vii. 17, 18). 

Ham'mon. 1. A city in Asher (Josh. 
xix. 28), apparently not far from Zidon- 
rabbah. 2. A city allotted out of the tribe 
of Naphtali to the Levites (1 Chr. vi. 76), 
and answering to the somewhat similar 
names Hammath and Hammath-Dor in 
Joshua. 

Haru'moth-dor. [Hammath.] 

Ham'onah. the name of a city men- 
tioned in Ezekiel (xxxix. 16). 

Ha'mon-gog, The Valley of, the 
name to be bestowed on a ravine or glen, 
previously known as "the ravine of the 
passengers on the <»ast of the sea," after 
the burial there of " Gog and all his multi- 
tade " (Ez. xxxix. 11, 15> 
15 



Hainor, a Hivite, who at the time of 
the entrance of Jacob on Palestine was 
prince of the land and city of Shechem 
(Gen. xxxiii. 19, xxxiv. 2, 4, 6, 8, 13, 18, 
20, 24, 26). [Dinah.] 

Hamu'el, a man of Simeon ; son <;f 
Mijhma, of the family of Shaul (1 Chr iv. 
26). 

Ha'mul, the younger son of Pharez, 
Judah's son by Tamar (Gen. xlvi. 12; 1 
Chr. ii. 5). 

Ha'mulites, The, the family of the 
preceding (Num. xxvi. 21). 

Hamu'tal, daughter of Jeremiah of 
Libnah; one of the wives of king Josiab 
(2 K. xxiii. 31, xxiv. 18; Jer. Iii. 1). 

Hanam'eel, son of Shallum, and cous- 
in of Jeremiah (Jer. xxxii. 7, 8, 9, 12 ; and 
comp. 44). 

Ha'nan. 1. One of the chief people 
of the tribe of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 23). 

2. The last of the six sons of Azel, a de- 
scendant of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 38, ix. 44). 

3. " Son of Maachah," i. e. possibly a 
Syrian of Aram-Maacah, one of the heroes 
of David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 43). 4. The 
sons of Hanan were among the Nethinim 
who returned from Babylon with Zerubba- 
bel (Ezr. ii. 46; Neh. vii. 49). 5. One of 
the Levites who assisted Ezra in his public 
exposition of tlie law (Neh. viii. 7). The 
same person is probably mentioned in x, 
10. 6. One of the " heads " of the " peo- 
ple," who also sealed the covenant (x. 22\ 
7. Another of the chief laymen on the 
same occasion (x. 26). 8. Son of Zaccur, 
son of Mattaniah, whom Nehemiah made 
one of the storekeepers of the provisions 
collected as tithes (Neh. xiii. 13). 9. Son 
of Igdaliah (Jer. xxxv. 4). 

Hauan'eel, The Tower of, a tower 
which formed part of the wall of Jerusalem 
(Neh. iii. 1, xii. 39). From these two pas 
sages, particularly from the former, it 
might almost be inferred that Hananeel was 
but another name for the Tower of Meah : 
at any rate they were close together, and 
stood between the sheep-gate and the fish- 
gate. This tower is further mentioned in 
Jer. xxxi. 38. The remaining passage in 
which it is named (Zech. xiv. 10) also con- 
nects this tower with the "corner-gate," 
which lay on the other side of the sheep- 
gate. 

Hana'ni. 1. One of the sons of Heman, 
and head of the 18th course of the servict 
(1 Chr. xxv. 4, 25). 2. A seer who re- 
buked (b. c. 941) Asa, king of JudaJi (2 
Chr. xvi. 7). For this he was imprisoned 
(10). He (or another Ilanani) was the 
father of Jehu the seer, who testified against 
Baasha (1 K. xvi. 1, 7) and Jeboshaphat 
(2 Chr. xix. 2, xx. 34). 3. One of the 
priests who in the time of Ezra had taken 
strange wives (Ezr. x. 20). 4. A brother 
of Nehemiah (Neh. i. 2) was afterward* 



RANANIAH 



226 



HANDICRAFT 



iQR(le governor of Jerusalem under Nehe- 
miah (vii. 2). 5. A priest mentioned in 
Neh. xii. 36. 

Hanani'ah. 1- One of the 14 sons of 
Heman, and chief of the 16th course of 
singers (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 5, 23). 2. A gen- 
eral in the army of king Uzziah (2 Chr. 
xxvi. 11). 3. Father of Zedekiah in the 
reign of Jelioiakim. 4. Son of Azur, a 
Benjamite of Gibeon and a false prophet in 
the reign of Zedekiah king of Judah. In 
♦^^he 4th year of his reign, b. c. 595, Hana- 
niah withstood Jeremiah the prophet, and 
publicly prophesied in the temple that with- 
in :wo years Jeconiah and all his fellow- 
iiapiives, with the vessels of the Lord's 
house which Nebuchadnezzar had taken 
away to Babylon, should be brought back 
to Jerusalem (Jer. xxviii.) ; an indication 
that treacherous negotiations were already 
secretly opened with Pharaoh-Hophra. 
llananiah corroborated his prophecy by tak- 
ing from off the neck of Jeremiah the yoke 
which he wore by Divine command (Jer. 
xxvii.) in token of the subjection of Judaea 
and the neighboring countries to the Babylo- 
nian en)pire, and breaking it. But Jeremiah 
was bid to go and tell Hananiah that for 
the wooden yokes which he had broken he 
should make yokes of iron, so firm was the 
dominion of Babylon destined to be for 
KBventy years. The prophet Jeremiah add- 
ed this rebuke and prediction of Hanani- 
ah's death, the fulfilment of which closes 
the history of this false prophet. 5. Grand- 
father of Irijah, the captaiu of the ward at 
the gate of Benjamin, who arrested Jere- 
miah, on the charge of deseiHng to the 
Chaldeans (Jer. xxxvii. 13). 6. Head of 
a Benjamite house (1 Chr. viii. 24). 7. 
The Hebrew name of Shadrach. He was 
of the liouse of David, according to Jew- 
ish tradition (Dan. i. 3, 6, 7, 11, 19 ; ii. 17). 
8. Son of Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 19), from 
whom Christ derived his descent. He is 
the same person who is by St. Luke called 
Joanna. The identity of the two names 
Hananiah and Joanna is apparent immedi- 
ately we compare them in Hebrew. 9. 
One of the sons of Bebai, who returned 
with Ezra from Babylon (Ezr. x. 28). 10. 
A priest, one of the makers of the sacred 
ointments and incense, who built a portion 
of the wall of Jerusalem in the days of 
Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 8). 11. Head of the 
priestly course of Jeremiah in the days of 
Joiakim (Neh. xii. 12). 12. Ruler of the 
palace at Jerusalem under Nehemiah. The 
arrangements for guarding the gates of 
Jerusalem were intrusted to him with 
Hanani, the Tirshatha's brother (Neh. vii. 
2, 3). 13. An Israelite (Neh. x. 23). 

Handicraft. (Acts xviii. 3, xix. 25; 
Rev. xviii. 22). In the present article brief 
Qotices only can be given of such handicraft 
uades as are mentioned in Scripture. 1. 



The preparation of iron for use either » 
war, in agriculture, or for domestic pur-s 
poses, was doubtless one of the earliest ap- 
plications of labor ; and together with iron, 
working in brass, or rather copper alloyed 
with tin, bronze, is mentioned in the same. 
passage as practised in antediluvia'i timei 
(Gen. iv. 22). In the construction of the 
Tabernacle, copper, but no iron, appearm 
to have been used, though tlie use of iron 
was at the same period well known to the 
Jews, both from their own use of it and 
from their Egyptian education, whilst the 
Canaanite inhabitants of Palestine and 
Syria were in full possession of its use 
both for warlike and domestic purposes 
(Ex. XX. 25, xxv. 3, xxvii. 19 ; Num. xxxv. 
16; Deut. iii. 11, iv. 20, viii. 9; Josh. viii. 
31, xvii. 16, 18). After the establishment 
of the Jews in Canaan, the occupation of 
a smith became recognized as a distinct 
employinent (1 Sam. xiii. 19). The smith's 
work and its results are often mentioned in 
Scripture (2 Sam. xii. 31; 1 K. vi. 7; 2 
Chr. xxvi. 14; Is. xliv. 12, liv. 16). The 
worker in gold and silver must have found 
employment both among the Hebrews and 
the neighboring nations in very early times, 
as appears from the ornaments sent by 
Abraham to Rebekah (Gen. xxiv. 22, 53, 
xxxv. 4, xxxviii. 18; Deut. vii. 23). But 
whatever skill the Hebrews possessed it is 
quite clear that they must have ICi -aed 
much from Egypt and its " iron furn> js,'" 
both in metal-work and in the arts o jet 
ting and polishing precious stones. 'ari- 
ous processes of the goldsmith's won arc. 
illustrated by Egyptian monuments. After 
the conquest frequent notices are to»«nd 
both of moulded and wrought metal in- 
cluding soldering, which last had long '• ep 
known in E^/pt ; but the Phoenicians ap- 
pear to have possessed greater skill ^r u 
the Jews in these arts, at lea.stin Solomo '» 




Egyptiai. „.,.„^.pe, »nd small Fireplace with Cheo i% 
confine and K^t the heat. (Wilkinson.) 

time (Judg. viii. 24, 27, xvii. 4 ; 1 K. ii 
13, 45, 46; Is. xii. 7; Wisd. xv. 4 ; Ecr is 
xxxviii. 28 ; Bar. vi. 50, 55, 57). 2. Th« 
work of the carpenter is often mentioned 
in Scripture (Gen. vi. 14 ; Ex. xxxvii. ; Is. 
xliv. l'J\ In the paUce built by David tot 



Hz^NUICRAFT 



227 



HANES 



aiiuself the workmen employed were chiefly 
rhoenicians sent by Hiram (2 Sam. v. 11 ; 1 
Chr. xiv. 1), as most probably were those, 
or at least the principal of those, who were 
employed by Solon- on in his works (1 K. v. 
tJ). But in the repairs of the Temple, ex- 
ecuted under Joash king of Judah, and 
also in the rebuilding under Zerubbabel, 
no mention is made of foreign workmen, 




C«rp«nten. (Wilkinion.) 

», diUto • hole in the Mat of a chair, «. tt, \eit» of chair. 
■qowe. w, man planing or polishing the leg 

though in the latter case the timber is ex- 
pressly said to have been brougbt by sea to 
Joppa by Zidonians (2 K. xii. 11; 2 Chr. 
Axiv. 12; Ezra iii. 7). That the Jewish 
carpenters must have been able to carve 
with some skill is evident from Is. xli. 7, 
xliv. 13. In the N. T. the occupation of a 
carpenter is mentioned in connection with 
Joseph the husband of the Virgin Mary, 
and ascribed to our Lord himself by way 
of reproach (Mark vi. 3; Matt. xiii. 55). 
8. The masons employed by David and 
Solomon, at least the chief of them, were 
Phoenicians (1 K. v. 18; Ez. xxvii. 9). 
The large stones used in Solomon's Tem- 
ple are said by Josephus to have been fitted 
together exactly without either mortar or 
cramps, but the foundation stones to have 
been fastened with lead. For ordinary 
builiing, mortar was used; sometimes, 
perhaps, bitumen, as was the case at Baby- 
lon (Gen. xi. 3). The lime, clay, and 
straw of which mortar is generally com- 
posed in the East, require to be very care- 
fully mixed and united so as to resist wet. 
The wall " daubed with untempered mor- 
tar " of Ezekiel (xiii. 10) was perhaps a 
sort of cob-wall of mud or clay without 
lime, which would give way under heavy 
rain. The use of whitewash on tombs is 
remarked by our Lord (Matt, xxiii. 27). 
Houses infected with leprosy were required 
by the Law to be re-plastered (Lev. xiv. 
40-45). 4. Akin to the craft of the carpen- 
ter is that of ship and boat-building, which 
must have been exercised to some extent 
for the fishing-vessels on the lake ol G ^n- 
nesaret (Matt. viii. 23, ix. 1 ; John xxi. 3, 
8). Solomon built, at Ezion-Geber, ships 
for his foreign trade, which were manned 
by Phoeniciar crews, an experiment which 
Jehoshaphat endeavored in vain to renew 
I'l K ix. 2(i, 27, xxii 48; 2 Chr. xx. 36, 37). 



« M, adiet. 
of a chair. 



V, a 



5. The perfumes used in the religious ser- 
vices, and in later times in the funeral 
rites of monarchs. imply knowledge and 
practice in the art of the " apothecaries," 
who appear to have formed a guild or 
association (Ex. xxx. ,25, 35 ; Neh. iii. 8 ; 
2 Chr. xvi. 14; Eccl. vii. 1, x. 1; Ec- 
clus. xxxviii. 8). 6. The arts of spinning 
and weaving both wool and linen were 
carried on in early times, 
as they are still usually 
among the Bedouins, by 
women. One of the ex- 
cellences attributed to the 
good housewife is her 
skill and industry in these 
arts (Ex. xxxv. 25, 26; 
Lev. xix. 19; Deut. xxii. 
11 ; 2 K. xxiii. 7 ; Ez. xvi. 
16; Prov. xxxi. 13, 24). 
The loom with its beam 
(1 Sam. xvii. 7), pin 
(Judg. xvi. 14), and shut- 
tle (Job vii. 6) , was perhaps introduced later, 
but as early as David's time (1 Sam. xvii. 7). 
Together with weaving we read also of em- 
broidery, in which gold and silver threads 
were interwoven with the body of the stuff, 
sometimes in figure patterns, or with pre- 
cious stones set in the needle-work (Ex. 
xxvi. 1, xxviii. 4, xxxix. 6-13). 7. Besides 
tb'^se arts, those of dyeing and of dressing 
cloth were practised in Palestine, and those 
also of tanning and dressing leather (Josh. ii. 
15-18 ; 2 K. i. 8 ; Matt. iii. 4 ; Acts ix. 43). 
Shoemakers, barbers, and tailors are men- 
tioned in the Mishna {Pesach, iv. 6) ; th«f 
barber, or his occupation, by Ezekiel (v. 1 : 
Lev. xiv. 8; Num. vi. 5), and the tailor, 
plasterers, glaziers, and glass vessels, paint- 
ers, and goldworkers are mentioned in the 
Mishna {Chel. viii. 9, xxix. 3, 4, xxx. 1). 
Tent-makers are noticed in the Acts (xviii. 
3), and frequent allusion is made to the 
trade of the potters. 8. Bakers are noticed 
in Scripture (Jer. xxxvii. 21 ; Hos. vii. 4) ; 
and the well-known valley Tyropoeon prob- 
ably derived its name from the occupation 
of the cheese-makers, its inhabitants. Butch- 
ers, not Jewish, are spoken of 1 Cor. x. 25. 
Handkerchief, Napkin, Apron. 
The two former of these terms, as used in 
the A. v. = aovduQtov, the latter = at^ixiv- 
&IOV. The sudarium is noticed in the N. 
T. as a wrapper to fold up money (Luke 
xix. 20) — as a cloth bound about the head 
of a corpse (John xi. 44, xx. 7) — and last- 
ly as an article of dress that could be easily 
removed (Acts xix. 12), probably a hand- 
kerchief worn on the head like the kejieh 
of the Bedouins. 

Ha'nes, a place in Egypt only men 
tioned in Is. xxx. 4. We think that the 
Chald. Paraphr. is right in identifying it 
with Tahpanhes, a fortified town on the 
eastern frontier. 



HANGING 



228 



HAKlM 



Hanging, Hangings. (1/ The "hang- 
ing " was a curtain or " covering " to close 
an entrance; one was placed before the 
doer of tfxtf Tabernacle (Ex. xxvi. 36, 37, 
xzxix. 38). (2.) The "hangings" were 
used for covering the walls of the court of 
the Tabernacle, just as tapestry was in 
modern times (Ex. xxvii. 9, xxxv. 17, 
xxxviii. 9 ; Num. iii. 2Q, iv. 26). 

Han'iel, one of the sons of Ulla of the 
tribe of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 39). 

Han'nah., one of the wives of Elkanah,, 
and mother of Samuel (1 Sam. i. ii.). A 
hymn of thanksgiving for the birth of her 
son is in the highest order of prophetic 
poetry ; its resemblance to that of the Vir- 
gin Mary (comp. 1 Sam. ii. 1-10 with Luke 
i. 46-55; see also Ps. cxiii.) has been no- 
ticed by the commentators. More recent 
critics have, however, assigned its author- 
ship to David. 

Han'nathon, one of the cities of Zeb- 
ulun (Josh. xix. 14). 

Han'niel, son of Ephod, and prince of 
Manasseh (Num. xxxiv. 23). 

Ha'noch. 1. The third in order of the 
children of Midian (Gen. xxv. 4). 2. Eld- 
est son of Reuben (Gen. xlvi. 9 ; Ex. vi. 
14 ; Num. xxvi. 6 ; 1 Ohr. v. 3), and found- 
er of the family of the Hanochites (Num. 
Txvi. 5). 

Ha'nnn. 1. Son of Nahash (2 Sam. x. 
■* 2; 1 Chr. xix. 1, 2), king of Ammon, 
who dishonored the ambassadors of David 
(2 Sam. X. 4), and involved the Ammon- 
ites in a disastrous war (2 Sam. xii. 31 ; 1 
Chr. xix. 6). 2. A man who, with the 
people of Zanoah, repaired the ravine-gate 
In the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 13). 3. 
The 6th son of Zalaph, who also assisted 
in the repair of the wall, apparently on the 
east side (Neh. iii. 30). 

Haphra'im, a city of Issachar, men- 
tioned next to Shunem (Josh. xix. 19). 
About 6 miles north-east of Lejjun, and 2 
miles west of Solam (the ancient Shunem), 
stands the village of el-AfMeh, which may 
possibly be the representative of Haphraim. 

Ha'ra (l Chr. v. 26, only) is either a 
place utterly unknown, or it must be re- 
garded as identical with Haran or Charran. 

Har'adah, a desert station of the Isra- 
elites (Num. xxxiii. 24, 25) ; its position is 
uncertain. 

Ha'ran. 1. The third son of Terah, and 
therefore youngest brother of Abram (Gen. 
xi. 26). Three children are ascribed to him 
— Lot (27, 31), and two daughters, viz.. Mil- 
can, who married her uncle Nahor (29), and 
Iscah (29). Haran was born in Ur of the 
Chaldees, and he died there while his father 
was still living (2' - 2. A Gershonite Le- 
nte in the time o ^avid, one of the family 
of Shimei (1 Ck xxiii. 9). 3. A son of 
Ibe great Caleb by his concubine Ephah 
(\ Chr. ii. 46). 4 ^aran or Charran 



{A jts vii. 2, 4^ , name of tli e place m hith<»^ 
Abraham migrated with his family from Li 
of the Chaldees, and where the descend- 
ants of his brother Nahor established them- 
selves (comp. Gen. xxiv. 10 with xxvii. 
43). It is said to bt in Mesopotamia (Gen. 
xxiv. 10), or more definitely, in Padan- 
Aram (xxv. 20), the cultivated district at 
the foot of the hills, a name well applying 
to the beautiful stretch of country which 
lies below Mount Masius between the Kha- 
hour and the Euphrates. Here, about mid- 
way in this district, is a small village still 
called Harrdn. It was celebrated among 
the Romans under the name of Charrae, at* 
the scene of the defeat of Crassus. 

Ha'rarite, The. The designation of 
three of David's guard. 1. Agee, a Ha- 
rarite (2 Sam. xxiii. 11). 2. Shammah the 
Hararite (2 Sam. xxiii. 33). 3. Sharab 
(2 Sam. xxiii. 33) or Sacar (1 Chr. xi. 36) 
the Hararite, was the father of Ahiam, 
another member of the guard. 

Har'bona, the third of the seven cham- 
berlains, or eunuchs, who served king 
Ahasuerus (Esth. i. 10). 

Har'bonah (Esth. vii. 9), the same a8 
the preceding. 

Hare (Heb. amebeth) occurs only in 
Lev. xi. 6 and Deut. xiv. 7, amongst th* 
animals disallowed as food by the Mosait 
law. The hare is at this day called arnel 
by the Arabs in Palestine and Syria. Ii 
was erroneously thought by the ancient 
Jews to have chewed the cud. They wert 
no doubt misled, as in the case of th« 
shdphdn {ffyrax)^ by the habit these ani 
mals have of moving the jaw about. 

Harem. [House.] 

Ha'reph, a name occurring in the gen- 
ealogies of Judah, as a son of Caleb, and 
as "father of Beth-gader" (1 Chr. ii. 51, 
only). 

Ha'reth, The Forest of, in which Da- 
vid took refuge, after, at the instigation of 
the prophet Gad, he had quitted the " hold" 
or fastness of the cave of Adullam (1 Sam. 
xxii. 5). 

Harhai'ah, father of Uzziel — (Neh. 
iii. 8). 

Har'has, an ancestor of Shallum the 
husband o^ Huldah (2 K. xxii. 14). 

Har'hnr. The sons of Harhur were 
among tlx ^J^ethinim who returned from 
Babylon with Zerubbabel ^zr. ii. 51 ; Neh. 
vii. 53^. 

Ha rim. 1. A priest who had charge 
of the third division in the house of God 
(1 Chr. xxiv. 8). 2. Bene-Earim, prob- 
ably descendants of the above, to the num- 
ber of 1017, came up from Babylon with 
Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 39; Neh. vii. 42). 3. 
It further occurs in a list of the families of 
priests " who went up with Zerubbabel and 
Jeshua," and of those who were their de- 
scendants in the next genei ation (Neh. xii 



HAillPH 



229 



HASHABlAfi 



15). 4. Another family of Bene-Harim, 
fcnree hunired and twenty in number, came 
from the captivity in the same caravan (Ezr. 
ii. 32; Neh. vii. 35). They also appear 
among those who had married foreign wives 
(Ezr. X. 31), as well as those who sealed 
the covenant (Noh. x. 27). 

Ha'riph. A hundred and twelve of the 
Bene-Hariph returned from the captivity 
with Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 24). The name 
occurs again among the *' heads of the peo- 
ple " who sealed the covenant (x. 19). 

Harlot. That this class of persons 
existed in the earliest states of society is 
clear from Gen. xxxviii. 15. Rahab (Josh. 
ii. 1) is said by the Chaldee paraph., to 
have been an innkeeper, but if there were 
such persons, considering what we know 
of Canaanitish morals (Lev. xviii. 27), we 
may conclude that they would, if women, 
have been of this class. The " harlots " 
are classed with " pubhcans," as those who 
lay under the ban of society in the N. T. 
(Matt. xxi. 32). 

Har'nepher, one of the sons of Zophah, 
of the tribe of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 36). 

Ha'rod, The Well of, a spring by 
which Gideon and his great army encamped 
on the morning of the day which ended in 
the rout of tlie Midianites (Judg. vii. 1), 
and where the trial of the people by their 
mode of drinking apparently took place. 
The Ain Jalud is very suitable to the cir- 
cumstances, as being at present the largest 
spring in the neighborho(»d. 

Ha'rodite, The, the designation of 
two of the thirty -seven warrior* of David's 
guard, Shammah and Elika (2 Sam. xxiii. 
25), doubtless derived from a place named 
Harod. 

Har'oeh, a name occurring in the gen- 
ealogical lists of Judah as one of the sons 
of " Shobal, father of Kirjath-jearim " (1 
Chr. ii. 52). 

Ha'porite, The, the title given to Sham- 
moth, one of the warriors of David's guard 
(1 Chr. xi. 27). 

Har osheth " of the Gentiles," so 
called from the mixed races th«t inhabited 
it, a city in the north of the land of Canaan, 
supposed to have stood on the west coast 
of the lake Merom, from which the Jordan 
issues forth in one unbroken stream. It 
was the residence of Sisera, captain of Ja- 
bin, king of Canaan (Judg. iv. 2), and it was 
the point to which the victorious Israelites 
under Barak pursued the discomfited host 
and chariots of the second potentate of that 
name (Judg. iv. 16). 

Harp (Heb. kinndr). The kinndr was 
the national instrument of the Hebrews, 
and was well knov.n throughout Asia. 
Moses assigns its invention to the antedilu- 
vian period (Gen. iv. 21). Josephus re- 
cords tliat the kinndr bad ten strings, and 
that it waa played on ult^ the plectium; 



but this is in contradiction to what is set 
forth in the 1st book of Samuel (xvi. 23, 
xviii. 10), that David played on the kinndf 
with his hand. Probably there was a 
smaller and a larger kinndr, and these may 
have been played in different ways (1 Sam. 
X. 5). 

Harrow. The word sc rendered (2 
Sam. xii. 31) 1 Chr. xx. 3, is probably a 
threshing-machine. The verb rendered ' ' to 
harrow " (Is. xxviii. 24 ; Job xxxix. 10 ; 
Hos. X. 11) expresses apparently the break- 
ing of the clods, and is so far analogous to 
our harrowing, but whether done by any 
such machine as we call a "harrow," ia 
very doubtful. 

Har'sha. Bene-Harsha were among 
the families of Nethinim who came back 
from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 52 ; 
Neh. vii. 54). 

Hart. The hart is reckoned among th« 
clean animals (Dent. xii. 15, xiv. 5, xv. 22), 
and seems, from the passages quoted, as well 
as from 1 K. iv. 23, to have been commonly 
killed for food. The Heb. masc. noun 
ayydl denotes, there can be no doubt, some 
species of Cervidae (deer tribe), either the 
Dama vulgaris, fallow-deer, or the Cervus 
Barhao-us, the Barbary deer. 

Ha'rum. Father of Aharhel, in one of 
the most obscure genealogies of Judah (I 
Chr. iv. 8). 

Hani'maph, father 3r ancestor of Jed- 
aiah (Neh. iii. 10). 

Haru'phite, The, the designation of 
Shephatiah, one of the Korhites who re- 
paired to David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 5). 

Ha'ruz, a man of Jotbah, father of 
Meshullemeth, queen of Manasseh (2 K. 
xxi. 19). 

Harvest. [Agriculture.] 

Hasadi'ah, one of a group of five per- 
sons among the descendants of the royal 
line of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 20), apparently 
sons of Zerubbabel. 

Hasenu'ah, a Benjamite, of one of tbe 
chief families in the tribe (1 Chr. ix. 7). 

Hashabi'ah. 1. AMerarite Levite (1 
Chr. vi 15; Heb. 30). 2. Another Mera- 
rite Levite (1 Chr. ix. 14). 3. The fourth 
of the six sons of Jedutlmn (1 Chr. xxv. 
3), who had charge of the twelfth course 
(19). 4. One of the descendants of He- 
bron the son of Kohath (1 Chr. xxvi. 30). 
5. The son of Kemuel, who was prince of 
the tribe of Levi in the time of David (1 
Chr. xxvii. 17). 6. A Levite, one of tlte 
"chiefs" of his tribe, who officiat<3d for 
king Josiah at his great passover-feast (2 
Chr. XXXV. 9). 7. A Merarite Lerite who 
accompanied Ezra from Babylon (Ezr. viii. 
19). 8. One of the chiefs of the priesta 
who formed part of the same caravan (Ezr. 
viii. 24). 9. Ruler of half the circuit oi 
envi»'ons of Keilah ; he repaired a portion 
o^ th- w<<'' fff Jerusalem under Nehemi&lr 



flASHAB^Ali 



*230 



HAWK 



(JSth. hi 17). 10. One of the Levites 
rho sealed the covenant of reformation 
after the return from the captivity (Neh. 
X. 11, xii. 24; comp. 26). 11. Another 
Levite, son of Bunni (Neh. xi. 15). 12. 
A Levite, son of Mattaniah (Neh. xi. 22). 
13. A priest of the family of Hilkiah in 
the days of Joiakim son of Jeshua (Neh. 
xii. 21;,. 

Hashab'nah, one of the chief of the 
*' people " who sealed the covenant with 
Nehemiah (Neh. x. 25). 

Hashabui'ah. 1. Father of Hattush 
(Neh. iii. 10). 2. A Levite who was among 
those who officiated at the great fast under 
Ezra and Nehemiah when the covenant was 
•ealed (Neh, ix. 5). 

Hashbad'ana, one of the men (prob- 
ably Levites) who stood on Ezra's left 
hand while he read the law to the people 
in Jerusalem (Neh. viii. 4). 

Ha'shem. The sons of Hashem the 
Gizonite are named amongst the members 
of David's guard in 1 Chr. xi. 34. 

Hashmo'nah, a station of the Israel- 
ites, mentioned Num. xxxiii. 29, as next 
before Moseroth. 

Ha'shub. 1. A son of Pahath-Moab, 
who assisted in the repair of the wall of 
Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 11). 2. Another who 
assisted in the same work (Neh. iii. 23). 
3. One of the heads of the people who 
sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. 
x. 23). 4. A Merarite Levite (Neh. xi. 15). 

Hashli'ball, the first of a group of five 
men, apparently the latter half of the fami- 
ly of Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 20). 

Ha'shum. 1. Bene-Hashum, two hun- 
dred and twenty-three in number, came 
back from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr. 
ii. 19; Neh. vii. 22; Ezr. x. 33). The 
cliief man of the family was among those 
who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah 
(Neh. x. 18). 2. One of the priests or 
Levites who stood on Ezra's left hand while 
he read the law to the congregation (Neh. 
viii. 4). 

Hashu'pha, one of the families of 
Nethinim who returned from captivity in 
the first caravan (Neh. vii. 46). 

Has'rah, che form in which the name 
Hariias is given in 2 Chr. xxxiv. 22 (comp. 
2 K. xxii. 14). 

Hassena'ah. The Bene-has-senaah re- 
built the lish-gate in the repair of the wall 
of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 3). 

Has'shub, a Merarite Levite (1 Chr. 
ix. 14), mentioned again Neh. xi. 15. 

Hasu'plia. Bene-Hasupha were among 
the Nethinim who returned from Babylon 
with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 43). 

Ha'tacll, one of the eunuchs in the 
court of Ahasuerus (Esth. iv. 5, 6, 9, 10). 

Ha'thath, one of the sons of Othniel 
the Kenazite (1 Chr. iv. 13). 

Hatipha. Bene-Hatip)a were among 



the Nethenim who returned from Babyloi 
with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 54 ; Neh. vii. 66). 

Hat'ita. Bene-Hatita were among the 
*' porters " (i. e. the gate-keepers) who re- 
turned from the captivity with Zerubbabel 
(Ezr. ii. 42; Neh. vii. 45). 

Hat'til. Bene-Hattil were among the 
" children of Solomon's slaves " who came 
back from captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr 
ii. 57; Neh. vii. 59). 

Hat'tush. 1. A descendant of the 
kings of Judah, apparently one of tlie sons 
of Shechaniah (1 Chr. iii. 22), in the fourth 
or fifth generation from Zerubbabel. A 
person of the same name accompanied 
Ezra from Babylon to Jerusalem (Ezr. viii. 
2). In another statement Hattush is said 
to have returned with Zerubbabel (Neh. 
xii. 2). 2. Son of Hashabniah; one of 
those who assisted Nehemiah in the repair 
of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 10). 

Hau'ran, a province of Palestine twice 
mentioned by Ezekiel (xlvii. 16, 18). There 
can be little doubt that it is identical with 
the well-known Greek province of Aura- 
nitis and the modern HaurAn. 

Hav'ilah. 1. A son of Cush (Gen. x. 
7) ; and, 2. A son of Joktan (x. 29). Va- 
rious theories have been advanced respect- 
ing these obscure peoples. It appears to 
be most probable that both stocks settled 
in the same country, and there intermar- 
ried ; thus receiving one name, and forming 
one race, with a common descent. The 
Cushite people of this name formed the 
westernmost colony of Cush along the south 

Hav'ilah (Gen. ii. 11). [Eden.] 
Havoth-ja'ir, certain villages on the 
east of Jordan, in Gilead or Bashan, which 
were taken by Jair the son of Manasseh, 
and called after his name (Num. xxxii. 41 • 
Deut. iii. 14). In the records of Manas- 
seh in Josh. xiii. 30, and 1 Chr. ii. 23, the 
Havoth-jair are reckoned with other dis- 
tricts as making up sixty " cities " (comp. 
1 K. iv. 13). There is apparently som« 
confusion in these different statements as to 
what the sixty cities really consisted of. 
No less doubtful is the number of the Ha» 
voth-jair. In 1 Chr. ii. 22 they are speci- 
fied as twenty-three, but in Judg. x. 4, ar. 
thirty. 

Hawk, the translation of the Hebrew 
nets (Lev. xi. 16; Deut. xiv. 15; Job 
xxxix. 26). The word is doubtless generic, 
as appears from the expression in Deut. 
and Lev. " after his kind," and includes vari- 
ous species of the Falconidae. With respect 
to the passage in Job (I. c), which appears 
to allude to the migratory habits of hawks, 
it is curious to observe that of the ten o' 
twelve lesser raptors of Palestine, neari' 
all are summer migrants. The kestrel rv. 
mains all the year, but the others are » 
migrants from the south. 



iiAY 



231 



BAZOR 



flay (Heb. chdisir), the rend<>ring of 
ihe A. V. in Prov. xxvii. 25, and Is. xv. 6, 
of the above-named Heb. term, which oc- 
curs freqaently in the O. T., and denotes 
*' grass " of an) kind. Harmer, quoting 
from a MS. paper of Sir J. Chardin. states 
that hay is not made anywhere in the East, 
ftntl that the ''hay" of the A. V. is there- 
fore an error of translation. It ks quite 
probable that the modern Orientals do not 
make hay in our sense of the term ; but it 
is certain that the ancients did mow their 
j^iiss, and probably made use of the dry 
material. See Ps. xxxvii. 2. We may re- 
mark that there is an express Hebrew term 
for "dry grass" or "hay," viz. chashash, 
which, in the only two places where the 
word occurs (Is. v. 24, xxxiii. 11) is ren- 
dered " chaflP" in the A. V. 

Haz'ael, a king of Damascus, who 
ceigned from about b. c. 886 to b. c. 840. 
He appears to have been previously a per- 
son in a high position at the court of Ben- 
Qadad, and was sent by his master to Elisha, 
to inquire if he would recover from the 
malady under which he was suffering. 
Elisha'a answer led to the murder of Ben- 
hadad by his ambitious servant, who forth- 
witii mounted the throne (2 K. viii. 7-15). 
He was soon engaged in hostilities with 
Ahaziah king of Judah, and Jehoram king 
of Israel, for the possession of the city of 
Ramoth-Gilead (ibid. viii. 28). Towards 
the close of the reign of Jehii, Hazael led 
tlie Syrians against the Israelites (about 
B. c. 860), wliom he " smote in all their 
coasts" (2 K. x. 32), thus accomplishing 
the prophecy of Elisha (ibid, viii, 12). At 
the closv of his life, having taken Gath 
(ibid, xii 17; comp. Am. vi. 2), he pro- 
ceeded to attack Jerusalem (2 Chr. xxiv. 
24), and was about to assault the city, when 
Joash bribed him to retire (2 K. xii. 18). 
Hazael appears to have died about the year 
U. c. 840 (ibid. xiii. 24), having reigned 46 
years. 

Hazai^ah, a man of Judah of the fam- 
ily of the Shilonites, or descendants of 
Shelah (Neh. xi. 5). 

H^'zar-ad'dar, &c. [Hazer.] 

Hazarma'veth, the third, in order, of 
the sons of Joktan (Gen. x. 26). The 
name is preserved in the Arabic Hadra- 
mdwi and Hadrumdivt, the appellation of 
a province and an ancient people of South- 
em Arabia. Its capital is Satham, a very 
ancient city, and its chief ports are Mirbat, 
Zafdri, and Kisheem, from whence a great 
trade was carried on, in ancient times, with 
India and Africa. 

Qazel. The Hebrew term lUz occurs 
only in Gen. xxx. 37. Authorities are di- 
vided between the hazel and the almond 
tree, as representing the luz. The latter is 
f\ost probably correct. 

Hazelelpo'ni. ♦hp sister of the sons of 



Etain in the genealogies of Judah (1 Chi 
iv. 3). 

Ha'zer, topographically, seems gener- 
ally employed for the " villages " of peopie 
in a roving and unsettled life, the semi-per- 
manent collections of dwellings which are 
described by travellers among the mod- 
ern Arabs to consist of rough stone walla 
covered with the tent cloths. As a proper 
name it appears in the A. V. : 1 . In the 
plural, Hazerim, and Hazekoth, for wliich 
see below. 2. In the siiglitly ditferer t form 
of Hazor. 3. In composition with other 
words. 1. Hazar-addak, a place named as 
one of the landmarks on the southern boun- 
dary of the land promised to Israel (Num 
xxxiv. 4; Adar, Josh. xv. 3). 2. Hazak 
ENAN, the place at which the northerr 
boundary of the land promised to the chiK 
dren of Israel was to terminate (Num 
xxxiv. 9, 10; comp. Ez. xlvii. 17,xlviii. 1) 

3. Hazar-gaddah, one of the towns in the 
southern district of Judah (Josh. xv. 27^^ 
named between Moladah and Heshmon 

4. Hazar-shual, a town in the southerr 
district of Judah, lying between Hazar- 
gaddah and Beersheba (Josh. xv. 28, xix 
3; 1 Chr. iv. 28). 5. Hazar-susah, one 
of the " cities " allotted to Simeon in thf 
extreme south of the territory of Judab 
(Josh. xix. 5). 

Haze'rim. The Avims, or more accu- 
rately the Avvim, are said to have lived " ii. 
the villages (A. V. ' Hazerim ') as far as 
Gaza " (Deut. ii. 23) before theii* expulsior 
by the Caphtorim. 

Haze'roth (Num. xi. 35, xii. 16, xxxiti. 
17; Deut. i. 1), a station of the Israelites 
in the desert, and perhaps recognizable in 
the Arabic Hudhera. 

Haz'ezon-ta'mar, and Haz'azon- 
ta'mar, the ancient name of Engedi (Gen. 
xiv. 7). The name occurs in the records 
of the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xx. 2). 

Ha'ziel, a Levite in the time of David, 
of the family of Slamei or Shimi, the 
younger branch of the Gershonites (1 Chr 
xxiii. 9). 

Ha'zo, a son of Nahor, b) MilcaL h\f 
wife (Gen. xxii. 22) 

Ha'zor. 1. A fortified city, which on 
the occupation of the country was allotted 
to Naphtali (Josh. xix. 36). Its position 
was apparently between Ramnh and Kedesh 
(ibid. xii. 19), on the high ground over- 
looking the Lake of Merom. There is atj 
reason for supposing it a different place 
from that of which Jabin was king (Josh, 
xi. 1; Judg. iv. 2, 17; 1 Sara, x; 9). n 
was the principal city of the whol. '-f NortF. 
Palestii^e ^Josh. xi. 10). It was fortified 
by Solomon (1 K. iv. 15), and its inhabit- 
ants were carried captive by Tiglath-Pile- 
ser (2 K. xv. 29). The most probable sitfi 
of Hazor is Tell Khuraioeh 2. One ol 
the " cities " of Judah in the extrt>n>** soutljt 



HEAD-I)KEfe» 



232 



HEBREWS, EPISTLE Ti) 



named next in order to Kedesh (Josh. xv. 
23). 3 Ilazor-Hadattah = " new Hazor," 
another of the southern towns of Judah 
(Josh. XV. 25). 4. A place m which the 
Beniamites resided after their return from 
the captivitj* (Neh. xi. 33). 

Head-dress. The Hebrews do not ap- 
pear to have regarded a covering for the 
bead as an essential article of dress. The 
earliest notice we have of such a thing is 
in connection with the sacerdotal vest- 
ments (Ex. xxviii. 40). We may in^er that 
it was not ordinarily worn in the mosaic 
age. Even in after times it seems to have 
been reserved especially for purposes of 
ornament ; thus the Tsdniph is noticed as 
being worn by nobles (Jobxxix. 14), ladies 
(Is. iii. 23), and kings (Is. Ixii. 3), while 
the PeSr was an article of holiday dress 
(Is. Ixi. 3, A. V. " beauty; " Ez. xxiv. 17, 
23), and was worn at weddings (Is. Ixi. 
10). The ordinary head-dress of the Bed- 
ouin consists of the keffiehy a square hand- 
kerchief, generally of red and yellow cotton, 
or cotton and silk, folded so that three of 
the corners hang down over the back and 
shoulders, leaving the face exposed, and 
bound round the head by a cord. It is not 
improbable that a similar covering was used 
by the Hebrews on certain occasions. The 
Assyrian head-dress is described in Ez. 
xxiii. 15, under the terms " exceeding in 
dyed attire." The word rendered " hats " 
in Dan. iii. 21, properly applies to a cloak. 

SEeartll. One way of baking much 
practised in the East is to place the dough 
on an iron plate, either laid on, or support- 
ed on legs above the vessel sunk in the 
ground, which forms the oven. The cakes 
baked " on the hearth" (Gen. xviii. 6) were 
probably baked in the existing Bedouin 
manner, on hot stones covered with ashes. 
The " hearth " of king Jehoiakim's winter 
palace (Jer. xxxvi. 23) was possibly a pan 
or brazier of charcoal. 

Heath. There seems no reason to 
doubt Celsius' conclusion that the 'ar'dr 
(Jer. xvii. 6), was some species of juniper, 
probably the savin. 

Heathen. [Gentiles.] 

Heaven. There are four Hebrew words 
thus rendered in the O. T., which we may 
biiefly notice. 1. Rdki'a (A. V. firma- 
ment). [Firmament.] 2. Shdmavim. 
TMs i« the word used in the expression 
" the heaven and the earth," or " the upper 
and lower regions " (Gen. i. 1). 3. MdrSm, 
used for heaven in Ps. xviii. 16 ; Jer. xxv. 
<«»; Is. xxiv. 18. Properly speaking it 
means a mountain, as in Ps. cii. 19 ; Ez. 
xvii. 23. 4. Shechdktm, " expanse^ " with 
reference to the extent of heaven (Deut. 
xxxiii. 26; Job xxxv. 5). St. Paul's ex- 
pression " third heaven " (2 Cor. yii. 2) has 
led to much conjecture. Grotiur "aid that 
the Jews divided the heaven i:;to three 



parts, viz., 1. the air or atmosphere, whtrt 
clouds gather; 2. the firmament, in whick 
the sun, moon, and stars are fix(.Ml; 3. the 
upper heaven, the abrde of God and his 
angels. 

He'ber. 1. Grandson of the patriarch 
Asher (Gen. xlvi. 17; 1 Chr. vii. 31 ; Num. 
xxvi. 45), from whom came the Heberites 
(Num. xy vi. 45). 2. The patriarch E»»« 
(Luke iii 35). [Eber.] 

He'brew. This word first >ccurs as 
given to Abram by the Canaanites (Gen. 
xiv. 13) because he had crossed the Eu- 
phrates. The name is also derived from 
'eber, "beyond, on the other side," but tliis 
is essentially the same with the pre<'edina 
explanation, "itjce both imply that Abraham 
and his ^ -^aterity were called Hebrews in 
order t-^ ^ xpress a distinction Ijetween the 
races E. and W. of the Euphrates. It 
would therefore jippear that Hebrew was a 
cis-Euphratian word applied to trans-Eu- 
phratii:. immigrants. The term Israelite 
was used by the Jews of themselves among 
themselves, the term Hebrew was the name 
by which they were known to foreigners. 
The latter was accepted by the Jews in 
their external relations ; and after the gen- 
eral substitution of the word Jew, it still 
found a place in that marked and special 
feature of national contradistinction, the 
language. All the Books of the Old Tes- 
tament are wri<^ten in the Hebrew language, 
with the exception of the following pas- 
sages — Dan. ii. 4-vii. ; Ez. iv. 8-vi. 18, and 
vii. 12-26; Jer. x. 11 — which are in Chal- 
dee. Both Hebrew and Chaldee are sistei 
dialects of a great family of languages, to 
which the name of Semitic is usually given 
from the real or supposed descent of the 
people speaking them from the patri- 
arch Shem. The dialects of this Semitic 
family may be divided into three main 
branches : 1. The Northern or Aramaean, 
to M'-hich the Chaldee and Syriac belong. 
2. The Southern, of which the Arabic is 
the most important, and which also includes 
the Ethiopic. 3. The Central, which com- 
prises the Hebrew and the dialects spoken 
by the other inhabitants of Palestine, such 
as the Canaanites and Phoenicians. 

Hebrews, Epistle to the. There 
has been a wide difference of opinion re- 
speeting the authorship of this Epistle. The 
superscription, the ordinary source of in- 
formation, is wanting ; but there is no rea- 
son to doubt that at first, everyw'^ere, ex- 
cept in North Africa, St. Paul was x egarded 
as the author. Clement of Alexandria as- 
scribed to St. Luke the translation of the 
Epistle into Greek from a Hebrew original 
of St. Paul. Origen believed that the 
thoughts were St. Paul's, the language and 
composition St. Luke's cr Clement'* of 
Rome. Tertullian names Barnabas as tht 
reputed author according to tl>o Notb 



HEBEfiWS, EPISTLE TO 



233 



HEBEON 



African tradition. Lnthpr's conjecture that 
Apollos R-as the author has been adopted 
by many. The Epi?tle was probably ad- 
dressed to the Jews in Jerusalem and Pales- 
tine. The argument of the Epistle is such 
Wi could be used with most effect to a church 
2onsisting exclusively of Jews by birth, 
personally familiar with and attached to the 
Temple-service. It was evidently written 
')ef<>ru' the destruction of Jerusalem in a. d. 
'0. The whole argument, and specially 
ihe passages viii. 4 and sq., ix. 6 and sq., 
ind xiii. 10 and sq., imply that the Temple 
was standing, and that its usual course of 
Divine service was carried on without in- 
terruption. The date which best agrees 
vrith the traditionary account of the author- 
ship and destination of the Epistle is a. d. 
63, about the end of St. Paul's imprison- 
ment at Rome, or a year after Albinus suc- 
3eeded Festus as Procurator. — We have 
already seen that Clement of Alexandria 
stated that the Epistle was written by St. 
Paul in Hebiew, and translated by St. Luke 
Jto Greek. But nothing is said to lead us 
X) regard it as a tradition, rather than a 
conjecture suggested by the style of the 
Epistle. In favor of a Greek original we 
may observe (1.) the purity and easy flow 
of the Greek; (2.) the use of Greek words 
which could not be adequately expressed in 
Hebrew without long periphrase ; (3.) the 
use of paronomasia; and (4.) the use of 
the Septuagint in quotations and refer- 
ence's. — With respect to the scope of the 
Epistle, it should be recollected that, while 
the numerous Christian churches scattered 
throughout Judaea (Acts ix. 31 ; Gal. i. 22) 
were continually exposed to persecution 
from the Jews (1 Thess. ii. 14), there was 
in Jerusalem one additional weapon in the 
hands of the predominant oppressors of the 
Christians. The magnificent national Tem- 
ple might be shut against the Hebrew 
Christian ; and even if this afiliction were 
not often laid upon him, yet there was 
a secret burden which he bore within him, 
the knowledge that the end of all the beauty 
and awfulness of Zion was rapidly approach- 
ing. What could take the place of the 
Temple, and that which was behind the veil, 
and the Levitical sacrifices, and the Holy 
City, when they should cease to exist? 
What compensation could Christianity offer 
him foi* the loss which was pressing the 
Hebrew Christian more and more? The 
writer of this Epistle meets the Hebrew 
Christians on their own ground. His an- 
swer is — " Your new faith gives you Christ, 
and, in Christ, all you seek, all your fathers 
sought. In Christ the Son of God you have 
an all-sufl&cient Mediator, nearer than 
angels to the Father, eminent ab>ve Moses 
a? a benefactor, more sympathizing and 
more prevailing than the High-priest as an 
ntereeeior: His sabbath awaits you in 



heaven: to His covenant the old was in- 
tended to be subservient ; His atonement i« 
the eternal reality of which sacrifices are 
but the passing shadow ; His city heavenly, 
not made with hands. Having Him, be- 
lieve in Him with all your heart, with a 
faith in the unseen future, strong as that of 
the saints of old, patient under present, and 
prepared for coming woe, full of energy, 
and hope, and holiness, and love." Such 
was the teaching of the Epistle to the He- 
brews. 

He'bron. 1. The third son of Kohath, 
who was the second son of Levi ; the 
younger brother of Amram, father of Moses 
and Aaron (Ex. vi. 18; Num. iii. 19; 1 
r!hr. vi. 2, 18, xxiii. 12). The immediate 
children of Hebron are not mentioned by 
name (comp. Ex. vi. 21, 22), but he was 
the founder of a family of Hebronites (Num. 
iii. 27, xxvi. 58 ; 1 Chr. xxvi. 23, 30, 31) or 
Bene-Hebron (1 Chr. xv. 9, xxiii. 19). 2. 
A city of Judah (Josh. xv. 54) ; situated 
among the mountains (Josh. xx. 7), 20 
Roman miles south of Jerusalem, and the 
same distance north of Beersheba. Hebron 
is one of the most ancient cities in the 
world still existing ; and in this respect it is 
the rival of Damascus. It was built, says 
a sacred writer, " seven years befoi'e Zoan 
in Egypt " (Num. xiii. 22) ; and was a well- 
knoAvn town when Abraham entered Canaan 
3780 years ago (Gen. xiii. 18). Its original 
name was Kirjath-Arba (Judg. i. 10), "the 
city of Arba ; " so called from Arba, the 
father of Anak, and progenitor of the giant 
Anakim (Josh. xxi. 14, xv. 13, 14). The 
chief interest of this city arises from its 
having been the scene of some of the most 
striking events in the lives of the patriarchs. 
Sarah died at Hebron ; and Abraham then 
bought from Ephron the Hittite the field 
and cave of Machpelah, to serve as a family 
tomb (Gen. xxiii. 2-20). The cave is still 
there ; and the massive walls of the Uaram 
or mosque, within which it lies, form the 
most remarkable object in the whole city 
Abraham is called by Mohammedans elr 
Khulil, " the Friend," i. e. of God, and 
this is the modem name of Hebron. He- 
bron now contains about 5000 inhabitants, 
of whom some 50 families are Jews. It is 
picturesquely situated in a narrow valley, 
surrounded by rocky hills. The vallej 
runs from north to south ; and the main 
quarter of the town, surmounted by the 
lofty walls of the venerable Haram, lie? 
partly on the eastern slope (Gen. xxxviL 
14; comp. xxiii. 19). About a mile from the 
town, up the valley, is one of the largest 
oak-trees in Palestine. This, say some, 
is the very tree beneath which Abraham 
pitched his tent, and it still bears the name 
of the patriarch 3. One of tlie towns in 
the territory of Asher (Josh. xix. 28), on 
the ^oundarj- cf the tribe. It is not cer* 



HEBK*.>NITES 



234 



BEIX 



lam whether the name should not rather be 
Ebdon or A bdon, since that form is found 
in many MSS. 

Heb'ronites, The. A family of Ko- 
h&tliite Levites, descendants of Hebron the 
son of Kohath (Num. iii. 27, xxvi. 58 ; 1 
Chr. xxvi. 23). 

H&dge. The Heb. words thus ren- 
dered denote simply that which surrounds 
or encloses, whether it be a stone wall 
{jgeder, Prov. xxiv. 31; Ez. xlii. 10) or a 
fence of other materials. The stone walls 
which surround the sheepfolds of modern 
Palestine are frequently crowned with sharp 
thorns. 

Hega'i, one of the eunuchs (A. V. 
" chamberlains ") of the court of Ahasuerus 
(Esth. ii. 8, 15), 

He'ge, another form of the preceding 
^Esth.ii. 3). 

Heifer. The Hebrew language has no 
expression that exactly corresponds to 
our heifer ; for both eglah and parah are 
appUed to cows that have calved (1 Sam. 
vi. 7-12; Job xxi. 10; Is. vii. 21). The 
heifer or young cow was not commonly 
used for plougliing, but only for treading 
out the corn (Hos. x. 11 ; but see Judg. xiv. 
18), when it ran about without any head- 
stall CDeut. XXV. 4) ; hence the expression 
an " unbroken heifer" (Hos. iv. 16; A. V. 
"backsliding"), to which Israel is com- 
pared. 

Heir. The Hebrew institutions relative 
*o inheritance were of a very simple char- 
acter. Under the Patriarchal system the 
property was divided among the sons of 
the legitimate wives (Gen. xxi. 10, xxiv. 
36, xxv. 5), a larger portion being assigned 
to one, generally the eldest, on whom de- 
volved the duty of maintaining the females 
of the family. The sons of concubines 
were portioned off with presents (Gen. xxv. 
6). At a later period the exclusion of the 
sons of concubines was rigidly enforced 
(Judg. xi. 1, ff.). Daughters had no share 
in the patrimony (Gen. xxi. 14), but re- 
ceived a marriage portion. The Mosaic 
law regulated the succession to real prop- 
erty thus : it was to be divided among the 
sons, the eldest receiving a double portion 
CDeut. xxi. 17), the others equal shares; 
if there were no sons, it went to the daugh- 
ters (Nam. xxvii. 8), on the condition that 
Hiey did i;ot marry out of their own tribe 
(Num. xxxvi. 6, ff.; Tob. vi. 12, vii. 13), 
•therwise the patrimony was forfeited. If 
tJiere were no daughters, it went to the 
brother of the deceased ; if no brother, to 
the paternal uncle ; and, failing these, to the 
next of kin (Num. xxvii. 9-11). 

Helah, one of the two wives of Ashur, 
father of Tokoa (1 Chr. iv. 5). 

He'lam, a place east of the Jordan, but 
irest of the Euphrates, at which the Syrians 
,«rcre collected bv Hadarezer, and at which 



D.ivid niBt ai.d defeatei tl em 2 Sam. » 

16, 17). 

Hel'bah, a town of Asher, probably on 
the plain of Phoenicia, not far from Sidos 
(Judg. i. 31). 

Hel bon, a place mentioned only in 
Ezekiel xxvii. Geographers have hitherto 
represented Helbon as identical with the 
city of Aleppo, called Haleh by the Arabs ; 
but there are strong reasons against this, and 
the ancient city must be identilied with a 
village within a few miles of Damascus, 
still bearing the ancient name Helbon, and 
still celebrated as producing the finest 
grapes in the country, 

Hel'dai, 1. The twelfth captain of th*? 
monthly courses for the temple service (1 
Chr. xxvii. 15). 2. An Israelite who seems 
to have returned from the Captivity (Zech. 
vi. 10). 

He'leb, son of Baanah, the Netophath- 
ite, one of the heroes of king David's guard 
(2 Sam. xxiii. 29). In the parallel list 
the name is given as 

He'led, 1 Chr. xi. 30. [Heleb.] 

He'lek, one of the descendants oi Ma- 
nasseh, and second eon of Gilead (Num 
xxvi. 30). 

He'lekites. The, the family descended 
from the foregoing (Num. xxvi. 30). 

He'lem. 1. A descendant of Asher (1 
Chr. vii. 35). 2. A man mentioned only 
in Zech, vi, 14, Apparently the same as 
Heldai, 

He'leph, the place from which the 
boundary of the tribe of Naphtali started 
(Josh. xix. 33), 

He'lez, 1, One of " the thirty" of Da- 
vid's guard (2 Sam, xxiii, 26 ; 1 Chr. xi. 
27), an Ephraimite, and captain of the sev- 
enth monthly course (1 Chr, xxvii. 10. 2, 
A man of Judah, son of Azariah (1 Chr. 
ii. 39). 

He'li, the father of Joseph, the husband 
of the Virgin Mary (Luke iii. 23) ; main- 
tained by Lord A. Hervey, the latest inves- 
tigator of the genealogy of Christ, to have 
been the real brother of Jacob, the father 
of the Virgin herself. 

Hel'kath, the town named as the start- 
ing-point for the boundary of the tribe of 
Asher (Josh. xix. 25), and allotted with its 
" suburbs " to the Gershonite Levites (xxi. 
31). Its site has not been recovered. 

Hel'kath Haa'zurim, a smooth piecv 
of ground, apparently close lo the pool of 
Gibeon, where the combat took place be- 
tween the two parties of Joab's men and 
Abner's men, which ended in the death of 
the whole of tlie combatants, and brought 
on a general battle (2 Sam. ii. 16). 

Hell. This is the word generally and 
unfortunately used by our translators to 
render the Hebrew Sheol. It would per- 
haps have been better to retain the Hebrew 
word Sheol, or else render it always b"» 



HKl^JiE-NlbT 



236 



tlEN A.DAD 



" the grave "or " the pit." It is deep (Jou 
xi. 8) and dark (Job xi. 21, 22) in the cen- 
tre of the eart'i (Num. xvi. 30 ; Deut. xxxii. 
22), having within it depths on depths 
(ProT. ix. 18), and fastened with gates (Is. 
xxxviii. 10) and bars (Job xvii. 16). In 
this cavernous realm are tlie souls of dead 
men, the Rephaim and ill spirits (Ps. Ixxxvi. 
13, Ixxxix. 48 ; Prov. xxiii. 14 : Ez. xxxi. 
17> xxxii. 21). It is clear that in many- 
passages of the O. T. Sheol can only mean 
" the grave," and is so rendered in the 
A. "V. (see, for example. Gen. xxxvii. 35, 
xlii. 38; 1 Sam. ii. 6; Job xiv. 13). In 
other passages, however, it seems to involve 
a notion of punishment, and is therefore 
rendered in the A. V. by the word "Hell." 
But in many cases this translation misleads 
the reader. It is obvious, for instance, 
tliat Job xi. 8 ; Ps. cxxxix. 8 ; Am. ix. 2 
(where "hell" is used as the antithesis of 
"heaven"), merely illustrate the Jewish 
notions of the locality of Sheol in the bow- 
els of the earth. In the N. T. the word 
Hades, like Sheol, sometimes means merely 
"the grave" (Rev. xx. 13; Acts ii. 31; 1 
Cor. XV. 55), or in general "the unseen 
world." It is in this sense that the creeds 
say of our Lord, " He went down into hell," 
meaning the state of the dead in general, 
without any restriction of happiness or mis- 
ery, a doctrine certainly, though only vir- 
tually, expressed in Scripture (Eph. iv. 9 ; 
Acts ii. 25-31). Elsewhere in the N. T. 
Hades is used of a place of torment (Luke 
xvi. 23 ; 2 Pet. ii. 4 ; Matt. xi. 23, &c. Con- 
sequently it has been the prevalent, almost 
the universal, notion that Hades is an inter- 
mediate state between death and resurrec- 
tion, divided into two parts, one the abode 
of the blessed, and the other of the lost. 
In holding tliis view, main reliance is placed 
on the parable of Dives and Lazarus ; but 
it is impossible to ground the proof of an 
important theological doctrine on a passage 
which confessedly abounds in Jewish meta- 
phors. The word most frequently used in 
the N. T. for the place of future punish- 
ment is Gehenna or Gehenna of fire. [Ge- 
henna and HiNNOM.] 

Hellenist. In one of the earliest no- 
tices of the first Christian Church at Jeru- 
salem (Acts vi. 1), two distinct parties 
are recognized among its members, "He- 
brews " and " Hellenists " (Grecians), who 
appear to stand towards one another in 
some degree in a relation of jealous rivalry 
(comp. Acts ix. 29). The name, accord- 
ing to its derivation, marks a class distin- 
guished by peculiar habits, and not by 
descent. Thus the Hellenists as a body 
included not only the proselytes of Greek 
(or foreign) parentage, but also those Jews 
who, by settling in foreign countries, had 
adopted the prevalent form of the current 



Greek ci^ ilization, and with it the uie ol 
the common Greek dialect. 

Helmet. [Arms.] 

He'lon, father of Eli^b, </f the tribe of 
Zebulun (Num. i. 9, ii. 7, vii. 24, 29, x. 16). 

Hem of Garment. The importance 
which the later Jews, especially the Phar- 
isees (Matt, xxiii. 5), attached to the hem 
or fringe of their garments was founded 
upon the regulation in Num. xv. 38, 30, 
which gave a symbolical mer.ning to it. 

He'mam. Hori and Hemam were son* 
of Lotan, the eldest son of Seir (Ger.. xxxvi 
22). 

He'man. 1. Son of Zerah (1 Chr. ii 
6 ; 1 K. iv. 31). 2. Son of Joel, and grand 
son of Samuel the prophet, a Kohathite 
He is called " the singer," rather the musi- 
cian (1 Chr. vi. 33), and was the first of 
the three Levites to whom was committed 
the vocal and instrumental music of the 
temple-service in the reign of David (1 Chr. 
XV. 16-22), Asaph and Ethan, or rather 
according to xxv. 1, 3, Jeduthan, being hia 
colleagues. A further account of Heman 
is given 1 Chr. xxv., where he is called 
(ver. 5) " the king's seer in the matters of 
God." Whether or no this Heman is the 
person to whom the 88th Psalm is ascribed 
is doubtful. He is there called " the Ez- 
rahite ; " and the 89th Psalm is ascribed to 
" Ethan the Ezrahite." 

He'math., a person, or place, named in 
the genealogical lists of Judah, as the origin 
of the Kenites, and the "father" of the 
house of Rechab (1 Chr. ii. 55). 

Hem'dan, the eldest son of Dishon, 
son of Anah the Horite (Gen. xxxvi. 26'>. 
[Ameam 2.] 

Hemlock. The Hebrew rdsh is ren- 
dered " hemlock " in two passages (Hos. x. 
4; Am. vi. 12), but elsewhere "gall." 
[Gall.] 

Hen. According to the A. V. of Zech. 
vi. 14, Hen is a son of Zephaniah, and ap- 
parently the same who is caUed Josiah in 
ver. 10. But by the LXX. and others, the 
words are taken to mean " for the favor of 
the son of Zephaniah." 

Hen. The hen is nowhere noticed in 
the Bible except in Matt, xxiii. 37 ; Luke 
xiii. 34. That a bird so common in Pales- 
tine should receive such slight notice, m 
certainly singular. 

He'na seems to have been one of the 
chief cities of a monarchical state which the 
Assyrian kings had reduced shortly before 
the time of Sennacherib (2 K. xix. 13 ; Is. 
xxxvii. 13). At no great distance from 
Sippara (now i/bsaii), is an ancient town 
called Ana or Anah, which may be the 
same as Hena. 

Hen'adad, the head of a family of the 
Levites who took a prominent part in th« 
rebuilding of the Temple (Ezr iii. 9). 



HENOCH 



236 



HERMONITEb 



He'noch. 1. Eni)ch 2 (1 Car. i. 3). 
2. Hanoch 1 (1 Chr. i. 33). 

He'pher. 1. The youngest of the sons 
of Gilead (Num. xxvi 32), and head of the 
family of the Hepherites. 2. Son of 
Ashur, the " father of Tekoa " (1 Chr. iv. 
6). 3. The Mecherathite, one of the heroes 
of David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 36). 

He'plier, a place in ancient Canaan, 
which occurs in the list of conquered kings 
(Josh. xii. 17). It was on the west of Jor- 
dan (comp. 7 and 1 K. iv. 10.) 

He pherites, The, the family of He- 
pher the son of Gilead (Num. xxvi. 32). 

Heph'zi-bah. 1. A name signifying 
" My delight in her," which is to be borne 
by the restored Jerusalem (Is. Ixii. 4). 2. 
The queen of king Hezekiah, and the 
mother of Manasseh (2 K. xxi. 1). 

Herald. The only notice of this officer 
m the O. T. occurs in Dan. iii. 4. The 
term "herald," might be substituted for 
" preacher " in 1 Tim. ii. 7 ; 2 Tim. i. 11 ; 2 
Pet. ii. 5. 

Herd, Herdsman. The herd was 
gTGatly regarded both in the patriarchal and 
Mosaic period. The ox was the most 
precious stock ne^t to horse and mule. 
The herd yielded the most esteemed sacri- 
fice (Num. vii. 3 ; Ps. Ixix. 31 ; Is. Ixvi. 3) ; 
also flesh meat, and milk, chiefly converted, 
probably, into butter and cheese (Deut. 
XXX. ii. 14; 2 Sam. xvii. 29). The full- 
grown ox is hardly ever slaughtered in 
Syria ; but, both for sacrificial and convivial 
purposes, the young animal was preferred 
(Ex. xxix. 1). The agricultural and general 
usefulness of the ox, in ploughing, threshing, 
ind as a beast of burden (1 Chr, xii, 40; Is. 
xlvi. 1), made such a slaughtering seem 
wasteful. Herdsmen, &c., in Egypt were 
a low, perhaps the lowest caste ; but of the 
abundance of cattle in Egypt, and of the 
care there bestowed on them, there is no 
doubt (Gen. xlvii. 6, 17 ; Ex. ix. 4, 20). So 
the plague of hail was sent to smite espe- 
cially the cattle (Ps. Ixxviii. 48), the first- 
bom of which also were smitten (Ex. xii. 29). 
The Israelites departing stipulated for (Ex. 
X. 26) and took " much cattle " with them 
(xii. 38). Cattle formed thus one of tlie 
traditions of the Israelitish nation in its 
greatest period, and became almost a part 
of that greatness. The occupation of herds- 
man was honorable in early times (Gen. 
xlvii. 6; 1 Sam. xi. 6; 1 Chr. xxvii. 29, 
xxviii. 1). Saul himself resumed it in the 
interval of his cares as king ; also Doeg was 
certainly high in his confidence (1 Sam. 
rxi. 7). Pharaoh made some of Joseph's 
brethren " rulers over his cattle." David's 
herd-masters were among his chief officers 
01 state. The prophet Amos at first fol- 
lowed this oocupation (Am. i. 1, vii. 14"). 

He'resh, a Levite attache d to the taber- 
nack (1 Chr. ix. 16) 



Her'mas, the namf of a Clirlstian re? i* 
dent at Rome to whom St Paul »»^Tids greet- 
ing in his Epistle to th«» llnn«i..H (xvi. 14;. 
Irenaeus, Tertullian, and Origeo agree in 
attributing to him the work called th€ 
Shepherd : which is supposed to have been 
written in the pontificate of Clement I. ; 
while others affirm it to have been the work 
of a namesake in the following age. It ex- 
isted for a long time only in a Latin v fu- 
sion, but the first part in Greek is to be 
found at the end of the Codex Sinai ticus 
It was never received into the canon ; but 
yet was generally cited with respect only 
second to that which was paid to the author- 
itative books of the N. T. 

Her'mes, a Christian mentioned in 
Rom. xvi. 14. According to tradition he 
was one of the Seventy disciples, and after- 
wards Bishop of Dalmatia. 

Hermog'enes, a person mentioned by 
St. Paul in the latest of all his Epistlet 
(2 Tim. i. 15) when all in Asia had turned 
away from him, and among their number 
" Phygellus and Hermogenes." 

Her'inon, a mountain on the north 
eastern border of Palestine (Deut. iii. 8, 
Josh. xii. 1), over against Lebanon (Josh, 
xi. 17), adjoining the plateau of Basban 
(1 Chr. V. 23). It stands at the southern 
end, and is the culminating point of the 
anti-Libanus range ; it towers high aoove 
the ancient border city of Dan and the fouD 
tains of the Jordan, and is the most con- 
spicuous and beautiful mountain in Pales 
tine or Syria. The name Ilermon was 
doubtless suggested by its api^earance — 
" a lofty prominent peak," visible from afar. 
The Sidonians called it Sirion, and the 
Amorites Shenir. It was also named Sion^ 
"the elevated" (Deut. iv. 48). So now, 
at the present day, it is called Jebel esh- 
Sheikh, " the chief mountain ; " and Jehel 
eth-Thelj\ "snowy mountain." When the 
whole country is parched with the summer 
sun, white lines of snow streak the head of 
Hermon. This mountain was the great 
landmark of the Israelites. It was associ- 
ated with their northern border almost as 
intimately as the sea was with the western. 
Hermon has three summits, situated like 
the angles of a triangle, and about a quarter 
of a mile from each other. This may ac- 
count for the expression in Ps, xlii, 7 (6), 
"I will remember thee from the land of 
the Jordan and the Hermons." In two pas 
sages of Scripture this mountain is called 
Baal-hermon (Judg. iii. 3; 1 Chr. v. 23), 
possibly becaua Baal was there worshipped. 
The height of Hermon has never becL 
measured, though it has often been estimat- 
ed. It may safely be reckoned at 10,000 
feet. 

Her'monites, The. Properly "the 
Hermons," with reference to the three sum- 
mits *f Mount Hermon TPs xlii. 6 [7]). 



HEROD 



237 



HEROD 



Her Od This family, though of Idu- 
nf»aean origin, and thus aliens by race, were 
Jews in faith. I. Herod the Great was 
the second son of Antipater, an Idumaean, 
who was appointed Procurator of Judaea 
by Julius Caesar, b. c. 47, and Cypres, an 
Arabian of noble descent. At the time of 
Uis father's elevation, though only fifteen 
years old, he received the government of 
Galilee, and shortly afterwards that of 
Coele- Syria. When Antony came to Syria, 
B. c. 41, he appointed Herod and his elder 
brother Phasael tetrarchs of Judaea. Her- 
od was forced to abandon Judaea next year 
oy an invasion of the Parthians, who sup- 
ported the claims of Antigonus, the rep- 
resentative of the Asmonaean dynasty, 
and fled to Rome (b. c. 40). At Rome he 
was well received by Antony and Octavian, 
and was appointed by the senate king of 
Judaea to the exclusion of the Hasmonean 
line. In the course of a few years, by the 
help of the Romans, he took Jerusalem 
''b. c. 37), and completely established his 
authority throughout his dominions. After 
the battle of Actium he visited Octavian at 
Rhodes, and his noble bearing won for him 
the favor of the conqueror, who confirmed 
him in the possession of the kingdom, b. c. 
31, and in the next year increased it by the 
addition of several important cities, and 
afterwards gave him the province of Trach- 
onitis and the district of Paneas. The 
remainder of the reign of Herod was un- 
disturbed by external troubles, but his do- 
mestic life was embittered by an almost 
uninterrupted series of injuries and cruel 
acts of vengeance. The terrible acts of 
bloodshed which Herod perpetrated in his 
own family were accompanied by others 
among his subjects equally terrible, from 
the number who fell victims to them. Ac- 
cording to the well-known story, he or- 
dered the nobles whom he had called to 
him in his last moments) to be executed 
immediately after his decease, that so at 
least his death might be attended by uni- 
versal mourning. It was at the time of 
his fatal illness that he must have caused 
the slaughter of the infants at Bethlehem 
(Matt. ii. 16-18), and from the comparative 
insignificance of the murder of a few young 
children in an unimportant village when 
contrasted with the deeds which he carried 
out or designed, it is not surprising that 
Josephus has passed it over in silence. In 
dealing with the religious feelings or pre- 
judices of the Jews, Herod showed as 
fifreat contempt for public opinion as in the 
execution of his personal vengeance. But 
while he alienated in this manner the affec- 
Hons of the Jews by his cruelty and disre- 
gard for the Law, he adorned Jerusalem 
with many splendid monuments of his taste 
and magnifioen'^e. The Temple, which he 
•ebuilt with scin^puloas care, was tlie great- 



est of those works. Thj rest i ration wai 
begun B. c. 20, and the Temple itself was 
completed in a year and a half. But fresh 
additions were constantly made in succeed- 
ing years, so that it was said that the Tem- 
ple was "built in forty and six years" 
(John ii. 20), a phrase which expresses the 
whole period from the commencement of 
Herod's work to the completion of the 
latest addition then made. II. Herod An- 
TiPAs was the son of Herod the Great by 
Malthace, a Samaritan. His father had 
originally destined him as his successor in 
the kingdom, but by the last change of his 
will appointed him " tetrarch of Galilee and 
Peraea " (Matt. xiv. 1 ; Luke iii. 19, ix. 7 ; 
Acts xiii. 1. Cf. Luke iii. 1). He first mar- 
ried a daughter of Aretas, " king of Ara 
bia Petraea," but after some time he mad** 
overtures of marriage to Kerodias, thvs 
wife of his half-brother Herod Philip, which 
she received favorably. Aretas, indignant 
at the insult offered to his daughter, found 
a pretext for invading the territory o^ 
Herod, and defeated him with great loss. 
This defeat, according to the famous pas- 
sage in Josephus, was attributed by many 
to the murder of John the Baptist, which 
had been committed by Antipas shortly be- 
fore, under the influence of Herodias (Matt 
xiv. 4, ff.; Mark vi. 17, ff. ; Luke iii. 19). 
At a later time the ambition of Herodiai" 
proved the cause of her husband's ruin. 
She urged him to go to Rome to gain 
the title of king (cf. Mark vi. 14) ; but 
he was opposed at the court of Caligula 
by the emissaries of Agrippa, and con- 
demned to perpetual banishment at I-ug- 
dunum, a. d. 39. Herodias voluntarily 
shared his punishment, and he died in ex- 
ile. Pilate took occasion from our Lord'» 
residence in Galilee to send Him for exam- 
ination (Luke xxiii. 6, ff.) to Herod Antipas, 
who came up to Jerusalem to celebrate th« 
Passover. The city of Tiberias, which An« 
tipas founded and named in honor of the em 
peror, was the most conspicuous monument 
of his long reign. III. Herod Philip I. 
(Philip, Mark vi. 17) was the son of Herod 
the Great and Mariamne, and must be 
carefully distinguished from the tetrarch 
Philip. He married Herodias, the sister 
of Agrippa I., by whom he had a daughter 
Salome. Heroias, however, left him, and 
made an infamous marriage with his half- 
brother Herod Antipas (Matt. xiv. 3 ; Mark 
vi. 17; Luke iii, 19). He was excluded 
from all share in his father's possessions in 
consequence of his mother's treachery, and 
lived afterwards in a private station. IV. 
Herod Philip II. was the son of Herod the 
Great and Cleopatra. Like his half-brothers 
Antipas and Arclielaus, he was brought up 
at home. He received as his own govern- 
ment Batanea, Trachonitis, Auranitis (Gau- 
lonitis), and some parts about Jamnia, wit)" 



flER01> 



238 



HESED 



the titlo of tetrarch (Luke iii. 1). He 
built a viiW city on the site of Paneas, near 
the sources of the Jordan, which he called 
Caesarea (Matt. xvi. 13; Mark viii. 27), 
and raised Bethsaida to the rank of a city 
under the title of Julias, and died there 
4. D. 34. He married Salome, the daughter 
of Herod Philip I. and Herodias. V. 
Hbhod Agrippa I. was the son of Aristo- 
bulus and Berenice, and grandson of Her- 
od the Great. He was brought up at 
Rome with Claudius and Drusus, and after 
a life of various vicissitudes, was thrown 
into prison by Tiberius, where he remained 
till the accession of Caius (Caligula) a. d. 
37. The new emperor gave him the gov- 
ernments formerly held by the tetrarchs 
Philip and Lysanias, and bestowed on him 
the ensigns of royalty and other marks of 
favor (Acts xii. 1). On the banishment 
of Antipas, his dominions were added to 
fchose already held by Agrippa. After- 
wards Agrippa rendered important ser- 
vrices to Claudius, and received from him 
\n return (a. d. 41) the government of 
fudaea and Samaria. Unlike his prede- 
»^essors, Agrippa was a strict observer of 
the Law, and he sought with success the 
favor of the Jews. It is probable that it 
was with this view he put to death James 
the son of Zebedee, and further imprisoned 
Peter (Acts xii. 1, ff.). But his sudden 
cleath Interrupted his ambitious projects. 
lo the fourth ye«jr of his reign over the 
rhole of Judaea (a. d. 44) Agrippa attend- 
ed some games at Caesarea, held in honor 
of the Emperor. When he appeared in *;he 
theatre (Acts xii. 21) his flatterers saluted 
him as a god ; and suddenly he was seized 
with terrible pains, and being carried from 
the theatre to the palace died after five 
days' agony. VI. Herod Agrippa II. 
was the son of Herod Agrippa I. and 
Cypros, a grand-niece of Herod the Great. 
At the time of the death of his father a. d. 
44, he was at Rome. Not long afterwards, 
however, the Emperor gave him (about 
A. D. 60) the kingdom of Chalcis, which had 
belonged to his uncle ; and then transferred 
him (a. d. 52) to the tetrarchies formerly 
held by Philip and Lysanias, with the title 
of king (Acts xxv. 13). The relation in 
which he stood to his sister Berenice (Acts 
jcxv. IS) was the cause of grave suspicion. 
In the last Roman war Agrippa took part 
with the Romans, and after the fall of 
Jerusalem retired with Berenice to Rome, 
where he died in the third year of Trajan 
(a. d. 100). The appearance of St. Paul 
before Agrippa (a. d. 60) offers several 
characteristic traits. The " pomp " with 
which the king came into the audience 
chamber (Acts xxv. 23) was accordant 
with his general bearing; and the cold 
irony with which he met the impassioned 
words of the Apostle (Acts xxvi. 27, 28) 



' suits the temper of one who was contented 
I to take part in the destruction of his na- 
tion. 

Hero'dians. In tlie account which e* 
given by St. Matthew (xxii. 15, ff.) and 
St. Mark (xii. 13, ff".) of the last efforts 
made by different sections of the Jews to 
obtain from our Lord Himself the mate- 
rials for His accusation, a party under the 
name of Herodians is represented as act- 
ing in concert with the Pharisees (Matt 
xxii. 16; Mark xii. 13; comp. also iii. 6, 
viii. 15). There were probably many who 
saw in the power of the Herodian family 
the pledge of the preservation of their na- 
tional existence in the face of Roman am- 
bition. Two distinct classes might thus 
unite in supporting what was a domestic 
tyranny as contrasted with absolute depen- 
dence on Rome : those who saw in the 
Herods a protection against direct heathen 
rule, and those who were inclined to look 
with satisfaction upon such a compromise 
between the ancient faith and heathen civ- 
ilization, as Herod the Great and his suc- 
cessors had endeavored to realize, as the 
true and highest consummation of Jewish 
hopes. 

Hero'dias, daughter of Aristobulus, one 
of the sons of Mariamne and Herod the 
Great, and consequently sister of Agrippa 
I. She first married Herod Philip I. ; then 
she eloped from him to marry Herod Anti- 
pas, her step-uncle, who had been long 
married to, and was still living with, the 
daughter of Aeneas or Aretas, king of 
Arabia. The consequences both of the 
crime, and of the reproof which it in- 
curred, are well known. Aretas made 
war upon Herod for the injury done to 
his daughter, and routed him with the l^ss 
of his whole army. The head of John the 
Baptist was granted to the request of He- 
rodias (Matt. xiv. 8-11; Mark vi. 24-28). 
According to Josephus the execution took 
place in a fortress called Machaerus, look- 
ing down upon the Dead Sea from the 
south. She accompanied Antipas into ex- 
ile to Lugdunum. 

Hero'dion, a relative of St. Paul, ko 
whom he sends his salutation amongst the 
Christians of the Roman Church (Rom- 
xvi. 11). 

Heron. The Hebrew andphah appears 
as the name of an unclean bird in Lev. xi. 
19, Deut. xiv. 18. It was probably a ge- 
neric name for a well-km wn class of bird*. 
The only point on which any two commen- 
tators seem to agree is, that it is not the 
heron. On etymological grounds, Gesenius 
considers the name applicable to some irri- 
table bird, perhaps the goose. 

He'sed, the son of Hesed, or Ben- 
Chesed, was commissary for Solomon in 
the district of "the Arutboth, Socoh, »n4 
all the land of Hepher " (i K. iv. lOV 



HESIIBON 



289 



HEZEIQAH 



flesh'bon, the capital city of Sihon 
king of the Amorites (Xum. xxi. 26). It 
stood on the western border of the high 
plain {Mishor, Josh. xiii. 17), and on the 
boundary-line between the tribes of Reuben 
and Gad. The ruins of Flesbdn, 20 miles 
east of the Jordan, on the parallel of the 
northern end of the Dead Sea, mark the 
site, as they bear the name, of the ancient 
Heshbon. There are many cisterns among 
tlie ruins (comp. Cant. vii. 4). 

Hesll'rnoil, a place named, with others, 
as lying in the extreme south of Judah 
CJosh. XV. 27). 

Hes'ron. Hezron, the son of Reuben 
^Nura. xxvi. 6), and ancestor of the Hez- 
fonites. 

Heth, the forefather of the nation of the 
HiTTiTES. In the genealogical tables of 
G-en. X. and 1 Chr. i., Heth is a son of 
Canaan. The Hittites were therefore a 
Hamite race, neither of the " country " nor 
the "kindred" of Abraham and Isaac 
(Gen. xxiv. 3, 4, xxviii. 1, 2). 

Hetll'lon, the name of a place on the 
northern border of Palestine (Ez. xlvii. 15, 
xlviii. 1). In all probability the " way of 
Hethlon " is the pass at the nortliern end 
of Lebanon, and is thus identical with " the 
entrance of Hamath" in Num. xxxiv. 8, &c. 

Hez'eki, a Benjaminite, one of the 
Bene-Elpaal, a descendant of Shaaraira 
(1 Chi. viii. 17). 

Hezeki'ah. 1. Twelfth king of Judah, 
»on of the apostate Ahaz and Abi (or Abijah), 
asceuded the throne at the age of 25, b. c. 
726. Hezekiah was one of the three most 
perfect kings of Judah (2K. xviii. 5 ; Ecclus. 
xlix. 4). His first act was to purge, and 
repair, and reopen with splendid sacrifices 
and perfect ceremonial, the Temple, which 
had been despoiled and neglected during 
the careless and idolatrous reign of his fa- 
ther. This consecration was accompanied 
by a revival of the theocratic spirit, so 
strict as not even to spare " the high 
places," which, although tolerated by many 
well-intentioned kings, had naturally been 
profaned by the worship of images and 
Asherahs (2 K. xviii. 4). A still more de- 
cisive act was the destruction of a brazen 
serpent, said to have been the one used by 
Moses in the miraculous healing of the 
Tsraelites (Num. xxi. 9), which had become 
sn object of adoration. When the kingdom 
of Israel had fallen, Hezekiah extended his 
pious endeavors to Ephraim and Manas- 
seh ; and by inviting the scattered inliabit- 
a/its to a peculiar Passover, kindled their 
indignarion also against the idolatrous prac- 
tices which still continued among them. 
This Passover was, from the necessities of 
tlie case, celebrated at an unusual, though 
Rot illegal (Num ix. 10, 11) time; and by 
an excess of Levitical zeal it was continued 
for the u ipr^'^edcntf^d period of fourteen 



] days (2 Clr xxix., xxx., xxxi.). At tne 
head of a repentant and united people, 
Hezekiah ventured to assume the aggres- 
sive against the Philistines ; and in a series 
of victories not only rewon the cities which 
his father had lost (2 Chr. xxviii. 18), but 
even dispossessed them of their own cities, 
except Gaza (2 K. xviii. 8) and Gath. It 
was perhaps to the purposes of this war that, 
he applied the money which would other- 
wise have been used to pay the tribute ex- 
acted by Shalmaneser, according to the 
agreement of Ahaz with his predecessor, 
Tiglath-Pileser. When, after the capture 
of Samaria, the king of Assyria applied for 
this impost, Hezekiah refused it, and in 
open rebellion omitted to send even the 
usual presents (2 K. xviii. 7). Instant war 
was averted by the heroic and long-con- 
tinued resistance of the Tyrians under their 
king Eluloeus. This must have been a 
critical and intensely anxious period for 
Jerusalem ; and Hezekiah used every avail- 
able means to strengthen his position, and 
render his capital impregnable (2 K. xx. 
20; 2 Chr. xxxii. 3-5, 30; Is. xxii. 8-11, 
xxxiii. 18). According to a scheme of 
chronology proposed by Dr. Hincks^ Heze 
kiah's dangerous illness (2 K. xx. ; Is 
xxxviii. ; 2 Chr. xxxii. 24) nearly synchro 
nized with Sargon's futile invasion, in tht- 
fourteenth year of Hezekiah's reign, elevei* 
years before Sennacherib's invasion. Tha< 
it must have preceded the attack of Sen- 
nacherib is nearly obvious from the promise 
in 2 K. XX. 6, as well as from modern dis- 
coveries. Hezekiah, whose kingdom was 
in a dangerous crisis, and who had at thai 
time no heir (for Manasseh was not born 
till long afterwards, 2 K. xxi. 1), " turned 
his face to the wall and wept sore " at the 
threatened approach of dissolution. God 
had compassion on his anguish, and heard 
his prayer. Isaiah had hardly left the 
palace when he was ordered to promise the 
king immediate recovery, and a fresh lease 
of life, ratifying the promise by a sign, and 
curing the boil by a plaster of figs. Various 
ambassadors came with letters and gifts to 
congratulate Hezekiah on his recovery (2 
Chr. xxxii. 23), and among them an em- 
bassy from Merodach-Baladan (or Bero- 
dach, 2 K. xx. 12), the viceroy of Babylon. 
The ostensible object of this mission was to 
compliment Hezekiah on his convalescence 
(2 K. XX. 12; Is. xxxix. 1); but its real 
purpose was to discover how far an alliance 
between the two powers was possible oi 
desirable, for Merodach-Baladan, no less 
than Hezekiah, was in apprehension of the 
Assyrians. Community of interest made 
Hezekiah receive the overtures of Babylon 
with unconcealed gratification ; and, per- 
haps, to enhance the opinion of his own im- 
portance as an ally, he displayed to the mes- 
sengers the princely treasures which he and 



HEZEKIAH 



240 



JilDDEKEL 



Qis predecessors had accumulated. If osten- 
tation were his motive it received a terrible 
rebuke, and he was informed by Isaiah 
that from the then tottering and subor- 
dinate province of Babylon, and not from 
the mighty Assyria, would come the ruin 
and captivity of Judah (Is. xxxix. 5). Sar- 
gon was succeeded (b. c. 702) by his 
son Sennacherib, whose two invasions oc- 
cupy the greater part of the Scripture rec- 
ords concerning the reign of Hezekiah. 
The first of these took place in the third 
year of Sennacherib (b. c. 702), and occu- 
pies only three verses (2 K. xviii. 13-16), 
though the route of the advancing Assyri- 
ans may be traced in Is. x. 5, xi. The 
main hope of the political faction was the 
alliance with Egypt, and they seem to have 
soueht it by presents and private entreaties 
(Is. XXX. 6). The account given of this 
first invasion in the Annals of Sennacherib 
is, that he attacked Hezekiah because the 
Ekronites had sent their king Padiya (or 
"Haddiya") as a prisoner to Jerusalem 
(cf. 2 K. xviii. 8) ; that he took forty-six 
cities (" all the fenced cities " in 2 K. xviii. 
13 is apparently a general expression, cf. 
xix. 8) and 200,000 prisoners ; that he be- 
sieged 'Jerusalem with mounds (cf. 2 K. 
xix. 32) ; and although Hezekiah promised 
to pay 800 talents of silver (of which per- 
haps 300 only were ever paid) and 30 of 
gold (2 K. xviii. 14), yet not content with 
this he mulcted him of a part of his domin- 
ions, and gave them to the kings of Ekron, 
Ashdod, and Gaza. In almost every par- 
ticular this account agrees with the notice 
in Scripture. Hezekiah's bribe (or fine) 
brought a temporary release, for the As- 
syrians marched into Egypt, where, if He- 
rodotus and Josephus are to be trusted, 
they advanced without resistance to Pelusi- 
ura. In spite of this advantage, Sennache- 
rib was forced to raise the siege of Pelu- 
sium by the advance of Tirhakah or Tara- 
kos. Returning from his futile expedition, 
Sennacherib " dealt treacherously " with 
Hezekiah (Is. xxxiii. 1) by attacking the 
stronghold of Lachish. This was the com- 
mencement of that second invasion respect- 
ing which we have such full details in 2 K. 
xviii. 17, sq. ; 2 Chr. xxxii. 9, sq. ; Is. xxxvi. 
From Lachish Sennacherib sent against Je- 
rusalem an army under two oflSicers and his 
cupbearer the orator Rabshakeh, with a 
blasphemous and insulting summons to sur- 
render. Hezekiah's ministers were thrown 
into anguish and dismay, but the undaunted 
Isaiah hurled back threatening for threat- 
ening with unrivalled eloquence and force. 
Meanwhile Sennacherib, having taken La- 
chish, was besieging Libnah, when, alarmed 
by a "rumor" of Tirhakah's advance, he 
was forced to relinquish once more his 
immediate designs, and content himself 
with a defiant letter to Ilerekiah. The 



next event of ir» campaigu, aouuc wuicii 

we are informed, is, that the Jewish king, 
with simple piety, prayed to God, with 
Sennacherib's letter outspread before him, 
and received a prophecy of immediate de- 
liverance. Acer rdingly " that night tlip 
Angel of the Lo: d went out and smotp «i 
the camp of the Assyrians 185,000 men ' 
There is no dcabt that some secondary 
cause was employed in the accomplishm€ t4 
of this event. We are certainly "not to 
suppose," as Dr. Johnson observed, " that 
the angel went about with a sword in Wh 
hand stabbing them one by one, but that 
some powerful natural agent was employed." 
Josephus, followed by an immense major- 
ity of ancient and modern commentators, 
attributes it to the Pestilence. Hezekiah 
only lived to enjoy for about one year more 
his well-earned peace and glory. He slept 
with his fathers after a reign of twenty- 
nine years, in the 56th year of his age (b 
c. 697). 2. Son of Neariah, one of the 
descendants of the royal family of Judal 
(1 Chr. iii. 23). 3. The same name, thoug 
rendered in the A. V. Hizkiah, is foun. 
in Zeph. i. 1. 4. ^.ter-of-Hezekiau 
[Ater.] 

He'zion, a king of Aram (Syria), father 
of Tabrimon, and grandfather of Benhadad 
I. He and his father are mentioned only 
in 1 K. XV. 18. He is probably identical 
with Rezon, the contemporary of Solomon, 
in 1 K. xi. 23 ; the two names being very 
similar in Hebrew, and still more so in the 
versions. 

He'zir. 1. A priest in the time of 
David, leader of the 17th monthly course 
in the service (1 Chr. xxiv. 15). 2. One 
of the heads of the people (laymen) who 
sealed the solemn covenant with Nehemiah 
(Neh. X. 20). 

Hez'rai, one of the thirty heroes of 
David's guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 35). In th* 
parallel list the name appears as 

Hez'ro, in 1 Chr. xi. 37. 

Hez'ron. 1. A son of Reuben (Gen. 
xlvi. 9; Ex. vi. 14). 2. A son of Pharez 
(Gen. xlvi. 12; Ruth iv. 18). 

Hez'ronites, The. 1. Descendants 
of Hezron the son of Reuben (Num. xxvi. 
6). 2. A branch of the tribe of Judah, 
descendants of Hezron, the son of Pharea 
(Num. xxvi. 31). 

Hid'dai, one of the thirty-seven beroe» 
of David's guard (2 Sara, xxiii. 30). 

Hid'dekel, one of the rivers of Eden, 
the river which " goeth eastward to As- 
syria " (Gen. ii. 14), and which Daniel calls 
"the Great river" (Dan. x. 4), seems to 
have been rightly identified by the LXX. 
with the Tigris. Dekel is clearly an equiv- 
alent of Digla or Diglath, a name borne 
by the Tigris in all ages. The name no^ 
in use among the inhabitants of Mesopot*' 
mia is Dijleh. 



HIEi^ 



241 



HIGH -PRIEST 



ELi el, a native of Bethel, who rebuilt 
Jericho in the reign of Ahab (IK. xvi. 
34) ; and in whom was fulfilled the curse 
pronounced by Joshua (Josh. v. i. 26). 

Hierap'olis. This place is mentioned 
only once in Scripture (Col. iv. 13), with 
CoLossAE and Laodicea. Such associa- 
tion is just what we should expect; for the 
three towns were all in the basin of the 
Maeandcr, and within a few miles of one 
another. 

Higgai'on, a word which occurs three 
times in the book of Psalms (ix. 17, xix. 
15, xcii. 4). The word has two meanings, 
one of a ger eral character, implying ^Aow^^^, 
reflection, and another, in Ps. ix. 17, and 
I's. xcii. 4, of a technical nature, the pre- 
cise meaning of which cannot at this dis- 
tance of time be determined. 

High Places. From the earliest times 
It was the cus^tom among all nations to erect 
altars and places of worship on lofty and 
conspicuous spots. To this general cus- 
tom we find constant allusion in the Bible 
(Is. Ixv. 7 ; Jer. iii. 6 ; Ez. vi. 13, xviii. 6 ; 
Hos. iv. 13), and it is especially attributed 
to the Moabites (Is. xv. 2, xvi. 12; Jer. 
xlviii. 35). Even Abraham built an altar 
to the Lord on a mountain near Bethel (xii. 
7, 8; cf. xxii. 2-4, xxxi. 54), which shows 
that the practice was then as innocent as it 
was natural ; and although it afterwards 
became mingled with idolatrous obser- 
vances (Num. xxiii. 3), it was in itself far 
less likely to be abused than the consecra- 
tion of groves (Hos. iv. 13). It is, how- 
ever, quite obvious that if every grove and 
eminence had been suffered to become a 
place for legitimate worship, especially in a 
country where they had already been de- 
filed with the sins of polytheism, the ut- 
most danger would have resulted to the 
pure worship of the one true God. It was 
therefore implicitly forbidden by the law 
of Moses (Deut. xii. 11-14), which also 
gave the strictest injunction to destroy 
these monuments of Canaanitish idolatry 
(Lev. xxvi. 30; Num. xxxiii. 52; Deut. 
xxxiii. 29). The command was sl prospec- 
tive one, and was not to come into force un- 
til such time as the tribes were settled in 
the promised land. Thus we find that both 
Gideon and Manoah built altars on high 
places by Divine command (Judg. vi. 25, 
2G, xiii. 16-23), and it is quite clear, from 
the tone of the book of Judges that the 
law on the subject was either totally forgot- 
ten or practically obsolete. It is more 
surprising to find this law absolutely ig- 
nored at a much later period, when there 
was no intelligible reason for its violation 
— as by Samuel at Mizpeh (1 Sam. vii. 10) 
and at Bethlehem (xvi. 5) ; by Saul at Gil- 
gal (xiii. 9) and at Ajalon (? xiv. 35) ; by 
David (I Clir. xxi. 26) ; by Elijah on Mount 
Curoitii (I K. xviii. 30); and by other 



prophets (1 Sam. x. 5). The oxplanation* 
which are given are sufficiently unsatisfac- 
tory ; but it is at any rate certain that the 
worship in high places was organized and 
all but universal throughout Judca, not 
only during (1 K. iii. 2-4), but even after 
the time of Solomon. The convenience of 
them was obvious, because, as local centres 
of religious worship, they obviated the un- 
pleasant and dangerous necessity of visit- 
ing Jerusalem for the celebration of the 
yearly feasts (2 K. xxiii. 9). Many of tha 
pious kings of Judah were either too weak 
or too ill-informed to repress the worship of 
Jehovah at these local sanctuaries, while 
they of course endeavored to prevent ii 
from being contaminated with polytheism. 
At last Hezekiah set himself in good ear- 
nest to tlie suppression of this prevalent cor- 
ruption (2 K. xviii. 4, 22), both in Judah and 
Israel (2 Chr. xxxi. 1), although, so rapid 
was the growth of the evil, that even his 
sweeping reformation required to be finally 
consummated by Josiah (2i K. xxiii.), and 
that too in Jerusalem and its immediate 
neighborhood (2 Chr. xxiv. 3). After the 
time of Josiah we find no further ncontion 
of these Jehovistic high places. 

High-priest. I. Legally. The fi?^ 
distinct separation of Aaron to the office of 
the priesthood, which previously belonged t« 
tlie first-born, was that recorded Ex. xxviii. 
We find from the very first the following 
characteristic Attributes of Aaron and the 
high-priests his successors, as distinguished 
from the other priests: (1.) Aaron alone 
was anointed (Lev. viii. 12), whence one 
of the distinctive epithets of the high- 
priest was "the anointed priest" (Lev. iv. 
3, 5, 16, xxi. 10; see Num. xxxv. 25). Tl.is 
appears also from Ex. xxix. 29, 30. The 
anointing of the sons of Aaron, i. e. the 
common priests, seems to have been con- 
fined to sprinkling their garments with the 
anointing oil (Ex. xxix. 21, xxviii. 41, &c.). 
The anointing of the high-priest is alluded to 
in Ps. cxxxiii. 2. (2.) The high-priest had a 
peculiar dress, which passed to his succes- 
sor at his death. This dress consisted of 
eight parts, as the Rabbins constantly note, 
the breastplate, the ephud with its curious 
girdle, the robe of the ephod, the mitre, the 
broidered coat or diaper tunic, and the gir- 
dle, the materials being gold, blue, rod, 
crimson, and fine (white) linen (Ex. xxviii.). 
To the above are added, in ver. 42, the 
breeches or droAuers (Lev. xvi. 4) of linen ; 
and to make up the number 8, some reckon 
the high-priest's mitre, or the plate sep- 
arately from the bonnet; while others 
reckon the curious girdle of the ephod sep- 
arately from the ephod. Of these 8 arti- 
cles of attire, 4 — viz, the coat or tuiuc, 
the girdle, the breeches, and the bonnet or 
turban (^mighA' dK) instead of the mitre 
(mitsnephcth) — belonged to the common 



HIGH PKIESI 



•242 



HIGH-PRIEST 



pnests. Taking the articles of the high- 
priest's dress in the order in which they are 
enumerated above, we have (a.) the breast- 
plate, or, as it is further named (vers. 15, 
29, 30), the breastplate of judgment. The 
breastplate was originally 2 spans long, and 
I span broad, but when doubled it was 
square, the shape in which it was worn. On 
it were the 12 precious stones, set in 4 rows, 
55 in a row, thus corresponding to the 12 
tribes, and divided in the same manner as 
their camps were ; each stone having the 
name of one of the children of Israel engraved 
upon it. According to the LXX. and Jose- 
phus, and in accordance with the language 
of Scripture, it was these stones which con- 
stituted the Urira and Thummim. \ (Jrim 
andTnuMMiM.] (i.) The ephod. This 
consisted of two parts, of which one covered 
the back, and the other the front, i. e. the 
breast and upper part of the body. These 
were clasped together on the shoulder with 
twu large onyx stones, each having en- 
graved on it 6 of the names of the tribes of 
Israel. It was further united by a " curi- 
ous girdle " of gold, blue, purple, scarlet, 
and fine twined linen round the waist [Eph- 
od; Girdle], (c.) The robe of the ephod. 
This was of inferior material to the ephod 
itself, being all of blue (ver. 31), which im- 
plied its being only of "woven work" 
(xxxix. 22). It was worn immediately un- 
der the epiiod, and was longer than it. The 
blue robe had no sleeves, but only slits in 
the sides for the arms to come through. It 
had a liole for the head to pass through, 
with a border round it of woven work, to 
prevent its being rent. The skirt of this 
robe had a remarkable trimming of pome- 
granates in blue, red, and crimson, with a 
bell of gold between each pomegranate al- 
ternately. The bells were to give a sound 
when the high-priest went in and came out 
of tlie Holy Place, (d.) The mitre or up- 
per turban, with its gold plate, engraved 
with Holiness to the Lord, fastened to it 
by a ribbon of blue, (c.) The broidered 
coat was a tunic or long skirt of linen with 
a tetisellated or diaper pattern, like the set- 
ting of a stone. The girdle, also Of linen, 
was wound round the body several times 
from the breast downwards, and the ends 
hung down to the ankles. The breeches or 
drawers, of linen, covered the loins and 
thighs ; and the bonnet was a turban of lin- 
en, partially covering the head, but not in 
\\u form of a cone like that of the high- 
priest when the mitre was added to it. 
These four last were common to all priests. 
(3.) Aaron had peculiar functions. To him 
alone it appertained, and he alone was per- 
mitted, to enter the Holy of Holies, which 
he did once a year, on the great day of 
atonement, when he sprinkled the blood of 
the sin-offering on the mercy-seat, and 
bnmt incens*; wittiu thi* '^^\\ (L« v xvi.) 



(4.) The high-priest had a peculiar plac€ 
in the law of the manslayer, and his taking 
sanctuary in the cities of refuge. The man- 
slayer might not leave the city of refuge 
during the lifetime of the existing high- 
priest who was anointed with the nv.iy oil 
(Num. XXXV. 25, 28). It was also forbidden 
to the high-priest to follow a funeral, or 
rend his clothes for the dead, according to 
the precedent in Lev. x. 6. The IlabViina 
speak very frequently of one second in dig- 
nity to the high-priest, whom they call the 
Sagan, and who often acted in the high- 
priest's room. He is the same who in the 
O. T. is called "the second priest" (2 K. 
xxiii. 4, XXV. 18). Thus too it is explained 
of Annas and Caiaphas (Luke iii. 2), that 
Annas was Sagan. Ananias is also thought 
by some to have been Sagan, acting for the 
high-priest (Acts xxiii. 2). — It does not 
appear by whose authority the high-priests 
were appointed to their oflSce before there 
were kings of Israel. But as we find it in- 
variably done by the civil power in latei 
times, it is probable that, in the times pre- 
ceding the monarchy, it was by the elders, 
or Sanhedrim. It should be added, that 
the usual age for entering upon the func- 
tions of the priesthood, according to 2 Chr. 
xxxi. 17, is considered to have been 20 
years, though a priest or high-priest was 
not actually incapacitated if he had attained 
to puberty. Again, according to Lev. xxi., 
no one that had a blemish could officiate at 
the altar. II. Theologically. The theo- 
logical view of the high-priesthood doer 
not fall within the scope of this work. 1\ 
must suffice therefore to indicate that sucb 
a view would embrace the consideration of 
the oflSce, dress, functions, and ministra- 
tions of the high-priest, considered as typi- 
cal of the J. r-esthood of our Lord Jesus 
Christ, and as setting forth under shadows 
the truths which are openly taught under 
the Gospel. This has been done to a great 
extent in the Epistle to the Hebrews. It 
would also embrace all the moral and spir- 
itual teaching supposed to be intended by 
such symbols. III. Historically. The 
history of the high-priests embraces a pe- 
riod of about 1370 years, and a succession 
of about 80 high-priests, beginning with 
Aaron, and ending with Phannias. They 
naturally arrange themselves into three 
groups — (a.) those before David; (i.) 
those from David to the captivity ; (c.) those 
from the return of the Babylonish captivity 
till the cessation of the oflice at the destruc- 
tion of Jerusalem, (a.) The high-priestt 
of the first group who are distinctly mad« 
known to us as such are — 1. Aaron; 2. 
Eleazar; 3. Phinehas ; 4. Eli; 5. Ahitok 
(1 Chr. ix. 11 ; Neh. xi. 11 ; 1 Sam. xiv. 3) : 
6. Ahiah ; 7. Abimelech. Phinehas the soa 
of Eli, and father of Ahitub, died before hu 
father, and so was not high-priest. Of tlw? 



HlGfl-PRlEST 



•24b 



HIGH-PRIEST 



ftlKjye, the three first succeeded in regular 
order, Nadab and Abihu, Aaron's eldest 
sons, having died in the wilderness (Lev. 
r.). But Eli, the 4th, was of the line of 
Ithamar. What was the exact interval be- 
tween the death of Phinehas and the acces- 
gion of Eli, what led to the transference of 
the chief priesthood from the line of Elea- 
zar to that of Ithamar, we have no means 
of determining from Scripture. Joseplms 
asserts that the father of Bukki — whom he 
calls Joseph, and Abiezer, i. e. Abishua — 
was the last high-priest of Phinehas's line, 
before Zadok. If Abishua died, leaving a 
«<m or grandson under age, Eli, as head of 
the line of Ithamar, might have become 
higii-priest as a matter of course, or he 
might have been appointed by the elders. 
If Ahiah and Ahimelech are not variations 
of the name of the same person, they must 
have been brothers, since both were sons 
of Ahitub. The high-priests then before 
David's reign may be set down as eight in 
number, of whom seven are said in Scrip- 
ture to have been high-priests, and one by 
Josephus alone. (6.) Passing to the sec- 
ond group, we begin with the unexplained 
circumstance of there being two priests in 
the reign of David, apparently of nearly 
equal authority, viz. Zadok and Abiathar 
(1 Chr. XV. 11; 2 Sam. vii. 17). It is not 
unlikely that after the death of Ahimelech 
ajid the secession of Abiathar to David, 
Saul may have made Zadok priest, and that 
David may have avoided the difficulty of 
deciding between the claims of his faithful 
friend Abiathar and his new and important 
Ally Zadok by appointing them to a joint 
priesthood : the first place, with the Ephod 
md Urim and Thummim, remaining with 
Abiathar, who was in actual possession of 
them. The first considerable difficulty that 
meets us in the historical survey of the 
high-priests of the second group is to as- 
certain who was high-priest at the dedica- 
tion of Solomon's Temple. Josephus says 
that Zadok was, and the Seder 01am makes 
him the high -priest in the reign of Solo- 
mon; but 1 K. iv. 2 distinctly asserts that 
Azariah the son of Zadok was priest under 
Solomon, and 1 Chr. vi. 10 tells us of Aza- 
riah, "he it is that executed the priest's 
office in the temple that Solomon built in 
Jerusalem," obviously meaning at its first 
completion. We can hardly therefore be 
wrong in saying that Azariah the son of 
Ahimaaz was the first high-priest of Solo- 
mon's Temple. The priests of this series 
ended with Seraiah, who was taken pris- 
tmer by Nebuzar-adan, and slain at Riblah 
by Nebuchadnezzar, together with Zepha- 
niah the second priest or Sagan, after the 
burning of the Temple and the plunder of 
*11 the 3acred vessels (2 K. xx. 18). His 
«on Jehozadak or Josedech was at the same 
time carried aviay captive (1 Chr. ri. 15). 



The time occupied by these liigh-pnest» 
was about 454 years, which gives an aver^ 
age of something more than twenty-five 
years to each high-priest. It is remarkable 
that not a single instance is recorded after 
the time of David of an inquiry by Urim 
and Thummim. The ministry of the proph- 
ets seems to have superseded that of the 
high-priests (see e. g. 2 Chr. xv., xviii., xx. 
14, 15; 2 K. xix. 1, 2, xxii. 12-14; Jer. 
xxi. 1, 2). (c.) An interval of about fifty- 
two years elapsed between the high-priests 
of the second and third group, during which 
there were neither Temple, nor altar, nor 
ark, nor priest. Jehozadak, or Josedech, as 
it is written in Haggai (i. 1, 14, &c.), who 
should have succeeded Seraiah, lived and 
died a captive at Babylon. The pontifical 
office revived in his son Jeshua, of whom 
such frequent mention is made in Ezra and 
Nehemiah, Haggai and Zechariah, 1 Esdr. 
and Ecclus. ; and he therefore stands at 
the head of this third and last series, hon- 
orably distinguished for his zealous coop- 
eration with Zerubbabel in rebuilding the 
Temple, and restoring the dilapidated com- 
monwealth of Israel. Under the Syrian 
domination the high-priesthood was brought 
to the lowest degradation by the apostasy 
and crimes of the last Onias or Menelaus, 
the son of Eleazar, and after a vacancy of 
seven years by the brief pontificate of Al- 
cimus, his no less infamous successor. A 
new and glorious succession of high-priests 
arose in the Asmonean family, who united 
the dignity of civil rulers, and for a time 
of independent sovereigns, to that of the 
high-priesthood. The Asmonean family 
were priests of the course of Joiarib, the 
first of the twenty-four courses (1 Chr. 
xxiv. 7), whose return from captivity is re- 
corded 1 Chr. ix. 10 ; Neh. xi. 10. They 
were probably of the house of Eleazar, 
though this cannot be affirmed with cer- 
tainty. This Asmonean dynasty lasted 
from B. c. 153, till the family was damaged 
by intestine divisions, and then destroyed 
by Herod the Great. Aristobulus, the last 
high-priest of his line, brother of Mariam- 
ne, was murdered by order of Herod, Ms 
brother-in-law, b. c. 35. There were no 
fewer than twenty-eight high-priests from 
the reign of Herod to the destruction of 
the Temple by Titus, a period of 107 years. 
The N. T. introduces us to some of these 
later and oft-changing high- priests, viz. 
Annas, Caiaphas, and Ananias. Theophi- 
lus, the son of Ananus, was the high-priest 
from whom Saul received letters to the 
synagogue at Damascus (Acts ix. 1, 14). 
Phannias, the last high-priest, was ap- 
pointed by lot by the Zealots from the 
course of priests called by Josephus Eni- 
achim (probably a corrupt reading foi 
Jachim). The subjoined table shows the 
succession of high-priests, as fiv as 'ik aa> 



HILEN 



244 



HILLS 



De ascertained, and of the contemporary 
civil rulers : — 



OrVTL VLVIXR, 

Moms • 

Joshua 

Othniel 

Abishua 

Eli 

Samuel 

Saul 

David 

Solomon 

Abijah 

Asa 

Jehoshaphat 

Jehoram 

Ahaziah 

Jehoash 

Amaziah 

Uzziah 

JothaiD 

Ahaz 

Hezekiah 

Manasseb 

Amon 

Josiah 

Jehoiakim 

Zedekiah 

Evil-Merodach 

Zerubbabel (Cyrus and Da- 
rius). 

Mordecai ? (Xerxes) 

Ezra and Nehemiah (Arta- 
xerxes). 

Darius Nothus 

Artaxerxes Mneraon 

Alexander the Great 

Onias I. (Ptolemy Soter, An- 
tigonus). 

Ptolemy Soter 

Ptolemy Philadelphus 



Ptolemy Euergetes 

Ptolemy Philopator 

Ptolemy Epiphanes and kn- 

tiochus. 
Antiocbus Epiphanes 



Demetrius 

Alexander Balas. 



Simon (Asmonean) 

John liyrcanus (Asm.) 

King Iristobulus (Asm.) 

r King Alexander Jannaeus 

(Agmonean). 
. Que<>:n Alexandra (Asm). 
King Aristobulus II. (Asm.) 
Pompey the Great and Hyr- 
canus, or rather, towiki'ds 
the end of his pontificate, 
Antipater. 

Pacorus the Parthian 

-FerodK. of Judaea 



'Herod the Great. 



Archelaas K. of Judaea.. 



mOH-PEIEST. 

Aaron. 

Eleazar. 

Phinehas. 

Abishua. 

Eli. 

Ahitub. 

Ahijah. 

Zadok and Abiatlxar. 

Azariah. 

Johanan. 

Azariah. 

Amariah. 

Jehoiada. 

>i 

Do. and ZechariAh. 

? 
Azariah. 

? 
Urijah. 
Azariah. 
Shallum. 

Hilkiah. 
Azariah ? 
Seraiah. 
Jehozadak. 
Jeshua. 

Joiakim. 
Eliashib. 

Joiada. 
Johanan. 
Jaddua. 
Onias I. 

Simon the Just 
Eleazar. 
Manasseh. 
Onias II. 
Simon II. 
Onias III. 

(Joshua, or) Jasotk. 
Onias, or Menelaus. 
Jacimus, or Alcimus. 
Jonathan, brother of Judas 

Maccabeus (Asmonean). 
Simon (Asmonean). 
John Hyrcanus (Do.), 
Aristobulus (Do.). 
Alexander Jannaeus (Do.). 

Hyrcanus n^Do.). 
Aristobulus Dl. (Do.). 
Hyrcanus n. (Do.). 



Antigonus (Do.). 

Ananelus. 

Aristobulus (last of Asmo- 
neans), murdered by Herod. 

Ananelus restored. 

Jesus, son of Faneus. 

Simon, son of Boethus, father- 
in-law to Herod. 

Matthias, son of TheophiluB. 

Jozarus, son of Simon. 

Eleazar. 

Jesus, Son of Sie. 

Jozarus (second time). 

Ananus. 



Cyrenius governor of Syria, 

second time. 
Valerius Gratus, procurator Ishmael, son of Phabi. 

of Judea 



Vitellius, governor of Syria. 
R«trod Agrippa. 

u ........... 

king of Chaleis 



Appointed by the people. 

Do (Whiston on B. J. iv. 3, 

Cooienby lot 



Eleazar, son of Ananus. 

Simon, son of Kamith. 

Caiaphas, called also Joseph. 

Jonathan, son of Ananus. 

Theophilus, brother of Jona- 
than. 

Simon Cantheras. 

Matthias, brother of Jonathan, 
son of Ananus. 

Elioneus, son of Cantheras. 

Joseph, son of Camei. 

Ananias, son of Nebedeus. 

Jonathan. 

Ismael, son of Fabi. 

Joseph, son of Simon. 

Ananus, son of Ananus, or 
Ananias. 

Jesus, son of Gamaliel. 

Matthies, son of Theophilus. 

Phannias, ion of SamueL 



Hi'len, the name of a city of Judah allotted 
vith its suburbs to the priests (1 Chr. yi. 58). 



Hilkiah 1. Father of EIiaki.o {2 K 

xviii. 37; Is. xxii. 20; xxxtL 22). [Eli« 
AKiM.] 2. Higb-i»nest in the reign of 
Josiah (2 K. xxii. 4, sqq. ; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 9, 
sqq. ; I Esdr. i 8). According to the gen* 
ealogy in 1 Chr. vi. 13 he was son of Shal- 
lum, and from Ezr. vii. 1, apparently the 
ancestor of Ezra the scribe. His high- 
priesthood was rendered particularly illus- 
trious by the great reformation effected 
under it by king Josiah, by the solemn 
Passover kept at Jerusalem in the 18th 
year of that king's reign, and above all by 
the discovery which he made of the book 
of the law of Moses in the temple. 3. A 
Merarite Levite, son of Amzi (1 Chr. vi. 
45; hebr. 30). 4. Another Merarite Le- 
vite, second son of Hosah (1 Chr. xxvi. 
11). 5. One of those who stood on the 
right hand of Ezra when he read the law 
to the people. Doubtless a Levite, and 
probably a priest (Neh. viii. 4). 6. A 
priest of Anathoth, father of the prophet 
Jeremiah (Jer. i. 1). 7. Father of Gema- 
riah, who was one of Zedekiah's envoys to 
Babylon (Jer. xxix. 3). 

Hil'lel, a native of Pirathon in Mount 
Ephraim, father of Abdon, one of the 
judges of Israel (Judg. xii. 13, 15). 

Hills. The structure and characteris- 
tics of the lulls of Palestine will be most 
conveniently noticed in the general descrip- 
tion of the features of the country. But it 
may not be unprofitable to call attention 
here to the various Hebrew terms for which 
the word "hill" has been employed in the 
Auth. Version. 1. Gibeah, from a root 
which seems to have the force of curvature 
or humpishness. A word involving this 
idea is peculiarly applicable to the rounded 
hills of Palestine. 2. But our translators 
have also employed the same English word 
for the very different term har, which has 
a much more extended sense than gibeahy 
meaning a whole district rather than an in- 
dividual eminence, and to which our word 
" mountain " answers with tolerable accu- 
racy. For instance, in Ex. xxiv. 4, the 
" hill " is the same which is elsewhere in 
the same chapter (12, 13, 18, &c.) and 
book consistently and accurately rendered 
" mount " and " mountain." The country 
of the hills," in Deut. i. 7 ; Josh. tx. 1, x. 
40, xi. 16, is the elevated district of Judah, 
Benjamin and Ephraim, which is correctly 
called " the mountain " in the earliest de- 
scriptions of Palestine (Num. xiii. 29), and 
in many subsequent passages. 3. On one 
occasion the word Ma'aleh, better "as- 
cent," is rendered "hill" (1 Sam. ix. 11). 
4. In the N. T. the word " hill " is em- 
ployed to render the Greek word Bowos ; 
but on one occasion it is used for ^Qog, else- 
where " mountain," so as to obscure the 
connection between the two parts of th« 
same narrative (Luke ix. 37). 



HIN 



245 



HIVITES 



flin. [Mkasures.] 

Hind, the female of the common stag or 
ixrvus daphus. It is frequently noticed in 
the poetical parts of Scripture as emblem- 
atic of activity (Gen. xlix. 21 ; 2 Sam. xxii. 
84; Ps. xviii. 33; Hab. iii. 19), gentleness 
(Prov. V. 19), feminine modesty (Cant. ii. 
7, iii. 5), earnest longing (Ps. xlii. 1), and 
maternal affection (Jer. xiv. 5). Its shy- 
ness and remoteness from the haunts of 
men are also alluded to (Job xxxix. 1), 
and its timidity, causing it to cast its 
young at the sound of thunder (Ps. xxix. 
9). 

Hingd. Both ancient Egyptian and 
modern Oriental doors were and are hung 
by means of pivots turning in sockets both 
on the upper and lower sides (1 K. vii. 50). 
In Syria, and especially the Haurin, there 
are many ancient doors consisting of stone 
slabs w^ith pivots carved out of the same 
piece, inserted in sockets above and below, 
and fixed during the building of the house. 
The allusion in Pr^v. xxvi. 14 is thus clear- 
ly explained. 

Hm'nom, Valley of, otherwise called 
"the valley of the son" or "children of 
Hinnora," a deep and narrow ravine, with 
8teep rocky sides to the S. and W. of Je- 
rusalem, separating Mount Zion to the N. 
from the " Hill of Evil Counsel," and the 
sloping rocky plateau of the '* plain of Re- 
*phaim " to the S. The earliest mention of 
the Valley of Hinnom is in Josh. xv. 8, 
xviii. 16, where the boundary-line between 
the tribes of Judah and Benjamin is de- 
scribed, as passing along the bed of the 
ravine. On the southern brow, overlook- 
ing the valley at its eastern extremity, Sol- 
omon erected high places for Molech (IK. 
si. 7), whose horrid rites were revived from 
time to time in the same vicinity by the 
later idolatrous kings. Ahaz and Manas- 
seli made their children " pass through the 
fire" in tliis valley (2 K. xvi. 3; 2 Chr. 
xxviii. 3, xxxiii. 6), and the fiendish cus- 
tom of infant sacrifice to the fire-gods 
seems to have been kept up in Tophet, at 
its S. E. extremity, for a considerable peri- 
od (Jer. vii. 31; 2 K. xxx. 10). To put 
an end to these abominations the place was 
polluted by Josiah, who rendered it cere- 
monially unclean by spreading over it hu- 
man bones, and other corruptions (2 K. 
xxiii. 10, 13, 14; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 4, 5), from 
which time it appears to have become the 
common cesspool of the city, into which its 
sewage was conducted, to be carried off by 
the waters of the Kidron, as well as a lay- 
stall, where all its solid filth was collected. 
From its ceremonial defikment, and from 
the detested and abominable fire of Molech, 
if n^t from the supposed ever-burning fu- 
neral piles, the laf^er Jews applied the name 
of this valley Ga Hinnom, Gehenna, to de- 
ar to the place ^f eternal torment. In this 



sense the word is used by our Lord (Matt. 
V. 29, X. 28, xxiii. 15 ; Mark ix. 43 ; Lukt 
xii. 5). 

Hippopot'amus. [Behemoth.] 

Hi'rcth, an Adullamite, the friend of 
Judah (Gen. xxxviii. 1, 12; and see 20). 

Hi'ram, or Hu'ram. 1. The king of 
Tyre who sent workmen and materials to 
Jerusalem, first (2 Sam. v. 11, 1 Chr. xiv. 
1) to build a palace for David, whom he 
ever loved (1 K. v. 1), and again (1 K. v. 
10, vii. 13, 2 Chr. 14, 16) to build the Tem- 
ple for Solomon, with whom he had a treaty 
of peace and commerce (1 K. v. 11, 12). 
The contempt with which he received Solo- 
mon's present of Cabul (1 K. ix. 12) does 
not appear to have caused any breach be- 
tween the two kings. He admitted Solo- 
mon's ships, issuing from Joppa, to a share 
in the profitable trade of the Mediterranean 
(1 K. X. 22) ; and Jewish sailors, under 
the guidance of Tyrians, were taught to 
bring the gold of India (1 K. ix. 26) to 
Solomon's two harbors on the Red Sea. 
2. Hiram was the name of a man of mixed 
race (IK. vii. 13, 40), the principal archi- 
tect and engineer sent by king Hiram to 
Solomon. 

Hit'tites, The, the nation descended 
from Cheth (A. V. "Heth"), the second 
son of Canaan. Abraham bought from 
the " Children of Heth," the field and the 
cave of Machpelah, belonging to Ephron 
the Hittite. They were then settled at the 
town which was afterwards, under its new 
name of Hebron, to become one of the 
most famous cities of Palestine, then bear- 
ing the name of Kirjath-arba (Gen. xxiii. 
19, XXV. 9). When the Israelites entered 
the Promised Land, we find the Hittitea 
taking their part against the invader, in 
equal alliance with the other Canaanit© 
tribes (Josh. ix. 1, xi. 3, &c.). Hencefor 
ward the notices of the Hittites are very 
few and faint. We meet with two individ- 
uals, both attached to the person of David. 
(1.) "Ahimelech the Hittite" (1 Sam. 
xxvi. 6). (2.) "Uriah the Hittite," one 
of "the thirty" of David's body-guard (2 
Sam. xxiii. 39; 1 Chr. xi. 41). 

Etivites, The. In the genealogical 
tables of Genesis, " the Hivite " is named 
as one of the descendants — the sixth in 
order — of Canaan, the son of Ham (Gen. 
X. 17; 1 Chr. i. 15). We first encounter 
the actual people of the Hivites at the time 
of Jacob's return to Canaan. Shechem 
was then in their possession, Haraor the 
Hivite being the "prince of the land" 
(Gen. xxxiv. 2). We next meet with the 
Hivites during the conquest of Canaan 
(Josh. ix. 7, xi. 19). The main body of 
the Hivites were at this time living on the 
northern confines of western Palestine — 
"under Hermon, in the land of Mizpeh'" 
(Josh. xi. 3) — "in Mount L^bai on, from 



HIZKIAU 



246 



HOOK 



Mount 1 aal-Hermon to the entering in 
of Hamath" (Judg. iii. 3; comp. 2 Sam. 
xxiv. 7). 

Hizki'ah., an ancestor of Zephaniah the 
prophet (Zeph. i. 1). 

Hizkijah, according to the A. V. a 
man who sealed the covenant with Nehe- 
miah (Neh. x. 17). But there is no doubt 
that the name should be taken with that 
preceding it, as " Ater-Hizkijah." 

Ho'bab. This name is found in two 
places only (Num. x. 29; Judg. iv. 11), 
and it seems doubtful whether it denotes 
the father-in-law or brother-in-law of Mo- 
ses. (1.) In favor of the latter is the ex- 
press statement that Hobab was "the son 
of Raguel " (Num. x. 29) ; Raguel or Ruel 
— the Hebrew word in both cases is the 
same — being identified with Jethro, not 
only in Ex. ii. 18 (comp. iii. 1, &c.), but 
also by Josephus. (2.) In favor of Ho- 
bab's identity with Jethro are the woids.of 
Judg. iv. 11, and the Mahometan traditions. 
But whether Hobab was the father-in-law 
of Moses or not, the notice of him in Num. 
X. 29-32, though brief, is full of point and 
interest. While Jethro is preserved to us 
as the wise and practised administrator, 
Hobab appears as the experienced Bed- 
ouin sheikh, to whom Moses looked for 
*he material safety of his cumbrous cara- 
van in the new and difficult ground before 
them. 

HCbah., the place to which Abraham 
pursued the kings who had pillaged Sodom 
(Gen. xiv. 15). It was situated " to the 
north of Damascus." 

Hod, one of the sons of Zophah, among 
the descendants of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 37). 

Hodai'ah, son of Elioenai, of the royal 
line of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 24). 

Hodavi'ah. 1. A man of Manasseh, 
one of the heads of the half-tribe on the 
east of Jordan (1 Chr. v. 24). 2. A man 
of Benjamin, son of Has-senuah (1 Chr. ix. 
7). 3. A Levite, who seems to have given 
his name to an important family in the 
tribe (Ezr. ii. 40). 

Ho'desh, a woman named in the gene- 
alogies of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 9) as the 
wife of Shaharaira. 

Hode'vah, Neh. vii. 43. [Hodaviah, 
3.] 

Ilodi'ah, one of the two wives of Ezra, 
a man of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 19). She is 
doubtless the same person as Jehudijah in 
verse 18. 

Hodi jah. 1. A Levite in the time of 
Ezra and Nehemiah (Neh. viii. 7; and 
probable also ix. 5, x. 10). 2. Another 
Levite at the same time (Neh. x. 13). 3. 
A layman; one of the "heads" of the 
people at the same time (Neh. x. 18). 

Hoglah, the third of the five daughters 
of ZeJophehad (Num. xxvi. 33, xxvii. 1, 
KsxvL '1: Josh. XI ii b. 



Ho'ham, kiag of Hebron at the tim« 
of the conquest of Canaan (Josh. x. 3). 

Holofer'nes, or, moj-e correctly, Olo- 
FERNES, was, according to the book of 
Judith, a general of Nebuchadnezzar, king 
of the Assyrians (Jud. ii. 4), who was 
slain by the Jewish heroine Judith during 
the siege of Bethulia. 

Ho'lon. 1. A town in the mountaiai 
of Judah ; one of the first group, of which 
Debir was apparently the most consid'^rable 
(Josh. XV. 51, xxi. 15). [Hilen.] 2. A 
city of Moab (Jer. xlviii. 21, only.) No 
identification of it has yet taken place. 

Ho'uiam, the form under which, in 1 
Chr. i. 39, an Edomitename appears^ which 
in Gen. xxxvi. is given Hemam. 

Homer. [Measures.] 

Honey. The Hebrew debash, in the 
first place, applies to the product of the 
bee, to which we exclusively give the name 
of honey. All travellers agree in describing 
Palestine as a land " flowing witli milk and 
honey " (Ex. iii. 8) ; bees being abundant 
even in the remote parts of the wilderness, 
where they deposit their honey in the crevices 
of the rocks or in hollow trees. In some 
parts of northern Arabia the hills are so well 
stocked with bees, that no sooner are hives 
placed than they are occupied. In the 
second place the term debash applies to a 
decoction of the juice of the grape, which is 
still called dibs, and which forms an article 
of commerce in the East; it was this, and 
not ordinary bee-honey, which Jacob sent 
to Joseph (Gen. xliii. 11 ), and which the 
Tyrians purchased from Palestine (Ez. 
xxvii. 17). A third kind has been de- 
scribed by some writers as "vegetable" 
honey, by which is meant the exudations 
of certain trees and shrubs, such as the 
Tamarix mannifera, found in the penin- 
sula of Sinai, or the stunted oaks of Luris- 
tan and Mesopotamia. The honey which 
Jonathan ate in the wood (1 Sam. xiv. 25), 
and the " wild honey " which supported 
John the Baptist (Matt. iii. 4), have been 
referred to this species. But it was prob- 
ably the honey of the wild bees. 

Hook, Hooks. Various kinds of hookf 
are noticed in the Bible, of which the fol- 
lowing are the most important : 1. Fishing 
hooks (Am. iv. 2 ; Job xli. 2 ; Is. xix. 8 : 
Hab. i. 15). 2. Properly a ring (A. V. 
"thorn"), placed through the mouth of a 
large fish and attached by a cord to a stake 
for the purpose of keeping it alive in the 
water (Job xli. 2) ; the word meaning the 
cord is rendered "hook" in the A. V. 3. 
A ring, such as in our country is placed 
through tlie nose of a bull, and similarly 
used in the East for leading about lions 
(Ez. xix. 4, where the A. V. has "with 
chains"), camels, and other animals. A 
similar method was adopted for leading 
prisoners, as in the case of Manasseh, whc 



HUrHNl 



247 



HOKN 



<ris led wicli rings (2 Chr. xxxiii. 11 ; A. V. 
" in the thorns "). An illustration of this 
practice is found in a bass-relief discovered 
\t Khorsabad (Layard, ii. 376). 4. The 
books of the pillars of the Tabernacle. 
(Ex. xxvi. 32, 37, xxvii 10, ff., xxxviii. 13, 
ff. 5. A vine-dresser'f pruning-hook (Is. 
ii 4, xviii. 5; Mic. iv. 3; Joel iii. 10). 6. 
A flesh-hook for getting up the joints of 
a eat out of the boiling-pot (Ex. xxvii. 3 ; 
I Sam. ii. 13, 14). 7. Probably "hooks" 
oijftj for the purpose of hanging up animals 
to flay tl em (Ez. xl. 43). 

Hoph ui and Phineas, the two sons of 
Eli, who fulfilled their hereditary sacerdo- 
tal duties at Shiloh. Their brutal rapacity 
and lust, which seemed to acquire fresh 
violence with their father's increasing years 
{ I Sam. ii. 22, 12-17), filled the people with 
disgust and indignation, and provoked the 
iurse which was denounced against their 
father's house, first by an unknown prophet 
•''27-36'), and then by Samuel (1 Sam. iii. 
11-14) They were both cut off in one 
day in the flower of their age, and the ark 
«Fliich they had accompanied to battle 
against the Philistines was lost on the same 
occasion (1 Sam. iv. 10, 11). 

Hor, Mount. 1. The mountain on 
which Aaron died (Num. xx. 25, 27). The 
word Hor is probably an archaic form of 
ffar, the usual Hebrew term for " moun- 
tain." It was " on the boundary line " 
(Num. XX. 23) or "at the edge" (xxxiii. 
B7) of the land of Edom. It was the halt- 
ing-place of the people next after Kadesh 
(xx. 22, xxxiii. 37), and they quitted it for 
Zalmonah (xxxiii. 41) in the road to the Red 
Sea (xxi. 4). It was during the encamp- 
ment at Kadesh that Aaron was gathered 
to his fathers. It is situated on the eastern 
side of the great vall-,y of the Arabah, the 
highest and most conspicuous of the whole 
range of the sandstone mountains of Edom, 
having close beneath it on its eastern side 
the mysterious city of Petra. The tradition 
has existed from the earliest date. It is 
DOW the Jebel Nehi-Uarijin, "the mountain 
of the Prophet Aaron." Its height is 4800 
feet above the Mediterranean, that is to say, 
about 1700 feet above the town of Petra, 
4000 above the level of the Arabah, and 
more than 6000 above the Dead Sea. The 
mountain is marked far and near by its 
double top, which rises like a huge castel- 
lated building from a lower base, and is 
8UI mounted by a circular dome of the tomb 
of Aaron, a distinct white spot on the dark 
red surface of the mountain. The chief 
interest of Mount Hor consists in the pros- 
pect from its summit — the last view of 
Aaron — that view which was to him what 
Pisgah was to his brother. 2. A mountain, 
entirely distinct from the preceding, named 
hi Num. xxxiv. 7, 8, only, as one of the marks 
^f the north ^-rn boum^-^ry nf the land wliich 



the children of Israel were about tu conquer 
This '• Mount Hor ' is the great chain ol 
Lel)anon itself. 

Ho'ram, king of Gezer at the time of 
the conquest of the south-western part of 
Palestine (Josh. x. 33). 

Ho'reb. [Sinai.] 

Ho'rem, one of the fortified plares lu 
tlie territory of NaphtaU; named with Iron 
and Migdal-el (Josh. xix. 38). Vande Velde 
suggests Hurah as the site of ilorem. 

Hor Hagid'gad, the name of the drgert 
station where the Israelites encamped (N um. 
xxxiii. 32), probably the same asGudgodab 
(Deut. X. 7). 

Ho'ri. 1. A Horite, son of Lotan, the 
&on of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 22 ; 1 Chr. i. 39). 
2. In Gen. xxxvi. 30, the name has in the 
original the definite article prefixed, " the 
Horite ; " and is in fact precisely the same 
word with that which in the preceding verse, 
and also in 21, is rendered in the A. V 
"the Horites." 3. A man of Simeon; 
father of Shaphat (Num. xiii. 5). 

Ho'rites and Ho'rims, the aboriginal 
inhabitants of Mount Seir (Gen. xiv. 6), 
and probably allied to the Emims and 
Rephaims. The name Ilorite appears to 
have been derived from their habits as 
" cave-dwellers." Their excavated dwell- 
ings are still found in hundreds in th€ 
sandstone cliffs and mountains of Edom, 
and especially in Petra. 

Hor'mah, orZephath (Judg. i. 17), was 
the chief town of a king of a Canaanitisb 
tribe on the south of Palestine, which waa 
reduced by Joshua, and became a city of 
the territory of Judah (xv. 30; 1 Sam. 
XXX. 30), but apparently belonged to Sina- 
eon (] Chr. iv. 30). 

Horn. The word " horn" is often used 
metaphorically to signify strength and Iton- 
or. Of strength the horn of the unicorn 
was the most frequent representative (Deut- 
xxxiii. 17, &G.), but not always; comp. 1 




Heads of Modem Aiiatics ornamented with Oomt- 

K. xxii. 11, where probably hor-ns of inw, 
worn defiantly and symbolioallj on tha 



HORNET 



24» 



HOSEA 



bead, are intended. Among the Druses 
apon Mount Lebanon the married women 
rear silver horns on their heads. In the 
eense of honor, the word horn stands for 
ihe o.hstract (my horn, Job xvi. 15 ; all the 
horns of Israel, Lam. ii. 3), and so for the 
supreme authority. It also stands for the 
concrete, whence it comes to mean king, 
kingdom (Dan. viii. 2, &c. ; Zech. i. 18). 
Out of either or both of these two last met- 
aphors sprang the idea of representing gods 
• ith horns. 

Hornet. In Scripture the hornet is re- 
ferred t'j only as the means which Jehovah 
employed for the extirpation of the Canaan- 
'tes (Ex. xxiii. 28; Deut. vii. 20; Josh, 
xxiv. 12; Wisd. xii. 8). Some commenta- 
tors regard the word as used in its literal 
sense, but it more probably expresses un- 
der a vivid image the consternation with 
which Jehovah would inspire the enemies 
of the Israelites, as declared in Deut. ii. 
25, Josh. ii. 11. 

Horona'im, a town of Moab, possibly 
a sanctuary, named with Zoar and Luhith 
(Is. XV. 5; Jer. xlviii. 3, 5, 34). 

Hor'onite, The, the designation of 
Sanballat (Neh. ii. 10, 19; xiii. 28). It is 
derived by Gesenius from Iloronaim. 

Horse. The most striking feature in 
the Biblical notices of the horse is the ex- 
clusive application of it to warlike opera- 
tions ; in no instance is that useful animal 
employed for the purposes of ordinary loco- 
motion or agriculture, if we except Is. 
xxviii. 28, where we learn that horses (A. 
V. " horsemen'^) were employed in thresh- 
ing, not, however, in that case put in the 
gears, but simply driven about wildly over 
the strewed grain. The animated descrip- 
tion of the horse in Job xxxix. 19-25 ap- 
plies solely to the war-horse. The Hebrews 
in the patriarchal age, as a pastoral race, 
did not stand in need of the services of the 
horse, and for a long period after their set- 
tlement in Canaan they dispensed with it, 
partly in consequence of the hilly nature 
of the country, which only admitted of the 
use of chariots in certain localities (Judg. 
i. 19), and partly in consequence of the pro- 
hibition in Deut. xvii. IG, which would be 
held to upply at all periods. David first 
establisl ed a force of cavalry and chariots 
after the defeat of Hadadezer (2 Sam. viii. 
4). But the groat supply of horses was 
subsequently eflected by Solomon through 
his connection with Egypt (1 K. iv. 26). 
Solomon also established a very active trade 
in horses, which were brought by dealers 
out of Egypt and resold at a profit to the 
Hittitcs, who lived between Palestine and 
the Euphrates (1 K. x. 28, 29). In the 
countries adjacent to Palestine, the use oi 
the horse was much more frequent. It 
-w^as introduced into Egypt probably by thQ 
Hyksos, as it is not represented on the 



monuments before the 18th dynasty. Tlis 
Jewish kings sought the assistance of the 
Egyptians against the Assyrians in tliis re- 
spect (Is. xxxi. 1, xxxvi. 8; Ez. xvii. 15). 
But the cavalry of the Assyrians and other 
eastern nations was regarded as most formi- 
dable ; the horses themselves were higlily 
bred, as the Assyrian sculptures still testily, 
and fully merited the praise bestowed or 
them by Habakkuk (i. 8). With regard to 
the trappings and management of the horse 
we have little information; the bridle was 
placed over the horse's nose (Is. xxx. 28), 
and a bit or curb is also mentioned (2 K. 
xix. 28; Ps. xxxii. 9; Prov. xxvi. 3; Is. 
xxxvii. 29 ; in the A. V. it is incorrectly 
given " bridle," with the exception of Ps. 
xxxii.). The harness of the Assyrian horsei 
was profusely decorated, the bits being 
gilt (1 Esdr. iii. 6), and the bridles adorned 
with tassels ; on the neck was a collar ter- 
minating in a bell, as described by Zecha- 
riah (xiv. 20). Saddles were not used un- 
til a late period. The horses were not shod, 
and therefore hoofs as hard " as Hint" (Is. 
V. 28) were regarded as a great merit. The 
chariot-horses were covered with embroid- 
ered trappings (Ez. xxvii. 20). Horses and 
chariots were used also in idolatrous pro- 
cessions, as noticed in regard to the sun (2 
K. xxiii. 11). 

Horse-leech (Heb. 'aUkdh) occurs 
once only, viz. Prov. xxx. 15. There is lit- 
tle doubt that ' dlukdh denotes some species 
of leech, or rather is the generic term for 
any bloodsucking annelid. 

Ho'sah, a city of Aslier (Josh. xix. 29;, 
the next landmark on the boundary to Tyre. 

Ho'sah, a Merarite Levite (1 Chr. xxvi. 
10), chosen by David to be one of the first 
doorkeepers to the ark after its arrival in 
Jerusalem (1 Chr. xxvi. 38). 

Hosan'na ( " Save, we pray " ), the cry 
of the multitudes as they thronged in oui 
Lord's triumphal procession into Jerusalem 
(Matt. xxi. 9, 15 i Mark xi. 9, 10; John xii. 
13). The Psalm from which it was taken, 
the 118th, was one with which tliey were 
familiar from being accustomed to recitf 
the 25th and 2Gth verses at the Feast o* 
Tabernacles. On that occasion the Ilallel, 
consisting of Psalms cxiii.-cxviii., waj 
chanted by one of the priests, and at certain 
intervals the multitudes joined in the re- 
sponses, waving their branches of willow 
and palm, and shouting as they waved them, 
Hallelujah, or Hosanna, or " O Lord, ] 
beseech thee, send now prosperity" (Ps. 
ex viii. 25). 

Hose'a, son of Beeri, and first of the 
Minor Prophets. The title of the book 
gives for the beginning of Hosea's miristry 
the reign of Uzziah, king of Judal but 
limits this vague definition by referenje to 
Jeroboam II., King of Israel it th'irefore 
yields a date not later thaa b. g. 783 The 




II 



H08HAIAB 



249 



BOSPirALIlTr 



j^ictures of social and political life which 
Hosea draws so forcibly are rather applica- 
ble to the interregnum which followed the 
death of Jeroboam (782-772), and to the 
reign of the sue needing kings. It seems 
aim Jit certain tliyt very few of his prophe- 
cies w-;re written until after the death of 
Jerob am (783), and probably the life, or 
rathei tL^ prophetic career, of Hosea ex- 
tenc'ed from 784 to 725, a period of fifty- 
oine y ;ars. The prophecies of Hosea were 
'If.li^ ered in the kingdom of Israel. It is 
easy to recognize two great divisions in the 
book: (1) chap. i. to iii. , (2) iv. to end. 
The subdivision of these several parts is a 
work of greater difficulty. (1.) The first 
division should probably be subdivided into 
three separate poems, each originating in a 
distinct aim, and each after its own fashion 
attempting to express the idolatry of Israel 
by imagery borrowed from the matrimonial 
relation. The first, and therefore the least 
elaborate of these, is contained in chap, iii., 
the second in i. 2-11, the third in i. 2-9, and 
ii. 1-23. These three are progressively 
elaborate developments of the same reiter- 
ated idea. Chap. i. 2-9 is common to the 
second and third poems, but not repeated 
with each severally. (2.) Attempts have 
been made to subdivide the second part of the 
book. These divisions are made either ac- 
cording to reigns of contemporary kings, or 
according to the subject matter of the poem. 
The prophecies were probably collected by 
Hosea himself towards the end of his career. 
Hosea is referred to in the following pas- 
sages of the N. T. : Matt. ix. 13, xii. 7, Hos. 
vi. 6; Luke xxiii. 30, Rev. vi. 16, Hos. x. 
8; Matt. ii. 15, Hos. xi. 1 ; Rom. ix. 25, 26, 
1 Pet. ii. 10, Hos. i. 10, ii. 23 ; 1 Cor. xv. 
4^ Hos. vi. 2; Heb. xiii. 15, Hos. xiv. 2. 

Hoshai'ah. 1. A man who assisted in 
the dedication of the wall of Jerusalem 
after it had been rebuilt by Nehemiah (Neb. 
xii. 32). 2. The father of a certain Jeza- 
nial\, or Azariah, who was a man of note 
after the destruction of Jerusalem by Neb- 
uchadnezzar (Jer. xlii. 1, xliii. 2). 

Hosll'ania, one of the sons of Jeconiah, 
or Jehoiachin, the last king of Judah but 
one (1 Chr. iii. 18). 

Hoshe'a, the nineteenth, last, and best 
king of Israel. He succeeded Pekah, whom 
he slew in a successful conspiracy, thereby 
fulfilling a prophecy of Isaiah (Is. vii. 16). 
It took place b. c. 737, in the 20th year of 
Jctham (2 K. xv. 30), i. e. "in the 20th 
year after Jotham became sole king," for he 
only reigned 16 years (2 K. xv. 33). But 
there must have been an interregnum of at 
least eight years before Hoshea came to the 
throne, which was not till b. c. 729, in the 
12th year of Ahaz (2 K. xvii. 1). It is ex- 
pressly stated (2 K. xvii. 2) that Hoshea 
was not so sinful as his predecessors. In 
fee third year of his reign (b. c. 726) Shal- 



maneser cruelly stormed the strong ca^e* 
of Beth-arbel(Hos. viii. 14), and made Israel 
tributary (2 K. xvii. 3) for three years. At 
the end of this period, encouraged perhaps 
by the revolt of Hezekiah, Hoshea entered 
into a secret alliance with So, king of Egypt, 
to throw off the Assyrian yoke. The alli- 
ance did liira no good ; it was revealed to 
the court of Nineveh by the Assyrian party 
in Ephraim, and Hoshea was immediately 
seized as a rebellious vassal, shut up in 
prison, and apparently treated with the 
utmost indignity (Mic. v. 1). Of the sub- 
sequent fortunes of Hoshea we know noth- 
ing. 

Hoshe'a. 1. The son of Nun, i. e 
Joshua (Dent, xxxii. 44 ; and also in Num. 
xiii. 8, though there the A. V. has Oshea), 

2. Son of Azaziah (1 Chr. xxvii. 20) ; lila 
his great namesake, a man of Ephraim, 
ruler of his tribe in the time of king David. 

3. One of the heads of the people who 
sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. 
X. 23). 

Hospitality. Hospitality was regard- 
ed by most nations of the ancient world as 
one of the chief virtues. Among the Arabs 
we find the best illustrations of the old 
Bible narratives, and among them see traits 
that might beseem their ancestor Abraham. 
The laws respecting strangers (Lev. xix 
33, 34) and the poor (Lev. xxv. 14, seq. ; 
Deut. XV. 7), and concerning redemption 
(Lev. xxv. 23, seqq.), &c., are framed Id 
accordance with the spirit of hospitality; 
and the strength of the national feeling re- 
garding it is shown in the incidental mei>- 
tions of its practice. In the Law, compfis- 
sion to strangers is constantly enforced by 
the words "for ye were strangers in the 
land of Egypt '' (Lev. xix. 34). And before 
the Law, Abraham's entertainment of the 
angels (Gen. xviii. 1, seqq.) and Lot's (xix. 
1), are in exact agreement with its pre- 
cepts, and with modern usage (comp Ex. ii. 
20; Judg. xiii. 15, xix. 17, 20, 21). In the 
N. T. hospitality is yet more markedly en- 
joined ; and in the more civilized state of 
society which then prevailed, its exercise 
became more a social virtue than a neces- 
sity of patriarchal life. The good Samar- 
itan stands for all ages as an example of 
Christian hospitality, embodying the com^ 
mand t(» love one's neighbor as himself. 
The neglect of Christ is symbolized by in- 
hospitality to our neighbors (Matt. xxv. 43). 
The Apostles urged the Church to " follow 
after hospitality " (Rom. xii. 13 ; cf. 1 Tim. 
V. 10) ; to remember Abraham's example 
(Heb. xiii. 2) ; to " use hospitality one to 
another without grudging " (1 Pet. iv. 9) ; 
while a bishop must be a " lover of hospital- 
ity " (Tit. i. 8, cf. 1 Tim. iii. 2). The prac- 
tice of the early Christians was in accord 
with these precepts. They had all things 
in common, and tlieir liospitality was a 



HOTHAM 



250 



HOUSE 



(*ijaracteristic of their belief. Such ha\ing 
been the usage of Biblical times, it is in the 
next place bnportant to remark how hos- 
pitality was shown. In the patriarchal 
ages we may take Abraham's example as 
the most fitting, as we have of it the fullest 
account. " The account," says Mr. Lane, 
*' of Abraham's entertaining the three an- 
gels, related in the Bible, presents a perfect 
picture of the manner in which a modern 
Bedawee sheykh receives travellers arriv- 
ing at his encampment. He immediately 
orders his wife or women to make bread, 
slaughters a sheep or some other animal, 
and dresses it in haste, and bringing milk 
and any other provisions that he may have 
ready at hand, with the bread and the meat 
which he has dressed, sets them before his 
guests. If these he persons of high rank, 
he stands by them while they eat, as Abra- 
ham did in the case above alluded to. Most 
Bedawees will suffer almost any injury to 
themselves or their families rathe/ than 
allow their guests to be ill-treated while 
under their protection." The Oriental re- 
spect for the covenant of bread and salt, or 
salt alone, certainly sprang from the high 
regard in which hospitality was held. 

Ho'tham, a man of Asher, son of 
Heber, of the family of Beriah (1 Chr. vii. 
32). 

Ho'tlian, a man of Aroer, father of 
Shama and Jehiel (1 Chr. xi. 44). 

Ho'thir, the 13th son of Heman, " the 
king's seer" (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 28), and 
therefore a Kohathite Levite. 

Hour. The ancient Hebrews were prob- 
ably unacquainted with the division of the 
natural day into 24 parts ; but they after- 
wards parcelled out the period between 
sunrise and sunset into a series of divisions 
distinguished by the sun's course. The 
early Jews appear to have divided the day 
into four parts (Neh. ix. 3), and the night 
into three watches (Judg. vii. 19), and 
even in the N. T. we nnd a trace of this 
division in Matt. xx. 1-5. The Greeks 
adopted the division of the day into 12 
hours from the Babylonians. At what 
period the Jews became first acquainted 
with this way of reckoning time is unknown, 
but it is generally supposed that they too 
learnt it from the Babylonians during the 
captivity. In whatever way originated, it 
was known to the Egyptians at a very early 
period. They had 12 hours of the day and 
of the night. There are two kinds of 
hours, viz. (1.) the astronomical or equi- 
noctial hour, i. e. the 24th part of a civil 
day, and (2.) the natural hour, i. e. the 
12th part of the natural day, or oif the time 
between sunrise and sunset. These are 
the hours meant in the N. T. (John xi. 9, 
&c.), and it must bo remembered that they 
perpetually vary ir» length, so as to be very 
different at different times of the year. For 



the purposes of prayer the old division oi 
the day into 4 portions was contiuued in 
the Temple service, as we see from Afjts ii 
15, iii. 1, X. 9. 

House. The house.? of the rural pooi 
in Egypt, as well as in most parts of Syria, 
Arabia, and Persia, are for the most part 
mere huts of mud, or sunburnt bricks. In 
some parts of Palestine and Arabia stone ie 
used, and in certain districts caves in th€> 
rock are used as dwellings (Amus v. 11). 
The houses are usually of one story only, 
viz., the ground floor, and often contain 
only one apartment. Sometimes a small 
court for the cattle is attached; and in 
some cases the cattle are housed in the 
same building, or the people live on a raised 
platform, and the cattle round them on the 
ground (1 Sam. xxviii. 24). The windows 
are small apertures high up in the walls, 
sometimes grated with wood. The roofs 
are commonly but not always flat, and are 
usually formed of a plaster of mud and 
straw laid upon boughs or rafters •, and 
upon the flat roofs, tents or "booths" of 
boughs or rushes are often raised ;o be 
used as sleeping-places in summer. The 




▲ Nestorian House, with stages npon the roof for 
tleeping. (La^ ard, A'itieveh, i. 177.) 

difference between the poorest houses and 
those of the class next above them is 
greater than between these and the houses 
of the first rank. The prevailing plan of 
Eastern houses of this class presents, as 
was the case in ancient Egypt, a front of 
wall, whose blank and mean appearance is 
usually relieved only by the door and a few 
latticed and projecting windows. Within 
this is a court or courts with apartments 
opening into them. Over the door is a pro- 
jecting window with a lattice more or less 
elaborately wrought, which, except in times 
of public otlebratious, is usually closed C2K 



HOUSE 



25] 



HOUSE 



•U. 30) An a'wning is sometimes drawn 
over the court, and the floor strewed with 
carpets on festive occasions. The stairs to 
the upper apartments are in Syria usually in 
a corner of the court. Around part, if not 
the whole, of the court is a veranda, often 
nine or ten feet deep, over which, when 
there is more than one floor, runs a second 
Kaliery of like depth with a balustrade. 




Inner Court of House in Cairo. (Lane, Modem 
Egvptians.^ 

Bearing in mind that the reception room is 
raised above the level of the court, we may, 
in explaining the circumstances of the mira- 
cle of the paralytic (Mark ii. 3 ; Luke v. 
18), suppose, 1. either that our Lord was 
standing under the veranda, and the peo- 
ple in front in the court. The bearers of 
the sick man ascended the stairs to the 
roof of the house, and taking off a portion 
of the boarded covering of the veranda, 
or removing the awning, in the former case 
let down the bed through the veranda 
roof, or in the latter, down by way of the 
roof, and deposited it before the Saviour. 
2. Another explanation presents itself in 
considering the room where the company 
were assembled as the " upper room," and 
the roof opened for the bed to be the true 
roof of the house. 3. And one still more 
simple is found in regarding the house as 
one of the rude dwellings now to be seen 
near the Sea of Galilee, a mere room 10 or 
12 feet high, and as many or more square, 
with no opening except the door. The 
roof, used as a sleeping-place, is reached 
by a ladder from the outside, and the bear- 
ers of the paralytic, unable to approach the 
door, would thus have ascended the roof, 
and having uncovered it, let him down into 
the room where our Lord was. When 
there is no second floor, but more than one 



court, the women's apartments, hinreen^ 
harem, or haram, are usually m the sec- 
ond court ; otherwise they form a separate 
building within the general enclosure, or 
are above on the first floor. When there 
is an upper story, the Ka'ah forms the most 
important apartment, and thus probably 
answers to the "upper room," which was 
often the "guest- chamber" (Luke xxii, 12 
Acts i. 13, ix. 37, xx. 8). The windows of 
the upper rooms often project one or two 
feet, and form a kiosk or latticed chamber. 
Such may have been "the chamber in the 
wall" (2 K. iv. 10, 11). The "lattice," 
through which Ahaziah fell, perhaps be- 
longed to an upper chamber of this kind (2 
K. 1. 2), as also the " third loft," from 
which Eutychus fell (Acts xx. 9; comp. 
Jer. xxii. 13). There are usually no spe- 
cial bedrooms in Eastern houses. The 
outer doors are closed with a wooden lock, 
but in some cases the apartments are divid- 
ed from each other by curtains only. Therp 
are no chimneys, but fire is made when re 
quired with charcoal in a chafing-dish ; or 
a fire of wood might be kindled in the op an 
court of the house (Luke xxii. 55). Some 
houses in Cairo have an apartment, open 
in front to the court, with two or more 
arches, and a railing ; and a pillar t'.) sup- 
port the wall above. It was in a chamber 
of this kind, probably one of the largest 
size to be found in a palace, that our Lord 
was being arraigned before the high-priest, 
at the time when the denial of Him by St. 
Peter took place. He " turned and looked " 
on Peter as he stood by the fixe in the 




Interior of Hoose (harem) in Damascus. 

court (Luke xxii. 56, 61 ; John xviii. 24), 
whilst He himself was in the "haU of 
judgment." In no point do Oriental do- 
mestic habits differ more from European 
than in the use of the roof. Its flat sur- 
face is made useful for various household 
purposes, as drying corn, hanging up linen, 
and preparing figs and raisins. The roofs 
are used as places of recreation in the 
evening, and often as sleeping-places at 
night (2 Sam. xi. 2, xvi. 22; Dan. iv. 29- 



flUKKOR 



2i)ii 



HU£HA1 



I Sam. ix. 25, 26 ; Job xxvii. 18 ; Prov. 
xxi. 9). They were also used as places 
for devotion, and even idolatrous worship 
(Jer. xxxii. 29, xix. 13; 2 K. xxiii. 12; 
Ztiph. i. 5; Acts x. 9). At the time of 
the Feast of Tabernacles booths were 
erected by the Jews on the tops of their 
houses. Protection of the roof by parapets 
was enjoined by the law (Deut. xxii. 8). 
Special apartments were devoted in larger 
houses to winter and summer uses (Jer. 
Kxxvi. 22; Am. iii. 15). The ivory house 
of Ahab was probably a palace largely or- 
namented with inlaid ivory. The circum- 
stance of Samson's pulling down the house 
by means of the pillars, may be explained 
by the fact of the company being assembled 
on tiers of balconies above each other, 
supported by central pillars on the ^»ase- 
ment ; when these were pulled down the 
whole of the upper floors would fall also 
(Judg. xvi. 26). 

Huk'kok, a place on the boundary of 
NaphtaU (Josh. xix. 34) named next to Az- 
noth-Tabor. It has been recovered in Yakukj 
a village in the mountains of Naphtali, west 
of the upper end of the Sea of Galilee. 

Hu'kok, a name which in 1 Chr. vi. 75 
Is substituted for Helkatn in Josh. xxi. 

Hul, the second son of Aram, and 
grandson of Shem (Gen. x. 23). The 
strongest evidence is in favor of the district 
about the roots of Lebanon. 

Hlll'dah, a prophetess, whose husband 
Shallum was keeper of the wardrobe in the* 
time of king Josiah. It was to her that Josiah 
had recourse when Hilkiah found a book of 
Che law, to procure an authoritative opinion 
on it (2 K. xxii. 14; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 22). 

Hum'tah., a city of Judah, one of those 
in the mountain-district, the next to He- 
bron (Josh. XV. 54). 

Hunting. Hunting, as a matter of ne- 
cessity, whether for the extermination of 
dangerous beasts, or for procuring suste- 
nance, betokens a rude and semi-civilized 
state ; as an amusement, it betokens an ad- 
vanced state. The Hebrews, as a pastoral 
and agricultural people, were not given to 
the sports of the field ; the density of the 
population, the earnestness of their char- 
acter, and the tendency of their ritual reg- 
ulations, particularly those affecting food, 
all combined to discourage the practice of 
hunting. The manner of catching animals 
was either by digging a pitfall, or secondly 
by a trap, which was set under ground 
^Job xviii. 10), in the run of the animal 
(Prov. xxii. 5), and caught it by the leg 
(Job xy iii. 9) ; or lastly by the use of the 
net, of which there were various kinds, as 
for the gazelle (Is. 11. 20. A. V. " wild 
bull ") and other animals of that class. 

Hu'pham a son of Benjamin, founder 
ol the familjf of tUa Huphamites (Num. 
xjrvi. 89). 



Hu'phamites, The, descsLdants of 
Hupham of the tribe of Benjamin (Num. 
xxvi. 39). 

Hup'pah, a priest in the time of David 
(1 Chr. xxiv. 13). 

Hup'pim, head of a Benjaraite family. 
According to the text of the LXX." in Gen., 
a son of Bela, but 1 Chr. vii. 12, tells us 
that he was a son of Ir, or Iri. 

Hur. 1. A man who is mentioned with 
Moses and Aaron on the occasion of the 
battle with Amalek at Rephidim (Ex. xvii. 
10), when with Aaron he stayed up the 
hands of Moses (12). He is mentioned 
again in xxiv. 14, as being, with Aaron, 
left in charge of the people by Moses dur- 
ing his ascent of Sinai. The Jewish tra- 
dition is that he was the husband of Mir- 
iam, and that he was identical with, 2. The 
grandfather of Bezaleel, the chief artifi- 
cer of the tabernacle — " son of Huri, son 
of Hur — of the tribe of Judah." (Ex. 
xxxi. 2, XXXV. 30, xxxviii. 22). In the lists 
of the descendants of Judah in 1 Chr. the 
pedigree is more fully preserved. Hur 
there appears as one of the great family of 
Pharez. He was the son of Caleb ben- 
Hezron, by a second wife, Ephrath (ii. 19, 
20; comp. 5, "also iv. 1), the first fruit of 
the marriage (ii. 50, iv. 4), and the father 
besides Uri (ver. 20), of three sons, who 
founded the towns of Kirjath-jearim, Beth- 
lehem, and Beth-gader (51). 3. The 
fourth of the five kings of Midian, who 
were slain with Balaam after the "matter 
of Peor " (Num. xxxi. 8). In a later men- 
tion of them (Josh. xiii. 21), they are called 
princes of Midian and dukes. 4. Father 
of Rephaiah, who was ruler of half of the 
environs of Jerusalem, and assisted Nehe- 
miah in the repair of the wall (Neh. iii. 9). 
5. The " son of Hur " — Ben-Hur — was 
commissariat officer for Solomon in Mount 
Ephraim (1 K. iv. 8). 

Hu'rai, one of David's guard — Hurai 
of the torrents of Gash — according to the 
list of 1 Chr. xi. 32. [Hiddai.] 

Hu'ram. 1. A Benjaraite ; son of Bela, 
the fii.^t-born of the patriarch (1 Chr. viiL 
5). 2. The form in which the name of the 
king of Tyre in alliance with David and 
Solomon — and elsewhere given as Hiram 
— appears in Chronicles (1 Chr. xiv. 1; 2 
Chr. ii. 3, 11, 12; viii. 2, 18; ix. 10, 21). 
3. The same change occurs in Chronicles 
in the name of Hiram the artificer, which 
is given as Huram in the following places ; 
2 Chr. ii. 13; iv. 11, 16. [Hiram. J 

Hu'ri, a Gadite; father of Abihail C* 
Chr. V. 14). 

Husband. [Marriage.] 

Hu'shah, a name which occurs in tlie 
genealogies of the tribe of Judah (1 Chr. 
iv. 4) — '* Ezer, father of Hushah." Ii 
m ay perhaps be the name of a place. 

Hu'shai, an AroMte, i. e., posMibly mi 



HUSHAM 



HYSSOP 



inhabitant of a place called Erec (2 Sam. 
Kv. 32, ff., xvi. 16, ff.). He is called the 
'' friend " of David (2 Sam. xv. 37 : comp. 
1 Chr. xxvii. 33). To him David confided 
the delicate and dangerous part of a pre- 
tended adherence to the cause of Absalom. 
He was probably the father of Baana (1 
K. iv. 16). 

Hu'sham, one of the early kings of 
Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 34, 35; 1 Chr. i. 45, 
46). 

Hu'shathite, The, the designation 
oi' two of the heroes of David's guard. 1. 
SiBBKCHAi (2 Sam. xxi. 18 ; 1 Chr. xi. 29, 
XX. 4, xxvii. 11). Josephus, however, calls 
him a Hittite. 2. Mebdnnai (2 Sam. xxiii. 
27), a mere corruption of Sibbechai. 

Hu'shim. 1. In Gen. xlvi. 23, " the 
children of Dan" are said to have been 
Hushim. The name is plural, as if of a 
tribe rather than an individual. In Num. 
XX vi. the name is changed to Shuham. 2. 
A Benjamite (1 Chr. vii. 12) ; and here 
again apparently the plural nature of the 
name is recognized, and Hushim is stated 
to he "the sons of Aher." 3. One of the 
two wives of Shaharaim (1 Chr. viii. 8). 

Husks. The word rendered in the A. 
V. " husks " (Luke xv. 16) describes real- 
ly the fruit of a particular kind of tree, 
viz. : the carob or Ceratonia siliqua of bot- 
anists. This tree is very commonly met 
with in Syria and Egypt ; it produces pods, 
shaped like a horn, varying in length from 
6 to 10 inches, and about a finger's breadth, 
or rather more. 

Huz, the eldest son of Nahor and Milcah 
(Gen. xxii. 21). 

Huz'zab, according to the general opin- 
ion of the Jews, was the queen of Nineveh 
at the time when Nahum delivered his 
prophecy (Nah. ii. 7). The moderns fol- 
low the rendering in the margin of our 
English Bible — " that which was estab- 
lished." Still it is not improbable that after 
all Huzzab may really be a proper name. 
Huzzab may mean "the Zah country," or 
the fertile tract east of the Tigris, watered 
by the upper and lower Zab rivers. 

Hyaena. Authorities are at variance 
as to whether the term tzdbU'a in Jer. xii. 
9 means a " hyaena," as the LXX. has it, or 
a " speckled bird," as in the A. V. The 
only other instance in which it occurs is as 
a proper nane, Zeboim (1 Sam. xiii., "the 
valley of hyaenas," Aquila; Neh. xi. 34). 
riie hyaena was common in ancient as in 
modern Egypt, and is constantly depicted 
upon monuments ; it must therefore have 
been well known to the Jews. 

Hymenae'lIS, the name of a person 
occurring twice in the correspondence be- 
tween St. Paul and Timothy ; the first time 
classed with Alexander (1 Tim. i. 20), and 
the second time classed with Philetus (2 
Tim. ii. 17, 18). In the error with which he 



was ch.^rged he stands as one of the earli-in 
of the Gnostics. As regards the sentence 
passed upon him — it has been asserted 
by some writers of eminence, that the '* de>- 
livering to Satan " is a mere syuonyme foT 
ecclesiastical excommunication. Such can 
hardly be the case. As the Apostles healed 
all manner of bodily infirmities, so they 
seem to have possessed and exercised the 
same power in inflicting them — a power 
far too perilous to be continued when the 
manifold exigencies of the Apostolic ag« 
had passed away (Acts v. 5, 10, ix. 17, 40, 
xiii. 11). Even apart from actual interren- 
tion by the Apostles, bodily visitations are 
spoken of in the case of those who ap- 
proached the Lord's Supper unworthily (1 
Cor. xi. 30). 

Hymn. Among the later Jews the word 
hymn was more or less vague in its appli- 
cation, and capable of being used as occasion 
should arise. To Christians the Hymn has 
always been something different from the 
Psalm ; a different conception in thought, 
a different type in composition. There is 
some dispute about the hymn sung by out 
Lord and his Apostles on the occasion of 
the Last Supper ; but even supposing it to 
have been the Hallel, or Paschal Hymn, con- 
sisting of Pss. cxiii.-cxviii., it is obvious that 
the word hymn is in this case applied not 
to an individual psalm, but to a number of 
psalms chanted successively, and all togeth- 
er forming a kind of devotional exercise 
which is not unaptly called a hymn. In 
the jail at Philippi, Paul and Silas "sang 
hymns " (A. V. " praises ") unto God, and 
so loud was their song that their fellow- 
prisoners heard them. This must have 
been what we mean by singing, and not 
merely recitation. It was in fact a verita- 
ble singing of hymns. And it is remarkable 
that the noun hymn is only used in refer- 
ence to the services of the Greeks, and in 
the same passages is clearly distinguished 
from the psalm (Eph. v. 19, Col. iii. 16), 
" psalms, and hymns, and spiritual songs.'' 

Hyssop. (Heb. iz6b.) The ezdb was 
used to sprinkle the doorposts cf the Israel- 
ites in Egypt with the blood of the paschal 
lamb (Ex. xii. 22) ; it was employed in the 
purification of lepers and leprous houses 
(Lev. xiv. 4, 51), and in the sacrifice of the 
red heifer (Num. xix. 6). In consequence 
of its detergent qualities, or from its being 
associated with the purificatory services, 
the Psalmist makes use of the expression, 
"purge me with ez6b" (Ps. Ii. 7). It is 
described in 1 K. iv. 33 as growing on or 
near walls. Bochart decides in favor of 
marjoram, or some plant like it, and to this 
conclusion, it must be admitted, all ancient 
tradition points. But Dr. Royle, after a 
careful investigation of the subject, arrives 
at the conclusion that the hyssop is no other 
than tha caper-plant, or capparis spinoaa 



lEHAB 



254 



IDOLATRY 



of Linnaeus. The Arabic name of this 
plant, asuf, by which it is sometimes, 
though not commonly, described, bears 
nonsiderable resemblance to the Hebrew. 



I. 



It) liar, one of the sons of David (2 
Sam. V. 15 ; I Chr. iii. 6, xiv. 5) born in 
Jerusalem. 

Ibleam, a city of Manasseh, with vil- 
lages or towns dependent on it (Judg. i. 
27). It appears to have been situated in 
the territory of either Issachar or Asher 
(Jofth. xvii. 11). The ascent of Gur was 
"at Ibleam" (2 K. ix. 27), somewhere 
near the present Jenin, probably to the 
north of it. 

Ibnei'all, son of Jehoram, a Benjamite 
(1 Chr. ix. 8). 

Ibni'jah, a Benjamite (1 Chr. ix. 8). 

Ib'ri, a Merarite Levite of the family of 
Jaaziah (1 Chr. xxiv. 27), in the time of 
David. 

Ib'zan, a native of Bethlehem of Zebu- 
lun, who judged Israel for seven years 
after Jephthah (Judg. xii. 8, 10). 

Ich'abod, the son of Phinehas, and 
grandson of Eli (1 Sam. iv. 21). 

Ico'niuin, the modem Konieh, was the 
capital of Ltcaonia. It was on the great 
tin? of communication between Ephesus 
and the western coast of the peninsula on 
one side, and Tarsus, Antioch, and the 
Euphrates on the other. Iconium was a 
well chosen place for missionary operations 
(Acts xiv. 1, 3, 2], 22, xvi. 1, 2, xviii. 23). 
The Apostle's first visit was on his first 
drcuit, in company with Barnabas; and 
oo this occasion he approached it from 
Antioch in Pisidia, which lay to the west. 

Id'alah, one of the cities of the tribe 
of Zebulun, named between Shimron and 
Bethlehem (Josh. xix. 15). 

Id'bash, one of the three sons of Abi- 
Etam, among the families of Judah (1 Chr. 
iv. 3). 

Id'do. 1. The father of Abinadab (1 
K. iv. 14). 2. A descendant of Gershom, 
son of Levi (1 Chr. vi. 21). 3. Son of 
Zechariah, ruler of the tribe of Manasseh 
east of Jordan in the time of David (1 Chr. 
rxvii. 21). 4. A seer whose "visions" 
agairst Jeroboam incidentally contained 
some of the acts of Solomon (2 Chr. ix. 
89). He appears to have written a chroni- 
cle or story relating to the life and reign of 
Abijah (2 Chr. xiii. 22), and also a book 
" concerning genealogies " in which the 
acts of Rehoboam were recorded (xii. 15). 
These books are lost, but they may have 
formed part of the foundation of the ex- 
isting books of Chronicles. 5. The grand- 
fi&thei of the prophet Zechariah (Zech. i. 1, 



7), althtugh in other places Zechaiiah m 
called " the son of Iddo " (Ezr. v. 1 ; vi. 
14). Iddo returned from Babylon with 
Zerubbabel and Jeshua (Neh. xii. 4). 6. 
The chief of those who assembled at Ca- 
siphia, at the time of tlie seccnd caravan 
from Babylon. He was one of the Nethi- 
nim (Ezr. viii. 17; comp. 20). 

Idol, Image. No less than twenty- 
one different Hebrew words have been ren- 
dered in the A. V. either by idol or image, 
including a class of abstract terms, which, 
with a deep moral significance, express the 
degradation associated with it, and stand 
out as a protest of the language against the 
enormities of idolatry. Such are, 1. Avert, 
rendered elsewhere " nought," " vanity," 
" iniquity," " wickedness," " sorrow," &c., 
and once only "idol" (Is. Ixvi. 3). 2i 
Mil is thought by some to have a sense 
akin to that of " falsehood." In strong 
contrast with Jehovah it appears in Ps. xc. 
5, xcvii. 7. 3. J^mdh, " horror," or " ter- 
ror," and hence an object of horror or ter- 
ror (Jer. 1. 38), in reference either to the 
hideousness of the idols or to the gros« 
character of their worship. 4. Bdsheth^ 
" shame," or " shameful thing " (A. V. 
Jer. xi. 13; Hos. ix. 10), applied to Baal or 
Baal-Peor, as characterizing the obscenity 
of his worship, &c. Among the earliest 
objects of worship, regarded as symbols of 
deity, were, the meteoric stones which the 
ancients believed to have been the images 
of the gods sent down from heaven. From 
these they transferred their regard to rough 
unhewn blocks, to stone columns or pillars 
of wood, in which the divinity worshipped 
was supposed to dwell, and which were 
consecrated, like the sacred stone at Delphi, 
by being anointed with oil, and crowned 
with wool on solemn days. Such customs 
are remarkable illustrations of the solemn 
consecration by Jacob of the stone at Beth- 
el, as showing the religious reverence with 
which these memorials were regarded. Of 
the forms assumed by the idolatrous images 
we have not many traces in the Bible. 
Dagon, the fish-god of the Philistines, was 
a human figure terminating in a fish ; and 
that the Syrian deities were represented in 
later times in a symbolical human shape 
we know for certainty. The Hebrews im- 
itated their neighbors in this respect as in 
others (Is. xliv. 13 ; Wisd. xiii. 13). When 
the process of adorning the image was com- 
pleted, it was placed in a temple or shrine 
appointed for it (Epist. Jer. 12, 19 ; Wisd. 
xiii. 15; 1 Cor. viii. 10). From these 
temples the idols were sometimes carried 
in procession (Epist. Jer. 4, 26) on festival 
days. Their priests were maintained from 
the idol treasury, and feasted upon the 
meats which were appointed for the idols' 
use (Bel and the Dragon, 3, 13). 

Idolatry, strictly speaking, denolPt thf 



IDOLATRY 



255 



IDOLATRY 



irorship of deity iu a visible form, whether 
the images to which homage is paid are 
symbolical representations of the true God 
or of the false divinities which have been 
made the objects of worship in His stead. 
L History of Idolatry among the Jews. — 
The first undoubted allusion to idolatry or 
idolatrous customs in the Bible is in the 
account of Rachel's stealing her father's 
teraphim (Gen. xxxi. 19), a relic of the 
worship of other gods, whom the ancestors 
o-f the Israelites served " on the other side 
of the river, in old time" (Josh. xxiv. 2). 
These he consulted as oracles (Gen. xxx. 
27, A.V. " learned by experience "), though 
without entirely losing sight of the God of 
Abraham and the God of Nahor, to whom 
be appealed when occasion offered (Gen. 
Kxri. 53), while he was ready, in the pres- 
ence of Jacob, to acknowledge the benefits 
conferred upon him by Jehovah (Gen. xxx. 
27). Such, indeed, was the character of 
most of the idolatrous worship of the Israel- 
ites. Like the Cuthean colonists in Sa- 
maria, who "feared Jehovah and served 
their own gods " (2 K. xvii. 33), they 
blended in a strange manner a theoretical 
belief in the true God with the external 
reverence which they were led to pay to 
the idols of the nations by whom they were 
surrounded. During their long residence 
in Egypt, the country of symbolism, they 
defiled themselves with the idols of the 
land, and it was long before the taint was 
removed (Josh. xxiv. 14; Ez. xx. 7). To 
these gcds Moses, as the herald of Jehovah, 
flang down the gauntlet of defiance, and 
the plagues of Egypt smote their symbols 
(Num. xxxiii. 4). Yet, with the memory 
of their deliverance fresh in their minds, 
tlieir leader absent, the Israelites clamored 
for some visible shape in which they might 
worship the God who had brought them 
3ut of Egypt (Ex. xxxii.). Aaron lent 
himself to the popular cry, and chose as 
the symbol of deity one with which they 
h*d long been familiar — the calf — em- 
bodiment of Apis, and emblem of the pro- 
ductive power of nature. For a while the 
erection of the tabernacle, and the establish- 
ment of the worship which accompanied it, 
satisfied that craving for an outward sign 
which the Israelites constantly exhibited; 
and for the remainder of their march through 
ihe desert, with the dwelling-place of Jeho- 
vah in their midst, they did not again de- 
generate into open apostasy. But it was 
only 80 long as their contact with the na- 
tions was of a hostile character that this 
seeming orthodoxy was maintained. Dur- 
ing the lives of Joshua and the elders who 
outlived him, they kept true to their allegi- 
ance- but the generation following, who 
knew not Jehovah, nur the works he had 
done for Israel, swerved from the piain path 
»f their fathers, and were caught in the 



toils of the foreigner (Judg,. ii.). From thii 
time forth their history becomes little more 
than a chronicle of the inevitable sequence 
of offence and punishment (Judg. ii. 12, 
14). By turns each conquering natioa 
strove to establish the worship of its na- 
tional god. Thus far idolatry as a nationaJ 
sin. The episode of Micah, in Judg. 
xvii., xviii., sheds a lurid light on the secret 
practices of individuals, who, without for- 
mally renouncing Jehovah, though ceasing 
to recognize Him as the theocratic King 
(xvii. 6), linked with His worship the sym- 
bols of ancient idolatry. In later times the 
practice of secret idolatry was carried tc 
greater lengths. Images were set up od 
the corn-floors, in the wine-vats, and be- 
hind the doors of private houses (Is. Ivii. 8 ; 
Hos. ix. 1, 2) ; and to check this tendency 
the statute in Deut. xxvii. 15 was originally 
promulgated. Under Samuel's administra- 
tion a fast was held, and purificatory ritea 
performed, to mark the public renunciation 
of idolatry (1 Sam. vii. 3-6). But in the 
reign of Solomon all this was forgotten. 
Each of his many foreign wives brought 
with her the gods of her own nation ; and 
the gods of Ammon, Moab, and Zidon 
wore openly worshipped. Rehoboam, the 
son of an Ammonite mother, perpetuated 
the worst features of Solomon's idolatry (1 
K. xiv. 22-24) ; and in his reign was made 
the great schism in the national religion : 
when Jeroboam, fresh from his recollec- 
tions of the Apis worship of Egypt, erected 
golden calves at Bethel and at Dan, and by 
this crafty state-policy severed forever the 
kingdoms of Judah and Israel (1 K. xii. 26- 
33). The successors of Jeroboam followed 
in his steps, till Ahab, who married a Zido- 
nian princess, at her instigation (1 K. xxi 
25) built a temple and altar to Baal, and 
revived all the abominations of the Amorites 
(1 K. xxi. 26). Compared with the worship 
of Baal, the worship of the calves was a 
venial offence, probably because it was 
morally less detestable and also less anti- 
national (1 K. xii. 28; 2 K. x. 28 -3 i). 
Henceforth Baal-worship became so com 
pletely identified with the northern kingdoit 
that it is described as walking )m ifie way or 
statutes of the kings of Israel (2 K. xvi. 3, 
xvii. 8), as distinguished from the sin of 
Jeroboam. The conquest of the ten tribet 
by Shalmaneser was for them the last scene 
of the drama of abominations which had 
been enacted uninterruptedly for upwards 
of 250 years. The first act of Hezekiah 
on ascending the throne was the restoration 
and purification of the temple, whicli had 
been dismantled and closed during the lat- 
ter part of his father's life (2 Cbr. xiviiL 
24, xxix. 3). The iconoclastic spirit was 
not confined to Judah and Benjamin, but 
spread throughout Ephraim and Manas seb 
(2 Chr. xxxi. 1), and to all external &p- 



IDOLATRY 



256 



IDOLATRY 



pearance idolatry was extirpated. But the 
reform extended little below the surface (Is. 
xxix. 13). With the death of Josiah ended 
the last effort to revive among the people a 
purer ritual, if not a purer faith. The lamp 
of David, which had long shed but a strug- 
gling ray, flickered for a while and then 
wont out in the darkness of Babylonian cap- 
tivity. But foreign exile was powerless to 
eradicate the deep inbred tendency to idola- 
try. One of the first difficulties with which 
Ezra had to contend was the haste with which 
his ceuntrymen took them foreign wives of 
the people of the land, and followed them in 
all their abominations (Ezr. ix.) The con- 
quests of Alexander in Asia caused Greek 
influence to be extensively felt, and Greek 
idolatry to be first tolerated, and then 
practised, by the Jews (1 Mace. i. 43-50, 
54). The attempt of Antiochus to establish 
*;his form of worship was vigorously re- 
sisted by Mattathias (1 Mace. ii. 23-26). 
The erection of synagogues has been as- 
signed as a reason for the comparative 
purity of the Jewish worship after the cap- 
tivity, while another cause has been dis- 
covered in the hatred for images acquired 
by the Jews in their intercourse with the 
Persians. II. Objects of Idolatry. — In 
the old religion of the Semitic races the 
deity, following human analogy, was con- 
ceived of as male and female : the one rep- 
resenting the active, the other the passive 
principle of nature ; the former the source 
of spiritual, the latter of physical life. The 
sun and moon were early selected as out- 
ward symbols of this all-pervading power, 
and the worship of the heavenly bodies 
was not only the most ancient but the 
most prevalent system of idolatry. Tak- 
ing its rise in the plains of Chaldea, it 
spread through Egypt, Greece, Scythia, 
and even Mexico and Ceylon (comp. 
Deut. iv. 19, xvii. 3; Job xxxi. 26-28). 
It is probable that the Israelites learnt 
their first lessons in sun-worship from 
the Egyptians, in whose religious sys- 
tem that luminary, as Osiris, held a prom- 
inent place. The Phoenicians worshipped 
him under the title of "Lord of heaven." 
As Molech or Milcom, the sun was wor- 
shipped by the Ammonites, and as Che- 
mosh by the Moabites. The Hadad of 
the Syrians is the same deity. The Assyr- 
ian Bel, or Belus, is another form of Baal. 
By the later kings of Judah, sacred horses 
And chariots were dedicated to the sun- god, 
as by the Persians (2 K. xxiii. 11). The 
moon, worshipped by the Phoenicians under 
the name of Astarte or Baaltis, the passive 
power of nature, as Baal was the active, 
and known to the Hebrews as Ashtaroth or 
Ashtoreth, the tutelary goddess of the Zido- 
nians, appears early among the objects of 
Israelitish idolatry. In the later times of 
the monarchy, the planets, or the zodiacal 



signs, received, next to the sun and moon. 
their share of popular adoration (2 K. xxiii. 
5). Beast-worship, as exemplified in the 
calves of Jeroboam, has already been al- 
luded to. There is no actual proof that 
the Israelites ever joined in the service 
of Dagon, the fish-god of the Philistines, 
though Ahaziah sent stealthily to Baalze- 
bub, the fly- god of Ekron (2 K. i.), and m 
later times the brazen serpent became tlie 
object of idolatrous homage (2 K. xviii. 4;. 
Of pure hero-worship among the Semitic 
races we find no trace. The singuUr rever- 
ence with which trees have been honored u 
not without example in the historv of the 
Hebrews. The terebinth at Mamre, be- 
neath which Abraham bui^; an altar (Gen. 
xii. 7, xiii. 18), and the memorial grove 
planted by him at Beersheba (Gen. xxi. 33), 
were intimately connected with patriarchal 
worship. Mountains and high places were 
chosen spots for offering sacrifice and in- 
cense to idols (IK. xi. 7, xiv. 23) ; and the 
retirement of gardens and the thick shade 
of woods offered great attractions to their 
worshippers (2 K. xvi. 4 ; Is. i. 29 ; Hos. iv. 
13) . The host of heaven was worshipped 
on the house-top (2 K. xxiii. 12 ; Jer. xix. 
3, xxxii. 29; Zeph. i. 5). III. Punishment 
of Idolatry. — If one main object of the 
Hebrew polity was to teach the unity of God. 
the extermination of idolatry was but a sub 
ordinate end. Jehovah, the God of the Is- 
raelites, was the civil head of the State. 
He was the theocratic king of the people, 
who had delivered them from bondage, and 
to whom they had taken a willing oath of 
allegiance. Idolatry, therefore, to an Is- 
raelite was a state offence (1 Sam. xv. 23). 
a political crime of the gravest character 
high treason against the majesty of his king. 
But it was much more than all this. While 
the idolatry of foreign nations is stigma- 
tized merely as an abomination in the sight 
of God, which called for his vengeance, the 
sin of the Israelites is regarded as of more 
glaring enormity and greater moral guilt. 
In the figurative language of the prophets, 
the relation between Jehovah and his people 
is represented as a marriage bond (Is. liv. 
5; Jer. iii. 14), and the worship of false 
gods with all its accompaniments (Lev. xx. 
56) becomes then the greatest of social 
wrongs (Hos. ii. ; Jer. iii., &c.). The first 
and second commandments are directed 
against idolatry of every form. Individuals 
and communities were equally amenable to 
the rigorous code. The individual offender 
was devoted to destruction (Ex. xxii. 20) -, 
his nearest relatives were not only bound 
to denounce him and deliver him up to 
punishment (Deut. xiii. 2-10), but their 
hands were to strike the first blow, when, on 
the evidence of two witnesses at least, he 
was stoned (Deut. xvii. 2-5 ) To attempt 
to seduce others to false worship was a 



IDt'MEA 



257 



INCENSE 



•nme of equal enormity (Deut. xiii. fi- 

Idume'a. [Edom.] 

I'gal. 1. One of the spies, son of Joseph, 
of the tril)e of Issachar (Num. xiii. 7). 2. 
One of the heroes of David's guard, son of 
Nathan of Zobah (2 Sam. xxiii. 36). 

Igdaliah, a prophet or holy man — 
" {lie man of God " — named once only (Jer. 
Txxv. 4). as the father of Hanan. 

Ig'eal, a son of Shemaiah; a descend- 
ant of tb» royal house of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 
22). 

I'im. 1. The partial or contracted form 
of the name Ije-Abarim (Num. xxxiii. 45). 
2. A town in the extreme south of Judah 
rJosK. XV. 28). 

Ije-ab'arim. one of the later halting- 
^■»laces of the children of Israel (Num. xxi. 
11, xxxiii. 44). It was on the boundary — 
the S. E. boundary — of the territory of 
Moab; in the waste uncultivated "wilder- 
ness " on its skirts (xxi. 11). 

rjon, a town in the north of Palestine, 
belonging to the tribe of Naphtali. It was 
taken and plundered by the captains of Ben- 
hadad (1 K. xv. 20; 2 Chr. xvi. 4), and a 
second timebj Tiglath-pileser (2 K. xv. 29). 
It was situated a few miles N. W. of the 
pite of Dan, in a fertile and beautiful little 
plain called Mey'j 'Ain^n. 

Ik'kesh, the father of Ira the Tekoite 
(2 Sim. xxiii. 26; 1 Chr. xi. 28, xxvii. 
9). 

I'lai, an Ahohite, one '^f the heroes of 
David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 29). 

lUyT'lctim, an extensive district lying 
along the eastern coastof the Adriatic, from 
the boundary of Italy on the north to Epirus 
on the south, and contiguous to Moesia and 
Ma^^edonia on the east (Rom. xv. 19). 

Image. [Idol.] 

Im'la, father or progenitor of Micaiah 
the prophet (2 Chr. xviii. 7, 8). The form 

Im'lah is employed in the parallel nar- 
rative (1 K. xxii. 8, 9). 

Imman'uel, that is, God with us, the 
symbolical name given by the prophet 
Isaiah to the child who was announced to 
Ahaz and the people of Judah, as the sign 
which God would give of their deliverance 
from their enemies (Is. vii. 14). It is ap- 
plied by the Apostle Matthew to the Mes- 
siah, born of the Virgin (Matt. i. 23). It 
would therefore appear that the immediate 
reference of the prophet was to some con- 
temporary occurrence, but that his words 
received their true and full accomplishment 
in the birth of the Messiah. 

Im'mer. 1. The founder of an important 
family of priests (1 Chr. ix. 12; Neh. xi. 
13). Thi^ family had charge of, and gave 
its name to, the sixteenth course of the ser- 
vice ^1 Chr. xxi-^. 14). 2. Apparently the 
oamdof a place in Babylonia (Ezr. ii. 59; 
Neh. vii. 61). 

17 



Im'na, a descendant of Asher, son of 
Helem (1 Chr. vii. 35; comp. 40). 

Im'nah. 1. The first-born of A.'^het 
(1 Chr. vii. 30). 2. Kore ben-Imnah, the 
Levite, assisted in the reforms :f Hezekiiih 
(2 Chr. xxxi. 14). ^ 

Im'rab., a descendant of Asher, of the 
family of Zophah (1 Chr. vii. 36). 

Im'ri. 1. A man of Judah, of the great 
family of Pharez (1 Chr. ix. 4). 2. Father 
or progenitor of Zaccur (Neh. i5i. 2). 

Incense. The incense employed in the 
service of the tabernacle was compounded 
of the perfumes stacte, onycha, galbanum, 
and pure frankincense. All incense which 
was not made of these ingredients was for- 
bidden to be offered (Ex. xxx. 9). Aaron, 
as high-priest, was originally appointed to 
offer incense, but in the daily service of 
the second temple the office devolved upon 
the inferior priests, from among whom one 
was chosen by lot (Luke i. 9), each morn- 
ing and evening. The times of offering 
incense were specified in the instructions 
first given to Moses (Ex. xxx. 7, 8). The 
morning incense was offered when the 
lamps were trimmed in the Holy place, 
and before the sacrifice, when the watch- 
man set for the purpose announced the 
break of day. When the lamps were light- 
ed " between the evenings," after the even- 
ing sacrifice and before the drink- ofl^eringu 
were offered, incense was again burnt on 
the golden altar, which "belonged to the 
oracle " (1 K. vi. 22), and stood before the 
veil which separated the Holy place from 
the Holy of Holies, the throne of God (Rev. 
viii. 4). When the priest entered the Holy 
place with the incense, all the people were 
removed from the temple, and from be- 
tween the porch and the altar (cf. Luke i. 
10). Profound silence was observed among 
the congregation who were praying with- 
out (cf. Rev. viii. 1), and at a signal from 
the prefect the priest cast the incense on 
the fire, and bowing reverently towards the 
Holy of Holies retired slowly backwards, 
not prolonging his prayer that he might 
not alarm the congregation, or cause them 
to fear that he had been struck dead for 
offering unworthily (Lev. xvi. 13 ; Luke i. 
21). On the day of atonement the service 
was different. The offering of incense ha? 
formed a part of the religious ceremonies 
of most ancient nations. It was an ele- 
ment in the idolatrous worship of the Is- 
raeUtes (Jer. xi. 12, 17, xlviii. 35 ; 2 C'hr. 
xxxiv. 25). Looking upon incense in con- 
nection with the other ceremonial obser- 
vances of the Mosaic ritual, it would 
rather seem to be symbolical, not of prayei 
itself, but of that which makes prayer ac- 
ceptable, the intercession of Christ. In 
Rev. viii. 3, 4, the incense is spoken of a» 
something distinct from, though offered w*A 
the prayers of all the saints (q{. Luke L 



INDIA 



258 



iflON 



0) ; and in Rev v. 8 it is the golden vials, 
and not the odors or incense, which are said 
to be the prayers of saints. 

India. The name of India does not oc- 
cur in the Bible before the book of Esther, 
fliers it is noticed as the limit of the terri- 
tories of Ahasuerus in the east, as Ethiopia 
was in the west (i. 1; viii. 9). The India 
of the book of Esther is not the peninsula 
of Hindostan, but the country surrounding 
tlie Indus, the Punjdb, and perhaps Scinde. 
In 1 Mace. viii. 8, India is reckoned among 
tlie countries which Eumenes, king of Per- 
gamus, received out of the former posses- 
sions of Antiochus the Great. A more 
authentic notice of the country occurs in 1 
Mace. xi. 37. But though the name of 
India occurs so seldom, the people and 
productions of that country must have 
been tolerably well known to the Jews. 
There is undoubted evidence that an active 
trade was carried on between India and 
Western Asia. The trade opened by Solo- 
mon with Ophir through the Red Sea con- 
sisted chiefly of Indian articles. The con- 
nection thus established with India led to the 
opinion that the Indians were included under 
the ethnological title of Cush (Gen. x. 6). 
InheritaDce. [Hsm.] 
Ink, Inkhorn. [Writing.] 
Inn. The Hebrew word (mdldn) thus 
rendered literally signifies "a lodging-place 
for the niglit." Inns, in our sense of the 
term, were, as they still are, unknown in 
the East, wliere hospitality is religiously 
practised. The khans, or caravanserais, 
are the representatives of European inns, 
and these were established but gradually. 
It is doubtful whether there is any allusion 
to thcra in the Old Testament. The halt- 
ing-place of a caravan was selected origi- 
nally on account of its proximity to water 
or pasture, by which the travellers pitched 
their tents, and passed the night. Such 
was undoubtedly the " inn " at which oc- 
curred the incident in the life of Moses, 
narrated in Ex. iv. 24 (comp. Gen. xlii. 
27). On the more frequented routes, re- 
mote from towns (Jer. ix. 2), caravanserais 
were in course of time erected, often at the 
expense of the wealthy. The following 
description of one of those on the road 
from Bagdad to Babylon will suffice for 
all : "It is a large and substantial square 
building, in the distance resembling a for- 
tress, being surrounded with a lofty wall, 
and flanked by round towers to defend the 
inmates in case of attack. Passing through 
a strong gateway, the guest enters a large 
court, the sides of which are divided into 
numerous arched compartments, open in 
front, for the accommodation of separate 
parties, and for tlie reception of goods. In 
the centre is a spacious raised platform, 
a«ed for sieejnng upon at night, or for the 
ievotionfe of tt? iaithful during the day. 



Between the outer wall and the companr 
ments are wide vaulted arcades, extending 
round tJie entire building, where the beasts 
of burden are placed. Upon the roof of 
the arcades is an excellent terrace, and 
over the gateway an elevated tower con- 
taining two rooms — one of which is opiii 
at the sides, permitting the occupants to 
enjoy erery breath of air that passes across 
the heated plain. The terrace is tolerably 
clean ; but the court and stabling below are 
ankle-deep in chopped straw and filth." 
(Loftus, Chaldea, p. 13.) 

Instant, Instantly, in the A. V., 
means urgent, urgently, or fervently, as 
will be seen from the following passages : 
Luke vii. 4, xxiii. 23 ; Acts xxvi 7 ; Rom. 
xii. 12. In 2 Tim. iv. 2 we find ••be in- 
stant in season and out of season." Thf 
literal sense is " stand ready '■ — 'be alort* 
for whatever may happen. 

Iphedei'ah, a descendant of Benjamin 
one of the Bene-Shashak (1 Chr. viii. £6) 

Ir, 1 Chr. vii. 12. [Im.] 

I'ra. 1. "The Jairite," named in thfi 
catalogue of David's great officers (2 Sam. 
XX. 26). 2. One of the heroes of David's 
guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 38; 1 Chr. xi. 40). 
3. Another of David's guard, a Tekoite, 
son of Ikkesh (2 Sam. xxiii. 26 ; 1 Chr. xi. 
28). 

I'rad, son of Enoch ; grandson of Cain, 
and father of Mehujael (Gen. iv. 18). 

I'ram, a leader of the Edomites (Gen 
xxxvi. 43; 1 Chr. i. 54), i. c, the chief of 
a family or tribe. No identification of hw 
has been found. 

I'ri, or Ir, a Benjamite, son of Bela (^ 
Chr. vii. 7, 12). 

Iri'jah, son of Shelemiah, a captain 
of the ward, who met Jeremiah in the gate 
of Jerusalt,-.! , called the " gate of Ben- 
jamin," accused him of being about to de- 
sert to the Chaldeans, and led him back to 
the princes (Jer. xxxvii. 13, 14). 

Ir'-nahash, a name which, like many 
other names of places, occurs in the gene- 
alogical lists of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 12). 

I'ron, one of the cities of NaphtaU 
(Josh. xix. 38), hitherto totally unknown. 

Iron is mentioned with brass as the 
earliest of known metals (Gen. iv. 22). As 
it is rarely found in its native state, but 
generally in combination with oxygen, thti 
knowledge of the art of forging iron, which 
is attributed to Tubal Cain, argues an ac- 
quaintance with the difficulties which attend 
the smelting of this metal. The natura.' 
wealth of the soil of Canaan is indicated hj 
describing it as "a land whose stones are 
iron" (Deut. viii. 9). The book of Job 
contains passages which indicate •that iron 
was a metal well known. Of the manner 
of procuring it, we learn that " iron i« 
taken from dust" (xxviii. 2). The ''fur- 
nace of iron " (Deut. iv. 28: IK. tiu. i»l 



IllPEEL 



*259 



ISAAC 



if a figure which vividly expresses hard 
bondage, as represented by the severe labor 
«rhich attended the operation of smelting. 
Sheet-iron was used foi cooking utensils 
(Ez. iv. 3; cf. Lev. vii. 9). That it was 
plentiful in the time of David appears from 
1 Chr. xxii. 3. The market of Tyre was 
supplied with bright or polished iron by the 
merchants of Dan and Javan (Ez. xxvii. 
19). The Chalybes of the Pontus were 
celebrated as workers in iron in very an- 
cient times. The produce of their labor is 
nupposed to be alluded to in Jer. xv. 
12, as beiag of superior quality. It was 
for a long time supposed that the Egyp- 
tians were ignorant of the use of iron, and 
that the allusions in the Pentateuch were 
anachronisms, as no traces of it have been 
found in their monuments ; but in the sep- 
alchres at Thebes butchers are repre- 
sented as sharpening their knives on a 
round bar of metal attached to their aprons, 
which from its blue color is presumed to be 
steel. One iron mine only has been dis- 
covered in Egypt, which was worked by 
the ancients. It is at Hammami, between 
the Nile and the Red Sea ; the iron found 
by Mr. Burton was in the form of specu- 
lar and red ore. That no articles of iron 
should have been found is readily accounted 
for by the fact that it is easily destroyed by 
moisture and exposure to the air. Speci- 
mens of Assyrian iron-work overlaid with 
bronze were discovered by Mr. Layard, and 
we now in the British Museum. Iron 
weapons of various kinds were found at 
Nimroud, but fell to pieces on exposure 
to the air. There is considerable doubt 
whether the ancients were acquainted with 
cast-iron. The rendering given by the 
LXX. of Job xl. 18 seems to imply that 
8ome method nearly like that of casting 
was known, and is supported by a passage 
in Diodorus (v. 13). In Ecclus. xxxviii. 
28, we have a picture of the interior of an 
iron-smith's (Is. xliv. 12) workshop. 

Ir'peel, one of the cities of Benjamin 
(Josh, xviii. 27). No trace has yet been 
discovered of its situation. 

Ir'-she'mesh, a city of the Danites 
(Josh. xix. 41), probably identical with 
3KTH-feHEMESH, and, if not identical, at 
least connected with Mount Heres (Judg. 
i. 35). 

I'm, the eldest son of the great Caleb 
•on of Jephunneh (1 Chr. iv. 15). 

I'saac, the son whom Sarah, in accord- 
ance with the Divine promise, bore to Abra- 
ha/Q, in the hundredth year of his age, at 
Gerar. In his infancy hi became the ob- 
. ject of Ishmael's jealousy ; and in his youth 
the victim, in intention, of Abraham's great 
sacrificial act of faith. When forty years 
old he married Rebekah Ms cousin, %y 
whom, when he was sixty, he had two sons, 
Esaa and iJn7ob In his .leventy-fifth ytar 



he and his brother Ishmael buried their f* 
ther Abraham in the cave of Machpelah. 
From this abode by the well Lahai-roi, 1b 
the South Country, Isaac was driven by a 
famine to Gerar. Here Jehovah appeared 
to him and bade him dwell there, and not 
go over into Egypt, and renewed to him the 
promises made to Abraham. Here he sub- 
jected himself, like Abraham in the same 
place and under like circumstances (Gop 
XX. 2), to a rebuke from Abimelech the 
Philistine king for an equivocation. Here 
he acquired great wealth by his flocks, but 
was repeatedly dispossessed by the Philis- 
tines of the wells which he sank at con- 
venient stations. At Beersheba Jehovah 
appeared to him by night and blessed him, 
and he built an altar there : there, too, like 
Abraham, he received a visit from the Phi- 
listine king Abimelech, with whom he raa,de 
a covenant of peace. After the deceit by 
which Jacob acquired his father's blessing, 
Isaac sent his son to seek a wife in Padan- 
aram ; and all tliat we know of him during 
the last forty -three years of his life is, that 
he saw that son, with a large and prosper- 
ous family, return to him at Hebron (xxxv. 
27) before he died there at the age of 130 
years. He was buried by his two sons in 
the cave of Machpelah. In the N. T. 
reference is made to the offering of Isaac 
(Heb. xi. 17; and James ii. 21) and to his 
blessing his sons (Heb. xi. 20). As the 
child of the promise, and as the progenitor 
of the children of the promise, he is con- 
trasted with Ishmael (Rom. ix. 7, 10; Gal. 
iv. 28; Heb. xi. 18). In our Lord's re- 
markable argument with the Sadducees, his 
history is carried beyond the point at which 
it is left in the O. T., and beyond the grave. 
Isaac, of whom it was said (Gen. xxxv. 29) 
that he was gathered to his people, is rep- 
resented as still living to God (Luke xx. 
38, &c.) ; and by the same Divine author- 
ity he is proclaimed as an acknowledged 
heir of future glory (Matt. viii. 11, &c.). 
It has been asked what are the persecutions 
sustained by Isaac from Ishmael to which 
St. Paul refers (Gal. iv. 29). RasM re- 
lates a Jewish tradition of Isaac suffering 
personal violence from Ishmael, a tradition 
which some think was adopted by St. Paul. 
In reference to the oflfbring up of Isaac by 
Abraham, the primary doctrines taught are 
those of sacrifice and substitution, as the 
means appointed by God for taking away 
sin ; and, as co-ordinate with these, the 
need of the obedience of faith, on the part 
of man, to receive the benefit (Heb. xi. 17). 
A confusion is often made between Isaac 
and the victim actually offered. Isaac 
himself is generally viewed as a type of 
the Son of God, offered for the sins of 
men ; but Isaac, himself one of the sinfu] 
race for whom atonement was to be VL%de, 
— Isaac, who did not actually suffer desth, 



ISAIAH 



260 



ISAIAH 



— wa« no fit type of Him who " was slain, 
the just for the unjust." But the animal, 
HGt of the human race, which God provided 
and Abraliam offered, was in the whole 
history of sacrifice the recognized type 
of "the Lamb of God, that taketh away 
the sins of the world." Isaac is the type 
&i humanity itself, devoted to death for 
gin, and submitting to the sentence. 

Isa'iah, the prophet, son of Amoz. The 
Hebrew name, our shortened form of which 
occurs with other persons [see Jesaiah, 
Jeshaiah], signifies Salvation of Jahu (a 
shortened form of Jehovah). He prophe- 
sied concerning Judah and Jerusalem in 
the days of Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, and 
Hezekiah, kings of Judah (Is. i. 1). Isaiah 
must have been an old man at the close of 
Hezekiah's reign. The ordinary chronol- 
ogy gives 758 b. c. for the date of Jotham's 
accession, and 698 for that of Hezekiah's 
death. This gives us a period of sLxty 
years. And since his ministry commenced 
before Uzziah's death (how long we know 
not), supposing him to have been no more 
than twenty years old when he began to 
prophesy, he would have been eighty or 
ninety at Manasseh's accession. Rabbini- 
cal tradition says that Isaiah was sawn 
asunder in a trunk of a tree by order of 
Manasseh, to which it is supposed that ref- 
erence is made in Hebrews xi. 37. I. Chs. 
i,-v. contain Isaiah's prophecies in the 
reigns of Uzziah and Jotham. Ch. i. is 
very general in its contents. Chs. ii.-iv. 
are one prophesying, — the leading thought 
of which is, that the present prosperity of 
Judah should be destroyed for her sins, to 
make room for the real glory of piety and 
virtue ; while ch. v. forms a distinct dis- 
course, whose main purport is that Israel, 
God's vineyard, shall be brought to desola- 
tion. Ch. vi. describes an ecstatic vision 
that fell upon the prophet in the year of 
Uzziah's death. Ch. vi., vii., delivered in 
the reign of Ahaz, when he was threatened 
by the forces of Pekah, king of Israel, and 
Rezin, king of Syria. As a sign that Judah 
was not yet to perish, he announces the 
Dirth of the child Immanuel, who should 
"know to refuse the evil and choose the 
good," before the land of the two hostile 
kings should be left desolate. Ch. viii.- 
\x. 7. As the Assyrian empire began more 
and more to threaten the Hebrew common- 
wealth with utter overthrow, the prediction 
of the Messiah, the Restorer of Israel, be- 
com(Js more positive and clear. The king 
was bent upon an alliance with Assyria. 
This Isaiah steadfastly opposes. — Ch. ix. 
8-x. 4 is a prophecy delivered at this tim(f 
Against the kingdom of Israel (ix. 8-x. 4). 
Ch. x. 6-xii. 6 is one of the most highly 
<^ought passages in the whole book, and 
was probably one single prophecy. It 
•tandfl wholly di§connected with the pre- 



ceding IB thf circumstances jrh.ch it pre 
supposes ; an(? to what period to assign it 
is not easy to determine. Ch. xiii.-xxiii 
contain chiefly a collection of utterances, 
each of which is styled a " burden." (a.) 
The first (xiii. l-xiv. 27) is against Baby- 
lon. The ode of triumph (xiv. 3-23) in 
this burden is among the most poetical pai- 
sages in all literature, (i.) The short and 
pregnant " burden " against Philistia (xiv. 
29-32), in the year that Ahaz died, was oc- 
casioned by the revolt of the Philistines 
from Judah, and their successful inroad 
recorded in 2 Chr. xxviii. 18. (c.) The 
"burden of Moab" (xv., xvi.) is remark- 
able for the elegiac strain in which the 
prophet bewails the disasters of Moab, and 
for the dramatic character of xvi. 1-6. 
(d.) Ch. xvii., xviii. This prophecy is 
headed "the burden of Damascus;" and 
yet after ver. 3 the attention is withdrawn 
from Damascus and turned to Israel, and 
then to Ethiopia, (e.) In the "burden of 
Egypt" (xix.) the prophet prophesies the 
utter helplessness of Egypt under God's 
judgments, probably to counteract the ten- 
dency which led both Judah and Israel to 
look towards Egypt for succor against As- 
syria. (/.) In the midst of these "bur- 
dens " stands a passage which presents Isa- 
iah in a new aspect, an aspect in which he 
appears in this instance only. The more 
emphatically to enforce the warning al- 
ready conveyed in the " burden of Egypt," 
Isaiah was commanded to appear in the 
streets and temple of Jerusalem stripped 
of his sackcloth mantle, and wearing his 
vest only, with his feet also bare. (5'.) In 
"the burden of the desert of the sea," a 
poetical designation of Babylonia (xxi. 1- 
10) , the images in which the fall of Baby- 
lon is indicated are sketched with Aes- 
chylean grandeur, (h.) "The burden of 
Dumah," and "of Arabia" (xxi. 11-17), 
relate apparently to some Assyrian invasion, 
(i.) In "the burden of the valley of vision " 
(xxii. 1-14) it is doubtless Jerusalem that 
is thus designated. The scene presented 
is that of Jerusalem during an invasion. 
(k.) The passage in xxii. 15-25 is singular 
in Isaiah as a prophesying against an indi- 
vidual. Shebna was one of the king's high- 
est functionaries, and seems to have been 
leader of a party opposed to Jehovah (ver. 
25). (l.) The last "burden" is against 
Tyre (xxiii.). Her utter destruction is not 
predicted by Isaiah as it afterwards was by 
Ezekiel. Ch. xxiv.-xxvii. form one proph- 
ecy, essentially connected with the preced- 
ing ten "burdens" (xiii.-xxiii.), of which 
it is in effect a general summary. In xxv., 
after commemorating the destruction of 
all oppressors, the prophet gives us in 
^rs. 6-9 a most glowing description of 
Messianic blessings. In xxvi., vers. 12 
18 describe the new happy stRte tf God'i 



ISAIAH 



261 



ISH-BOSHETfl 



j>eople as God's work wholly. In xxvii. 1, 
" Leviathan the fleeing serpent and Levia- 
than the twisting serpent, and the dragon 
in the sea," are perhaps Nineveh and Baby- 
lon — two phases of the same Asshur — 
and Egypt (comp. ver. 13) ; all, however, 
symbolizing adverse powers of evil. Ch. 
xxiii.-xxxv. predicts the Assyrian invasion. 
The prophet protests against the policy of 
Rourting the help of Egypt against Assyria 
(xxr. 1-17, xxxi. 1-3.) Ch. xxxvii.-xxxix. 
At length the season so often, though no 
doubt obscuraly foretold, arrived. The 
Assyrian was near, with forces apparently 
irresistible. In the universal consternation 
which ensued, all the hope of the state 
centred upon Isaiah; the highest func- 
tionaries of the state — Shebna too — wait 
upon him in the name of their sovereign. 
The short answer which Jehovah gave 
through him was, that the Assyrian king 
should hear intelligence which should send 
him back to his own land, there to perish. 
F[ow the deliverance was to be effected, 
li^aiah was not commissioned to tell ; but 
the very next night (2 K. xix. 35) brought 
the appalling fulfilment. II. The last 27 
chapters form a separate prophecy, and are 
supposed by many critics to have been 
written m the time of the Babylonian cap- 
tivity, and are therefore ascribed to a " later 
Isaiah." It is evident that the point of 
time and situation from which the prophet 
here speaks is that of the captivity in Baby- 
lon (comp. e. g. Ixiv. 10, 11) ; but this may 
l»e adopted on a principle which appears to 
characterize ''vision," viz., that the proph- 
et sees the fit"ire as if present. This sec- 
ond part falls into three sections, each, as 
it happens, consisting of nine chapters ; 
the two first end with the refrain, "There 
is no peace, saith Jehovah (or " my God"), 
lo the wicked ; " and the third with the 
same thought amplified. (1.) The first 
section (xl.-xlviii.) has for its main topic 
the comforting assurance of the deliver- 
ance from Babylon by Koresh (Cyrus) who 
is even named twice (xli. 2, 3, 25, xliv. 28, 
xlv. 1-4, 13, xlvi. 11, xlviii. 14, 15). It is 
characteristic of sacred prophecy in gen- 
eral that the " vision " of a great deliver- 
ance leads the seer to glance at the great 
deliverance to come through Jesus Christ. 
This principle of association prevails in 
the second part taken as a whole ; but in 
the first section, taken apart, it appears as 
f et imperfectly. (2.) The second section 
(xlix.-lvL.) is distinguished from the first 
by several features. The person of Cyrus 
as well as his name, and the specification 
of Babylon, disappear altogether. Return 
from exile is indeed spoken of repeatedly 
and at length (xlix. 9-26, li. 9-lii. 12, Iv. 
12, 13, Ivii. 14) ; but in such general terms 
as admit of being api>lied to tlie spiritual 
*nd Messianic, as w(j11 as to tlie literal res- 



toration. (3.) In the third section (Iviii 
-Ixvi.), as Cyrus nowhere appears, so nei- 
ther does "JehoA'ah's servant" occur so 
frequently to view as in the second. The 
only delineation of the latter is in Lxi. 1-3 
and in Ixiii. 1-6, 9. He no longer appears 
as suffering, but only as saving and aven- 
ging Zion. The section is mainly occupied 
with various practical exhortations founded 
upon the views of the future already set 
forth. In favor of the authenticity of the 
last 27 chapters the following reasons may 
be advanced, (a.) The unanimous testi- 
mony of Jewish and Christian tradition 
(comp. Ecclus. xlviii. 24); and the evi- 
dence of the N. T. quotations (Matt. iii. 3; 
Luke iv. 17 ; Acts viii. 28 ; Rom. x. 16, 20). 
(6.) The unity of design which connects 
these last 27 chapters with the preceding 
The oneness of diction wliich pervades the 
whole book. The peculiar elevation and 
grandeur of style, which characterize the 
second part as well as the first. The ab- 
sence of any other name than Isaiah's 
claiming the authorship. Lastly, the Mes- 
sianic predictions which mark its inspira- 
tion, and remove the chief ground of ob- 
jection against its having been written by 
Isaiah. In point of style we can find no 
difficulty in recognizing in the second part 
the presence of the same plastic genius as 
we discover in the first. 

Is'cah, daughter of Haran the brother 
of Abram, and sister of Milcah and of Lot 
(Gen. xi. 29). In the Jewish tradition* 
she is identified with Sarai. 

Iscar'iot. [Judas Iscakiot.] 

Ish'bah, a man in the line of Judah, 
commemorated as the " father of Eshte- 
moa" (1 Chr. iv. 17). 

Ish'bak, a son of Abraham and Ketu- 
rah (Gen. xxv. 2; 1 Chr. i. 32), and th<» 
progenitor of a triJse of northern Arabia. 

Ish'bi-be'nob, son of Rapha, one of 
the race of Philistine giants, who attacked 
David in battle, but was slain by Abishai 
(2 Sam. xxi. 16, 17). 

Ish-bo'sheth, the youngest of Saul's 
four sons, and his legitimate successor. 
His name appears (1 Chr. viii. 33, ix. 39) 
to have been originally Esh-baal, " the 
man of Baal." He was 35 years of age at 
the time of the battle of Gilboa, but for 
five years Abner was engaged in restoring 
the dominion of the house of Saul orer 
all Israel. Ishbosheth was then " 40 years 
old when he began to reign over Israel, and 
reigned two years " (2 Sam. iii. 10). Dur- 
ing these two years he reigned at Maha- 
naim, though only in name. The wars and 
negotiations with David were entirely car- 
ried on by Abner (2 Sam. ii. 12, iii. 6, 12) 
The deatli of Abner deprived the house of 
Saul of their last remaining support. When 
Ishbosheth heard of it, "his hands were 
feeble, and all the Israelites were troubled " 



ism 



262 



ISHMAEL 



[2 Sam. iv. 1). In this extremity of weak- 
ness he fell a dctim, probably, to revenge 
for a crime of his father. Two Beerothites, 
Baana and Rechab, in remembrance, it has 
been conjectured, of Saul's slaughter of 
their kinsmen the Gibeonites, determined 
to take advantage of the helplessness of 
Mie royal house to destroy the only repre- 
iseutative that was left, excepting the child 
Mophibosheth (2 Sam. iv. 4). After as- 
sassinating Ishbosheth, they took his head 
te David as a welcome present. They met 
with a stern reception. David rebuked 
them for the cold-blooded murder of an 
innocent man, and ordered them to be ex- 
ecuted. The head of Ishbosheth was care- 
fully buried in the sepulchre of his great 
kinsman Abner, at the same place (2 Sam. 
iv. 9-12). 

I'shi. 1. A man of the descendants of 
Judah, son of Appaim (1 Chr. ii. 31) ; one 
of the great house of Hezron. 2. In a 
subsequent genealogy of Judah we find 
another Ishi, with a son Zoheth (1 Chr. iv. 
20). 3. Head of a family of the tribe of 
Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 42). 4. One of the 
heads of th( tribe of Manasseh on the east 
of Jordan (1 Chr. v. 24). 

I'shi. This word occurs in Hos. ii. 16, 
and signifies " my man," " my husband." 
It is the Israehte term, in opposition to 
Baali, the Canaanite term, with the same 
meaning, though with a significance of its 
own. 

Ishi'ah, the fifth of the five sons of Iz- 
rahiah; one of the heads of the tribe of 
Issachar 'm the time of David (1 Chr. 
rii. 3). _ 

Ishi'jah, a lay Israelite of the Bene- 
Harim, who had married a foreign wife 
(Ezr. X. 31). 

Ish'ma, a name in the genealogy of 
Judah (1 Chr. iv. 3). 

Ish'mael. 1. The son of Abraham by 
Ilagar the Egyptian, his concubine ; born 
when Abraham was fourscore and six years 
old (Gen. xvi. 15, 16). Ishmael was the 
first-born of his father. He was born in 
Abraham's house, when he dwelt in the 
plain of Mamre; and on the institution of 
the covenant of circumcision, was circum- 
cised, be being then thirteen years old 
(xvii. 25). With the institution of the 
covenant, God renewed his promise re- 
specting Ishmael. He does not again ap- 
pear in the narrative until the weaning of 
Isaac. The latter was born when Abraham 
was a hundred years old (xxi. 5), and as 
tiie weaning, according to Eastern usage, 
probably took place when the child was 
between two and three years old, Ishmael 
himself must have been then between fif- 
teen and sixteen years of age. At the 
great feast made in celebration of the 
weaning, " Sarah saw the son of Hagar the 
Egyptian, v^hich she had borne unto Abra- 



ham, mocking," and urged Abraham tc 
cast out him and his mother. The patri- 
arch, comforted by God's renewed promise 
that of Ishmael He would make a nation, 
sent them both away, and they departed 
and wandered in the wilderness of Beer- 
sheba. It is doubtful kvhether the wander- 
ers halted by the well, or at once continuej 
their way to the " wilderness of Paran,** 
where, we are told in the next verse to that 
just quoted, he dwelt, and where " his moth- 
er took him a wife out of the land of Egypt " 
(Gen. xxi. 9-21). This wife of Ishmael 
was the mother of his twelve sons, and 
daughter. Of the later life of Ishmael we 
know little. He was present with Isaac 
at the burial of Abraham. He died at the 
age of 137 years (xxv. 17, 18). The sons cf 
Ishmael peopled the north and west of the 
Arabian peninsula, and eventually formed 
the chief element of the Arab nation. 
Their language, which is generally acknowl- 
edged to have been the Arabic commonly 
so called, has been adopted with insignifi 
cant exceptions throughout Arabia. Th<t 
term Ishmaelite occurs on three occasions 
Gen. xxxvii. 25, 27, 28, xxxix. 1 ; Judg 
viii. 24; Ps. Ixxxiii. 6. 2. One of tht 
sons of Azel, a descendant of Saul througt 
Meribbaal, or Mephibosheth (1 Chr. viii. 
38, ix. 44.) 3. A man of Judah, father of 
Zebadiah (2 Chr. xix. 11). 4. Anothei 
man of Judah, son of Jehohanan ; one of 
the captains of hundreds who assisted 
Jehoiada in restoring Joash to the throne 
(2 Chr. xxiii. 1). 5. A priest, of the Bene- 
Pashur, who was forced by Ezra to relin- 
quish his foreign wife (Ezr. x. 22). 6. 
The son of Nethaniah; a perfect marvel 
of craft and villany, whose treachery forms 
one of the chief episodes of the history of 
the period immediately succeeding the first 
fall of Jerusalem. His exploits are related 
in Jer. xl. 7-xli. 15, with a short summary 
in 2 K. xxv. 23-25. His full description 
is '* Ishmael, the son of Nethaniah, the son 
of Elishama, of the seed royal " of Judah 
(Jer. xh. 1; 2 K. xxv. 25). During the 
siege of the city he had, like many others 
of his countrymen (Jer. xl. 11), fled 
across the Jordan, where he* found a refuge 
at the court of Baalis, the then king of the 
Bene-Ammon. After the departure of the 
Chaldeans, Ishmael made no secret of his 
intention to kill the superintendent left by 
the king of Babylon, and usurp his posi- 
tion. Of this Gedaliah was warned in ex« 
press terms by JohaDan and his compan- 
ions. Thirty days after, in the seventh 
montli (xH. 1), on the third day of Xne 
month, Ishmael again appeared at Mizpah, 
this lime accompanied by ten men. Gedaliah 
entertained them at a feast (xli. 1). Be- 
fore its close Ishmael and his followers ha-1 
murdered Gedaliah and all his attendap*i 
with such secrecy that no alarm was git' -r 



fSHMlELITE 



263 



ISRAEL. KINGDOM OF 



'^^viuuidi ^he room. The same night he 
killed all Gedaliah's establishment, includ- 
ing some Chaldean soldiers who were there. 
For two days the massacre remained per- 
fertiy unknown to the people of the town. 
On the second day, Jihmael perceived from 
his elevated position a large party coming 
aouthward along the main road from She- 
chem and Samaria. He went out to meet 
Ihem. They proved to be eighty devotees, 
who with rent clothes, and with shaven 
beardSy mutilated bodies, and with other 
marks of heathen devotion, and weeping 
as the} went, were bringing incense and 
offerings to the ruins of the Temple. At 
his invitation they turned aside to the resi- 
dence of the superintendent. As the un- 
suspecting pilgrims passed into the court- 
yard he closed the entrances behind them, 
and there he and his band butchered the 
whole number : ten only escaped by the 
offer of heavy ransom for their lives. The 
seventy corpses were then thrown into the 
well which, as at Cawnpore, was within the 
precincts of the house, and which was com- 
pletely filled with the bodies. Tiiis done 
he descended to the town, surprised and 
carried off the daughters of king Zedekiah, 
who had been sent there by Nebuchadnezzar 
for safety, with their eunuchs and their 
Chaldean guard (xli. 10, 16), and all the 
people of the town, and made off with his 
prisoners to the country of the Ammonites. 
The news of the massacre had by this time 
got abroad, and Ishmael was quickly pur- 
sued by Johanan and his companions. 
He was attacked, two of his bravos slain, 
the whole of tlie prey recovered ; and Isli- 
raael himself, with the remaining eight of 
his people, escaped to the Ammonites. 

Ishmaelite. [IshxMael.] 

Ishma'iah, son of Obadiah; the ruler 
of the tribe of Zebulun in the time of 
king David (1 Chr. xxvii, 19). 

Ish'meelite {l Chr. ii. 17) and Ish'- 
meelites (Gen. xxxvii. 25, 27, 28, xxxix. 
1), the form in which the descendants of 
Ishmael are given in a few places in the 
A. V. 

Ish'inerai, a Benjamite; one of the 
family of Elpaal (1 Chr. viii. 18). 

I'shod, one of the tribe of Manasseh 
on the east of Jordan, son of Hammoleketh 
(1 Chr. vii. 18). 

Ish'pan, a Benjamite, one of the fam- 
Uy of Shashak (1 Chr. viii. 22). 

Isb tob, apparently one of the small 
kiugdonis or states which formed part of 
the general country of 4ram, named with 
Zobah, Rehob, and Maacah (2 Sam. x. 6, 
8). It is probable that the real signification 
is *' the men of Tob." 

Ishuah, the second son of Asher (Gen. 
<lvi. 17). 

Ish'uai, the tHrd son of Asher (1 Chr. 
«ii. 30 J. fouDdei of a family bearing his 



name (Num. xxvi. 44 ; A. V. ' Jesu- 

ites "). 

Ish'ui, the second son of 8aul by hie 
wife Ahinoam (1 Sam. xiv. 49, comp. 50). 

Isle. The radical sense of the Hebrew 
word seems to be "habitable places." a* 
opposed to water, and in tliis sense it oc- 
curs in Is. xlii. 15. Hence it means sec(m- 
darily any maritime district, whether be- 
longing to a continent or to an island : Ihnei 
it is used of the sliore of the Mediterranean 
(Is. XX. 6, xxiii. 2, 6), and of tlie coasts of 
Elishah (Ez. xxvii, 7), i. e. of Greece and 
Asia Minor. 

Ismachi'ah, a Levite who was one of 
the overseers of offerings during the revi- 
val under king Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 13). 

Isiuai'ah, a Gibeonite, one of the chiefs 
of those warriors who joined David at Zik- 
lag (1 Chr. xii. 4). 

Is'pah, a Benjamite, of the family of 
Beriali; one of the heads of his tribe (1 
Chr. viii. 16). 

Israel. 1. The name given (Gen. 
xxxii. 28) to Jacob after his wrestling with 
tlie Angel (Hos. xii. 4) at Peniel. Gese- 
nius interprets Israel "soldier of God.' 
2. It became the national name of the 
twelve tribes collectively. They are so 
called in Ex. iii. 16 and afterwards. 3. 
It is used in a narrower sense, excluding 
Judah, in 1 Sam. xi. 8 ; 2 Sam. xx. 1 ; 1 
K. xii. 16. Thenceforth it was assumed 
and accepted as the name of the Northern 
Kingdom. 4. After the Babylonian captiv- 
ity, the returned exiles resumed the name 
Israel as the designation of their nation. 
The name Israel is also used to denote lay- 
men, as distinguished from Priests, Lcvites, 
and other ministers (Ezr. vi. 16, ix. 1, x 
25; Neh. xi. 3, &c.). 

Israel, Kingdom of. 1. The prophet 
Ahijah of Sliiloh, who was commissioned 
in the latter days of Solomon to announce 
the division of the kingdom, left one tribe 
(Judah) to the house of David, and assigned 
ten to Jeroboam (1 K. xi. 35, 31). niese 
were probably Joseph (= Ephraim and Ma- 
nasseh), Issachar, Zebulun, Asher, Naph- 
tali, Benjamin, Dan, Simeon, Gad, and 
Reuben; Levi being intentionally omitted. 
Eventually the greatei part of Benjamin., 
and probably the whole rA' Simeon and Dan., 
were included as if by common consent in 
the kingdom of Judah. With respect to the 
conquests of David, Moab appears to hate ^ 
been attached to the kingdom of Israel ( 2 
K. iii. 4); so much of Sjria as remained 
subject to Solomon (see 1 K. xi. 24) w< uld 
probably be claimed by his successor in tJie 
northern kingdom; and Amnion, Ihoagk 
connected with Rehoboam as his mother's 
native land (2 Chr. xii, 13), and though 
afterwards tributary to Judah (2 Clir. xxvii. 
5), was at one time allied (2 Chr, xx. 1), 
we know not how closely or aow early, witb 



ISRAEL. Kl]SGDOM yif 



264 



TSSACHAR 



.1 



Moab. The sea-coast between Accho and 
Japho remained in the possession of Israel. 
2. The population of the kingdom is not 
expressly stated ; and in drawing any infer- 
ence from the numbers of fighting men, we 
must bear in mind that the numbers in the 
Hebrew text are strongly suspected to have 
been subjected to extensive, perhaps sys- 
tematic, corruption. Jeroboam brought into 
the field an army of 800,000 men (2 Chr. 
xiii. 3). If in b. c. 957 there were actually 
under arras 800,000 men of that age in Is- 
rael, the whole population may perhaps 
have amounted to at least three millions 
and A half. 3. Shechem was the first cap- 
ital of the new kingdom (1 K. xii. 25), ven- 
erable for its traditions, and beautiful in its 
situation. Subsequently Tirzah became the 
royal residence, if not the capital, of Jero- 
boam (1 K. xiv. 17) and of his successors 
(xv. 33, xvi. 8, 17, 23). Samaria, uniting 
in itself the qualities of beauty and fertility, 
and a commanding position, was chosen by 
Omri (1 K. xvi. 24), and remained the cap- 
ital of the kingdom until it had given tlie 
last proof of its strength by sustaining for 
three years the onset of the hosts of As- 
syria. Jezreel was probably only a royal 
residence of some of the Israelitish kings. 
4. The kingdom of Israel lasted 254: years, 
from B. c. 975 to b. c. 721, about two thirds 
of the duration of its more compact neigh- 
bor Judah. The detailed history of the 
kingdom will be found under the names of 
its nineteen kings. A summary view may 
be taken in four periods : (a.) b. c. 975- 
929. Jeroboam had not sufficient force of 
character in himself to make a lasting im- 
pression on his people. A king, but not a 
founder of a dynasty, he aimed at nothing 
beyond securing his present elevation. The 
army soon learned its power to dictate to 
the isolated monarch and disunited peo- 
ple. Baasha, in the midst of the array at 
Gibbethon, slew the son and successor of 
Jeroboam ; Zimri, a captain of chariots, 
slew the son and successor of Baasha ; Om- 
ri, the captain of the host, was chosen to 
punish Zimri ; and after a civil war of four 
years he prevailed over Tibni, the choice 
of half the people. (6.) b. c. 929-884. 
For forty-five years Israel was governed by 
the house of Omri. That sagacious king 
pitched on the strong hill of Samaria as the 
site of his capital. The princes of his house 
cultj vate J an alliance with the kings of Ju- 
dah which was cemented by the marriage 
of Jehoram and Athaliah. The adoption 
of Baal-worship led to a reaction in the na- 
tion, to the moral triumph of the prophets 
in the person of Elijah, and to the extinction 
•of the house of Ahab in obedience to the 
bidding of Ehsh a. (c.) b. c. 884-772. Un- 
paralleled triumphs, but deeper humilia- 
tion, awaited the kingdom of Israel under 
the dynasty of Jeliu. Hazael, the ablest 



king of Damascus, reduced J ehoahaz to thts 
condition of a vassal, and triumphed for a 
time over both the disunited Hebrew king* 
doms. Almost the first sign of the restora- 
tion of their strength was a war between 
them ; and Jehoash, the grandson ^f Jehu, 
entered Jerusalem as the conqueror of 
Amaziah. Jehoash also turned the tide of 
war against the Syrians ; and Jeroboam 
II., the most powerful of all the kings of Is- 
rael, captured Damascus, and recovered 
the whole ancient frontier from Hamath to 
the Dead Sea. This short-lived greatness 
expired with the last king of Jehu's line. 
(d.) b. c. 772-721. Military violence, it 
would seem, broke off the hereditary suc- 
cession after the obscure and probably con- 
vulsed reign of Zachariah. An unsuccess- 
ful usurper, Shallum, is followed by the 
cruel Menahem, who, being unable to make 
head against the first attack of Assyria un- 
der Pul, became the agent of tliat monarch 
for the oppressive taxation of his subjects 
Yet his power at home was sufficient to in- 
sure for his son and successor Pekahiah & 
ten years' reign, cut short by a bold usurper, 
Pekah. Abandoning the northern and tr an»- 
Jordanic regions to the encroaching power 
of Assyria under Tiglath-Pileser, he was 
very near subjugating Judah, with the help 
of Damascus, now the coequal ally of Is- 
rael. But Assyria interposing summarily 
put an end to the independence of Damas- 
cus, and perhaps was the in^iirect cause of 
the assassination of the baffled Pekah. The 
irresolute Hoshea, the next and last usurp- 
er, became tributary to his invader, Shal- 
maneser, betrayed the Assyrian to the rival 
monarchy of Egypt, and was punished by 
the loss of his liberty, and by the capture^ 
after a three years' siege, of his strong cap- 
ital, Samaria. Some gleanings of the ten 
tribes yet remained in the land after so 
many years of religious decline, moral de- 
basement, national degradation, anarchy, 
bloodshed, and deportation. Even these 
were gathered up by the conqueror, and 
carried to Assyria, never again, as a dis- 
tinct pv<)ple, to occupy their portion of that 
goodly and pleasant land which their fore- 
fathers won under Joshua from the heathen. 

Is'raelite. In 2 Sam. xvii. 25, Ithra, 
the father of Amasa, is called " an Israel- 
ite," while in 1 Chr. ii. 17 he appears at 
" Jether the Ishmaelite." The latter is un- 
doubtedly the true reading. 

Is'sachar. 1. The ninth son of Jacob and 
the fifth of Leah ; the first born to Leah, 
after the interval which occurred in the 
births of her childrer Gen. xxx. 17 ; comp. 
xxix. 35). At the descent into Egypt four 
sons are ascribed to him, who founded thi 
four chief famihes of the tribe (Gen. xlvi. 
13; Num. xxvi. 23, 25; 1 Chr. vii. 1). TW* 
number of the fighting men of Issachar, 
whpn taken in the census at Sinai , was 54.400 



ISSHIAH 



265 



ITURAEA 



Diuing the journey they seem to have stead- 
Qy increased. The allotment of Issachar 
lay above that of Manasseh (Josh. xix. 17- 
23). In the words of Josephus, "it extend- 
(»-d in length from Carmel to the Jordan, 
in breadtii to Mount Tabor." This terri- 
Uiry wa-^, as it still is, among the richest 
land in Palestine. Westward was the fa- 
mous plain which derived its name from its 
fertility. On the north is Tabor, which 
yren ucJer the burning sun of that climate 
ib ea^d to retain the glades and dells of an 
English wood. On the east, behind Jez- 
reel, is the opening which conducts to the 
|»lain of the Jordan — to that Beth-shean 
vhich was proverbially among the Rabbis 
the gate of Paradise for its fruitfulness. It 
is this aspect of the territory of Issachar 
which appears to be alluded to in the Bless- 
ing of Jacob. 2. A Korhite Levite, one 
of the doorkeepers of the house of Jeho- 
vah, seventh son of Obed-edom (1 Chr. 
xxvi. 5). 

IssM'ah. 1. A descendant of Moses 
by his younger son Eliezer (1 Chr. xxiv. 
21; comp. xxiii. 17, xxvi. 25). 2. A Le- 
vite of the house of Kohath and family of 
Uzziel (1 Chr. xxiv. 25). 

Issue, Running. (Lev. xv. 2, 3, 
Axii. 4; Num. v. 2; and Sam. iii. 29.) In 
Lev. XV. 3 a distinction is introduced, which 
merely means that the cessation of the 
actual flux does not constitute ceremonial 
cleanness, but that the patient must bide 
the legal time, seven days (ver. 13), and 
perform the prescribed purifications and 
sacrifice (ver. 14). 

Is'uah, second son of Asher (1 Chr. 
vli. 30). 

Is'ui, third son of Asher (Gen. xlvi. 17), 
founder of a family called after him, though 
in the A. V. appearing as the Jesuites 
(Num. xxvi. 44). 

Italian Band. [Army.] 

It'aly. This word is used in the N. T. 
(Acts xviii. 2, xxvii. 1 ; Heb. xiii. 24) in 
the usual sense of the period, t. e. in its 
true geographical sense, as denoting the 
whole natural peninsula between the Alps 
and the Straits of Messina. 

Ith'ai, a Benjamite, son of Ribai of 
Gibeah, one of the heroes of David's guard 
(1 Chr. xi. 31). 

Ith'amar, the youngest son of Aaron 
(Ex. vi. 23). After the deaths of Nadab 
and Abihu (Lev. x. 1), Eleazar and Itha- 
raar were appointed to succeed to their 
places in the priestly office (Ex. xxviii. 1, 
40, 43; Num. iii. 3, 4; 1 Chr. xxiv. 2). In 
the distribution of services belonging to the 
Tiibernacle, and its transport on the march 
of the Israelites, the Gershonites and the 
Merantes were placed under the superin- 
tendence of Ithamar (Ex. xxxviii. 21 ; Num. 
iv. 21-33). The high-{,riesthood passed 
Into the family uf Ithamar in the person 



of Eli, but for what reason we are not m- 
forraed. 

Ith'ieL 1. A Benjamite, son of Jesaiab 
(Neh. xi. 7). 2. One of two persons — 
Ithiel and Ucal — to whom Agur ben-Jakeb 
delivered his discourse (Pro v. xxx. I). 

Ith'mah, a Moabite, one of the hert>ei» 
of David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 46). 

Ith'nan, one of the towns in the ex- 
treme south of Judah (Josh. xr. 23). Nc 
trace of its existence has yet been discor- 
ered. 

Ith'ra, an Israelite (2 Sam. xvii. 25) or 
Ishmaelite (1 Chr. ii. 17), the father of 
Amasa by Abigail, David's sister. 

Ith'ran. 1. A son of Dishon, a Ho- 
rite (Gen. xxxi. 26; 1 Chr. i. 41); and 
probably a phylarch of a tribe of the Horim 
(Gen. xxxvi. 30). 2. A descendant of 
Asher (1 Chr. vii. 30-40). 

Ith'ream, son of David, born to him in 
Hebron, and distinctly specified as the sixth, 
and as the child of Eglah, David's wife (2 
Sam. iii. 5; 1 Chr. iii. 3). 

Ith'rite, The. The designation of two 
of the members of David's guard, Ira and 
Gareb (2 Sam. xxiii. 38; 1 Chr. xi. 40). 
They may have come from Jattib, in the 
mountains of Judah. 

It'tah-ka'zin, one of the landmarks ol 
the boundary of Zebulun (Josh. xix. 13). 
It has not been identified. 

It'tai. 1. " Ittai the Gittite," *. «. 
the native of Gath, a Philistine in the army 
of king David. He appears only during 
the revolution of Absalom. We first dis- 
cern him on the morning of David's flight. 
Last in the procession came the 600 heroes 
who had formed David's band during his 
wanderings in Judah, and had been with 
him at Gath (2 Sam. xv. 18 ; comp. 1 Sam. 
xxiii. 13, xxvii. 2, xxx. 9, 10). Amongst 
these, apparently couunanding them, was 
Ittai the Gittite (ver. 19). He caught the 
eye of the king, who at once addressed 
him and besought him not to attach himself 
to a doubtful cause, but to return "with his 
brethren " and abide with the king (19, 20.) 
But Ittai is firm : he is the king's slave, and 
wherever his master goes he will go. Ac- 
cordingly he is allowed by David to pro- 
ceed. When the army was numbered and 
organized by David at Malianaim, Ittai 
again appears, now in command of a third 
part of the force (2 Sam. xviii. 2, 5, 12). 
2. Son of Ribai, from Gibeah of Benja- 
min; one of the thirty heroes of David's 
guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 29). 

Iturae'a, a small province on the north- 
western border of Palestine, Ij^ing along 
the base of Mount Hermon, only men- 
tioned in Luke iii. 1. Jetur the son of 
Ishmael gave his name, like the rest of his 
brethren, to the little province he colonized 
(Gen. XXV. 15, 16). Ituraea, with the ad- 
joining provinces fffU into the hands of » 



IV^AH 



Zt>»J 



JABAl. 



chief called Z(modorus ; but about b. c. 20, 
they were taken from him by the Roman 
emperor, and given to Herod the Great, 
who bequeathed them to his son Philip 
(Luke iii. 1). It adjoined Trachonitis, and 
lay along the base of Libanus between Ti- 
berias and Damascus. At the place indi- 
cated is situated the modern province of 
Jediir, which is just the Arabic form of the 
Helirew Jetur. 

I'vah, or A'va, which is mentioned in 
Scripture twice (2 K. xviii. 34, xix. 13; 
comp. Is. xxxvii. 13) in connection with 
Hena and Sepharvaim, and once (2 K. xvii. 
24) in connection with Babylon and Cu- 
thah, must be sought in Babylonia, and is 
probably identical with the modern Hit, on 
the Euphrates. 

Ivory (Heb. shSn in all passages, ex- 
cept 1 K. x. 22, and 2 Chr. ix. 21, where 
shenhabbim is so rendered). The word 
shin literally signifies the " tooth " of any 
animal, and hence more especially denotes 
the substance of the projecting tusks of 
elephants. It is remarkable that no word 
in Biblical Hebrew denotes an elephant, 
unless tlie latter portion of the compound 
ihenhablim be supposed to have this mean- 
ing. Gesenius derives it from the Sanscrit 
ibhas, " an elephant." The skilled work- 
men of Hiram, king of Tyre, fashioned the 
great ivory throne of Solomon, and over- 
laid it with pure gold (1 K. x. 18; 2 Chr. 
Ix. 17). The ivory thus employed was 
supplied by the caravans of Dedan (Is. xxi. 
13; Ez. xxvii. 15), or was brought with 
apes and peacocks by the navy of Tar- 
Bhish (1 K. X. 22). The "ivory house" 
of Ahab (1 K. xxii. 39) was probably a pal- 
ace, the walls of which were panelled with 
ivory, like the palace of Menelaus, de- 
scribed by Homer (Odys. iv. 73). Beds 
inlaid or veneered with ivory were in use 
among the Hebrews (Am. vi. 4). 

Iz'ehar. The form in which the name 
Izhar is given in the A. V. of Num. iii. 19 
(mly. 

Iz'eharites, The. A family of Ko- 
nathite Levites, descended from Izhar the 
son of Kohath (Num. iii. 27) ; called also 
"Izharites" (1 Chr. xxvi. 23, 29). 

Iz'hir, son of Kohath, grandson of 
Levi, u.icli; of Aaroa and Moses, and father 
of Korah (Ex. vi. 18, 21 ; Num. iii. 19, xvi. 
1; 1 Chr. vi. 2, 18). Izhar was the head 
of the family of the IzHARiTES (1 Chr. xxiv. 
22, xxvi. 23, 30), or Izeharites (Num. iii. 
27; 1 Chr. xxvi. 23, 29). 

Iz'rahil.9, The, the designation of 
Shamhuth (1 Chr. xxvii. S). Its real force 
is probably Zerahite, that is, from the great 
Juda'.c family of Zerah. 

Izri, a Levite leader of the fourth 
course or ward in the service of the house 
of God (1 Chr. xxv. 11). In ver. 3 he is 
called Zebi. 



J. 



Ja akan. the same as Jakan, the ioiuft 
tlier of the Bene-Jaakan (Deit* x. 6). 

Jaak'obah, one of the princes of tbw 
families of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 36). 

Jaala. Bene-Jaala were among the 
descendajits of " Solomon's slaves " who 
returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel 
(Nell. vii. 58). The name also occurs a» 

Jaalah, Ezr. ii. 56. 

Jaalam, a son of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 5, 
14, 18; comp. 1 Chr. i. 35), and a phylarcb 
(A. V. "duke") or head of a tribe of 
Edom. 

Ja'anai. A chief man in the tribe of 
Gad (1 Chr. v. 12). 

Ja'are-or'egim (2 Sam. xxi. 19), a 
Bethlehemite, and the father of Elhanaii, 
who slew Goliath. In the parallel passage. 
1 Chr. XX. 5, Jair is found instead of Jaare, 
and Oregim is omitted. The conclusion 
of Kennicott appears a just one — that in 
the latter place it has been interpolated 
from the former, and that Jair or Jaor is 
the correct reading instead of Jaare. 

Jaa'sau, one of the Bene-Bani who had 
married a foreign wife, and had to put her 
away (Ezr. x. 37). 

Jaa'siel, son of the great Abner (1 Chr 
xxvii. 21). 

Jaazani'ah. 1. One of the captains 
of the forces who accompanied Johanan 
ben-Karcah to pay his respects to Geda- 
liah at Mizpah (2 K. xxv. 23), and who ap- 
pears afterwards to have assisted in re- 
covering Ishmael's prey from his clutches 
(comp. Jer. xli. 11; xliii. 4, 5). 2. Son of 
Shaphan (Ez. viii. 11). It is possible that 
he is identical with, 3. Son of Azur ; one 
of the princes of the people against whom 
Ezekiel was directed to prophesy (Ez. xi. 
1). 4. A Rechabite, son of Jeremiah (Jer. 
XXXV. 3). 

Jaa'zer, or Ja'zer, a town on the east 
of Jordan, in or near to Gilead (Num. 
xxxii. 1, 3; 1 Chr. xxvi. 31). We first 
hear of it in possession of the Amorites, 
and as taken by Israel after Heshbon, and 
on their way from thence to Bashan (Nura 
xxi. 32). It seems to have given its namt 
to a district of dependent or "daughter" 
towns (Num. xxi. 32, A. V. "villages;" 
1 Mace. V. 8), the " land of Jazer " (Num. 
xxxii. 1). 

Jaazi'ah, apparently a third son, or a 
descendant, of Morari the Levite (1 Chr. 
xxiv. 26. 27). 

Jaa'ziel, one of the Levites of the s«,> 
ond order who were appointed by David to 
perform the musical service before the ark 
(1 Chr. XV. 18). 

Ja'bal, the son of Lamcich and Adali 
(Gen. iv. 20) and brother of Jubal. H*^ ii 



JABBOE 



♦267 



JACOB 



desciiltK^d as the father of su^h as dwell in 
tents and have cattle. 

Jab'bok, a stream which intersects the 
mountain-range of Gilead (comp. Josh. xii. 
2 and 5), and falls into the Jordan about 
'nidway between the sea of Galilee and the 
Dead Sea. It was anciently the border 
of the children of Ammon (Num. xxi. 24 ; 
Deut. ii. 37, iii. 16). It was on the south 
bank of the Jabbok the interview took 
place between Jacob and Esau (Gen. xxxii. 
22) ; and this river afterwards became, 
towards its western part, the boundary be- 
tween the kingdoms of Sihon and Og (Josh, 
xii. 2, 5). Its modern name is Wady 
Zurka. 

Ja'besh. 1. Father of Shallum, the 
15th king of Israel (2 K. xv. 10, 13, 14). 
2. Jabesh, or Jabesh Gilead, or jabesh in 
the territory of Gilead. In its widest sense 
Gilead included the half tribe of Manasseh 
(1 Chr. xxvii. 21) as well as the tribes of 
Gad and Reuben (Num. xxxii. 1-42) east 
of the Jordan — and of the cities of Gil- 
ead, Jabesh was the chief. It is first men- 
tioned in Judg. xxi. 8-14. Being attacked 
subsequently by Nahash the Ammonite, it 
gave Saul an opportunity of displaying his 
prowess in its defence (1 Sam. xi. 1-15). 
Eusebius places it beyond the Jordan, 6 
miles from Pella on the mountain-road to 
Gerasa ; where its name is probably pre- 
served in the Wady Yabes. 

Ja'bez. 1. Apparently a place at which 
the families of the scribes resided, who 
belonged to the families of the Kenites (1 
Chr. ii. 55). 2. The name occurs again in 
the genealogies of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 9, 10), 
m a passage of remarkable detail inserted 
in a genealogy again connected with Beth- 
lehem (ver. 4). Jabez was "more honor- 
able than his brethren," though who they 
were is not ascertainable. 

Ja'bin. 1. King of Hazor, who organ- 
ized a confederacy of the northern princes 
against the Israelites (Josh. xi. 1-3). Josh- 
ua surprised the allied forces by the waters 
of Merom (ver. 7) and utterly routed them. 
During the ensuing wars, Joshua again at- 
tacked Jabin, and burnt his city (xi. 1-14). 
2. A king of Hazor, whose general, Sisera, 
was defeated by Barak (Judg. iv. 3, 13). 

Jab'neel. 1. One of the points on the 
northern boundary of Judah, not quite at 
the sea, though near it (Josh. xv. 11). 
There is no sign, however, of its ever hav- 
ing been occupied by Judah. Josephus 
attributes it to the Danites. There was a 
constant struggle going on between that 
tribe and the Philistines for the possession 
of all the places in the lowland plains, and 
it is not surprising that the next time we 
meet with Jabneel it should be in the hands 
of the latter (2 Chr. xxvi. 6). Uzziah 
dispossessed them of it, and demolished 
its fortifi cations. Here it is in the shorter 



form of Jabneh In its Greek garb, Jam 
NiA, it is frequently mentioned m the Mac- 
cabees (1 Mace. iv. 15, v. 58, x. 69, xv. 
40; 2 Mace. xii. 9). At the time of the 
fall of Jerusalem, Jabneh was one of th« 
most populous places of Judaea. The 
modern village of Yebna, more accurately 
Ibna, stands about two miles from the sea, 
on a slight eminence just south of the Ndhr 
Mubin. 2. One of the landmarks on th» 
boundary of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 33) in 
Upper Galilee. 

Jab'neh, 2 Chr. xxvi. 6. [Jabneel.] 

Ja'chan, one of seven chief men of the 
tribe of Gad (1 Chr. v. 13). 

Ja'chin. 1. One of the two pillars 
which were set up "in the porch "(IK. 
vii. 21) or before the temple (2 Chr. iii. 17) 
of Solomon. [Boaz.] 2. Fourth son of 
Simeon (Gen. xlvi. 10 ; Ex. vi. 15) ; fouudei 
of the family of the Jachinites (Num. 
xxvi. 12). 3. Head of the 21st course of 
priests in the time of David. Some of th€ 
course returned from Babylon (1 Chr. ix. 
10, xxiv. 17; Neh. xi. 10). 

Jacinth, a precious stone, forming one 
of the foundations of the walls of the new 
Jerusalem (Rev. xxi. 20). It seems to bo 
identical with the Hebrew leshem (A. V. 
" ligure," Ex. xxviii. 19). The jacinth ox 
hyacinth is a red variety of zircon, which i* 
found in square prisms, of a white, gray,, 
red, reddish-brown, yellow, or pale-greeu 
color. The expression in Rev. ix. 17, " of 
jacinth," applied to the breastplate, is de- 
scriptive simply of a hyacinthine^ t. e. 
dark-purple color. 

Ja'COb, the second son of Isaac and 
Rebekah. He was born with Esau, when 
Isaac was 59 and Abraham 159 years old, 
probably at the well Lahai-roi. His history 
is related in the latter half of the book of 
Genesis. He bought the birthright from his 
brother Esau; and afterwards, at his moth- 
er's instigation, acquired the blessing in- 
tended for Esau, by practising a well-known 
deceit on Isaac. Hitherto the two sons 
shared the wanderings of Isaac in the South 
Country ; but now Jacob, in his 78th year, 
was sent from the family home, to avoid his 
brother, and to seek a wife among his kin- 
dred in Padan-aram. As he passed through 
Bethel, God appeared to him. After the 
lapse of 21 years he returned from Padan- 
aram with two wives, two concubines, eleven 
sons, and a daughter, and large property. 
He escaped from the angry pursuit of La- 
ban, from a meeting with Esau, and ffom 
the vengeance of the Canaanites provoked 
by the murder of Shechem ; and in each of 
those three emergencies he was aided and 
strengthened by the interposition of God, 
and in sign of the grace won by a night of 
wrestling with God his name was changed 
at Jabbok into Israel. Deborah and Rache] 
died before he reached Hebron; and it ^as 



J A DA 



268 



JAIIAZ 



At Hebron, in the 122d year of his age, that 
he and Esau V>uried their father Isaac. Jo- 
seph, the favorite son of Jacob, was s^ Id 
faito Egypt eleven years before the death of 
Isaac; and Jacob had probably exceeded 
his 130th year when he went thither, being 
encouraged in a divine vision as he passed 
for the last time through Beersheba. He 
was presented to Pharaoh, and dwelt for 
seventeen years in Rameses and Goshen. 
After giving his solemn blessing to Ephraim 
and Manasseh, and his own sons one by one, 
and charging the ten to complete their re- 
Ronciliation with Joseph, he died in his 147th 
year. His body was embalmed, carried 
with great care and pomp into the land of 
Canaan, and deposited with his fathers, and 
his wife Leah, in the cave of Machpelah. — 
The example of Jacob is quoted by the first 
and the last of the minor prophets. Hosea, 
in the latter days of the kingdom, seeks 
(xii. 3, 4, 12) to convert the descendants of 
Jacob from their state of alienation from 
God, by recalling to their memory the re- 
peated acts of God's favor shown to their 
ancestor. And Malachi (i. 2) strengthens 
the desponding hearts of the returned exiles 
by assuring them that the love wMch God 
bestowed upon Jacob was not withheld from 
them. Besides the frequent mention of his 
name in conjunction with those of the other 
';wo patriarchs, there are distinct references 
o events in the life of Jacob in four books 
)f the N. T. In Rom. ix. 11-13, St. Paul 
adduces the history of Jacob's birth to prove 
that the favor of God is independent of the 
Older of natural descent. In Heb. xii. 16, 
and xi. 21, the transfer of the birthright and 
Jacob's dying benediction are referred to. 
His vision at Bethel, and his possession of 
land at Shechem are cited in St. John i. 
51, and iv. 5, 12. And St. Stephen, in his 
speech (Acts vii. 12, 16), mentions the 
famine which was the means of restoring 
Jacob to his lost son in Egypt, and the 
burial of the patriarch in Shechem. 

Ja'da, son of Onam, and brother of 
Shammai, in the genealogy of the sons of 
Jerahmeel by his wife Atarah (1 Chr. ii. 
28, 32). 

Jada^U, one of the Bene-Nebo who had 
laken a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 43). 

Jaddu'a. 1. Son and successor in the 
high-priesthood of Jonathan or Johanan. 
He is the last of the high-priests mentioned 
In the O. T., and probably altogether the 
latest name in the canon (Neh. xii. 11, 22). 
2. One of the chief of the people, i. e. of the 
laymen, who sealed the covenant with Nehe- 
miah (Neh. x. 21). 

Jadon, the Meronothite, who assisted 
to repair the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. 
iii.7). 

Ja'el, the wife of Heber the Kenite. In 
the headlong rout which followed the defeat 
ot ibe ('ianaanites by Barak, Sisera, aban- 



doning his chariot the more easily to a'»oi^ 
notice, fled unattended, and in an opposite 
direction from that taken by his array, to 
the tent of the Kenite chieftainess. He ac- 
cepted Jael's invitation to enter, and she 
flung a mantle over him as he lay wearily 
on the floor. When thirst prevented sleep, 
and he asked for water, she brought him 
buttermilk in her choicest vessel, thus rati- 
fying with the semblance of officious zeal 
the sacred bond of Eastern hospitality. At 
last, with a feeling of perfect security, the 
weary general resigned himself to the deep 
sleep of misery and fatigue. Then it wa* 
that Jael took in her left hand one of the 
great wooden pins which fastened down the 
cords of the tent, and in her right hand the 
mallet used to drive it into the ground, and 
with one terrible blow dashed it through 
Sisera's temples deep into the earth (Judg. 
V. 27). She then waited to meet the pur- 
suing Barak, and led him into her tent that 
she might in his presence xilaim the glory 
of the deed ! Many have supposed that by 
this act she fulfilled the saying of Deborah, 
that God would sell Sisera into the hand of 
a woman (Judg. iv. 9) ; and hence they 
have supposed that Jael was actuated by 
some divine and hidden influence. But the 
Bible gives no hint of such an inspiration. 

Ja'gur, a town of Judah, one of those 
farthest to the south, on the frontier of 
Edom (Josh. xv. 21). 

Jah, the abbreviated form of " Jehovah," 
used only in poetry. It occurs frequently 
in the Hebrew, but with a single exception 
(Ps. Ixviii. 4) is rendered " Lord " in the 
A. V. The identity of Jah and Jehovah is 
strongly marked in two passages of Isaiah 
(xii. 2, xxvi. 4), the force of which is greatly 
weakened by the English rendering, " the 
Lord." The former of tliese should be 
translated " for my strength and song is 
Jah Jehovah " (comp. Ex. xv. 2) ; and 
the latter, " trust ye in Jehovah forever, 
for in Jah Jehovah is the rock of ages." 

Ja'hath. 1. Son of Libni, the son of 
Gersliom, the son of Levi (1 Chr. vi. 20). 

2. Head of a later house in the family of 
Gershom, being the eldest son of Shimei, 
the son of Laadan (1 Chr. xxiii. 10, 11). 

3. A man in the genealogy of Judah (1 
Chr. iv. 2), son of Reaiah ben-Shobal. 4. 
A Levite, son of Shelomoth (1 Chr. xxiv 
22). 5. A Merarite Levite in the reign of 
Josiah (2 Chr. xxxiv. 12). 

Ja'haz, also Jaha'za, Jaha'zah, and 
Jah'zah. Under these four for as are 
given in the A. V. the name of a place 
which in the Hebrew appears as Yakuts and 
Yahtsah. At Jahaz the decisive battle waa 
fought between the children uf Israel and 
Sihon king of the Amorites (Num. xxi. 23; 
Deut. ii. 32; Judg. xi. 20). It was in the 
allot-nent of Reuben (Josh. xiii. 18). Like 
man) )thers relating to the places ea>»t rf 



JAHAZA 



269 



J AMES 



ihe DeaJ Sea, the question of its site must 
await further research. 

Jaha'za, Josh. xiii. 18. [Jahaz.] 

Jaha'zah, Josh. xxi. 36; Jer. xlviii. 21. 
[Jahaz.] 

Jahazi'ah, son of Tikvah, apparently a 
priest (Ezr. x. 15). 

Jaha'ziel. 1. One of the heroes of 
Benjamin who joined David at Ziklag (1 
Chr. xii. 4). 2. A priest in the reign of 
David (1 Chr. xvi. 6). 3. A Kohathite 
Lovite, third son of Hebron (1 Chr. xxiii. 
19; xxiv. 23). 4. Son of Zechariah, a 
Levite of the Bene-Asaph in the reign of 
Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xx. 14). 5. The "son 
of Jahagiel " was the chief of the Bene- 
Shecaniah who returned from Babylon with 
Ezra (Ezr. viii. 5"^. 

Jab. dai, a man who appears to be thrust 
abruptly into the genealogy of Caleb, as the 
father of six sons (1 Chr. ii. 47). 

Jah'dieL a chieftain of Manasseh on 
the east of Jordan (1 Chr. v. 24). 

Jah'do, a Gadite (1 Chr. v. 14), son of 
Buz, and father of Jeshishai. 

Jatl'leel, the third of the three sons 
of Zebulun (Gen. xlvi. 14; Num. xxvi. 26), 
founder of the family of the Jahleelites. 

Jah^'mai, a man of Issachar, one of the 
heads of the house of Tolah (1 Chr. vii. 2). 

Jah'zah, l Chr. vi. 78. [Jahaz.] 

Jall'zeel, the first of the four sons of 
Naphtali (Gen. xlvi. 24), founder of the 
family of the Jahzeelites (Num. xxvi. 
48). 

Jahze'rah, a priest of the house of Im- 
mer (1 Chr. ix. 12). 

Jah'ziel, the same as Jahzeel (1 Chr. 
vii. 13). 

Ja'ir. 1. A man who on his father's 
side was descended from Judah, and on his 
mother's from Manasseh. During the con- 
quest he took the whole of the tract of Ar- 
GOB (Deut. iii. 14), and in addition pos- 
sessed himself of some nomad villages in 
Gilead, which he called after his own name 
Hawoth-Jair (Num. xxxii. 41 ; 1 Chr. ii. 
23). 2. "Jair THE GiLEADiTE," who judged 
Israel for two-and-twenty years (Judg. x. 
3-5). He had thirty sons who rode thirty 
ASses, and possessed thirty cities in the land 
of Gilead, which, like those of their name- 
sake, were called Havvoth-Jair. 3. A 
Benjaraite, son of Kish, and father of Mor- 
decai (Esth. ii. 5). 4. The father of El- 
hanan, one of the h?roes of David's army 
(1 Chr. XX. 5). 

Ja irite. The. Ira tne Jairite was a 
t>riest (A. V. "chief ruler") to David (2 
8am. XX. 2G). 

Ja'irus. 1. A ruler of a synagogue, 
probably in some town near the western 
shore of the Sea of Galilee (Matt. ix. 18 ; 
Blark V 22, Luke viii. 41). 2. Esth. xi. 
2. [Jair, 3.] 

Ja'kan, sou of Ezer the Horite (1 Chr. 



i. 42). The same as Jaakas. And »«• 
Akan. 

Ja'kell. [Proverbs.] 

Ja'kim. 1. Head of the 12th course of 
priests in the reign of David (1 Chr. xxiv. 
12). 2. A Benjamite, one of the Bene- 
Shimhi (1 Chr. viii. 19). 

Ja'lon, one of the sons of Ezra (1 Chr. 
iv. 17). 

Jam'bres. [Jannes and Jambres.] 

James. 1. flAMEs the son of Zebb- 
DEE, one of the Twelve Apostles. We 
first hear of him in a. d. 27, when Zebe- 
dee, a fisherman (Mark i. 20), was out on 
the Sea of Galilee with his two sons, James 
and John, and some boatmen. He was en- 
gaged in his customary occupation of fish- 
ing, and near him was another boat belong- 
ing to Simon and Andrew, with whom he 
and his sous were in partnership. Finding 
themselves unsuccessful, the occupants of 
both boats came ashore, and began to wash 
their nets. At this time the new Teacher 
appeared upon the beach. At His call 
they left all, and became, once and for- 
ever. His disciples, hereafter to catch men. 
For a full year we lose sight of St. James. 
He is then, in the spring of 28, called to 
the apostleship with his eleven brethrei: 
(Matt. x. 2 ; Mark iii. 14 ; Luke vi. 13 , 
Acts i. 13). In the list of the Apostles 
given us by St. Mark, and in the book of 
Acts, his name occurs next to that of Si- 
mon Peter : in the Gospels of St. Matthew 
and St. Luke it comes third. It is worthy 
of notice that with one exception (Luke ix. 
28), the name of James is put before that 
of John, and that John is twice described 
as " the brother of James " (Mark v. 37 ; 
Matt. xvii. 1). This would appear to im- 
ply that at this time James, either from age 
or character, took a higher position than 
his brother. It would seem to have been 
at the time of the appointment of the 
twelve Apostles that the name of Boaner- 
ges was given to the sons of Zebedee. — 
The " Sons of Thunder " had a burning 
and impetuous spirit, which twice exhibits 
itself in its unchastened form (Luke ix. 64 ; 
Mark x. 37). The first occasion on which 
this natural character manifests itself in 
St. James and his brother is at the com- 
mencement of our Lord's last journey to 
Jerusalem in the year 30. He was passing 
through Samaria, and " sent messenger* 
before his face " into a certain village, *' ta 
make ready for him" (Luke ix. 62), i. t. 
in all probability to announce him as the 
Messiah. The Samaritans, with their old 
jealousy strong upon 1 em, refused to re- 
ceive him ; and in their exasperation James 
and Johu entreated their Master to follow 
the example of Elijah, and call down fire 
to consume them. At the end of the 
same journey a similar spirit appears again 
(Mark x. 36). On the night before the 



JAMES THE LESS 



270 



JAMES, EPISTLE OF 



Cniciflsion he was present at the Agony in 
the Garden. On the day of the Ascension 
he is mentioned as persevering with the 
rest of the Apostles and disciples in prayer 
(Acts i. 13). Shortly before the day of 
the Passover, in the year 44, he was put 
to death by Heroi Agrippa I. (Acts xii. 1, 
2). 2. James tpe son of Alphaeus, one 
of the Twelve Apostles. Matt. x. 3 ; Mark 
iii. 18; Luke vi. 15; Acts i. 13. 3. James 
rsB brother op the Lord. Matt. xiii. 
65; Mark vi. 3; Gal. i. 19. 4. James the 
BON OF Mart. Matt, xxvii. 56; Luke 
xxiv. 10. Also called the Less. Mark 
XX. 40. 5. James the brother of Jude. 
Jude 1. 6. James the brother (?) of 
Jude. Luke vi. 16 ; Acts i. 13. 7. James. 
Acts xii. 17, XV. 13, xxi. 18 ; 1 Cor. xv. 7 ; 
Gal. ii. 9, 12. 8. James the servant of 
God and of our Lord Jesus Christ. 
James i. 1. St. Paul identifies for us 
Nos. 3. and 7. (see Gal. ii. 9 and 12 com- 
pared with i. 19). If we may translate 
'lovdug 'luxfo^ov, Judas the brother, rather 
than the son of James, we may conclude 
that 6. and 6. are identical. We may iden- 
tify 5. and 6. with 3., because we know that 
James the Lord's brother had a brother 
named Jude. We may identify 4. with 3., 
because we know James the son of Mary 
had a brother named Joses, and so also had 
James the Lord's brother. Thus there re- 
raair two only, James the son of Alphaeus 
C2), and James the brother of the Lord 
(3)- Can we, or can we not, identify 
diem? This is one of the most difficult 
4uestions in the Gospel history By com- 
paring Matt, xxvii. 56 and Mark xv. 40, 
with John xix. 25, we find that the Virgin 
Mary had a sister named like herself, 
Mary, who was the wife of Clopas or Al- 
phaeus (varieties of the same name), and 
who bad two sons, James the Less and 
Joses. By referring to Matt. xiii. 55 and 
Mark vi. 3, we find that a James and a 
Joses, with two other brethren called Jude 
and Simon, and at least three sisters, were 
living with the Virgin Mary at Nazareth. 
By referring to Luke vi. 16 and Acts i. 13, 
we find that there were two brethren named 
James and Jude among the Apostles. It 
would certainly be natural to think that we 
had here but one family of four brothers 
and three or more sisters, the children of 
Clopas and Mary, nephews and nieces of 
the Virgin Mary. There are difficulties, 
however, in the way of this conclusion into 
which we cannot here enter ; but in reply 
to the objection that the four brethren in 
Matt. xiii. 55 are described as the brothers 
of Jksus, not as His cousins, it must be 
recollected that aSti(pol, which is here trans- 
lated "brethren," may also signify cousins. 
James the Less, son of Alphaeus or 
Clopas, and brother of our Lord (see 
above), was called to the Apostolate, to- 



gether with his younger brother Judi, ii 
the spring of the year 28. It is not likely 
(though far from impossible) that Jamef 
and Jude took part with their brothers and 
sisters, and the Virgin Mary, in trying '* to 
lay hold on " Jesus in the autumn of the 
same year (Mark iii. 21) ; and it is likely, 
though not certain, that it is of the othei 
brothers and sisters, without these two, that 
St. John says, " Neither did His brethren 
believe on Him" (John vii. 5), in the 
autumn of a. d. 29. We hear no more of 
James till after the Crucifixion and the 
Resurrection. At some time in the forty 
days that intervened between the Resurrec- 
tion and the Ascension the Lord appeared 
to him. This is not related by the Evangel- 
ists, but it is mentioned by St. Paul (1 Cor. 
XV. 7). Again we lose sight of James for 
ten years, and when he appears once more 
it is in a far higher position than any that 
he has yet held. In the year 37 occurred 
the conversion of Saul. Three years after 
his conversion he paid his first visit to Jeru- 
salem, but the Christians recollected what 
they had suffered at his hands, and feared 
to have anything to do with him. Barnabas, 
at this time of far higher reputation than 
himself, took him by the hand, and intro- 
duced him to Peter and James (Acts ix. 27; 
Gal. i. 18, 19), and by their authority he 
was admitted into the society of the Chris- 
tians, and allowed to associate freely with 
them during the fifteen days of his stay. 
Here we find James on a level with Peter, 
and with him deciding on the admission of 
St. Paul into fellowship with the Church at 
Jerusalem ; and from henceforth we always 
find him equal, or in his own department 
superior, to the very chiefest Apostles, 
Peter, John, and Paul. For by this time 
he had been appointed to preside over the 
infant Church in its most important centre, 
in a position equivalent to that of Bishop. 
This pre-eminence is evident throughout 
the after history of the Apostles, whether 
we read it in the Acts, in the Epistles, or in 
Ecclesiastical writers (Acts xii. 17, xv. 13, 
19, xxi. 18; Gal. ii. 9). According to tra- 
dition, James was thrown down from the 
Temple by the Scribes and Pharisees ; he 
was then stoned and his brains dashed out 
by a fuller's club. 

James, The General Epistle of. 
The author of this Epistle was in all proba- 
bility James the son of Alphaeus, and our 
Lord's brother. It was written from Jeru- 
salem, which St. James does not seem to 
have ever left. Its main object is not to 
teach doctrine, but to improve morality. 
St. James is the moral teacher of the N. T. 
He wrote for the Jewish Christians wheth- 
er in Jerusalem or abroad, to warn them 
against the sins to which as Jews tliey were 
most liable, and to console and exhort them 
under the sufferings to which as Christian* 



JAMIN 



271 



JAJilB 



they were most exposed. It has been main- 
tained that the passage ii. 14-26 is a formal 
opposition to St. Paul's doctrine of Jus- 
•ification by Faith ; but if we consider the 
meaning of the two Apostles, we see at 
once that there is no contradiction either 
intended or possible. St. Paul was opposing 
the Judaizing party, which claimed to earn 
acceptance by good works, whether the 
works of the Mosaic law, or works of piety 
dai.e ])y themselves. In opposition to these, 
St. Paul lays down the great truth that ac- 
ceptance cannot be earned by man at all, 
but is the free gift of God to the Christian 
man, for the sake of the merits of Jesus 
Christ, appropriated by each individual, and 
made his ow a by the instrumentality of faith. 
St. James, on the other hand, was opposing 
the old Jewish tenet that to be a child of 
Abraham was all in all ; that godliness was 
not necessary, so that the belief was cor- 
rect. 

Ja'mill. 1. Second son of Simeon 
(Gen. xlvi. 10; Ex. vi. 15; 1 Chr. iv. 24), 
founder of the family of the Jaminites 
(Num. xxvi. 12). 2. A man of Judah, 
second son of Ram the Jerahmeelite (1 Chr. 
Ii. 27). 3. One of the Levites who under 
Ezra and Nehemiah read and expounded 
the law to the people (Neh. viii. 7). 

Jam'lech, one of the chief men of the 
tribe of Simeon (1 Chr. iv, 34). 

Jam'nia. [Jabneel.] 

Jan'na, son of Joseph, and father of 
Melchi, in the genealogy of Christ (Luke 
Ui. 24). 

Jan'nes and Jam'bres, the names of 
Cwo Egyptian magicians who opposed Mo- 
ses. St. Paul alone of the sacred writers 
mentions them by name, and says no more 
than that they " withstood Moses," and that 
their folly in doing so became manifest (2 
Tim. iii. 8, 9). It appears from the Jewish 
commentators that these names were held 
to be those of the magicians who opposed 
Moses and Aaron, spoken of in Exodus. 
Whether Jannes and Jambres were men- 
tioned in some long-lost book relating to 
the early history of the Israelites, or whether 
there were a veritable oral tradition respect- 
ing them, cannot now be determined. 

Jano ah, a place apparently in the north 
of Galilee, or the "land of Naphtali," — 
«>ne of those taken by Tiglath-Pileser in his 
first incursion into Palestine (2 K. xv. 29). 
No trace of it appears elsewhere. 

Jano'hah, a place on the boundary of 
Epliraim (Josh. xvi. 6, 7), east of Neapolis. 
A little less than twelve miles from NahlUs, 
and about S . E. in direction, two miles from 
Akraheh, is the village of Yarvdn, doubtless 
wdentical with the ancient Janohah. 

Ja'nuin, a town of Judah in the moun- 
tflin district, apparently not far from He- 
Won (Jv>sh. XV. 53). 

Ja'pheth. one of the three sons of 



Noah. From the order in wJiich t^keit 
names invariably occur (Gen. v. 32, vi. 10) 
we should naturally infer that Japheth wa»- 
the youngest, but we learn from ix. 24 that 
Ham held that position. It has been gen^ 
erally supposed from x. 21 that Japheth 
was the eldest ; but the word " elder" in that 
passage is better connected with "brother.** 
We infer therefore that Japheth was the 
second son of Noah. The descendants of 
Japheth occupied the "isles of the Gen- 
tiles" (Gen. X. 5), i. e. the coast- lands of 
the Mediterranean Sea in Europe and Asia 
Minor, whence they spread northwards ever 
the whole continent of Europe and a con- 
siderable portion of Asia. 

Japhi'a. The boundary of Zebulun 
ascended from Daberath to Japhia, and 
thence passed to Gath-h'.pher (Josh. xix. 
12). Yafa, 2 miles S. of Nazareth, is not 
unlikely to be identical with Japhia. 

Japhi'a. 1. King of Lachish at the 
time of the conquest of Canaan by the Is- 
raelites (Josh. X. 3). 2. One of the sons 
of David born to him in Jerusalem (2 Sam. 
V. 15; 1 Chr. iii. 7, xiv. 6). 

JaDh'let, a descendant of Asher through 
Beriah (1 Chr. vii. 32, 33). 

Japh'leti. The boundary of the " Japh- 
letite " is one of the landmarks on the 
south boundary- line of Ephraim (Josh, 
xvi. 3). 

Ja'pho (Josh. xix. 46). The Heb. form 
of the better known Joppa (2 Chr. ii. 16 ; 
Ezr. iii. 7; Jon. i. 3). In its modern garb 
it is Ydfa. 

Ja'rah, a descendant of Saul; son of 
Micah, and great-grandson of Mepliibo- 
sheth (1 Chr. ix. 42, conip. 40). 

Ja'reb is either to be explained as the 
proper name of a country or person, as a 
noun in apposition, or as a verb from a 
root, rilb, "to contend, plead." All these 
senses are represented in the A. V. and the 
marginal readings (Hos. v. 13. x. 6). and 
the least preferable has been in!:ened in 
the text. Jareb is most probably the name 
of some city of Assyria, or another name 
of the country itself. 

Ja'red, one of the antediluvian patri- 
archs, the fifth from Adam ; son of Mahala 
leel. and father of Enoch (Gen. v. 15, 16, 18 
-20; Luke iii. 37). In the lists of Chron- 
icles the name is given in the A. V. Jered. 

Jaresi'ah, a Benjamite, one of the 
Bene-Jehoram (1 Chr vi]i. 27). 

Jar'ha, the Egyptian servant of She- 
shan, about the time of Eli, to whom his 
master gave his daughter and heir in mar- 
riage (1 Chr. ii. 31). 

Ja'rib. 1. Named in the list of 1 Chr. 
iv. 24 only, as a son of Simeon. Perhaps 
the same as Jachin (Gen. xlvi., Ex. vi., 
and Num. xxvi.). 2. One cf the "chief 
men " who accompanied Ezra on hiu journey 
from Babylon to Jerusalem i Ezr. 'iii. IB\ 



JARIMOTH 



272 



JAVAN 



8. A priest of the house of Jeshua the son 
of Jozadak, who had married a foreign wife, 
and was compelled by Ezra to put her 
away (Ezr. x. 18). 4. (1 Mace. xiv. 29). 
A contraction or corruption of the name 
JOARIB (ii. 1). 

Jar'imotil. l Esd. ix. 28. [Jeremoth.J 

Jar'niuth. 1. A town in the low coun- 
try of Judah (Josh. xv. 35). Its king, Pi- 
ram, was one of the five who conspired 
to punish Gibeon for having made alliance 
with Israel (Josh. x. 3, 5), and who were 
routed at Bethhoron and put to death by 
Joshua at Makkedah (23). Its site is prob- 
ably the modern Yarmiik. 2. A city of 
Issachar, allotted with its suburbs to the 
Ger>jhonite Levites (Josh. xxi. 29). 

Jaro'ah, a chief man of the tribe of Gad 
(1 Chr. V. 14). 

Ja'shen. Bene-Jashen — " sons of Ja- 
shen " — are named in the catalogue of the 
heroes of David's guard in 2 Sam. xxiii. 32. 

Ja'sher, Book of, or, as the margin of 
the A. V. gives it, *'the book of the up- 
right," a record alluded to in two passages 
only of the O. T. (Josh. x. 13, and 2 Sam. 
i. 18), and consequently the subject of 
much dispute. That it was written in 
verse may reasonably be inferred from the 
only specimens extant, which exhibit un- 
mistakable signs of metrical rhythm. Ge- 
senius conjectured that it was an anthology 
of ancient songs, which acquired its name, 
" the book of the just or upright," from 
being written in praise of upright men. 

Jasho'beam. Possibly one and the 
same follower of David, bearing this name, 
is described as a Hachmonite (1 Chr. xi. 
11), a Korhite (1 Chr. xii. 6), and son of 
Zabdiel (1 Chr. xxvii. 2). He came to 
David at Ziklag. His distinguishing ex- 
ploit was that he slew 300 (or 800, 2 Sam. 
xxiii. 8) men at one time. He is named 
first among the chief of the mighty men 
of David (1 Chr. xi. 11). 

Ja'shub. 1. The third son of Issachar, 
and founder of the family of the Jashubites 
(Num. xxvi. 24; 1 Chr. vii. 1). 2. One 
of the sons of Bani, a layman in the time 
of Ezra who had to put away his foreign 
wife (Ezr. x. 29"). 

Jash'ubi-le hem, a person or a place 
named among the descendants of Shelah, 
the son of Judah by Bath-shua the Canaan- 
kess (1 Chr. iv. 22). 

Ja'slel, the last named on the list of 
David's heroes in 1 Chr. xi. 17. 

Ja'son. 1. Jason the son of Elea- 
BER was one of the commissioners sent by 
Judas Maccabaeus to conclude a treaty with 
the Romans b. c. 161 (1 Mace. viii. 17). 
2. Jason the father of Antipater, who 
was an envoy to Rome at a later period (1 
Mace. xii. 16, xiv. 22), is probably the 
same person as No. 1. 3. Jason of Cy- 
ft£MK, a Je vish histor.an who wrote ''in 



five books " a history of the Jewish war ol 
liberation, which supplied the chief mate- 
rials for the second book of the Maccabees. 
[2 Maccabees.] His name and the place 
of his residence seem to mark Jason as a 
Hellenistic Jew, but nothing more is known 
of him than can be gathered from 2 Mace, 
ii. 19-23. 4. Jason the High-Priest, 
the second son of Simon II., and brother 
of Onias III., who succeeded in obtaining 
the high-priesthood from Antlochus Epiph- 
anes (circa 175 b. c.) to the exclusion of 
his elder brother (2 Mace. iv. 7-26). He 
labored in every way to introduce Greek 
customs among the people, and that with 
great success (2 Mace. iv.\ 4^ter thru* 
years (cir. b. c. 172) he was in turn sup- 
planted in the king's favor by his own 
emissary Menelaus, and was forced to take 
refuge among the Ammonites (2 Mace. iv. 
26). On a report of the death of Antio- 
chus (c. 170 B. c.) he made a violent at- 
tempt to recover his power (2 Mace. v. 5- 
7), but was repulsed, and again fled to the 
Ammonites. Afterwards he was compelled 
to retire to Egypt, and thence to Sparta (2 
Mace. V. 9), and there "perished in a 
strange land " (2 Mace. Z. c. ; cf. Dan. xii. 
30, ff.; 1 Mace. i. 12, ff.). 5. Jason the 
Thessalonian, who entertained Paul and 
Silas, and was in consequence attacked by 
the Jewish mcb (Acts xvii. 5, 6, 7, 9). He 
is probably the same as the Jason men- 
tioned in Rom. xvi. 21 as a companion of 
the apostle, and one of his kinsmen or fel- 
low-tribesmen. It is conjectured that Jason 
and Secundus (Acts xx. 4) were the same. 

Jasper, a precious stone frequently no- 
ticed in Scripture. It was the last of the 
twelve inserted in the high-priest's breast- 
plate (Ex. xxviii. 20, xxxix. 13), and the 
first of the twelve used in the foundations 
of the new Jerusalem (Rev. xxi. 19). The 
characteristics of the stone, as far as they 
are specified in Scripture (Rev. xxi. 11), 
are, that it was "most precious," and "like 
crystal : " we may also infer from Rev. iv. 3, 
that it was a stone of brilliant and trans- 
parent light. The stone which we name 
"jasper" does not accord with this de- 
scription. There can be no doubt that th-«j 
diamond would more adequately answer to 
the description in the book of Revelatic n. 

Jath'niel, a Korhite Levite, the fourth 
of the family of Meshelemiah (1 Chr. xxvL 

2). 

Jat'tir, a town of Judah in the moun- 
tain districts (Josh. xv. 48), one of the group 
containing Socho, Eshtemoa, &;c. (See 
also Josh. xxi. 14 ; 1 Sam. xxx. 27 ; 1 Chr. 
vi. 57). By Robinson it is identified with 
'Atiir, 6 miles N. of Molada, and 10 miles 
S. of Hebi-on. 

Ja'van. 1. A son of Japheth, and the 
father of Elishah and Tarshish, Kittim and 
Dodanim (Gen. x. 2, 4) The name ap- 



JAVELIN 



276 



JEDUTHUT^ 



j)ear* in Is Ikvi. 19, where it is coupled 
With Tarshish, Pul, and Lud, and more 
particularly with Tubal and the " isles afar 
olF." as representatives of the Gentile 
world : again in Ez. xxvii. 13, where it is 
coupled with Tubal and Meshech, as car- 
rying on considerable commerce with the 
Tyrians, who imported from these coun- 
tiics slaves aud brazen vessels: in Dan. 
riii. 21, x. 20, xi. 2, in reference to the 
Macedonian empire; and lastly in Zech. 
ix. 13, in reference to the Graeco-Syrian 
empire. From a comparison of these vari- 
ous passages there can be no doubt that 
Javan was regarded as the representative 
of the Greek race. The name was prob- 
ftl)ly introduced into Asia by the Phoeni- 
cians, to whom the lonians were naturally 
better known than any other of the Hel- 
lenic races, on account of their commercial 
activity and the high prosperity of their 
towns on tiie western coast of Asia Minor. 
2. A town in the southern part of Arabia 

Yemen), whither the Phoenicians traded 
Ez. xxvii. 19). 

Javelin. [Arms.] 

Ja'zer. [Jaazer.] 

Ja'ziz, a Hagarite who had charge of 
the docks, the sheep and goats of king 
David (1 Chr. xxvii. 31). 

Je'arim, Mount, a place named in 
•pecifying the northern boundary of Judah 
(Josh. XV. 10). The boundary ran from 
Mount Seir to "the shoulder of Mount 
Jearim, which is Cesalon " — that is, Cesa- 
lon \^is the landmark on the mountain. 
Kesla stands, 7 miles due west of Jeru- 
salem, on a high point on the north slope 
of a lofty ri-dge, which is probably Mount 
Jearim. 

Jeat'erai, a Gershonite Levite, son of 
Zerah (1 Chr. vi. 21). 

Jeberechi'ah, father of a certain 
Zechariah, in the reign of Ahaz, mentioned 
Is. viii. 2. As this form occurs nowhere 
else, and both the LXX. and Vulgate have 
Berechiah, it is probably only an accidental 
corruption. 

Je'bus, one of the names of Jerusalem, 
the city of the Jebusites, also called Jebusi. 
(Josh. XV. 8, xviii. 16, 28 ; Judg. xix. 10, 
11 ; ). Chr. xi. 4, 5). [Jerusalem.] 

.Tebu'si, the name employed for the city 
of Jebus (Josh. XV. 8, xviii. 16, 28). 

Jeb'usites, The, were descended from 
the third son of Canaan (Gen. x. 16; 1 
Chr. i. 14). The actual people first ap- 
pear in the invaluable report of the spies 
(Num. xiii. 29). When Jabin organized 
his rising against Joshua he sent amongst 
others " to the Amorite, the Hittite, the 
Perizzite, and the Jebusite in the moun- 
tain " (Josh. xi. 3). A mountain-tribe they 
were, and a mountam-tribe they remained. 
" Jebls, which is Jerusalem," lost its king 
in the slaughter of Bethhoron (Josh. x. 1, 5, 
18 



26; comp. xii. 10), was sacked and burned 
by the men of Judali (Judg. i. 21), and it» 
citadel finally scaled and occupied by Da- 
vid (2 Sam. V. 6). After this tliey emerge 
from the darkness but once, in the person 
of Araunah the Jebusite, " Araunah the 
king," who appears before us in true kingly, 
dignity in his well-known transaction with 
David (2 Sam. xxiv. 23 ; 1 Chr. xix. 23). 

Jecami'all, one of seven, uicluding 
Salathiel and Pedaiah, who were intro- 
duced into the royal line, on the failure of 
it in the person of Jehoiachin (1 Chr iii. 
18). 

Jecholi'ah, wife of Amaziah king of 
Judah, and mother of Azariah or Uzziah 
lis successor (2 K. xv. 2). 

Jechoni'as, the Greek form of the 
name of king Jechoniah, an altered form 
of Jehoiachin. [Jehoiachin.] 

Jecholi'ah.. The same as Jecoliah (2 
Chr. xxvi. 3). 

Jeconi'ah, an altered form of the 
name of Jehoiachin (1 Chr. iii. 16, 17; 
Jer. xxiv. 1, xxvii. 20, xxviii. 4, xxix. 1 ; 
Esth. ii. 6). 

Jeda'iah. 1. Head of the second 
course ot priests, as they were divided in 
the time of David (1 Chr. xxiv. 7). Some 
of them survived to return to Jerusalem 
after the Babylonish captivity, as appaara 
from Ezr. ii. 36; Neh. vii. 39. 2. A priest 
in the time of Jeshua the high- priest 
(Zech. vi. 10, 14). 

Jeda'iah. 1. A Simeonite, forefather 
of Ziza (1 Chr. iv. 37). 2. Son of Ha- 
rumaph ; a man who did his part in the re- 
building of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. ii-i. 
10). 

Jedi'ael. 1. A chief patriarch of the 
tribe of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 6, 11). It 
is usually assumed that Jediael is the same 
as Ashbel (Gen. xlvi. 21; Num. xxvi. 38; 
1 Chr. viii.). But this is not certain. 2. 
Second son of Meshelemiah, a Levite (1 
Chr. xxvi. 1, 2). 3. Son of Shimri ; one 
of the heroes of David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 
45). 4. One of the chiefs of the thousands 
of Manasseh who joined David on his 
march to Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 20; comp. 1 
Sam. xxix., xxx.). 

Jed'idah, queen of Amon, and mother 
of the good king Josiah (2 K. xxii. 1). 

Jedidi'ah, Jedid-Jah, " darling of Je- 
hovah," the name bestowed, through Na- 
than the prophet, on David's son Solomon 
(2 Sam. xii. 25). 

Jed'uthun, a Levite, of the family ol 
Merari, is probably the same as Ethan 
(comp. 1 Chr. xv. 17, 19, with 1 Chr. xvi. 
41, 42, XXV. 1, 3, 6; 2 Chr. xxxv. 15). 
His office was generally to preside over thk 
music of the temple service. Jeduthun's 
name stands at the head of the 39th, 62d, 
and 77th Psalms, indicating probably that 
they were to be sung by his choir. 



JF}£Z£Tt 



•274 



JEHOHANAIN 



Jeezer, tae form assumed in the list 
m Nujnbers (xwi. 30) by the name of a 
descendant of Manasseh, and founder of 
the family of the Jeezerites. In parallel 
li'ts tlie name is given as Abi-ezer. 

Je'gar-sahadu'tha (" heap of testi- 
mony"), the Aramaean name given by 
Laban the Syrian to the heap of stones 
which he erected as a memorial of the 
compact between Jao(»b and himself, while 
Jacob commemorated the same by setting 
up a pillar (Gen. xxxi. 47), as was his cus- 
tom on several other occasions. Galeed, a 
"witness heap," which is given as the 
Hebrew equivalent, does not exactly repre- 
sent Jegar-sahadutha. 

Jehal'eleel. Four men of the Bene- 
Jehaleleel are introduced abruptly into the 
genealogies of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 16). 

Jehal'elel, a Merarite Levite, father 
oi Azariah (2 Chr. xxix. 12). 

Jehdei'ah. 1. The representative of 
the Bene-Shubael, in the time of David (1 
Chr. xxiv. 20). 2. A Meronothite who had 
charge of the she-asses of David (1 Chr. 
xxvii. oC). 

Jehez ekel, a priest to whom was given 
by David the charge of the twentieth of the 
twenty-four courses in the service of the 
house of Jehovah (1 Chr. xxiv. 16). 

Jehi'ah and Obed-edom were " door- 
keepers for the ark " at the time of its 
establishment in Jerusalem (1 Chr. xv. 
24). 

Jehi'el. 1. One of the Levites appoint- 
ed by David to assist in the service of the 
house of God (1 Chr. xv. 18, 20, xvi. 4). 
2. One of the sons of Jehoshaphat king of 
Judah, put to death by his brother Jehoram 
(2 Chr. xxi. 2). 3. One of the rulers of 
the house of God at the time of the reforms 
of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxv. 8). 4. A Gershon- 
ite Levite, head of the Bene-Laadan in 
the time of David (1 Chr. xxiii. 8), who 
had charge of the treasures (xxix. 8). 5. 
Son of Hachmoni, or of a Hachmonite, 
named in the list of David's officers (1 Chr. 
xxvii. 32) as "with the king's sons," what- 
ever that may mean. 6. A Levite of the 
Bene-Heman, who took part in the restora- 
tions of king Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 14). 
7. Another Levite at the same period (2 
Chr. xxxi. 13). 8. Father of Obadiah, of 
ihe Bene-Joab (Ezr. viii. 9). 9. One of 
the Bene-Elam, father of Shechaniah (Ezr. 
X 2). 10. A member of the same family, 
who had himself to part with his wife (Ezr. 
X. 26). 11. A pr.est, one of the Bene- 
Harim, who also had to put away his for- 
eigr wife (Ezr, x. 21). 

Jehi'el, a perfectly distinct name from 
the last. 1. A man uiescribed as father of 
Gibeon ; a forefather of king Saul (I Chr. 
ix. 35). 2. One of the sons of Hotham 
the Aroerite; a member of David's guard 
CI Chr. xi. 41 ). 



Jehi'eli, according to the A. V. » 
Gcrshonite Levite of the familvof Laai>ab 
(1 Chr. xxvi. 21, 22). 

Jehizki'ah, son of Shallum, one of 
the heads of the tribe of Ephraim in the 
time of Ahaz (2 Chr. xxviii. 12; comp. 8, 
13, 15). 

Jeho'adah, one of the descendants of 
Saul (1 Chr. viii. 36) ; great-grandson tc 
Meribaal, i. e. Mephibosbeth. 

Jehpad'dan, queen to king Joash, and 
mother of Amaziah of Judah (2 K. xiv. 2 ; 
2 Chr. XXV. 1). 

Jeho'ahaz. 1. The son and successor 
of Jehu, reigned 17 years b. c. 856-840 
over Israel in Samaria. His inglorious 
history is given in 2 K. xiii. 1-9. Through- 
out his reign (ver. 22) he was kept in sub- 
jection by Hazael king of Damascus. 
Jehoahaz maintained the idolatry of Jero- 
boam ; but in the extremity of his humili- 
ation he besought Jehovah, and Jehovah 
gave Israel a deliverer — probably either 
Jehoash (vv. 23 and 25), or Jeroboam II. 
(2 K. xiv. 24, 25). 2. Jehoahaz, otherwise 
called Shallum, the fourth (ace. to 1 Chr. 
iii. 15), or third, if Zedekiah's age be cor- 
rectly stated (2 Chr. xxxvi. 11), son of 
Josiah, whom he succeeded as king of 
Judah. He was chosen by the people in 
preference to his elder (comp. 2 K. xxiii. 
31 and 36) brother, b. c. 610, and he reigned 
three months in Jerusalem. Pharaoh-Neoho 
on his return from Carchemish, perhaps 
resenting the election of Jehoahaz, sent to 
Jerusalem to depose him, and to fetch him 
to Riblah. There he was cast into chains, 
and from thence he was taken into Egypt, 
where he died. 3. The name given (2 
Chr. xxi. 17) to Ahaziah, the youngest foa 
of Jehoram king of Judah. 

Jeho'asl^ , the uncontracted form of 
Joash. 1. The eiglith king of Judah; 
son of Ahaziah (2 K. xi. 21, xii. 1,2, 4, 6, 
7, 18, xiv. 13). [Joash, I.] 2. The 
twelfth king of Israel ; son of Jehoj^haz 
(2 K. xiii. 10, 25, xiv. 8, 9, 11, 13, 15, 16, 
17). [Joash, 2.] 

Jeho'hanan. 1. A Korhite Levite, 
one of the doorkeepers to the house of Je- 
hovah, i. e. the Tabernacle, according to 
the appointment of David (1 Chr. xxvi. 3 ; 
comp. XXV. 1). He was the sixth of tlw" 
seven sons of Meshelemiah. 2. One of the 
principal men of Judah, under king Je- 
hoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 15; comp. 13 ami 
19). 3. Father of Ishmael, one of the 
"captains of hundreds" whom Jehniada 
the priest took into his confidi^nce about the 
restoration of the line of Judah (2 Chr. 
xxiii. 1). 4. One of the Bene-Bebai, a lay 
Israelite who was forced by Ezra to put 
away his foreign wife (Ezr. x. 28). 5. A 
priest (Neh. xii. 13) ; the representative of 
the house of Amariah (comp. 2), during 
the high-priesthood of Joiakim Tver. 12) 



JEHOIACHIN 



2/0 



JEHOIARIB 



6. A prie-.t who took part in tho dedication 
of the wall of Terusalera (Neh. xii. 42). 

Jehoi'achin, son of Jehoiakim and Ne- 
hushta, and for three months and ten days 
king of Judah, b. c. 597. Jehoiachin came 
to the throne when Egypt was still prostrate 
in consequence of the victory at Carche- 
mish. Jerusalem was quite defenceless, 
and unable to ofler any resistance to the 
regular army which Nebuchadnezzar sent 
to besiege it (2 K. xxiv. 10, 11). In a yery 
short time Jehoiachin surrendered at dis- 
cretion : and he, and the queen-mother, and 
all his servants, captains, and ofl&cers, came 
out anu gav ) themselves up to Nebuchad- 
nezzar, who carried them, with the harem 
and the eunvchs, to Babylon (Jer. xxLx. 2; 
Ezek. xvii. 1'', xix. 9). There he remained 
a prisoner, actually in prison, and wearing 
prison garments, for thirty-six years, viz. 
till the death of Nebuchadnezzar, when 
Evil-Merodach, succeeding to the throne 
of Babylon, brought him out of prison, and 
made him sit at his own table. Whether 
Jehoiachin outlived the two years of Evil- 
Merodach's reign or not does not appear, 
Qor have we any particulars of his life at 
Babylon. It does not appear certainly from 
Scripture, whether Jehoiachin was married 
or had any children. That Zedekiah, who 
in 1 Chr. iii. 16 is called " his son," is the 
Mme as Zedekiah his uncle (called "his 
brother," 2 Chr. xxxvi. 10), who was his 
•Hccessor on the throne, seems certain. 

Jehoi ada. 1. Father of Benaiah, 
David's well-known warrior (2 Sam. viii. 
18, I K. i. and ii. passim, 1 Chr. xviii. 17, 
&c.). 2. Leader of the Aaronites, i. e. the 
priests ; who joined David at Hebron (1 
Chr. xii. 27). 3. According to 1 Chr. 
xxvii. 34, son of Benaiah. But in all prob- 
ability, Benaiah the son of Jehoiada is 
meant, by a confusion similar to that which 
has arisen with regard to Ahimelech and 
Abiathar, 1 Chr. xviii. 16, 2 Sara. viii. 17. 
4. High-priest at the time of Athaliah's 
usurpation of the throne of Judah (b. c. 
884-878), and during the greater portion of 
the 40 years' reign of Joash. He probably 
succeeded Amariah. He married Jehoshe- 
BA, or Jehoshabeath, daughter of king Je- 
horam, and sister of king Ahaziah (2 Chr. 
xxii. 11) ; and when Athaliah slew all the 
seed royal of Judah after Ahaziah had been 
put to death by Jehu, he and his wife stole 
Joash from among the king's sons, and hid 
him for six years in the Temple, and event- 
ually replaced him on the throne of his 
aneestv^rs. Having divided the priests and 
Levites into three bands, which were posted 
at the principal entrances, he produced the 
young king before the whole assembly, and 
crowned and anointed him. Athaliah was 
put to death. [Athaliah.] The destruc- 
tion of Baal- worship a id the restoration of 
the lemple were ami ng the great works 



effected by Jehoiada. He died b. c. 834 

5. Second priest, or sagan, to Seraiah tin 
high-priest (Jer. xxix. 25-29 ; 2 K. xxv. 18). 

6. Son of Paseach, who assisted to repair 
the old gate of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 6). 

Jehoi'akim, called Eliakim, son of 
Josiah and Zebudah, and king of Judah. 
After deposing Jehoahaz, Pharaoh Necho 
set Eliakim, his elder brother, upon the 
throne, and changed his name to Jehoiakim, 
B. c. 608-597. Egypt played no part in 
Jewish politics during the seven or eight 
years of Jehoiakim's reign. After the battle 
of Carchemish Nebuchadnezzar came into 
Palestine as one of the Egyptian tributary 
kingdoms, the capture of which was the 
natural fruit of his victory over Necho. 
He found Jehoiakim quite defenceless. 
After a short siege he entered Jerusalem, 
took the king prisoner, bound him in fetteis 
to carry him to Babylon, and took also some 
of the precious vessels of the Temple and 
carried them to the land of Shinar. But he 
seems to have changed his purpose as re- 
garded Jehoiakim, and to have accepted 
his submission, and reinstated him on the 
throne, perhaps in remembrance of the 
fidelity of his father Josiah. What i? 
certain is, that Jehoiakim became tributary 
to Nebuchadnezzar after his invasion of 
Judah, and continued so for three years, 
but at the end of that time broke his oath of 
allegiance and rebelled against him (2 K. 
xxiv. 1). Though Nebuchadnezzar was not 
able at that time to come in person to 
chastise his rebellious vassal he sent against 
him numerous bands of Chaldeans, with 
Syrians, Moabites, and Ammonites, who 
were all now subject to Babylon (2 K. 
xxiv. 7), and who cruelly harassed the 
whole country. Either in an engagement 
with some of these forces, or else by the 
hand of his own oppressed subjects, who 
thought to conciliate the Babylonians by 
the murder of their king, Jehoiakim came 
to a violent end in the 11th year of his 
reign. His body was cast out ignominious- 
ly on the ground ; and then, after being left 
exposed for some time, was dragged away 
and buried "with the burial of an ass," 
without pomp or lamentation, *' beyond the 
gates of Jerusalem" (Jer. xxii. 18, 19, 
xxxvi. 30). All the accounts we have of Je- 
hoiakim concur in ascribing to him a vicious 
and irreligious character. The writer of 2 
K. xxiii. 37, tells us that " he did that which 
was evil in the sight of Jehovah," a state- 
ment which is repeated xxiv. 9, and 2 Chr. 
xxxvi. 5. But it is in the writings of Jere- 
miah that we have the fullest portraiture of 
him. The reign of Jehoiakim extends from 
B. c. 609 to B. c. 598, or as some reckon 
599. 

Jehoi'arib, head of the first of th« 
24 courses of priests, according to the ar^ 
rangement of king David (1 Chr. xxiv. 7> 



JEHONADAB 



276 



JEHORAM 



Some of his descendants returned from the 
Babylonish captivity, as we learn from 1 
Chr. ix. 10, Neh. xi. 10. Their chief in 
the days of Joiakira the son of Jeshua was 
Mattenai (Neh. xii. 6, 19). They were 
probably of the house of Eleazar. To the 
course of Jehoiarib belonged the Asmonean 
family (1 Mace. ii. 1), and Josephus, as he 
informs us. 

Jehon'adab, and Jon'adab, the son 

of Rechab, founder of the Rechabites. It 
appears from 1 Chr. ii. 55, that his father 
or ancestor Rechab belonged to a branch 
of the Kenites, the Arabian tribe which en- 
tered Palestine with the Israelites. One 
settlement of them was established, under 
a fourfold division, at or near the town of 
Jabez in Judah (1 Chr. ii. 55). To these 
last belonged Rechab and his son Jehona- 
dab. The Bedouin habits, which were kept 
up by the other branches of the Kenite 
tribe, were inculcated by Jehonadab with 
the utmost minuteness on his descendants 
(Jer. XXXV. 6). Bearing in mind this gen- 
eral character of Jehonadab as an' Arab 
chief, and the founder of a half religious 
eect, we are the better able to understand 
the single occasion on which he appears be- 
fore us in the historical narrative. Jehu was 
advancing, after the slaughter of Betheked, 
on the city of Samaria, when he suddenly 
met the austere Bedouin coming towards 
him (2 K. x. 15). The king was in his 
chariot ; the Arab was on foot. No doubt 
he acted in concert with Jehu throughout ; 
the only occasion on which he is expressly 
mentioned is when he went with Jehu 
through the temple of Baal to turn out any 
that there might happen to be in the mass 
of Pagan worshippers (2 K. x. 23). 

Jehon'athan. 1. Son of Uzziah; 
superintendent of certain of king David's 
storehouses (1 Chr. xxvii. 25). 2. One of 
the Levites who were sent by Jehoshaphat 
through the cities of Judah, with a book of 
the Law, to teach the people (2 Chr. xvii. 
8). 3. A priest (Neh. xii. 18); the repre- 
sentative of the family of Shemaiah (ver. 
6), when Joiakim was high-priest. 

Jeho'ram. 1. Son of Ahab king of 
Israel, who succeeded his brother Ahaziah, 
B. c. 896, and died b. c. 884. The alliance 
between the kingdoms of Israel and Judah, 
commenced by his father and Jehoshaphat, 
was very close throughout his reign. We 
first find him associated with Jehoshaphat 
and the king of Edom, at that time a tribu- 
tary of the kingdom of Judah, in a war 
against the Moabites. The three armies 
▼ere in the utmost danger of perishing for 
want of water. The piety of Jehoshaphat 
suggested an inquiry of some prophet of 
Jehovah, and Elisha, at that time and since 
tlie latter part of Ahab's reign Elijah's at- 
tendant (2 K. iii. 11; 1 K. xix. 19-21), wis 
found with the host. From hini Jehora a 



received a severe rebuke, and was b..J to 
inquire of the prophets of his fatl er and 
mother, the prophets of Baal. Neverthe- 
less for Jehoshaphat's sake Elisha inquired 
of Jehovah, and received the promise of an 
abundant supply of water, and of a great 
victory over the Moabites ; a promise which 
was immediately fulfilled. The Moabitea 
were put to the rout. The allies pursued 
them with great slaughter into their own 
land, which they utterly ravaged and de- 
stroyed with all its cities. Kirharaseth alone 
remained, and there the king of Moab made 
his last stand. An attempt to break through 
the besieging army having failed, he re- 
sorted to the desperate expedient of offer- 
ing up his eldest son, the heir to his throne, 
as a burnt-offering, upon the wi'l of the 
city, in the sight of the enemy. Upon this 
the Israelites retired and returned to their 
own land (2 K. iii.). A little later, when 
war broke out between Syria and Israel, we 
find Elisha befriending Jehoram. What 
happened after this to change the relations 
between the king and the prophet we can 
only conjecture. But it seems probable 
that when the Syrian inroads ceased, and 
he felt less dependent upon the aid of the 
prophet, he relapsed into idolatry, and was 
rebuked by Elisha, and threatened with a 
return of the calamities from which he had 
escaped. Refusing to repent, a fresh inva- 
sion by the Syrians, and a close siege of 
Samaria, actually came to pass, according 
probably to the word of the prophet. 
Hence, when the terrible incident arose, in 
consequence of the famine, of a woman 
boiling and eating her own child, the king 
immediately attributed the evil to Elisha, 
and determined to take away his life. The 
providential interposition by which both 
Elisha's life was saved and the city deliv- 
ered, is narrated 2 K. vii., and Jehoram 
appears to have returned to friendly feeling 
towards Elisha (2 K. viii. 4). It was very 
soon after the above events that Elisha 
went to Damascus, and predicted the revolt 
of Hazael, and his accession to the throne 
of Syria in the room of Ben-hadad. Jeho- 
ram seems to have thought the revolution 
in Syria, which immediately followed Eli- 
sha's prediction, a good opportunity to pur- 
sue his father's favorite project of recov- 
ering Ramoth-Gilead from the Syrians He 
accordingly made an alliance with his neph- 
ew Ahaziah, who had just succeeded Jorara 
on the throne of Judah, and the two kings 
proceeded to occupy Ramoth-Gilead by 
force. The expedition was an unfortunate 
one. Jehoram was wounded in battle, and 
obliged to return to Jezreel to be healed of 
his wounds (2 K. viii. 29, ix. 14, 15), ieav- 
ing his army under Jehu to hold Ramoth- 
Gilead against Hazael. Jehu, however, 
and the army under his command, revolted 
from their alhgiance to Jehoram (2 K, is ^, 



JEHOSHABIATH 



277 JEHOSHAPHAT, VALLEY Ui< 



and hastily marching to Jezreel, surprised 
Jehoram, wounded and defenceless as he 
was. Jehoram, going out to meet him, fell 
pierced hy an arrow from Jehu's bow on 
the eery plot of ground which Ahab had 
wrested from Naboth the Jezreelite; thus 
fulfilling to the letter the prophecy of Eli- 
jah (1 K. xxi. 21-29). With the life of 
Jehoram ended the dynasty of Omri. 2. 
Eldest son of Jehoshaphat, succeeded his 
father on the throne of Jsdah at the age of 
32, and reigned eight years, from b. c. 
893-2 to 885-4. Jehosheba his daughter 
was wife to the high-priest Jehoiada. As 
soon as he was fixed on the throne, he put 
his six brothers to death, with many of the 
cliief nobles of the land. He then, proba- 
bly at the instance of his wife Athaliah the 
Jaugiiter of Ahab, proceeded to establish 
the worship of Baal. A prophetic writing 
from the aged prophet Elijah (2 Chr. xxi. 
12), failed to produce any good eflPect upon 
him. This was in the first or second year 
of his reign. The remainder of it was a 
series of calamities. First the Edomites, 
who had been tributary to Jehoshaphat, re- 
volted from his dominion, and established 
their permanent independence. Next Lib- 
^ah, one of the strongest fortified cities in 
Judah (2 K. xix. 8), rebelled against him. 
Then followed invasions of armed bands of 
Philistines and of Arabians, who stormed 
the king's palace, put his wives and all his 
children, except his youngest son Ahaziah, 
to death (2 Chr. xxii. 1), or carried them 
into captivity, and plundered all his treas- 
ures. He died of a terrible disease (2 Chr. 
xxi. 19, 20) early in the twelfth year of his 
brother-in-law Jehoram's reign over Israel. 

Jehoshab'eath, the form in wliich the 
name of Jehosheba is given in 2 Chr. xxii. 
11. 

Jehosh'aphat. 1. King of Judah, son 
of Asa, succeeded to the throne b. c. 914, 
when he was 35 years old, and reigned 25 
years. His history is to be found among 
the events recorded in 1 K. xv. 24 ; 2 K. 
viii. 16, or in a continuous narrative in 2 
Chr. xvii. 1-xxi. 3. He was contemporary 
with Ahab, Ahaziah, and Jehoram. At 
first he strengthened himself against Israel 
by fortifying and garrisoning the cities of 
Judah and the Ephraimite conquests of 
Asia. But soon afterwards the two He- 
brew kings, perhaps appreciating their com- 
mon danger from Damascus and the tribes 
on their eastern frontier, formed an alli- 
ance. Jehoshaphat's eldest son Jehoram 
married Athaliah, the daughter of Ahab 
and Jezebel. In his own kingdom Jehosh- 
aphat ever showed himself a zealous fol- 
lower of the commandments of God : he 
tried, it would seem not quite successfully, 
to put down the high places and groves in 
which tho people of Juda^ I urnt incense. 
Riches a/yi hen t& incri-si.tfd around liim. 



He received tribute from the Philistinei 
and Arabians ; and kept up a large stand- 
ing army in Jerusalem. It was probably 
about the 16th year of his reign (b. c. 898) 
when he went to Samaria to visit Ahab, and 
to become his ally in the great battle of 
Ramoth-Gilead. From thence Jehoshaphat 
returned to Jerusalem in peace ; and went 
himself through the people " from Beer- 
sheba to Mount Ephraim," reclaiming them 
to the law of God. Turning his attention 
to foreign commerce, he built at Ezion- 
geber, with the help of Ahaziah, a navy de- 
signed to go to Tar.shish ; but it was wrecked 
at Ezion-geber. Before the close of his 
reign he was engaged in two additional 
wars. He was miraculously delivered from 
a threatened attack of the people of Am- 
mon, Moab, and Seir. After this, perhaps, 
must be dated the war which Jehoshaphat, 
in conjunction with Jehoram king of Israel 
and the king of Edom, carried on against 
the rebellious king of Moab (2 K. iii.). In 
his declining years the administration of 
affairs was placed (probably b. c. 891) in 
the hands of his son Jehoram. 2. Son of 
Ahilud, whq filled the office of recorder or 
annalist in the courts of David (2 Sam. viii. 
16, &c.) and Solomon (1 K. iv. 3). 3. 
One of the priests, who (1 Chr. xv. 24) 
were appointed to blow trumpets before the 
ark when it was carried from the house of 
Obed-edom to Jerusalem. 4. Son )f Pa- 
ruah ; one of the twelve purveyors of king 
Solomon (1 K. iv. 17). 5. Son of Nimshi, 
and father of king Jehu (2 K. ix. 2, 14). 

Jehosh'aphat, Valley of, a valley 
mentioned by Joel only, as the spot in 
which, after tl;e return of Judah and Jeru- 
salem from captivity, Jehovah would gather 
all the heathen (Joel iii. 2), and would there 
sit to judge them for their misdeeds to Is- 
rael (iii. 12). The prophet seems to have 
glanced back to that triumphant day when 
king Jehoshaphat, the greatest king the 
nation had seen since Solomon, led out his 
people to a valley in the wilderness of 
Tekoah, and was there blessed with suoh a 
victory over the hordes of his enemies as 
was without a parallel in the national rec- 
ords (2 Chr. XX.). The scene of " Jeho« 
vah's judgment" has been localized, and the 
name has come down to us attached to that 
deep ravine which separates Jerusalem from 
the Mount of Olives, through winch at one 
time the Kedron forced its stream. At 
what period the name was first applied to 
this spot is not known. There is no trace 
of it in the Bible or in Josephus. In both 
the only name used for this gorge is Kii>- 
RON (N. T. Cedron). We first encounter 
its new title in the middle of the 4th century 
in the O^iomas^ico/iofEusebius and Jerome, 
and in the Commentary of the latter Father 
on Joel. Since that time the rAme has 
been recognized and adopted by travellers 



JEHOSHEBA 



278 



JEHOVAH 



of all ajj'es and all faiths. Both Moslems 
end Jews b3lieve that the last Judgment is 
to take place there. The steep sides of the 
ravine, wheroA^er a level strip affords the 
opportunity, are crowded — in places al- 
most paved — by the sepulchres of the 
Moslems, or the simpler slabs of the Jew- 
ish tombs, alike awaiting tae assembly of 
the last Judgment. The name would seem 
to be generally confined by travellers to 
the upper part of the glen, from about the 
"Tomb of the Virgin" to the south-east 
forner of the wall of Jerusalem. 

Jehosll'eba. daughter of Joram king 
of Israel, and wife of Jehoiada the high- 
priest (2 K. xi. 2). Her name in the Chron- 
icles is given Jehoshabeath. As she is 
called, 2 K. xi. 2, "the daughter oi Joram, 
sister of Ahaziah," it has been conjectured 
that she was the daughter, not of Athaliah, 
but of Joram by another wife. She is the 
only recorded instance of the marriage of a 
princess of the royal house with a high- 
priest. 

Jehcsh'ua, that i&, '* help of Jehovah " 
or " Saviour." In this form is given the 
name of Joshua in Num. xiii. 16, on the oc- 
casion of its bestowal by Moses. Once 
more only the name appears in its full form 
in the A. V. — as 

Jehosh'uah, in the genealogy of Eph- 
raim (1 Chr. vii. 27). 

Jehovah. The true pronunciation of 
this name, by which God was known to 
the -Hebrews, has been entirely lost, the 
Jews themselves scrupulously avoiding 
every mention of it, and substituting in its 
stead one or other of the words with whose 
proper vowel-points it may happen to be 
written. This custom, which had its origin 
In reverence, and has almost degenerated 
into a superstition, was founded upon an 
erroneous rendering of Lev. xxiv. 16, from 
which it was inferred that the mere utter- 
ance of the name constituted a capital of- 
fence. According to Jewish tradition, it 
was pronounced but once a year by the 
high-priest on the day of Atonement when 
he entered the Holy of Holies ; but on this 
point there is some doubt. On the authori- 
ty of Maimonides we learn that it ceased 
with Simeon the Just. But even after the 
destruction of the second Temple instances 
are met with of individuals who were in 
possession of the mysterious secret. That 
tlie Hebrews learned the word from the 
Egyptians is a theory which has found some 
advocates. There can oe but little doubt 
that the process in reality was reversed, 
and that in this case the Hebrew,? were, not 
the borrowers, but the lenders. We have 
indisputable evidence that it existed among 
them, whatever may have been its origin, 
many centuries before it is found in other 
records; of the contrary we have no evi- 
dence whatever. One argument for the 



Egyptian origin of Jehovah may be rotic8<l 
It is found in the circumstance that Pharaob 
changed the name of Eliakim to Jefeoiakim 
(2 K. xxiii. 34), which it is asserted is not 
in accordance with the practice of cvmquer- 
ors towards the conquered, unless the 
Egyptian king imposed upon tho king of 
Judah the name of one of his own goda. 
But the same reasoning would prove that 
the origin of the word was Babylonian, for 
the king of Babylon changed the name of 
Mattaniah to ZedekmA, (2 K. xxiv. 17). 
But many, abandoning as untenable the 
theory of an Egyptian origin, have sought 
to trace the name among the Phoenicians 
and Canaanitish tribes. From the occur- 
rence of Jehovah as a compound in the 
proper names of many who were not He- 
brews, Hamaker contends that it must hav« 
been known among heathen people. But 
such knowledge, if it existed, was no more 
than might have been obtained by their ne- 
cessary contact with the Hebrews. The 
names of XjviaK the Hittite, of Araunah or 
Aran/a^ the Jebusite, of Tobm/t the Am- 
monite, and of the Canaanitish town Biz- 
jothya^, may be all explained without hav- 
ing recourse to Hamaker's hypothesis. 
Most of the authorities on the opposite side 
have taken for the basis of their explana- 
tions, and the different methods of punctua- 
tion which they propose, the passage in Ex. 
iii. 14, to which we must naturally look foi 
a solution of the question. When Moses 
received his commission to be the deliverer 
of Israel, the Almighty, who appeared in 
the burning bush, communicated to him the 
name which he should gi\e as the creden- 
tials of his mission : " And God said unto 

Moses, I AM THAT I AM (T^nJi^ ^liTJ^ H^'IH 

ehyeh dsher ehyeK) ; and he said. Thus shah 
thou say unto the children of Israel, I am 
hath sent me unto you." That this passage 
is intended to indicate the etymology of 
Jehovah, as understood by the Hebrews, no 
one has ventured to doubt : it is in fact the 
key to the wliole mystery. The next poini 
for consideration is of vastly more impor^ 
tance : what is the meaning of Jehovah, and 
what does it express of the being and nature 
of God, more tlian or in distinction from the 
other names applied to the leity in the O. 
T. ? Elohim is used in maii> .ases of the 
gods of the heathen, who includfvj n. the 
same title the God of the Hebrews, and de- 
noted generally the l>eity when spoken of 
a supernatural bein^, »n<l when no naticiiaJ 
feeling influenced the sp^^aker. But. »il- 
though the distinction between Ei<»hjm, ah 
the general appellation of Deity, and Jt^ho 
vah, the national God of the Israelites, et)n 
tains some superficial truth, the real naturw 
of their difference must be sought for far 
deeper, and as a foundation for the argu- 
ments which will be adduced recourse niuat 



JLlJOVJit JIREH 



279 



,£HU 



'ig&m be 'l»d to etymology. With regard 
to the derivation of Elohim, etymologists are 
divided in their opinions : some connecting 
it wit/1 el, and the unused root til, "to be 
strong." From whatever root however, 
the word may be derived, most are of 
oj?inion that the primary idea contained in 
it is that of strength, power; so that Elohim 
is the proper ai)pellation of the Deity, as 
iranifeated in His creative and universally 
Bustaiiiing agency, and in the general di- 
vine guidance and government of the world. 
The qnestbn now arises, What is the mean- 
ing to be attached to the plural form of the 
word? Some have discovered therein the 
oiystery of the Trinity, while others main- 
tain that it points to polytheism. It is prob- 
able that the plural form Elohim, instead 
of pointing to polytheism, is applied to God 
as comprehending in Himself the fulness of 
all power, and uniting in a perfect degree 
all that which the name signifies, and all 
the attributes which the heathen ascribe to 
the several divinities of their pantheon. 
The singular ildah, with few exceptions 
(Neh. ix. 17 ; 2 Chr. xxxii. 15), occurs only 
in poetry. It will be found, upon examina- 
tion of the passages in which Elohim oc- 
curs, that it is chiefly in places where God 
is exhibited only in the plenitude of his 
power, anc* where no especial reference is 
made to hin unity, personality, or holiness, 
or to his relation to Israel and the theoc- 
racy. B''^t while Elohim exhibits God dis- 
played 'n his power as the creator and 
goveinf;r of the physical universe, the name 
Jehovi'i designates his nature as He stands 
in rebtion to man, as the only almighty, 
true, personal, holy Being, a spirit, and 
" thp father of spirits " (Num. xvi. 22 ; 
comp John iv. 24), who revealed himself 
to Ins people, made a covenant with them, 
i,nd became their lawgiver, and to whom 
ail honor and worship are due. If the 
etymology above given be accepted, and 
the name be derived from the future tense 
of the substrjitive verb, it would denote, in 
accordance ^fith the general analogy of 
proper names of a similar form, '* He that 
is," " the Jiding," whose chief attribute is 
eternal existence. As the Israelites were 
in a remarkable manner distinguished as 
the people of Jehovah, who became their 
lav giver and supreme ruler, it is not strange 
that lie should be put in strong contrast 
with Chemosh (Judg. xi. 24), Ashtaroth 
(Judg. X. 6), and the Baalim (Judg. iii. 7), 
the national deities of the surTounding 
nations, and thus be pre-eminently distin- 
guish( d in one aspect of his character as 
tlie tutelary deity of the Hebrews. [God.] 

Jeho'rah-ji^reh, i. e. "Jehovah will 
see," or " provide," the name given by 
ibraham to the place on wbich he had been 
/joinmanded to offe~ Isaac, to commemorate 
jhe interposit'on of xhi ana^l of Jehovah. 



who appeared to prevent the sa rifice (Gen 
xxii. 14), and provided another victim. 

Jeho'vah-nis'si, i. e. •• Jehovah my 
banner," the name given by Mo^es to the 
altar which he built in commemoration of 
the discomfiture of the Amalekites by 
Joshua and his chosen warriors at Rephi- 
dim (Ex. xvii. 15). The significance of 
the name is probably contained in the allu- 
sion to the stalf which Moses held in hia 
hand as a banner during tlie engagement. 

Jeho'vah-sha'lom, i. e. " Jehovah 
(is) peace," or, with an ellipsis, " Jehov ih, 
the God of peace," the altar erected by 
Gideon in Ophrah was so called in memo- 
ry of the salutation addressed to him by 
the angel of Jehovah, " Peace be unto thee *' 
(Judg. vi. 24). 

Jehoz'abad. 1. A Korahite Levitt, 
second son of Obed-edom, and one of the 
porters of the south gate of the Temple, 
and of the storehouse there in the time of 
David (1 Chr. xxvi. 4, 15, compared with 
Nell. xii. 25). 2. A Benjamite, captain of 
180,000 armed men, in the days of king 
Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 18). 3. Son of 
Shomer or Shimrith, a Moabitish woman, 
who with another conspired against king 
Joash and slew him in his bed (2 K. xii. 21 ; 
2 Chr. xxiv. 26). 

Jehoz'adak, son of the high priest 
Seraiah (1 Chr. vi. 14, 15) in the reign of 
Zedekiah. When his father was slain at 
Riblah by order of Nebuchadnezzar, in the 
11th of Zedekiah (2 K. xxv. 18, 21), Jehoz- 
adak was led away captive to Babylon (1 
Chr. vi. 15), where he doubtless spent the 
remainder of his days. He himself never 
attained tiie high-priesthood, but he was the 
father of Jeshua the high-priest — who with 
Zerubbabel headed the Return from Captiv- 
ity — and of all his successors till thepontifi 
cate of Alcimus (Ezr. iii. 2 ; Neh. xii. 26. &c.) 

Jehu. 1. The founder of the fifth 
dynasty of the kingdom of Israel, son of 
Jehoshaphat (2 K. ix. 2). In his youth he 
had been one of the guards of A hah. His 
first appearance in history is when, with a 
comrade in arms, Bidkar, he rode behinc^ 
Ahab on the fatal journey from Saniaria tu 
Jezreel, and heard the warning of Elijab' 
against the murderer of Naboch (2 K. ix 
25). But he had already, as it would seera^ 
been known to Elijah as a youth of promise,, 
and, accordingly, in the vision at Hcreb hei 
is mentioned as the future king of Israel., 
whom Elijah is to aroint as the minister 
of vengeance on Israel (1 K. xix. 16, 17).. 
Th's injunction, for reasons unknown tons,. 
ELjah never fulfilled. It was reserve I long 
afterwards or his successor Elisha. Jeliu 
meantime, in the reigns of Ahaziah and 
Jehoram, had risen to importance. He was , 
under the last-named king, captain of the 
host in the siege of Ramotb-Gilead. W hilst 
in the t \det of the officers of tlie besieginsf 



jEHV 



280 



JEliUSB 



army a youtii suddenly entered, of wild ap- 
pearance (2 K. ix. 11), and insisted on a 
priA'ate interview with Jehu. They retired 
into a secret chamber. The youth uncov- 
ered a vial of the sacred oil which he had 
brought with him, poured it over Jehu's 
head, and after announcing to him the mes- 
sage from Elisha, that he was appointed to 
be king of If.rael and destroyer of the house 
of Ahal, rusbedout of the house and iisap- 
peared. .Tehu's countenance, as he re-en- 
tered tlie assembly of officers, showed that 
«ome strange tidings had reached him. He 
tried at firsl to evade their questions, but 
then r(!V'^aled the situation in which he 
found himself placed by the prophetic call. 
In a moment the enthusiasm of the army 
took fire. They threw their garments un- 
der Ids feet, so as to form a rough carpet of 
state, placed him on the top of the stairs, 
as on an extempore throne, blew the royal 
salute on their trumpets, and thus ordained 
him king. He then cut off all comnmnica- 
tion between Kamoth-Gilead and Jezreel, 
and set off, full speed, with his ancient com- 
rade, Bidkar, whom he had made captain 
of the host in his place, and a band of horse- 
men. From the tower of Jezreel a watch- 
man saw the cloud of dust (A. V. " com- 
pany ") and announced his coming (2 K. ix. 
17). It was not till he had almost reached 
the city, and was identified by the watch- 
man, that alarm was taken. But it was not 
till, in answer to Jehorain's question, " Is it 
peace, Jehu ? " that Jehu's fierce denuncia- 
tion of Jezebel at once revealed the danger. 
Jehu seized his opportunity, and shot him 
through the heart (ix. 24). The body was 
thrown out on the fatal field, and whilst his 
soldiers pursued and killed the king of 
Judah at Beth-gan (A. V. "the garden 
house "), probably Engannira, Jehu himself 
advanced to the gates of Jezreel and ful- 
filled the divine warning on Jezebel as 
already on Jehoram. He then entered on 
a work of extermination hitherto unparal- 
leled in the history of the Jewish monarchy. 
All the descendants of Ahab that remained 
tn Jezreel, together with the officers of the 
court, and hierarchy of Astarte, were swept 
away. His next step was to secure Sama- 
ria As he drove on he encountered a 
strange fi{^re, such as might have remind- 
evl him of the great Elijah. It was Jehoiiva- 
dab, the austere Arabian sectary, the son 
of Keohab. In him his keen eye discovered 
a r( illy ally. He took him into his chariot, 
and they concocted their schemes as tliej 
cut! Hid Samaria (x. 15, 16). Up to this 
moment there was nothing which showed 
anything beyond a determination to exter- 
minate in all its branches the personal ad- 
herents of Ahab. There was to be a new 
inauguration of the worship of Baal. A ' 
solemn assembly, sacred vestments, innii- \ 
m^rablc victims, were ready. The vast 



temple at Samaria raised by Ahab (IK 
xvi. 32) was crowded from end to end. Tb« 
chief sacrifice was offered, as if in the ex- 
cess of his zeal, by Jehu himself. Jehona- 
dab joined in the deception. There wa* 
some apprehension lest worshippt-rs of Je 
hovah might be found in the temple; such, 
it seems, had been the intermixture of tb€ 
two religions. As soon, however, as it wa? 
ascertained that all, and none but, the idol- 
aters were there, the signal was given tc 
eighty trusted guards, and a sweeping mas- 
sacre removed at one blow the whole hea- 
then population of the kingdom of Israel. 
This is the last public act recorded of Jehu 
The remaining twenty-seven years of hi? 
long reign are passed over in a few words, 
in wliich two points only are material : 
He did not destroy the calf-worship of Jero- 
boam : — The trans- Jordanic tribes suffered 
much from the ravages of Hazael (2 K. x. 
29-83). He was buried in state in Samaria, 
and was succeeded by his son Jehoahaz 
(2 K. X. 35). His name is the first of the 
Israelite kings which appears in the Assyr- 
ian monuments. 2. Jehu, sonofHanani; 
a prophet of Judah, but whose ministrations 
were chiefly directed to Israel. His fathei 
was probably the seer who attacked Asa 
(2 Clir. xvi. 7). He must have begun his 
career as a propliet when very young. He 
first denounced Baasha (1 K. xvi. 1, 7), and 
then, after an interval of thirty years, reap- 
pears to denounce Jehoshaphat for his al- 
liance with Ahab (2 Chr. xix. 2, 3). He 
survived Jehoshaphat and wrote his life (xx 
34). 3. A man of Judah of the house ol 
Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 38). 4. A Siraeonite, sor 
of Josibiah (1 Chr. iv. 35). 5. Jehu the 
Antothite was one of the chief of the heroes 
of Benjamin, who joined David at Ziklag 
(1 Chr. xii. 3). 

Jehub'bah, a man of Asher; son of 
Sliamer or Shomer, of the house of Beriab 
(1 Chr. vii. 34). 

Je'liucal, son ofShelemiah; one of two 
persons sent by king Zedekiah to Jeremiah, 
to entreat his prayers and advice (Jer. 
xxxvii. 3). 

Je'hud, one of the towns of the tribe of 
Dan (Josh. xix. 45), named between Baal* 
ath and Bene-berak. 

Jehu'di, son of Nethaniah, a man eu»- 
ployed by the princes of Jehoiakim's court 
to fetch Baruch to read Jeremiah's denun- 
ciation (Jer. XXX vi, 14), and then by the 
king to fetch the volume itself and read it 
to him (21. 23). 

Jehudi'jah. There is really no such 
name in the Heb. Bible as that which our 
A. V. i/xhibits at 1 Chr iv. IC. If it is a 
proper name at all, it is Ha-jehudijah, hke 
Ham-melech, Hak-koz, &c. ; and it seems 
to be rather an appellative, '* the Jewess " 

J'e'hush, son of Eshek, a remoto d«» 
scendant '^^ Saul fl f ^ir. vui. 39). 



JEIEL 



281 



JEREMIAH 



/ei'ei. 1. A Reubenite of tne house of 
Joel (1 Chr. v. 7). 2. A Merarite Levite, 
one of the gate-keepers to the sacred tent 
(1 Chr. XV. 18). His duty was also to play 
tho barp (ver. 21), or the psaltery and harp 
(xvi. 5). in the service before the Ark. 
3. A Grershonlte Levite, one of the Bene- 
^hAph, ftuefather of Jahaziel in the time 
)f king lehoshaphat (2 Chr. xx. 14). 4. 
r>ie Scr be '^ho kept the account of the 
lumbers (.f king Uzziah's irregular preda- 
10 ry warriors (2 Chr. xxvi. 11). 6. A Ger- 
ahonite Levite, one of the Bene-Elizaphan 
(2 Chr. xxix. 13). 6- One of the chiefs of 
Uie Levites in the time of Josiah (2 Chr. 
Kxxv. 9). 7. One of the Bene-Adonikam 
irho formed part of the caravan of Ezra 
from Babylon to Jerusalem (Ezr. viii. 13). 
8. A layman, of the Bene-Nebo, who had 
taken a foreign wife and had to relinquish 
her (Ezr. x. 43). 

Jekab'zeel, a fuller form of the name 
of Kabzeel, the most remote city of Judah 
on the southern frontier (Neh. xi. 25). 

Jekame'am, a Levite in the time of 
king David ; fourth of the sons of Hebron, 
the son of Kohath (1 Chr. xxiii. 19, xxiv. 23). 

Jekami'all, son of Shallum, in the line 
of Ahlai (1 Chr ii. 41). 

Jeku'thiel, a man recorded in the gen- 
ealogies of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 18) as the 
eon of a certain Ezra or Mered, by his Jew- 
ish wife (A. V. Jehudijah), and in his turn 
the father, or founder, of the town of Zanoah. 

Jemi'ma, the eldest of the three daugh- 
ters bom to Job after the restoration of his 
prosperity (Job xlii. 14). 

Jemu'el, the eldest son of Simeon 
(Gen. xlvi. 10; Ex. vi. 15). 

Jeph'thae (Heb. xi. 32), the Greek 
form of the name Jephthah. 

Jeph'thah, a judge, about b. c. 1143- 
1137. His history is contained in Judg. xi. 
1-xii. 8. He was a Gileadite, the son of 
Gilead and a concubine. Driven by the 
legitimate sons from his father's inheritance, 
he went to Tob, and became the head of a 
companj of freebooters in a debatable land 
probably belonging to Ammon (2 Sam. x. 
6). His fame as a bold and successful cap- 
tain was carried back to his native Gilead ; 
9nd when the time was ripe for throwing 
(iff the yoke of Ammon, Jephthah consent- 
ed to become their captain, on the condition 
I solemnly ratified before the Lord in Miz- 
peL) that in the event of his success against 
4mmon he should still remain as their 
acknowledged head. He collected warriors 
throughout Gilead andManasp'^h, the prov- 
inces Trhich acknowledged xiis authority; 
and then he vowed his vow unto the Lord. 
Che Ammonites were routed with great 
ilaughter. But as the conqueror returned 
to Mizpeh there came out to meet him a 
prooession of damsels with dances and tim- 
bre \, and among them — the first person 



from his own house — his daughter and 
only child. " Alas ! my daughter, thou hast 
brought me very low," was the greeting of 
the heart-stricken father. But the high- 
minded maiden is ready for any personal 
sufiering in the hour of her father's triumph. 
Only she asks for a respite of two months 
to withdraw to her native mountains, ani 
in their recesses to weep with her virgin- 
friends over the early disappointment of 
her life. When that time was ended she 
returned to her father, and " he did unto 
her his vow." But Jephthah had not long 
leisure, even if he were disposed, for the 
indulgence of domestic grief. The proud 
tribe of Ephraim challenged his right to go 
to war, as he had done without their con- 
currence, against Ammon. He first defeat- 
ed them, then intercepted the fugitives at 
the fords of Jordan, and there put forty-two 
thousand men to the sword. He judged 
Israel six years and died. It is generally 
conjectured that his jurisdiction was limit- 
ed to the trans-Jordanic region. That the 
daughter of Jephthah was really offered up 
to God in sacrifice, is a conclusion which it 
seems impossible to avoid. 

Jephim'nell. 1. Father of Caleb the 
spy, appears to have belonged to an Edom- 
itish tribe called Kenezites, from Kenaa 
their founder (See Num. xiii. 6, &c., xxxii. 
12, &c. ; Josh. xiv. 14, &c. ; 1 Chr. iv. 15). 

2. A descendant of Asher, eldest of the 
three sons of Jether (1 Chr. vii. 38). 

Je'rall, the fourth in order of the sons of 
Joktan (Gen. x. 26; 1 Chr. i. 20), and the 
progenitor of a tribe of southern Arabia. 

Jerah'meel. 1. First-born son of 
Hezron, the son of Pharez, the son of Judal' 
(1 Chr. ii. 9, 25-27, 33, 42) and founder of 
the family of Jerahmeelites (1 Sam.xxvii. 
10). 2. A Merarite Levite, the represen- 
tative of the family of Kish, the son of 
Mahli (1 Chr. xxiv. 29; comp. xxiii. 21). 

3. Son of Hammelech, who was employed 
by Jehoiakim to make Jeremiah and Ba- 
ruch prisoners, after he had burnt the roU 
of Jeremiah's prophecy (Jer. xxxvi. 26). 

Jerah'meelites, The. The tribe de- 
scended from the first of the foregoing per- 
sons (1 Sam. xxvii. 10). They dwelt in 
the south of Judah. 

Je'red. 1. Son of Mahalaleel and far 
ther of Enoch (1 Chr. i. 2). 2. One of 
the Jescendants of Judah signalized as the 
' ' father " — i. e. the founder — "of Gedor ** 
(1 Chr. iv. 18). 

Jer'emai, a layman ; oj^e of the Bene- 
Hashum, who was compelled by Ezra to 
put away his foreign wife (Ezr. x. 33). 

Jerenii'ah was "the son of Hilkiah 
of the priests that were in A nathoth " (Jer. 
i. 1), and was a child in the reign of Jo- 
siah, B. c. 638-608 (i. 6). In kis youth he 
was called to the prophetic office, but we 
have hardly any mention of 1 vai d'^iring 



JEREMIAH 



2H2 



JEREMIAH 



tbe eighteen years between liiw call and 
Josiah's death, or during the short reign 
of Jehoahaz. Under Jehoiakim, b. c. 607 
597, he opposed the Egyptian party, then 
dominant in Jerusalem, and maintained 
that the only way of safety lay in accepting 
the supremacy of the Chaldeans. He was 
accord ingly accused of treachery, and men 
claiming to be prophets had their " word 
of Jehovah " to set against his (xiv. 13, 
cxiii. 7). In the fourth year of Jehoiakim 
ttie battle of Carchemish overthrew the 
bopes of the Egyptian party (xlvi. 2), and 
the armies of Nebuchadnezzar drove those 
who had no defenced cities to take refuge 
In Jerusalem (xxxv. 11). As the danger 
from the Chaldeans became more threaten- 
ing, the persecution against Jeremiah grew 
liotter (xvni.). The people sought his life ; 
his voice rose up in the prayer that God 
would deiivey and avenge him. That 
thought he soon reproduced in act as well 
as word. StanOing in the valley of Ben- 
Hinnom, he broko v^e earthen vessel he 
carried in his hands, aad prophesied to the 
people that the whole shj should be defiled 
with the dead, as that \alley had been, 
vithin their memory, by Oosiah (xix. 10- 
13). The boldness of the 5>i>'^och and act 
drew upon him immediate pu:iishment. 
The years that followed brougui no 'change 
for the better. Famine and di laght ,vere 
idded to the miseries of the peopiB (xiv. l^, 
^ut false prophets still deceived tixm witu 
tssurances of plenty; and JeremiA.'i was 
looked on ;vith dislike, as " a propyl "^t of 
ivil," and "everyone cursed" him v^xv. 
\0). He was set, however, "as a felted 
brazen wall " (xv. 20) , and went on w j\h 
ills work, reproving king and nobles atO 
people. The danger which Jeremiah had 
tto long foretold at last came near. First ^ 
Jehoiakim, and afterwards his successor 
Jehoiachin, were carried into exile (2 K. 
txiv.) ; but Zedekiah (b. c. 597-586), who 
was appointed by Nebuchadnezzar, does 
lot exhibit the same obstinate resistance to 
the prc^phet's counsels as Jehoiakim. He 
.•espeets him, fears him, seeks his counsel ; 
but he is a mere shadow of a king, power- 
less even against his own counsellors, and 
in hi^ reign, accordingly, the sufferings of 
Jeremiah were sharper than they had been 
kjefore. The approach of an Egyptian 
army, and the consequent departure of the 
Chaldeans, made the position of Jeremiah 
full of danger ; and he sought to effect his es- 
cape from the «ity, and to take refuge in his 
own town of Anathoth or its neighborhood 
(xxxvii. 12). The discovery of this plan led 
to the charge of desertion : it was thought 
that he too was "failing away to the 
Chaldeans," as others were doing (xxxviii. 
19) ; and, in spite of his denial, he was 
•DJown into a dungeon (xxxvii. 16). The 
interposition of the king, wbo still respect- 



ed and consulted him, led to some mitiga- 
tion of the rigor of his confinement (xxxvii. 
21) ; but, as this did not hinder him from 
speaking to the people, the princes of Ju- 
dah, bent on an alliance with Egypt, and 
calculating on the king's being unable to 
resist them (xxviii. 5), threw him into the 
prison-pit, to die there. From this lior- 
rible fate he was again delivered by th-" 
friendship of the Ethiopian eunuch, Ebed- 
Melech, and the king's regard for him. 
and was restored to the milder custody ii/ 
which he had been kept previously where 
we find (xxxii. 16) he had the compan- 
ionship of Baruch. The return of the 
Chaldean army filled both king and people 
with dismay (xxxii. 1) ; and the risk now 
was, that they would pass from their pre 
sumptuous confidence to the opposite ex- 
treme, and sink down in despair, with nc 
faith in God and no hope for the future. 
The prophet was taught how to meet that 
danger also. In his prison, while the 
Chaldeans were ravaging the country, he 
bought, with all requisite formalities, the 
field at Anathoth which his kinsman Ha- 
nameel wished to get rid of (xxxii. 6-9). 
His faith in the promises of God did not 
fail him. At last the blow came. The 
city was taken, the Temple burnt. The 
king and his princes shared the fate of Je- 
hoiachin. The prophet gave utterance to 
his sorrow in the Lamentations. After 
the capture of Jerusalem, b. c. 586, the 
vHhaldean party in Judah had now the pros- 
pe.^t of better things. We find a special 
chaije given to Nebuzaradan (xxxix. 11), 
to protect the person of Jeremiah ; and, af- 
ter bein^' carried as far as Ramah with the 
crowd of "Captives (xl. 1), he was set free, 
and Gedalih.^ made governor over the cities 
Df Judah. The feeling of the Chaldean? 
Inwards him WwS shown yet more strongly 
ii the offer made l.^m by Nebuzaradan (xl. 
4. J). For a shorv time there was an inter 
val of peace (xl. 9-i2'l, soon broken, how- 
evt \ . by the murder of Gedaliah by Ishmael 
ana ^lis associates. The prophet escaped 
from Ihe massacre ; and \\e people, under 
Johaii m, who had taken the command on 
the de..th of Gedaliah, turned to him for 
counsel His warnings and assurances 
were in vain, and did but draw on him and 
Baruch «i e old charge of treachery (xliii. 
3). The i^>eople followed their own coun- 
sel, and in order to escape the vengeance 
of Nebuch.i Inezzar for the murder ^{ Ged- 
aliah, they letermined to take rotvige in 
Egypt. They carried witli them Jeremiah 
and his faitn.ul friend and amanutisis 
Baruch. [Bauuch.] In Egypt, in :he 
city of TalipanL^s, we have the last cie\r 
glimpses of the IVophet's life. His vroraa 
are sharper and v<tronger than ever. He 
does not shrink, even there, from speal^xng 
of the Chaldean kit^g once more as " th« 



il 



•EREMIAH 



283 



JERl JHO 



{lervant of 3 ehovah " (xliii. 10) . Aft ir this 
all is uncertain. If we could assume that 
lii. 31 was written by Jeremiah himself, it 
would show that he reached an extreme old 
age, but this is so doubtful that we are left to 
other sources. On the one hand there is 
the Christian tradition, resting doubtless on 
BODie earlier belief, that the Jews at Tah- 
panhes, irritated by his rebukes, at last 
aioned him to death. On the other side 
the re is the Jewish statement that on the con- 
quest of Egypt by Nebuchadnezzar, he, with 
Baruch, made his escape to Babylon or 
Tudaea, and died in peace. — The absence 
of any chronological order in the present 
structure of the collection of Jeremiah's 
prophecies is obvious at the first glance. 
In the present order «re have two great 
divisions : I. Ch. i.-xlv. Prophecies de- 
livered at various times, directed mainly 
to Judah, or connected with Jeremiah's 
personal history. II. Ch. xlvi.-li. Proph- 
ecies connected with other nations. Ch. 
lii. taken largely, though not entirely, from 
2 K. XXV., may be taken either as a supple- 
ment to the prophecy, or as an introduction 
to the Lamentations. Looking more closely 
into each of these divisions we have the 
following sections : 1. Chs. i.-xxi. Con- 
taining probably the substance of the book 
of xxxvi. 32, and including prophecies 
from the thirteenth year of Josiah to the 
fourth of Jehoiakim : i. 3, however, indi- 
cates a later revision, and the whole of ch. 
i. may possibly have been added on the 
prophet's retrospect of his whole work 
from this its first beginning. Ch. xxi. be- 
longs to a later period, but has probably 
found its place here as connected, by the 
recurrence of the name Pashur, with ch. 
XX. 2. Ch. xxii., xxv. Shorter prophecies, 
delivered at different times, against the 
kings of Judah and the false prophets. 
xxv. 13, 14, evidently marks the conclusion 
of a series of prophecies ; and that which 
follows, xxv. 15-38, the germ of the fuller 
predictions in xlvi.-xlix., has been placed 
here as a kind of completion to the prophecy 
of the Seventy Years and the subsequent 
fall of Babylon. 3. Ch. xxvi.-xxviii. The 
two great prophecies of the fall of Jerusa- 
lem, and the history connected with them. 
Ch. xxvi. belongs to the earlier, ch. xxvii. 
and xxviii. to the later period of the prophet's 
work. Jehoiakim, in xxvii. 1, is evidently 
(comp. ver. 3) a mistake for Zedekiah. 4. 
Cl\. xxix.-xxx.. The message of comfort 
for the exiles in Babylon. 5. Ch. xxxii.- 
xiiv The history of the last two years 
before the capture of Jerusalem, and of 
Jeremiah's work in them and in the period 
that followed. The position of ch. xlv., 
unconnected with anything before or after 
it, may be accounted for on the hypothesis 
diat Baruch desired to place on record so 
luentorable a passage in his own life, and 



inserted it wheie the direct oarratve of 
his master's life ended. The same expla* 
nation applies in part to ch. xxxvi. 6. Ch. 
xlvi.-li. The prophecies against foreign 
nations, ending with the great predictior 
against Babylon. 7. The supplementary 
narrative of ch. lii. 

Jerenii'ah. Seven other persons bear- 
ing the same name as the prophet are 
mentioned in the O. T. 1. Jeremiah of 
Libnah, father of Hamutal wife of Josiah 
(2 K. xxiii. 31). 2, 3, 4. Three warriorf 
— two of the tribe of Gad — in David's 
army (1 Chr. xii. 4, 10, 13). 5. One of 
the " mighty men of valor " of the trans- 
Jordanic half-tribe of Manasseh (1 Chr. v. 
24). 6. A priest of high rank, head of 
the second or third of the 21 courses which 
are apparently enumerated in Neh. x. 2-8, 
xii. 1, 12. This course, or its chief, took 
part in the dedication of the wall of Jeru- 
salem (Neh. xii. 34). 7. The father of 
Jazaniah the Rechabite (Jer. xxxv. 3). 

Jeremias, the Greek form of the 
name of Jeremiah the prophet (Matt. xvi. 
14). 

Jer'emy, the prophet Jeremiah (Matt, 
ii. 17, xxvii. 9). 

Jer'ibai, one the Bene-Elnaan, named 
among the heroes of David's guard (1 Chr. 
xi. 46). 

Jer'ieho, a city of high antiquity, situ- 
ated in a plain traversed by the Jordan, and 
exactly over against where that river was 
crossed by the Israelites under Joshua 
(Josh. iii. 16). It had a king. Its walla 
were so considerable that houses were built 
upon them (ii. 15), and its gates were shut, 
as throughout the East still, *' when it was 
dark " (v. 5) . The spoil that was found in 
it betokened its affluence. Jericho is first 
mentioned as the city to which the two 
spies were sent by Joshua from Shittim ; 
they were lodged in the house of Rahah the 
harlot upon the wall, and departed, having 
first promised to save her and all that were 
found in her house from destruction (ii. 
1-21). As it had been left by Joshua it 
was bestowed by him upon the tribe of Ben- 
jamin (Josh, xviii. 21), and from this time 
a long interval elapses before Jericho ap- 
pears again upon the scene. The solemn 
manner in which its second foundation 
under Hiel the Bethelite is recorded (1 K. 
xvi. 34) implies that up to that time its site 
had been uninhabited. Once rebuilt, Jeri- 
cho rose again slowly into consequence. 
In its immediate vicinity the sons of the 
prophets sought retirement from the world ; 
Elisha *' healed the spring of the waters ; ** 
and over against it, beyond Jordan, Elijah 
"went up by a whirlwind into heaven" 
(2 K. ii. 1-22). In its plains Zedekiah fell 
into the hands of the Chaldeans (2 K. xxv. 
5; Jer. xxxix. 6). In the return under 
Zerubbabel the '* children of Jeric'ao,' ^45 



JERIEL 



'^84 



JEROBOAM 



► i uamber, are comprised CEz. iii. 34 ; Neh. 
vii. J6). Under Ilerod the O^eat it again 
became an inij) >rtant place He built a 
fort there, which he calle«j "Cyprus" in 
honor of liis mother, a tower wtiich he called 
in honor of bis brother Pbasaelis ; and a 
number of new palaces, w!iich he named 
after his friends. He ever founded a new 
town, higher up the plain which he called, 
like the tower, Pbasaelis If he did not 
make .Teri?ho his habituaJ residence, he at 
least retired thither to die, and it was in the 
ampliitheatre of Jericho that tho news of 
his death was announced to the assembled 
soldiers and people by Salome. Soon 
afterwards the palace was burnt, and the 
town plundered by one Simon, slave to 
Herod j but Archelaus rebuilt the former 
sumptuously, and founded a new town on 
the plain, that bore his own name*- and, 
most important of all, diverted water from 
a village called Neaera, to irrigate the plain 
which he had planted with palms. Thus 
Jericho was once more *' a city of palms " 
when our Lord visited it. Here He re- 
stored sight to the blind (Matt. xx. 30; 
Mark x. 46; Luke xviii. 35). Here the 
descendant of Rahab did not disdain the hos- 
pitality of Zacchaeus the publican. Finally, 
between Jerusalem and Jericho was laid 
the scene of his story of the good Samari- 
tan. The city was destroyed by Vespasian. 
The site of ancient (the first) Jericho is 
placed by Dr. Robinson in the immediate 
neighborhood of the fountain of Elisha ; and 
that of the second (the city of the N. T. 
?nd of Josephus) at the opening of the 
Wady Kelt (Cherith), half an hour from 
ehe fountain. 

Je'riel, a man of Issachar, one of the 
<ix heads oi ih^ house of Tola at the time 
of the census in the time of David (1 Chr. 
vli. 2'. 

Jer'emoth. 1. A Benjamite chief, a 
80D )i the house of Beriah of Elpaal (1 
Chr viii. 14; comp. 12 and 18). His fam- 
dy dwelt at Jerusalem. 2. A Merarite Le- 
vite, son of Mushi (1 Chr. xxiii. 23). 3. 
Son of Heman ; head of the 13th course of 
musicians in the Divine service (1 Chr. 
Kxv. 22). 4. One of the sons of Elam, 
and, 5. One of the sons of Zattu, who had 
taken strange wives (Ezr. x. 26, 27). 8. 
The name which appears in the same list 
as '* and Ramoth " (ver. 29). 

Jeri'ah, a Kohathite Levite, chief of 
the great house of Hebron when David or- 
v^anized the service (1 Chr. xxiii. 19, xxiv. 
23). The same man is mentioned again as 

Jeri'jah, in l Chr. xxvi. 31. 

Jer'imoth.. 1. Son or descendant of 
Bela (1 Chr. vii. 7). He is perhaps the 
same as 2., who joined David at Ziklag (1 
Chr. xii. 6). 3. A son of Becher (1 Chr. 
vii. 8) ani head of another Benjamite 
bouse. 4. Sod of Mushi, the son of Me- 



rari (1 Chr. xxiv. 30). 5. Son of Heman, 
head of the 15th ward of musicians (1 Chr. 
xxv. 4, 22). 6. Son of Azriel, ruler of 
the tribe of Naphtali in the reign of David 
(1 Chr. xxvu. 19). 7. Son of king David, 
whose daughter Mahalath was one of the 
wives of Rehoboam, her cousin Abiiiail be- 
ing the other (2 Chr. xi. 18). 8. A Levite 
in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 13). 

Jer'ioth, one of the elder Caleb's wives 
(1 Chr. ii. 18) ; but according to the Vul- 
gate she was his daughter by his first wife 
Azubah. 

Jerobo'am. 1. The first king of the 
divided kingdom of Israel (b. c. 975-954), 
was the son of an Ephraimite of the name 
of Nebat. He was employed by Solomon 
in the fortifications of Millo underneath the 
citadel of Zion, and was raised to the rank 
of superintendent over the taxes and labors 
exacted from the tribe of Ephraim (IK. 
xi. 28). He made the most of his position, 
and at last was perceived by Solomon to be 
aiming at the monarchy. These ambitious 
designs were probably fostered by the sight 
of the growing disaifection of the great 
tribe over which he presided, as well as by 
the alienation of the Prophetic order from 
the house of Solomon. He was leaving Je- 
rusalem, and he encountered, on one of the 
black-paved roads which ran out of the 
city, Ahijah, " the prophet" of the ancient 
sanctuary of Shiloh. Ahijah, who was 
dressed in a new outer garment, stripped it 
oflT, and tore it into 12 shreds ; 10 of which 
he gave to Jeroboam, with the assurance 
that on condition of his obedience to Wjs 
laws, God would establish for him a king- 
dom and dynasty equal to that of David (1 
K. xi. 29-40). The attempts of Solomon 
to cut short Jeroboam's designs occasioned 
his flight into Egj'^pt. There he remained 
during the rest of Solomon's reign. On 
Solomon's death, he demanded Shishak's 
permission to return. The Egyptian king 
seems, in his reluctance, to have offered 
any gift which Jeroboam chose, as a reason 
for his remaining, and the consequence was 
the marriage with Ano, the elder sister cf 
the Egyptian queen, Tahpenes, and of an- 
other princess who had married the Edom- 
ite chief Hadad. A year elapsed, and a 
son, Abijah (or Abijam), was born. Then 
Jeroboam again requested permission to de- 
part, which was granted ; and on his return 
to Shechem took place the conference with 
Rehoboam, and the final revolt [REnono- 
am] ; which ended in the elevation of Jero- 
boam to the throne of the northern king- 
dom. From tliis noment one fatal error 
crept, not unnaturally, into his policy, 
which undermined his dynasty and tar- 
nished his name as the first king of Israel. 
The political disruption of the kingdom wa« 
complete ; but its religious unity was as yet 
unimpaired. He feared that tlie vearly 



JEROHAM 



285 



JERUSALEM 



pili<rimages to Jerusalem would undo all 
the work which he effected, and he took 
the bold step of rending it asunder. Two 
sanctuaries of venerable antiquity existed 
already, one at the southern, the other at 
the northern extremity of his dominions. 
These he elevated into seats of the nation- 
al worship, wliich should rival the newly 
established Temple at Jerusalem. But he 
was not satisfied without another deviation 
from the Mosaic idea of the national unity. 
His long stay in Egypt had familiarized him 
with the outward forms under which the 
Divinity was there represented. A golden 
figure of Mnevis, the sacred calf of Heliop- 
olis, was set up at each sanctuary, with the 
address, "Behold thy God which brought 
thee up out of the land of Eg3T)t." The sanc- 
tuary at Dan, as the most remote from Je- 
rusalem, was established first (1 K. xii. 30). 
The more important one, as nearer the cap- 
ital and in the heart of the kingdom, was 
Bethel. The worship and the sanctuary 
continued till the end of the northern king- 
dom. It was while dedicating the altar at 
Bethel that a prophet from Judah suddenly 
appeared, who denounced the altar, and 
foretold its desecration by Josiah, and vio- 
lent overthrow. The king, stretching out 
his hand to arrest the prophet, felt it with- 
ered and paralyzed, and only at the proph- 
et's prayer saw it restored, and acknowl- 
edged his divine mission. Jeroboam was at 
constant war with the house of Judah, but 
the only act distinctly recorded is a battle 
with Abijah, son of Eehoboam, in which he 
was defeated. The calamity was severely 
felt ; he never recovered the blow, and soon 
after died, in the 22d year of his reign (2 
Chr, xiii. 20), and was buried in his ances- 
tral sepulchre (IK. xiv. 20). 2. Jerobo- 
am II., the son of Joash, the 4th of the , 
dynasty of Jehu (b. c. 825-784). The 
most prosperous of the kings of Israel. 
He repelled the Syrian invaders, took their 
capital city Damascus (2 K. xiv. 28 ; Am. 
i. 3-5), and recovered the whole of the an- 
cient dominion from Hamah to the Dead Sea 
(xiv. 25; Am. vi. 14). Ammon and Moab 
were reconquered (Am. i. 13, ii. 1-3) ; the 
trans-Jordanic tribes were restored to their 
territory (2 K. xiii. 5; 1 Chr. v. 17-22). 
But it was merely an outward restoration. 
Amos was charged by Amaziah with prJph- 
esj-ing the destruction of Jeroboam and 
his house by the sword (Am. vii. 9, 17). 

Jor'oham. 1. Father of Elkanah, the 
father (if Samuel, of the house of Kohath 
(1 Chr. vi. 27, 34 ; 1 Sam. i. 1). 2. A Ben- 
; iiraite, and the founder af a family of Bene- 
Jeroham (1 Chr. viii. 27). Probably the 
«ame as, 3. Father (or progenitor) of Ib- 
neiah (1 Chr. ix. 8 ; comp. 3 and 9). 4. A 
descendant of Aaron, of the house of Im- 
mer, the leader of the sixteenth course of 
priests ; son of Pashur, and father of Adaiah 



(1 Chr. IX. 12). He appears to be metip 
tioned again in Neh. xi. 12). 5. Jeroharo 
of Gedor, some of whose sons joined David 
at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 7). 6. A Danite, 
whose son or descendant Azareel was head 
of his tribe in the time of David (1 Chr. 
xxvii. 22). 7. Father of Azariah, one of 
the " captains of hundreds " in the lime ol 
Athaliah (2 Chr. xxiii. 1). 

Jerubba'al, the surname of Gideon, 
which he acquired in consequence of de- 
stroying the altar of Baal, when his father 
defended him from the vengeance of the 
Abiezrites (Judg. vi. 32). 

Jerub besheth, a name of Gideon (2 
Sam. xi. 21). 

Jer'uel, The Wilderness of, the 

place in which Jehoshaphat was informed 
by Jahaziel the Levite that he should en- 
counter the hordes of Ammon, Moab, and 
tlie Mehunims (2 Chr. xx. 16). The name 
has not been met with. 

Jeru'salem. I. The Place Itself. 
The arguments for and against the identity 
of the " Salem" of Melchizedek (Gen. xiv 
18) with Jerusalem — the " Salem " of a 
late Psalmist (Ps. Ixxvi. 2) — are discussed 
under Salem. The earliest notice of the 
city is in Josh. xv. 8 and xviii. 16, 28, de- 
scribing the landmarks of the boundaries of 
Judah and Benjamin. Here it is styled 
Ha-Jebusi, i. e. "the Jebusite" (A. V. 
Jebusi), after the name of its occupiers. 
Next, we find the form Jebus (Judg. xix. 
10, 11) — "Jebus, which is Jerusalem . . . 
the city of the Jebusites ; " and lastly, we 
have Jerusalem (Josh. x. 1, &c., xii. 10; 
Judg. i. 7, &c.). Jerusalem stands in lati- 
tude 31° 46' 35" North, and longitude 35'- 
18' 30" East of Greenwich. It is 32 miles 
distant from the sea, and 18 from the 
Jordan; 20 from Hebron, and 36 from 
Samaria. "In several respects," says 
Dean Stanley, " its situation is singular 
among the cities of Palestine. Its eleva- 
tion is remarkable ; occasioned not from its 
being on the summit of one of the numer- 
ous hills of Judaea, like most of the towns 
and villages, but because it is on the edge 
of one of the highest table-lands of the 
country. Hebron indeed is higher still bj 
some hundred feet, and from the south, ac- 
cordingly (even from Bethlehem), the ap- 
proach to Jerusalem is by a slight descent. 
But from any other side the ascent is per- 
petual; and to the traveller approaching 
the city from the E. or W. it must always 
have presented the appearance beyond any 
other capital of the then known world — we 
may say beyond any important city that has 
ever existed on the earth — of a mountain 
city ; breathing, as compared with the sul- 
try plains of Jordan, a mountain air ; en- 
throned, as compared with Jericho or Da- 
mascus, Gaza or Tyre, on a mountain 
fastness" (S. & P. 170. I). The elevation 



JERUSALEM 



286 



JERUSALEM 



ol Jerusalem is a subject of coi Btant ref- 
erence and exultation by the Jewish writers. 
Their fervid poetry abounds with allusions 
to its height, to the ascent thither of the 
tribes from all parts of the country. It was 
the habitation of Jehovah, from which 
"He looked upon all the inhabitants of 
the world" (Ps. xxxiii. 14) : its kings were 
"higher than the kings of the earth" (Ps. 
IxxKix. 27). Jerusalem, if not actually in 
the centre of Palestine, was yet virtually 
so. "It was on the ridge, the broadest and 
most strongly marked ridge of the back- 
bone of the complicated hills which extend 
through the whole country from the Plain 
of Esdraelon to the Desert. Every wan- 
derer, every conqueror, every traveller 
who has trod the central route of Palestine 
from N. to S. must have passed through the 
table-land of Jerusalem. It was the water- 
shed between the streams, or rather the 
torrent beds, which find their way eastward 
to the Jordan, and those which pass west- 
ward to the Mediterranean." (Stanley, S. ^ 
P. 176.) This central position, as ex- 
pressed in the words of Ezekiel (v. 5), "I 
have set Jerusalem in the midst of the 
nations and countries round about her," 
led in later ages to a definite belief that the 
city was actually in the centre of the earth 
in the words of Jerome, " umbilicus ter- 
rae," the central boss or navel of the world. 
Roads. — There appear to have been but 
two main approaches to the city. 1. From 
the Jordan valley by Jericho and the Mount 
of Olives This was the route commonly 
taken from the north and east of the country 
— as from Galilee by ou»* Lord (Luke xvii. 
11, xviii. 35, xix. 1, 29, 45, &c.), from 
Damascus by Pompey, to Mahanaim by 
David (2 Sam. xv., xvi.). It was also the 
route from places in the central districts 
of the country, as Samaria (2 Chr. xxviii. 
15). The latter part of the approach, over 
the Mount of Olives, as generally fol- 
lowed at the present day, is identical with 
what it was, at least in one memorable 
instance, in the time of Christ. 2. From 
the great maritime plain of Philistia and 
Sharon. This road led by the two Beth- 
horons up to the high ground at Gibeon, 
whence it turned south, and came to Jeru- 
salem by Ramah and Gibeah, and over the 
ridge north of the city. Topography. — 
To convey an idea of the position of Jeru- 
galem, we may say roughly, that the city 
occupies the southern termination of a 
table-land, which is cut off from the coun- 
try round it on its west, south, and east 
sides, by ravines more than usually deep 
and precipitous. These ravines leave the 
level of the table-land, the one on the west 
and the other on the north-east of the city, 
and fall lapidly until they form a junction 
below its south-east corner. The eastern 
tme — the Valley of the Kedron, commonly 



called the Valley of Jehoshaphat, runi 
nearly straight from north to south. But 
the western one — the Valley of Hinnom 

— runs south for a time, and then takes a 
sudden bend to the east until it meets the 
Valley of Jehoshaphat, after which the two 
rush off as one to the Dead Sea. How 
sudden is their descent may be gathered 
from the fact, that the level at the point of 
junction — about a mile and a quarter from 
the starting-point of each — is more than 
600 feet below that of the upper plateau 
from which they commenced their descent. 
Thus, while on the north there is no ma- 
terial difference between the general level 
of the country outside the walls, and that 
of the highest parts of the city; on the 
other three sides, so steep is the fall of the 
ravines, so trench-like their character, and 
so close do they keep to the promontory, 
at whose feet they run, as to leave on the 
beholder almost the impression of the ditch 
at the foot of a fortress, rather than of val- 
leys formed by nature. The promontory 
thus encircled is itself divided by a longi- 
tudinal ravine running up it from south to 
north, called the valley of the Tyropoeon, 
rising gradually from the south like the ex- 
ternal ones, till at last it arrives at the 
level of the upper plateau, and dividing the 
central mass into two unequal portions. 
Of these two, that on the west is the higher 
and more massive on which the city of Jeru- 
salem now stands, and in fact always stood, 
The hill on the east is considerably lower 
and smaller, so that, to a spectator from 
the south, the city appears to slope sharply 
towards the east. Here was the Temple, 
and here stands now the great Mohamme- 
dan sanctuary with its mosques and domes. 

— The name of Mount Zion has been ap- 
plied to the western hill from the time of 
Constantino to the present day; but not- 
withstanding it seems certain that up to the 
time of the destruction of the city by Titus, 
the name was applied exclusively to the 
eastern hill, or that on which the Temple 
stood. From the passages in 2 Sam. v. 7, 
and 1 Chr. xi. 5-8, it is quite clear that 
Zion and the city of David were identical, 
for it is there said, " David took the castle 
of Zion, which is the city of David." " And 
DaAjid dwelt in the castle, therefore they 
called it the city of David. And he built 
the city round about, even from Millo 
round about, and Joab repaired the rest of 
the city." There are numberless passages 
in which Zion is spoken of as a Holy place 
in such terms as are never applied to Jeru- 
salem, and which can only be understood 
as applied to the Holy Temple Mount (Ps. 
ii. 6, Ixxxvii. 2, &c.). When from the Old 
Testament we turn to the Books of the 
Maccabees, we come to some passages 
written by persons who certainly were ac- 
quainted with the localiti^,8, which seem 



JERUSALEM 



287 



JERUSALEM 



to fix the site of Zi )n with a considerable 
amouiit of certainty (1 Mace. iv. 37 and 
60, vii. 33). — The eastern hill, called 
MorNr MoRiAH in 2 Ohron. iii. 1, was, 
as already remarked, the site of the Tem- 
ple. It was situated in the south-west 
angle of the area, now known as the 
Haram area, and was, as we learn from 
Josephus, an exact square of a stadium, or 
GOO Greek feet, on each side. Attached 
to the north-west angle of the Temple was 
the Antonia, a town or fortress. North of 
tilt side of the Temple is the building now 
known to Christians as the Mosque of 
Omar, but by Moslems called the Dome 
cf the Rock. This building is, according 
to Mr. Fergusson's theory, the identical 
church which Constantine erected over the 
rock containing the tomb of Christ. Ac- 
cording to this view the Church of the Holy 
Sepulchre, which stands on the western 
hill, has no right to its name. The south- 
ern continuation of the eastern hill was 
named ()phel, which gradually came to a 
point at the junction of the valleys Tyro- 
poeon and Jehoshaphat; and the northern 
Bezetha, "the New City," first noticed 
by Joseplms, which was separated from 
Moriah by an artificial ditch, and over- 
looked the valley of Kedron on the E. ; 
tliis hill was enclosed within the walls of 
Herod Agrippa. Lastly, Acra lay west- 
ward of Moriah and northward of Zion, 
and formed the " LoM'-er City " in the time 
of Josephus. Gates. — The following is a 
complete list of those which are named in 
the Bible and Josephus, with the refer- 
ences to their occurrences : 1. Gate of 
Ephraira. 2 Chr. xxv. 23; Neh. viii. 16, 
xii. 39. This is probably the same as the, 
2. Gate of Benjamin. Jer. xx. 2, xxxvii. 
13 ; Zech. xiv. 10. If so, it was 400 cubits 
distant froni the, 3. Corner gate. 2 Chr. 
xx\ . 23, xxvi. 9 ; Jer. xxxi. 38 ; Zech. xiv. 

10. 4. Gate of Joshua, governor of the 
city. 2 K. xxiii. 8. 5. Gate between the 
two walls. 2 K. xxv. 4 ; Jer. xxxix. 4. 
b*. Horse gate. Neh. iii. 38; 2 Chr. xxiii. 
15; Jer. xxxi. 40. 7. Ravine gate (t. e. 
opening on ravine of Hinnom). 2 Chr. 
xxvi. 9; Neh. ii. 13, 15, iii. 13. 8. Fish 
gate. 1 Chr. xxxiii. 14 ; Neh. iii. 1 ; Zeph. 
i. 16. 9. Dung gate. Neh. ii. 13, iii. 13. 
%). Sheep gate. Neh. iii. 1, 32, xii. 39. 

11. East gate. Neh. iii. 29. 12. Miphkad. 
Neh. iii. 31. 13. Fountain gate (Siloam?). 
Njh. xii. 37. 14. Water gate. Neh. xii. 
37. 15. Old gate. Neh. xii. 39. 16. Pi-is 
on gate. Neh. xii. 39. 17. Gate Harsith 
(perhaps the Sun; A. V. East gate). Jer. 
xix. 2. 18. First gate. Zech. xiv 10. 19. 
Gate Gennath (gardens). Joseph. B. J. v. 
4, § 4. 20. Essenes' gate. Jos. B. J. 4. 
§ 2. To these should be added the follow- 
ing gates of the Temple : Gate Sur. 2 
K. xl. 6. Called also Gate of foundation. 



2 Ch^. xxiii. 5. Gate of the guard- or be- 
hind the guard. 2 K. xi. 6, 19. Called the 
High gate. 2 Chr. xxiii. 20, xxvii. 3; 3 
K. XV. 35. Gate Shallecheth. 1 Chr. xxvi. 
16. Walls. — These are described by Jose- 
phus. The first or old wall began on th^ 
north at the tower called Hippicus, the 
ruins now called Kasr Jalud at the N. W. 
angle of the present city, and, extendiaj| 
to the Xystus, joined the council house, 
and ended at the west cloister of the Tem- 
ple. Its southern direction is described as 
passing the gate of the Essenes (probably 
the modern Jaffa gate), and, bending above 
the fountain of Siloam, it reached Ophel, 
and was joined to the eastern cloister of 
the Temple. The second wall began at the 
gate Gennath, in the old wall, probably 
near the Hippicus, and passed round the 
northern quarter of the city, enclosing the 
great valley of the Tyropoeon, which leads 
up to the Damascus gate ; and then, pro- 
ceeding southward, joined the fortress An- 
tonia. The direction of this second wall 
was identical with that of the modern wall; 
and some part at least of the northern por- 
tion of the western part of the Haram area 
is probably built on its site. The third 
wall was built by King Herod Agrippa, and 
was intended to enclose the suburbs which 
had grown out on the northern sides of the 
city, which before this had been left ex- 
posed. It began at the Hippicus, and 
reached as far as the tower Psephinus, 
till it came opposite the monument of 
Queen Helena of Adiabene ; it then passed 
by the sepulchral monuments of the kings 
— a well-known locality — and turning 
south at the monument of the Fuller, joined 
the old wall at the valley called the valley 
of Kedron. After describing these walls, 
Josephus adds that the whole circumfer- 
ence of the city was 33 stadia, or nearly 
four English miles, which is as near as 
may be the extent indicated by the locali- 
ties. He then adds that the number of 
towers in the old wall was 60, the middle 
wall 40, and the new wall 99. Pools and 
Fountains. — Among the objects of interest 
about Jerusalem the pools hold a conspicu- 
ous place. Outside the walls on the W. 
side were the Upper and Lower Pools of 
GiHON, the latter close under Zion, the 
former more to the N. W. on the JatFa 
road. At the junction of the valleys of 
Hinnom and Jehoshaphat was Enrogel, 
the Well of Job, in the midst of the king's 
gardens. Within the walls, immediately 
N. of Zion, was the " Pool of Hezekiah." 
A large pool existing beneath the Temple 
(referred to in Ecclus. i. 3), was probably 
supplied by some subterranean aqueduct. 
The "King's Pool" was probably identical 
with the Fountain of the Virgin, at the 
southern angle of Moriah. It possesses the 
peculiarity that it rises and falls at irregu* 



JERUSALEM 



288 



JERUSALEM 



lar periods ; it is supposed to be fed from 
the cistern below the Temple. From this 
a subterranean channel cut through the 
solid rock leads the water to the pool of 
Silo AH or Silo am, which has also acquired 
the character of being an intermittent foun- 
tain. The pool to which tradition has as- 
signed the name of Bethesda is situated 
on the N. side of Moriah : it is now named 
BirJcei Israil. Burial-grounds. — The 
main cemetery of the city seems from an 
early date to have been where it is still — 
en the steep slopes of the valley of the 
Kedron. The tombs of the kings were in 
the city of David, that is, Mount Zion. 
The royal sepulchres were probably cham- 
bers containing separate recesses for the 
euccessive kings. Other spots also were 
used for burial. Gardens. — The king's 
eardens of David and Solomon seem to 
nave been in the bottom formed by the 
confluence of the Kedron and Hinnom (Neh. 
iii. 15). The Mount of Olives, as its name 
and those of various places upon it seem 
to imply, was a fruitful spot. At its foot 
was situated the Garden of Gethsemane. 
At the time of the final siege the space 
north of the wall of Agrippa was covered 
with gardens, groves, and plantations of 
fruit-trees, enclosed by hedges and walls; 
and to level these was one of Titus's first 
operations. We know that the gate G'^nnath 
(t. e. "of gardens ") opened on this side of 
the city. Streets, Houses, 3fc. — Of the 
nature of these in the ancient city we have 
only the most scattered notices. The 
" East street" (2 Chr. xxix. 4) ; the " street 
of the city " — i. e. the city of David 
(xxxii. 6) ; the '* street facing the water 
gate " (Neh. viii. 1, 3) — or, according to 
the parallel account in 1 Esdr. ix. 38, the 
" broad place of the Temple towards the 
East; " the " street of the house of God" 
(Ezr. X. 9) ; the " street of the gate of 
Ephraim " (Neh. viii. 16) ; and the " open 
place of the first gate towards the East " 
must hare been not " streets " in our sense 
of the word, so much as the open spaces 
found in eastern towns round the inside of 
the gates. Streets, properly so called, there 
were (Jer. v. 1, xi. 13, &c.), but the name 
of only one, "the bakers' street" (Jer. 
xxxvii. 21), is preserved to us. To the 
houses we have even less clew ; but there 
is no reason to suppose that in either 
houses or streets the ancient Jerusalem 
differed very materially from the modern. 
No doubt the ancient city did not exhibit 
that air of mouldering dilapidation which 
is now 80 prominent there. The whole 
of the slopes south of the Haram area 
(the ancipnt Ophel), and the modern Zion, 
and the west side of the valley of Jehosha- 
phat, present the appearance of gigantic 
mounds of rubbish. In this point at least 
tlie ancient city stood in favorable contrast 



with the modern, but in many othtjra th«» 
resemblance must have been strong. Pop- 
ulation. — Taking the area of the city en- 
closed by the two old walls at 760,000 yards 
and that enclosed by the wall of Agrippa a* 
1,500,000, we have 2,250,000 yards for the 
whole. Taking the population of the old 
city at the probable number of one pei son 
to 50 yards we have 15,000, and at the ex- 
treme limit of 30 yards we should h«ve 
25,000 inhabitants for the old city. And at 
100 yards to each individual in the new city 
about 15,000 more ; so that the population 
of Jerusalem, in its days of greatest pros- 
perity, may have amounted to from 30,000 
to 45,000 souls, but could hardly ever have 
reached 50,000 ; and assuming tliat in times 
of festival one half were added to this 
amount, which is an extreme estimate, 
tliere may have been 60,000 or 70,000 in 
the city when Titus came up against it. 
Environs of the City. — The various spots in 
the neighborhood of the city are described 
under their own names, and to shem the 
reader is accordingly referred. II. The 
Annals of thf City. In considering the 
annals of the city of Jerusalem, nothing 
strikes one so forcibly as the number 
and severity of the sieges which it un- 
derwent. We catch our earliest glimpse 
of it in the brief notice of the Ist 
chapter of Judges, which describes how 
the " children of Judah smote it with 
the edge of the sword, and set the city on 
fire ; " and almost the latest mention of it 
in the New Testament is contained in the 
solemn warnings in which Christ foretold 
how Jerusalem should be " compassed with 
armies " (Luke xxi. 20), and the " abom- 
ination of desolation " be seen standing in 
the Holy Place (Matt. xxiv. 15). In the 
fifteen centuries which elapsed between 
those two points the city was besieged no 
fewer than seventeen times ; twice it was 
razed to the ground; and on two other 
occasions its walls were levelled. In this 
respect it stands without a parallel in any 
city, ancient or modern. The first siege 
appears to have taken place almost imme- 
diately after the death of Joshua (cir. 1400 
B. c). Judah and Simeon " fought against 
it and took it, and smote it with the edge of 
the sword, and set the city on fire" (Judg. 
i. 8). To this brief notice Josephus maket 
a material addition. He tells us tl.at tlie 
part which was taken at last, and in which 
the slaughter was made, was the lower city ; 
but that the upper city was so strong, that 
they relinquished the attempt and moved 
off to Hebron. As long as the upper <:ily 
remained in the hands of the Jebusites thty 
practically had possession of the whole, ana 
a Jebusite city in fact it remained for a long 
period after this. The Benjamites followed 
the men of Judah to Jerusalem, but with no 
better result (Judg. i. 21). And this lasted 



JERUSALEM 



*2»9 



JERUSALEM 



cn^nng the wliole period of the Judges, the 
reign of Saul, and the reign of David at 
Hebron. David advanced against the place 
at the head of a formidable army. No 
doubt he ai3i)roached the city from the 
soutlx. As before, the lower city was im- 
medii^tely taken — and as before, the cita- 
del held out. The undaunted Jebusites, 
believing in the impregnability of their for- 
tress, n-anned the battlements "with lame 
and blind." But they little understood the 
temper of the king or of those he command- 
ed. David's anger was thoroughly roused 
by the insult, and he at once proclaimed to 
his host that the first man who would scale 
the rocky side of the fortress and kill a 
Jobusite should be made chief captain of the 
host. A crowd of warriors rushed forward 
to the attempt, but Joab's superior agility 
gained him the day, and the citadel, the 
fastness of Zion, was taken (1046 b. c). It 
18 the first time that that memorable name 
appears in history. The fortress, which 
now became the capital of the kingdom, re- 
ceived the name of "the city of David; " 
and David fortified its whole circuit round 
about from Millo, while Joab repaired the 
rest of the city. (2 Sam. v. 6-9 ; 1 Chr. xi. 
4-8.) Until the time of Solomon we hear 
of no additions to the city. His three great 
works were the Temple, with its east wall 
and cloister, his own Palace, and the "Wall 
of Jerusalem. One of the first acts of the 
new king was to make the walls larger. 
But on the completion of the Temple he 
again turned his attention to the walls, and 
both increased their height and constructed 
very large towers along them. Another 
work of his in Jerusalem was the repair or 
fortification of Millo (I K. ix. 15, 24). The 
city was taken by the Philistines and Arabi- 
ans in the reign of Jehoram (b. o. 886), and 
by the Israelites in the reign of Amaziah (b. 
0. 826). It was thrice taken by Nebuchadnez- 
zar, in the years b. c. 607, 597, and 586, in the 
last of winch it was utterly destroyed. Its 
restoration commenced under Cyrus (b. c. 
538), and was completed under Artaxerxes 
I., who issued commissions for this purpose 
to Ezra (b. c. 457) and Nehemiah (b. c. 
445;. In b. c. 332 it was captured by Al- 
exander the Great. Under the Ptolemies 
and the Seleucidae the town was prosper- 
ous, until Antiochus Epiphanes sacked it 
(b. c. 170). In consequence of his tyran- 
ny, the Jews rose under the Maccabees, 
and Jerusalem became again independent, 
and retained its position until its capture by 
Ihe Romans under Pompey (b. c. 63). The 
Temple was subsequently plundered by 
Crassus (b. c. 54), and the city by the Par- 
thians (b. c. 40). Herod took up his resi- 
dence there as soon as he was appointed 
sovereign, and restored the Temple with 
great magnificence. On the death of Herod 
it became the residence of the Roman proc- 
1» 



urators, who occupied the fortress of An- 
tonia. The greatest siege that it sustair ed, 
however, was at the hands of the Ronijvns 
under Titus, when it held out nearly i&ve 
months, and when the town was coinplei^-Jv 
destroyed (a. d. 70). Hadrian restored it 
as a Roman colony (a. d. 135), and amumt 
other buildings erected a temple of Jupiter 
Capitolinus on the site of the Temple. He 
gave to it the name of Aelia Capittiluifi.. 
thus combining his own famil/ name with 
that of the Capitoline Jupiter. The em- 
peror Constantine established the Chri&nan 
character by the erection of a church on 
the supposed site of the holy sepulchre 
(a. d. 336). Of the buildings which Con- 
stantine or his mother, Helena, erected, 
Mr. Fergusson maintains that two of them 
noAV remain, — the one the Ana. tasis, a 
circular building erected over the lomb it- 
self; the other the "Golden Gateway," 
which was the propylea described b} Euse- 
bius as leading to the atrium of the b&.silica. 




Interior at Q«lden Gateway. (From a photograph.^ 

Justinian added several churches and hos- 
pitals (about A. D. 532). It was taken by 
the Persians under Chosroes II. in a. i».. 
614. After a struggle of fourteen years the 
imperial arms were again victorious, andi 
in 628 Heraclius entered Jerusalem on foot.. 
The dominion of the Christians in the Holy.' 
City was now rapidly drawing to a close.. 
In A. D. 637 the patriarch Sophronius sur- 
rendered to the Khalif Omar in person. 
With the fall of the Abassides tlie Holy 
City passed into the hands of the Fati- 
mite dynasty, under whom the sufferings of :" 
the Christians in Jerusalem reached tlieir 
height. About the year 1084 it was be- 
stowed upon Ortok, chief of a Turkman- 
horde under his command. From this- 
time till 1091 Ortok was emir of the city, 
and on his death it was held as a kind of 
fief by his sons Ilghazy and ILjukmdn, whose 
severity to the Christians became tlie dtoxj- 



JERUSHA 



290 



JESSE 



mate cause of the Crusades. It was taken 
by the Crusaders in 1099, and for eighty- 
eight years Jerusalem remamed in the 
hands of the Christians. In 1187 it was re- 
taken by Saladin after a eiege of several 
weeks. In 1277 Jerusalem was nominally 
annexed to the kingdom of Sicily. In 1517 
it passed under the sway of the Ottoman 
Sultan Selim I., whose successor Suliman 
built the present walls of the city in 1542. 
Moliammed Aly, the Pasha of Egypt, took 
possession of it in 1832 ; and in 1840, after 
the bombardment of Acre, it was again re- 
stored to the Sultan. 

Jem 'sha, daughter of Zadok, and queen 
ofUzziah (2 K. xv. 33). 

Jeru'shah (2 Chr. xxvii. 1). The same 
RS the preceding. 

Jesai'all. 1. Son of Han aniah, brother 
of Pelatiah, and grandson of Zerubbabel (1 
Chr. iii. 21). 2. A Benjamite (Neh. xi. 7). 

Jeshai'ah. 1. One of the six sons of 
Jeduthun (1 Chr. xxv. 3, 15). 2. A Le- 
vite in the reign of David, eldest son of Re- 
habiah, a descendant of Araram through 
Moses (1 Chr. xxvi. 25). [Isshiah.] 3. 
The sun of Athaliah, and chief of the house 
of th( Bene-Elam who returned with Ezra 
(Ezr. viii. 7). [Josias.]- 4. A Merarite 
who returned with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 19). 

Jesll'anall, a town which, with its de- 
pendent villages, was one of the three taken 
from Jeroboam by Abijah (2 Chr. xiii. 19). 

Jesliar'elah. son of Asaph, and head 
of the seventh of the 24 wards into which 
fhe musicians of the Levites were divided 
rl Chr. xxv. 14). [Asarelah.] 

Jesheb'eab, head of the 14th course of 
priests (1 Chr. xxiv. 13). [Jehoiarib.] 

Je'sher, one of the sons of Caleb the 
son of Hezron by his wife Azubah (1 Chr. 
ii. 18). 

Jesh'imon, " the waste," a name which 
o<!Curs in Num. xxi. 20, and xxiii. 28, in 
designating the position of Pisgah and Peor ; 
both described as "facing the Jeshiraon." 
Perhaps the dreary, barren waste of hills 
lying immediately on the west of the Dead 
8« a. 

Jeshishai, one of the ancestors of the 
Gadites who dwelt in Gilead (1 Chr. v. 14). 

Jesholiai'all, a chief of the Simeon- 
ites, descended from Shimei (1 Chr. iv. 36). 

Jesh'ua (another form of the name 
Joshua or Jesus). 1. Jochua, the son of 
^un (Neh. viii. 17). [Joshua.] 2. A 
niiest in the reign of David, to whom the 
ninth course fell by lot (1 Chr. xxiv. 11). 
3. One of the Levites in the reign of Heze- 
kiah {2 Chr. xxxi. 15). 4. Son of Jehoza- 
dak, first high-pnest of the third series, 
viz., of those after the Babylonish captivity, 
and ancestor of the foirteen high-priests 
hi» successors down to Joshua or Jason, 
and Oniaa or Menalaus, inclusive. [High- 
PBiAST.'l JtisUuft. like Ills contemporary 



I Zerubbabel, was probably born in Babylon, 
, whither his father Jehozadak had been ta- 
ken captive while young (1 Chr. vi. 16, 
j A. v.). He came up from Babylon in the 
j first year of Cyrus with Zerubbabel, and 
took a leading part with him in the rebuild- 
ing of the Temple, and the restoration cf 
the Jewish commonwealth. The two proph- 
ecies concerning him in Zech. iii. and n. 
9-15 point him out as an eminent type of 
Christ. 5. Head of a Levitical house, one 
of those which returned from the Babylo- 
nish captivity, and took an active part un* 
der Zerubbabel, Ezra, and Nehemiah. The 
name is used to designate either the whole 
family or the successive chiefs of it (Ezr. 
ii. 40, iii. 9 ; Neh. iii. 19, riii. 7, ix. 4, 6, 
xii. 8, &c.). 6. A branch of the family of 
Pahath-Moab, one of the chief families, 
probably, of the tribe of Judah (Neh. x. 
14, vii. 11, &c. ; Ezr. x. 30). 

Jesll'ua, one of the towns re-inhabited 
by the people of Judah after the return 
from captivity (Neh. xi. 26). It is not 
mentioned elsewhere. 

Jesh'uah, a priest in the reign of Da- 
vid (1 Chr. xxiv. 11), the same as Jeshua, 
No. 2. 

Jesh'urtm, and once by mistake in 
A. V. Jes'urun (Is. xliv. 2), a symboli- 
cal name for Israel in Deut. xxxii. 15, 
xxxiii. 5, 26 ; Is. xliv. 2. It is most prob- 
ably derived from a root signifying " to be 
blessed." With the intensive termination 
Jeshurun would then denote Israel as su- 
premely happy or prosperous, and to this 
signification the context in Deut. xxxii. 15 
points. 

Jesi'ah. 1. A Korhite, one of the migh- 
ty men who ioined David's standard at Zik- 
lag (1 Chr. xii. 6). 2. The second son of 
Uzziel, the s.;)* of Kohath (1 Chr. xxiii. 20). 
[Jeshiah.] 

Jesim'iel, a Simeonite chief of the fam- 
ily of Shimei (1 Chr. iv. 36). 

Jes'se, the father of David, was the son 
of Obed, who again was the fruit of the. 
union of Boaz and the Moabitess Ruth, 
Nor was Ruth's the only foreign blood that 
ran in his veins ; for his great-grandmothei 
was no less a person than Rahab the Ca- 
naanite, of Jericho (Matt. i. 6). Jesse's 
genealogy is twice given in full in the O. T., 
viz. Ruth iv. 18-22, and 1 Chr. ii. 5-12. 
He is commonly designated as " Jesse the 
Bethlehemite " (1 Sam. xvi. 1, 18). So he 
is called bj^ his son David, then fresh from 
home (xvii. 58); but his full title is "the 
Ephrathite of Bethlehem Judah" (xvii. 12), 
He is an "old man" when we first meet 
with him (1 Sam. xvii. 12), with eight sons 
(xvi. 10, xvii. 12), residing at Bethlehem 
(xvi. 4, 5). Jesse's wealth seems to have 
consisted of a flock of sheep and goats, 
which were under the care of David (xvi. 
11, xvii. 34, 36). When Davids rupture 




C A.Swelt.Sc 



JESUI 



291 



JESUS CHRIST 



with Saul lad finally drive.! him from the 
court and he was in the cave of Adullam, 
'*his brethren and all his father's house" 
joined Iiim (xxii. 1). Anxious for their 
safety, he took his father and his mother 
into the coiotry of Moab, and deposited 
them with the king, and there they disap- 
pear from our view in the records of Scrip- 
ture. Who the wife of Jess*^ was we are 
not told. Ills right sons will be found dis- 
played under David. 

Jes'ui, the son of Asher, whose descend- 
ants THE Jesuites were numbered in the 
plains of Moab at the Jordan of Jericho 
(Num. xvvi. 44). He is elsewhere called 
Isui (Gen. xlvi. 17) and Ishuai (1 Chr. 
vii. 30). 

Jes'uites, The. A family of the tribe 
of Asher (Num. xxvi. 44). 

Jes'urun. [Jeshurun.] 

Jesus. 1. The Greek form of the name 
Joshua or Jeshua, a contraction of Jehosh- 
ua, that is, '' help of Jehovah " or " Sa- 
viour" (Num. xiii. 16). 2. Joshua, son 
of Nun (vii. 45; Heb. iv. 8). [Jehoshua.] 

Jesus the Son of Sirach is described 
In the text of Ecclesiasticus (i. 27) as the 
author of that book, which in the LXX., 
and generally, except in the Western 
Church, is called by his name the Wisdom 
of Jesus the Son of Sirach, or simply the 
Wisdom of Sirach. [Ecclesiasticus.] 

Je'SUS, called Justus, a Christian who 
was with St. Paul at Rome (Col. iv. 11). 

Je'sus Christ. I. Name. The 
name Jesus signifies Saviour. The name 
of Christ signifies Anointed. Priests were 
anointed among the Jews, as their inaugura- 
tion to their office (1 Chr. xvi. 22 ; Ps. 
cv. 15), and kings also (2 Mace. i. 24; 
Ecclus. xlvi. 19.) In the New Testament 
the name Christ is used as equivalent to 
Messiah (John i. 41), the name given to 
the long-promised Prophet and King whom 
the Jews had been taught by their prophets 
to expect (Acts xix. 4; Matt. xi. 3). The 
use of this name, as applied to the Lord, 
has always a reference to the promises of 
the Prophtts. The name of Jesus is the 
proper name of our Lord, and that of Christ 
is added to identify Him with the promised 
Messiah. II. Birth and Early Life. 
According to the received chronology, 
which is in fact that of Dionysius Exiguus 
in the 6th century, the Birth of Christ oc- 
curred in the year of Rome 754 (a. d. 1) ; 
but from other considerations it is probable 
that the Nativity took place some time be- 
fore the month of April, 750 (a. d. 4), and 
if it happened only a few months before 
Uerod's death, then its date would be four 
years earlier than the Dionysian reckoning. 
The saiitation addressed by the Angel to 
Mary liis mother, '"^ Hail I thou that art 
higl.lj favored," was tlu; prelude to a new 
f^t )f I' 'iae creation. Marv received the 



announcement of a miracle, the full impon 
of which she could not lia\e understood, 
with the submission of one who knew that 
the message came from God; and the 
Angel departed from her. The prophet 
Micali had foretold (v. 2) that the future 
king should be born in Bethlehem of Ju- 
daea, the place where the house of David 
had its origin ; but Mary dwelt in Nazareth. 
Augustus, however, had ordered a general 
census of the Roman empire. From the 
well-known passage of St. Luke (ii. 2) it 
appears that the taxing was not completed 
till the time of Quirinus (Cyrenius), some 
years later; and how far it was carried 
now, cannot be determined : all that we 
learn is, that it brought Joseph, who was 
of the house of David, from his home to 
Bethlehem, where the Lord was born. As 
there was no room in the inn, a manger was 
the cradle in which Christ the Lord was 
laid. But signs were not wanting of the 
greatness of the event that seemed so un- 
important. Lowly shepherds were the wit- 
nesses of the wonder that accou:r»anied the 
lowly Saviour's birth ; an angel ptoH:!'»imed 
to them "good tidings of great joy;" a 1 
then the exceeding joy that was in heaven 
amongst the angels about this mystery of 
love broke through the silence of night with 
the words, " Glory to God in the highest, 
and on earth peace, good will toward men '* 
(Luke ii. 8-20). The child Jesus is cir- 
cumcised in due time, is brought to the 
Temple, and the mother makes the ofiering 
for her purification. Simeon and Anna, 
taught from God that the object of their 
earnest longings was before them, prophe- 
sied of His divine work : the one rejoicing 
that his eyes had seen the salvation of God, 
and the other speaking of Him "to all 
that looked for redemption in Jerusalem '• 
(Luke ii. 28-38) . Thus reccgnized amongst 
His own people, the Saviour was not with- 
out witness amongst the heathen. " Wise 
men from the East " — that is, Persian 
magi of the Zend religion, in which the idea 
of a Zoziosh or Reedemer was clearly 
known — guided miraculously by a star or 
meteor created for the purpose, came and 
sought out the Saviour to pay him homage. 
A little child made the great Herod quake 
upon his throne. When he knew that the 
magi were come to hail their king and 
Lord, and did not stop at his palace, but 
passed on to a humbler roof, and when he 
found that they would not return to betray 
tills child to him, he put to death all the 
children in Bethlehem that were under two 
years old. Joseph, wai led by a dream, 
flees to Egypt with the young child, beyond 
the reach of Herod's arm. After the death 
of Herod, in less tlian a year, Jesus return- 
ed with his parents to their own land, and 
went to Nazareth, where they abode. Ex- 
cept as to one event, the Evangel' sta arc 



JESUS CHRIST 



292 



JEeus ciimsT 



ailent upon the succeeding years of our 
Lord's life down to the commencemeni of 
His ministry. When He was twelve years 
old He was found in the Temple, hearing 
the doctors and asking them questions 
(Luke ii. 40-52). We are shown this one 
fact that we may know that at the time 
when the Jews considered childhood to 
be passing into youth, Jesus was already 
aware of His mission, and consciously pre- 
paring for it, although years passed before 
its actual commencement. Thirty years 
had elapsed from the birth of our Lord to 
the opening of His ministry. In that time 
great changes had come over the chosen 
people. Herod the Great had united under 
him almost all the original kingdom of Da- 
vid ; after the death of that prince it was 
dismembered forever. It was in the fif- 
teenth year of Tiberius the Emperor, reck- 
oning from his joint rule with Augustus 
(Jan. u. c. 765, a. d. 12), and not from his 
sole rule (Aug. u. c. 767, a. d. 14), that 
John the Baptist began to teach. He was 
the last representative of the prophets of 
the old covenant; and his work was two- 
fold — to enforce repentance and the ter- 
rors of the old law, and to revive the al- 
most forgotten expectation of the Messiah 
(Mati. iii. 1-10 ; Mark i. 1-8 ; Luke iii. 1- 
18). The career of John seems to have 
been very short. Jesus came to Jordan 
with the rest to receive baptism at John's 
hands : first, in order that the sacrament 
by which all were hereafter to be admitted 
into His kingdom might not want His ex- 
ample to justify its use (Matt. iii. 15) ; 
next, that John might have an assurance 
that his course as the herald of Christ was 
now completed by his appearance (John i. 
33) ; and last, that some public token might 
be given that He was indeed the Anointed 
of God (Heb. v. 5). Immediately after 
this inauguration of His ministry Jesus was 
led up of the Spirit into the wilderness to 
be tempted of the devil (Matt. iv. 1-11; 
Mark i. 12, 13; Luke iv. 1-13). The three 
temptations are addressed to the three 
forms in which the disease of sin makes its 
appearance on the soul — to the solace of 
sense, and the love of praise, and the de- 
sire of gain (1 John ii. 16). III. The 
Lord's Ministry. Before entering upon 
the history of our Lord's ministry, there 
are two points that demand a few remarks : 
(i.) the scene of the ministry; (ii.) its 
duiation. (i.) The scene of the ministry. — 
As to the scene of the ministry of Christ, 
no less than as to its duration, the three 
Evangelists seem at first sight to be at vari- 
ance with the fourth. Matthew, Mark, and 
Luke record only our Lord's doings in Gal- 
ilee ; if we put aside a few days before the 
Passion, we find that they never mention 
His visiting Jerusalem. John, on the other 
hand, whilst he records some acts in Gali- 



lee, ii votes the chief part ol ai^s Gospei 
to the transactions in Judaea. But when 
the supplemental character of John's Gos- 
pel is borne in mind there is little difficulty 
in explaining this. The three Evangelist* 
do not profess to give a chronology of the 
ministry, but rather a picture of it : notes 
of time are not frequent in their narrative. 
And as they chiefly confined themselves to 
Galilee, where the Redeemer's chief acta 
were done, they might naturally omit to 
mention the feasts, which, being passed by 
our Lord at Jerusalem, added nothing to 
the materials for His Galilean ministry, 
(ii.) Duration of the ministry. — It is im- 
possible to determine exactly from tlie Gos- 
pels the number of years during which the 
Redeemer exercised His ministry beforf 
the Passion : but the doubt lies between two 
and three. The data are to be drawn from 
St. John. This Evangelist mentions six 
feasts, at five of which Jesus was present- 
the Passover that followed His baptism (ii. 
13) ; " a feast of the Jews " (v. 1) ; a Pass- 
over during which Jesus remained in Gal 
ilee (vi. 4) ; the feast of Tabernacles tt 
which the Lord went up privately (vii 
2) ; the feast of Dedication (x. 22) ; and 
lastly the feast of Passover, at wliich ht 
suffered (xii., xiii.). There are certain 
iy three Passovers, and it is possible that 
"a feast" (v. 1) may be a fourth. Upon 
this possibility the question turns. But if 
this feast is not a Passover, then no Pass- 
over is mentioned by John between the 
first (ii. 13), and that which is spoken of 
in the sixth chapter ; and the time betwecL 
those two must be assumed to be a single 
year only. Now, although the record of 
John of this period contains but few facts, 
yet when all the Evangelists are compared, 
the amount of labor compressed into this 
single year would be too much for its com- 
pass. It is, to say the least, easier to sup- 
pose that the "feast" (John v. 1) was a 
Passover, dividing the time into two, and 
throwing two of these circuits into the sec- 
ond year of the ministry. Upon the whole, 
though there is nothing that amounts to 
proof, it is probable that there were foui 
Passovers, and consequently that our Lord's 
ministry lasted somewhat more than three 
years, the "beginning of miracles" (John 
ii.) having been wrought before the first 
Passover. 1. First year of the m,inistry. — 
The year of the first of these Passovers 
was D. c. 780 (a. d. 27), and the Baptism 
of our Lord took place either in the be- 
ginning of that year or the end of the 
year preceding. Our Lord has now passed 
through the ordeal of temptation, and 
His ministry is begun. At Bethabara, to 
which He returns, disciples begin to be 
drawn towards Him ; Andrew and anoth- 
er, probably John, the sole narrator (f 
the fact, see Jesus, and hear the Bapti<»t'« 



JEStrS CHKlSi 



293 



JESUS CHRIST 



i€stla!<»ny concerning Him. Andrew brings 
Simon Peter to see Him also ; and he re- 
ceives from the Lord the name of Cephas. 
Then Philip and Nathanael are brought 
Into contact with our Lord. Tlie two dis- 
'iples last named saw Him as He was about 
lo St t out for Galilee, on the third day of 
His 8 /journ at Bethabara. The third day 
after this interview Jesus is at Cana in 
Galilee, and works His first miracle, by 
making the water wine (John i. 29, 35, 43; 
ii. 1). He now betakes Himself to Caper- 
fiEum, and after a sojourn there of " not 
many days," sets out for Jerusalem to the 
PassoTer, which was to be the beginning 
of His ministry in Judaea (John ii. 12, 13). 
The cleansing of the Temple is associated 
by St. John with this first Passover (ii. 12- 
22), and a similar cleansing is assigned to 
the last Passover by the other Evangelists. 
These two cannot be confounded without 
throwing discredit on the historical charac- 
ter of one narrative or the other; the notes 
of time are too precise. The expulsion of 
^he traders was not likely to produce a per- 
manent effect, and at the end of three years 
Jesus found the tumult and the traffic de- 
filing the court of the Temple as they had 
done when He visited it before. The visit 
af Nicodemus to Jesus took place about the 
first Passover. It implies that our Lord 
had done more at Jerusalem than is record- 
ed of Him even by John ; since we have 
^sre a Master of Israel (John iii. 10), a 
CQsmber of the Sanhedrim (John vii. 50) 
expressing his belief in Him, although too 
dmii at this time to make an open profes- 
sion. The object of the visit, though not 
iirectly stated, is still clear : he was one of 
the better Pharisees, who were expecting 
the kingdom of Messiah, and having seen 
the miracles that Jesus did, he came to in- 
quire more fully about these signs of its 
approach. It has been well said that this 
discourse contains the whole Gospel in 
epitome. After a sojourn at Jerusalem of 
uncertain duration, Jesus went to the Jor- 
dan with His disciples ; and they there bap- 
tized in His name. The Baptist was now 
at Aenon near Salim; and the jealousy of 
his disciplss against Jesus drew from John 
an avowal of his position, which is remark- 
able for its humility (John iii. 27-30). How 
long this sojourn in Judaea lasted is un- 
certaii. In the way to Galilee Jesus passed 
by the shortest route, through Samaria. 
In the time of our Lord the Samaritans 
were hated by the Jews even more than if 
they Lad been Gentiles. Yet even in Sa- 
maria were souls to be saved; and Jesus 
would not shake oflf even that dust from 
His feet. He came in His journey to 
Sichera, which the Jews in mockery had 
changed to Sychar. Wt^aried and athirst 
He vsat on the side of Jacob's well. A wo- 
man from ♦^hn neighboring lown fame lo 



draw from the well, and was astonished thaJ 
a Jew should address her as a neighbor, 
witli a request for water. The conversation 
that ensued might be taken for an example 
of the mode in which Christ leads to Him- 
self the souls of men. In this remarkable 
dialogue are many things to ponder over. 
The living water which Christ would give ; 
the announcement of a change in the wor- 
ship of Jew and Samaritan; lastly, the 
confession that He who speaks is truly the 
Messiah, are all noteworthy. Jesus now 
returned to Galilee, and came to Nazareth, 
His own city. In the Synagogue He ex- 
pounded to the people a passage from Is aiah 
(Ixi. 1), telling them that its fulfilment was 
now at hand in His person. The same 
truth that had filled the Samaritans with 
gratitude, wrought up to fury the men of 
Nazareth, who would have destroyed Him 
if He had not escaped out of their hands 
(Luke iv. 16-30). He came now to Caper- 
naum. On his way hither, when He had 
reached Cana, He healed the son of one of 
the courtiers of Herod Antipas (John iv. 
46-54), who "himself believed, and his 
whole house." This was the second Gali- 
lean miracle. At Capernaum He wrought 
many miracles for them that needed. Here 
two disciples who had known him before, 
namely, Simon Peter and Andrew, were 
called from their fishing to become " fishers 
of men " (Matt. iv. 19), and tlie two sons of 
Zebedee received the same summons. After 
healing on the Sabbath a demoniac in the 
Synagogue, He returned the same day to 
Simon's house, and healed the mother-in- 
law of Simon, who was sick of a fever. At 
sunset, the multitude, now fully aroused by 
what they had heard, brought their sick to 
Simon's door to get them healed. He did 
not refuse His succor, and healed them all 
(Mark i. 29-34) . He now, after showering 
down on Capernaum so many cures, turned 
His thoughts to the rest of Galilee, where 
other "lost sheep" were scattered: "Let 
us go into the next towns that I may preach 
there also, for therefore came I forth " 
(Mark i. 38). The journey through Galilee, 
on which He now entered, must have been a 
general circuit of that country. 2. Second 
year of the ministry. — Jesus went up to 
Jerusalem to " a feast of the Jews," which 
was probably the Passover. At the poa' 
Bethesda (= house of mercy), which was 
near the sheep-gate (Neh. iii. 1) on the 
north-east side of the Temple, Jesus saw 
many infirm persons waiting their turn for 
the healing virtues of the water (John v. 1- 
18). Among them was a man who had an 
infirmity thirty-eight years : Jesus made 
him whole by a word, bidding him take up 
his bed and walk. The miracle was done 
on the Sabbath ; and the Jews, who acted 
against Jesus, rebuked the man for carrying 
his bed. It was a labor, and as such for 



JEISUS CHRJST 



29^ 



JE«Lr? '^HlllSi 



biddt n J<3r. xvii. 21). In our Lord's jus- 
tification of Himself, " My Father worketh 
hitherto, and I work" (John v. 17), there 
is an unequivocal claim to the divine na- 
ture. Another discussion about the Sab- 
bath arose from the disciples plucking the 
ears of com as they went through the fields 
(Matt. xii. 1-8). The time of this is some- 
what uncertain ; some would place it a year 
later, just after the third Passover : but its 
place is much more probably here. Our 
Lord quotes cases where the law is super- 
seded or set aside, because He is One who 
has power to do the same. And the rise 
of a new law is implied in those words which 
St Mark alone has recorded : " The Sab- 
bath was made for man, and not man for 
the Sabbath." The law upon the Sabbath 
was made in love to men, to preserve for 
them a di*e measure of rest, to keep room 
for the worship of God. The Son of Man 
has power to re-adjust this law, if its work 
is done, or if men are fit to receive a high- 
er. This may have taken place on the way 
to Jerusalem after the Passover. On an- 
other Sabbath, probably at Capernaum, to 
which Jesus had returned, the Pharisees 
gave a far more striking proof of the way in 
which their hard and narrow and unloving 
interpretation would turn the beneficence 
of the Law into a blighting oppression. Our 
Lord entered into the synagogue, and found 
there a man with a withered hand — some 
poor artisan perhaps whose handiwork was 
his means of life. Jesus was about to heal 
him — which would give back life to the 
sufferer — which would give joy to every 
beholder who had one touch of pity in his 
heart. The Pharisees interfere : " Is it 
lawful to heal on the Sabbath-day ? " Their 
doctors would have allowed them to pull a 
sheep out of a pit ; but they will not have 
a man rescued from the depth of misery. 
Rarely is that loving Teacher wroth, but 
here His anger, mixed with grief, showed 
itself: He looked round about upon them 
" with anger, being grieved at the hardness 
of their hearts," and answered their cavils 
by healing the man (Matt. xii. 9-14 ; Mark 
Ui. 1-6; Luke vi. 6-11). In placing the 
ordination or calling of the Twelve Apostles 
just before the Sermon on the Mount, we 
are under the guidance of St. Luke (vi. 13, 
17). But this more solemn separation for 
their work by no means marks the time of 
their first approach to Jesus. That which 
takes place here is the appointment of 
twelve disciples to be a distinct body, under 
the name of Apostles. They are not sent 
forth to preach until later in the same year. 
The number twelve must have reference to 
the number of the Jewish tribes : it is a 
number selected on account of its symbol- 
ical ra'?ianing, for the work confided to them 
might have been wiouglit by more or fewer. 
fu the fo ir lists of the names of the Ape '»- 



ties preserved to us (Matt, x., Mark iii. 
Luke vi., Acts i.), thire is a certain orflei 
preserved, amidst variations. The two 
pairs of brothers, Simon and Andrew, and 
the sons of Zebedee, are always named the 
first ; and of these Simon Peter ever he Id? 
the first place. Philip and Bartholomew, 
Thomas and Matthew, are always in the 
next rank; and of them Philip is always the 
first. In the third rank James the son of 
Alpheus is the first, as Judas Iscariot is 
always the last, with Simon the Zealot and 
Thaddaeus between. Some of the Apostles 
were certainly poor and unlearned men ; it 
is probable that the rest were of the same 
kind. Four of them were fishermen, not 
indeed the poorest of their class ; and a fifth 
was a "publican," one of the tax-gatherers, 
who collected the taxes farmed by Romans 
of higher rank. From henceforth the edu- 
cation of the twelve Apostles will be one 
of the principal features of the Lord's min- 
istry. First He instructs them ; then He 
takes them with Him as companions of Hi« 
wayfaring; then He sends them forth to 
teach and heal for Him. The Sermon on 
the Mount, although it is meant for all the 
disciples, seems to have a special reference 
to the chosen Twelve (Matt. V. 11). Abouv 
this time it was tliat John the Baptist, long 
a prisoner with little hope of release, sen* 
his disciples to Jesus whh the question 
" Art thou He that should come, or do we 
look for another ? " In all the Gospels 
there is no more touching incident. The 
great privilege of John's life was that he 
was appointed to recognize and bear wit- 
ness to the Messiah (John i. 31). After 
languishing a year in a dungeon, after 
learning that even yet Jesus had made no 
steps towards the establishment of Hi? 
kingdom of the Jews, and that His follow- 
ing consisted of only twelve poor Galileans, 
doubts began to cloud over his spirit. 
Was the kingdom of Messiah as neai 
as he had thought? Was Jesus not 
the Messiah, but some forerunner of 
that Deliverer, as he himself had been? 
There is no unbelief; he does not suppose 
that Jesus has deceived ; when the doubtf 
arise, it is to Jesus that he submits them. 
But it was not without great depression and 
perplexity that he put the question '* Art 
thou He that should come ? " The scope 
of the answer given lies in its recalling 
John to the grounds of his former confi 
dence. Now commences the second circuii 
of Galilee (Luke viii. 1-3), to which belong 
the parables in Matt. xiii. ; the visit of our 
Lord's mother and brethren (Luke viii. 19- 
21), and the account of His reception at 
Nazareth (Mark vi. 1-6). During this 
time the twelve have journeyed with Him 
But now a third circuit in Galilee is record 
ed, which probably occurred during the 
last three months of this year (Matt. It 



JESUS CHi.lST 



•295 



JESUS CHKIST 



47 'i)'. HT(] during this circuit, after re- 
nii) <^iing th ;m how great is the harvest^nd 
ho\t pre?sliig the need of laborers, He car- 
ries, '.he training of the disciples one step 
f\irt\'3r by sending them forth by themselves 
to tf-ach (JMatt. x., xi.). They went forth 
two and two; a' id our Lord continued His 
own cirviuit (Matt. xi. 1), witli what com- 
panions docs P( t appear. After a journey 
of perhaps tsrr months' duration the twelve 
returned to .j'jfjus, and gave an account of 
their mims'.rj. The third Passover was 
now di a iviiif^ near ; but the Lord did not go 
up to h. He wished to commune with His 
A.postk'.« privately upon their work, and, 
ire ma7; suppose, to add to the instruction 
llioy ha J already received from Him (Mark 
vi. 30, ?1). He therefore went with them 
frum t'le neighborhood of Capernaum to a 
mountain on the eastern shore of the Sea 
of Tiberias, near Bethsaida Julias, not far 
from the head of the sea. Great multi- 
tudes pursued them; and here the Lord, 
moved to compassion by the hunger and 
weariness of the people, wrought for them 
one of His most remarkable miracles. Out 
of five barley loaves and two small fishes. 
He produced food for five thousand men 
besides women and children. After the 
miracle the disciples crossed the sea, and 
Jesus retired alone to a mountain to com- 
mune -Trith the Father. They were toiling 
tt the oar, for the wind was contrarj'-, when, 
AS the night drew towards morning, they 
SHW Jesus walking to them on the sea, hav- 
ing passed the whole night on the moun- 
tain. They were amazed and terrified. He 
came into the ship and the wind ceased. 
When they reached the shore of Gennesa- 
ret the whole people showed their faith in 
Him as a Healer of disease (Mark vi. 53- 
56) ; and He performed very many mira- 
cles on them. Yet on the next day the 
great discourse just alluded to was uttered, 
and " from that time many of His disciples 
went back, and walked no more with Him " 
(John vi. 6G). 3. Third year of the min- 
istry. — Hearing perhaps that Jesus was 
not coming to the feast. Scribes and Phari- 
•ees from Jerusalem went down to see Him 
at Capernaum (Matt. xv. 1). Leaving the 
neighborhood of Capernaum our Lord now 
iravels to the north-west of Galilee, to the 
region of Tyre and Sidon. The time is not 
strictly determined, but it was probably the 
early summer of this year. It does not 
ippear that He retired into this heathen 
country for the purpose of ministering; 
more probably it was a retreat from the 
maclination? of the Jews (Matt. xv. 21- 
28 ; jSfark \ii. 24-30). Keturning thence 
He passed round by the north of the Sea 
of Galilee to the region of Decapolis on its 
eastern side (Mark vii. 31-37). In this dis- 
trict he performed many miracles, and cs- 
peciaJly tlie restoration of a deal man who 



had an impediment in his speech, remarka- 
ble for the seeming effort with which He 
wrought it. To these succeeded the feed- 
ing of the four tliousand with tits seven 
loaves (Matt. xv. 32). He now crossed 1 lie 
Lake of Magdala, where the Pharisees ami 
Sadducces asked and were refused a "sign. ' 
After they had departed Jesus crossed tin,- 
lake with his disciples. At Bethsaida Ju- 
lias, He restored sight to a blind man ; and 
here, as in a former case, the form ■•^•xi 
preparation which He adopted are to be re 
marked (Mark viii. 22-26). The mhiistrj 
in Galilee is now drawing to its close 
Through the length and breadth of thai 
country Jesus has proclaimed the kingdom 
of Christ, and has shown by mighty works> 
that He is the Christ that was to come. 
Many thousands had actually been benefited 
by the miracles ; and yet of all these there 
were only twelve that really clave to Him, 
and one of them was Judas the traitor. 
With this rejection an epoch of the history 
is connected. He begins to unfold now the 
doctrine of His passion more fully. The 
doctrine of a suflering Messiah, so plainly 
exhibited in the prophets, had receded from 
sight in the current religion of that time. 
The announcement of it to the disciples 
was at once new and shocking. Turning 
now to the whole body of those who fol- 
lowed Him, He published the Christian 
doctrine of self-denial. The Apostles had 
just shown that they took the natural view 
of suffering, that it was an evil to be shunned. 
They shrank from conflict, and pain, and 
death, as it is natural men sliould. But 
Jesus teaches that, in comparison with the 
higher life, the life of the soul, the life of 
the body is valueless (Matt. xvi. 21-28; 
Mark viii. 31-38; Luke ix. 22-27). The 
Transfiguration, which took place just 
a week after this conversation, is to be 
understood in connection with it. The 
minds of the twelve were greatly disturbed 
at what they had heard. Now, if ever, 
they needed support for their perplexed 
spirits, and this their loving Master failed 
not to give them. He takes with Him 
three chosen disciples, Peter, John, and 
James, who formed as it were a smaller 
circle nearer to Jesus than the rest, into a 
high mountain apart by themselves. There 
are no means of determining the positiop 
of the mountain. The three disciples werr 
taken up with Him, who should afterwards 
be the three witnesses of His agony io th( 
garden of Gethsemane : tliose who saw His 
glory in the holy mount would be sustained 
by tlie remembrance of it when they beheld 
His lowest humiliation. Meantime amongsi 
the multitude below a scene was taking 
place which formed the strongest contrast 
to the glory and the peace which they had 
witnessed, and wliich seemed to justify 
Peter's remark. "It is good for us to br 



JESUS CHllIST 



296 



JESUS CHRIST 



here." A poor youth, lunatic and pos- 
sessed by a devil, was brought to the dis- 
ciples who were not with Jesus, to be 
cured. They could not prevail ; and when 
Jesus appeared amongst them the agonized 
and disappointed father appealed to Him, 
witli a kind of complaint of the impotence 
of ilie disciples. Wliat the disciples had 
failed to d ), Jesus did at a word. He then 
explained to them that their want of faith 
in their own power to heal, and in His 
promises to bestow the power upon them, 
nas tlie cause of their inability (Matt. xvii. 
U-n-, Mark ix. 14-29; Luke ix. 37-43). 
Oncf more did Jesus foretell His suffer- 
iiigs on tlieir way back to Capernaum 
(Mark ix. 30-32). Third year, from the 
Ftiit of Tabernacles. — T\\Q Feast of Tab- 
timacies was now approaching. His breth- 
ren set out for the feast witliout Him, and 
lie abode in Galilee for a few days longer 
(John vii. 2-10). Afterwards He set out, 
taking the more direct but less frequented 
route by Samaria. St. Luke alone records, 
in connection witb this journey, the send- 
ing forth of the seventy disciples. This 
event is to be regarded in a diflferent light 
from that of the twelve. The seventy had 
received no special education from our 
Lord, and their commission was of a tem- 
porary kind. The number has reference to 
the Gentiles, as twelve had to the Jews ; 
and the scene of the work, Samaria, re- 
minds us that this is a movement directed 
towards the stranger. After '^ealing the 
ten lepers in Samaria, He came about the 
midst of the feast to Jerusalem. The Phar- 
isees and rulers sought to take Him ; some 
of the people, however, believed in Him, 
but concealed their opinion for fear of the 
rulers. To this division of opinion we may 
attribute the failure of the repeated at- 
tempts on the part of the Sanhedrim to 
take One who was openly teaching in the 
Temple (John vii. 11-53 : see esp. ver. 30, 
32, 44, 45, 46). The officers were partly 
afraid to seize in the presence of the peo- 
ple the favorite Teacher, and partly were 
theuisel/es awed and attracted by Him. 
The hiitory of the woman taken in adul- 
tery belongs to this time. To this place 
belongs the account, given by John alone, 
of the healing of one who was born blind, 
and the consequences of it (John ix. 1-41, 
X. 1-21). The well-known parable of the 
good shepherd is an answer to the calumny 
of the Pharisees, that He was an impostor 
and breaker of the law : " This man is not 
of Grd; because he keepeth not the Sab- 
bath-day" (ix. 16). — We now approach a 
difficult portion of the sacred history. The 
note of time given us by John immediately 
afterwards is the Feast of the Dedication, 
whi'.'h was eelebrated on the 25th of Kisleu, 
an«fering nearly to December. Acord- 
ttiK to this Evangelist our Lord loes not 



appear to have returned to Galilee betwoeu 
the Feast of Tabernacles and that of the 
Dedication, but to have passed the time in 
and near Jerusalem. Matthew and Mark 
do not allude to the Feast of Tabernacles. 
Luke appears to do so in ix. 51 : but the 
words there used would imply that this 
was the last journey to Jerusalem. Now 
in St. Luke's Gospel a large section, from 
ix. 51 to xviii. 14, seems to belong to the 
time preceding the departure from Galilee ; 
and the question is, How is this to be ar- 
ranged, so that it shall harmonize with the 
narrative of St. John? In most Harmonies 
a return of our Lord to Galilee has been 
assumed, in order to find a place for this 
part of Luke's Gospel. Perhaps this great 
division of Luke (x. 17-xviii. 14) should 
be inserted entire between John x. 21 and 
22. Some of the most striking parables, 
preserved only by Luke, belong to this 
period. The parables of the good Samari- 
tan, the prodigal son, the unjust steward, 
the rich man and Lazarus, and the Pharisee 
and publican, all peculiar to this Gospel, 
belong to the present section. The in- 
structive account of Mary and Martha and 
the miracle of the ten lepei's belong to this 
portion of the narrative. Besides these, 
scattered sayings that occur in St. Matthew 
are here repeated in a new connection. 
The account of the bringing of young 
children to Jesus unites again the three 
Evangelists (Matt. xix. 13-15; Mark x. 
13-16; Luke xviii. 15-17). On the way 
to Jerusalem through Peraea, to the Feast 
of Dedication, Jesus again puts before 
the minds of the twelve what they are 
never now to forget — the sufferings that 
await Him. They "understood none of 
these things," for they could not recrncile 
this foreboding of suffering with the signs 
and announcements of the coming of Hi.* 
kingdom (Matt. xx. 17-19; Mark x. 32-34; 
Luke xviii. 31-31^. In consequence of this 
new, though dark, intimation of the coming 
of the kingdom, Salome, with her two 
sons, James and John, came to bespoak 
the two places of highest botior in the 
kingdom. Jesus tells them that they know 
not what they ask ; that the pla<;es of honor 
in the kingdom shall be bestowed, not by 
Jesus in answer to a chaa-'je request, but 
upon those for whom the/ are prepared by 
the Father. As sin ever provokes sin, the 
ambition of the ten was now aroused, and 
they began to be mu'.'h displeased v-'th 
James and John. Jesus once mare reca/ls 
the principle that the child-like disposition 
is that which He approves (Matt. xx. 20-28 ; 
Mark x. 35-45). The heahng of the twi, 
blind men at Jericho is chietly remarkablt 
among the miracles from the difficv Ity 
which has arisen * i harmonizing the ac- 
counts. Matthew speaks of two Mind men, 
and of the occasion as the defaitur^ Votii 



.JESUS CHRIST 



297 



JESUS CHRIST 



iericho; Mark of om«, whom he names, 
and of their arrival at Jericho ; and Luke 
agn;es with him. This point has received 
mu(.h discussion; but the view of Light- 
foot finds favor with many eminent exposi- 
i^rs, that there were two blind men, and 
both were healed under similar circum- 
jtanr.es, except that Bartimaeus was on one 
lide of the citj, and was healed by Jesus 
tf h-^ entered, and the other was healed on 
;he (-ther side as they departed CMatt. xx. 
Kf-34: Mark x. 46-52; Luke xviii. 35-43). 
The calling of Zacchaeus has more than a 
mere personal interest. He was a publi- 
jan, one of a class hated and despised 
by the Jews. But he was one who sought 
to serve God. From such did Jesus wish 
to call His disciples, whether they were 
publicans or not (Luke xix. 1-10). We 
have reached now the Feast of Dedication ; 
but, as has been eaid, the exact place of the 
events in St. Luke about this part of the 
ministry has not been conclusively deter- 
mined. After being present at the feast, 
Jesus returned to Bethabara beyond Jor- 
dan, where John had formerly baptized, 
and abode there. How long He remained 
here does not appear. It was probably for 
some weeks. The sore need of a family 
in Bethany, who were what men call the 
intimate friends of our Lord, called Him 
thence. Lazarus was sick, and his sisters 
sent Avord of it to Jesus, whose power they 
well knew. It was not till Lazarus had 
been four days in the grave that the Saviour 
ippeared on the scene. But with the power 
of God He breaks the fetters of brass in 
which Lazarus was held by death, and at 
His word the man on whom corruption had 
already begun to do its work, came forth 
alive and whole (John xi. 1-45). A mir- 
acle so public, for Bethany was close to 
Jerusalem, and the family of Lazarus 
well known to many people in the mother- 
city, could not escape the notice of the 
Sanhedrim. A meeting of this Council 
was called without loss of time, and the 
matter discussed. We now approach the 
final stage of the history, and every word 
and act tend towards the great act of suf- 
fering. Each day is marked by its own 
events or instructions. Our Lord entered 
into Bethany on Friday the 8th of Nisan, 
the eve of the Sabbath, and remained over 
the Sabbath. — Saturday, the 9ih of Nisan 
{Apr'l 1st). As He was at supper in the 
house of one Simon, surnamed " the leper," 
a relation of Lazarus, who was at table 
with Ilim, Mary, full of gratitude for the 
wimderful raising of her brother from the 
dead, took a vessel containing a quantity 
of pure ointment of spikenard, and anointed 
the feet of Jesus, and wiped His feet with 
her hair, and anointed His head likewise. 
- Passion Week. Sunday the 10th day 
•j jSxsan (April 2d). When He arrives 



at the Mount of Olives He commatics r^o 
of His disciples to go into the village ueai 
at hand, where they would find an ass and 
a colt tied with her. With these beusta, 
impressed as for the service of a king, He 
was to enter into Jerusalem. The disciplei 
spread upon the ass their ragged cloaks for 
Him to sit on. A.nd t'xe multitudes cried 
aloud before Him in t^e words of the 118th 
Psalm, " Hosanna, Save now! blessed i« 
He that cometh ip tlie name of the Lord.** 
All the city wa.* moved. Blind and lame 
came to the Temple when He arrived there 
and were he'Jed. After working miracles 
in the Temple He returned to Bethany. 
The 10th jf Nisan was the day for the sep- 
aration jf the paschal lamb (Ex. xii. 3). 
Jesus, the Lamb of God, entered Jeru- 
salem and the Temple on this day, and 
although none but He knew that He was 
the Paschal Lamb, the coincidence is not 
undesigned (Matt. xxi. 1-11,14-17; Mark 
xi. 1-11; Luke xix. 29-44; John xii. 12- 
19). — Monday the 11th of Nisan {April 
Sd. The next day Jesus returned to 
Jerusalem, again to take advantage of the 
mood of the people to instruct them. On 
the way He approached one of the manj 
fig-trees which grew in that quarter, and 
found that it was full of foliage, but 
without fruit. He said, " No man eat 
fruit of thee hereafter forever ! " and the 
fig-tree withered away (Matt. xxi. 18, 19 ; 
Mark xi. 12-14). Proceeding now to the 
Temple, He cleared its court of the crowd 
of traders that gathered there (Matt, xxi 
12, 13; Mark xi. 15-19; Luke xix. 45-48). 
In the evening he returned again to Beth- 
any. — Tuesday the 12th of Nisan {April 
ah). On this the third day of Passion 
week Jesus went into Jerusalem as before, 
and visited the Temple. The Sanhedrim 
came to Him to call Him to account foi 
the clearing of the Temple. "By what 
authority doest thou these things ? " The 
Lord answered this question by another. 
They refused to answer, and Jesus refused 
in like manner to answer them. To this 
time belong the parables of the two sons 
(Matt. xxi. 23-32 ; Mark xi. 27-33 ; Luke 
XX. 1-8), of the wicked husbandman, and 
of the wedding garment (Matt. xxi. 33-46, 
xxii. 1-14; Mark xii. 1-12; Luke xx. 9- 
19). Another great discourse belongs to 
this day, which, more than any other, pre- 
sents Jesus as the great Prophet of His 
people. On leaving tae Temple His disci- 
ples drew attention to the beauty of its 
structure, its "goodly stones and gifts," 
their remarks probably aiising from tlie 
threats of destruction which had so lately 
been uttered by Jesus. Their Master an- 
swered that not one stone of the noble pile 
should be left upon another. When the^ 
reached the Mount of Olives, the disciples, 
or rather the first four (Maik^, spe«JLii\g 



JESUS CHRIST 



298 



JESUS CHRIST 



tor tJie rest, asked Hira when tius destruc- 
tiou should be accomplished. To under- 
stand the answer it must be borne in mind 
that Jesus warnod them that He was not 
giving them an historical account such as 
would enable them to anticipate the events. 
" Of that day and hour knoweth no man, 
no, not the angels of heaven, but my Father 
on)/." Exact data of time are to be pur- 
posely withheld from them. Accordingly 
two e (rents, analogous in character but 
widely sundered by time, are so treated in 
the prophecy that it is almost impossible to 
•iisentangle them. The destruction of Je- 
inisalem and the day of judgment — the 
national and the universal days of account 
— are spoken of together or alternately 
without hint of the great interval of time 
that separates them. The conclusion which 
Jesus drew from his own awful warning 
was, that they were not to attempt to fix the 
date of his return. The lesson of the par- 
able of the Ten Virgins is the same (Matt. 
xxiv. 44, XXV. 13). And the parable of the 
Talents, here repeated in a modified form, 
teaches how precious to souls are the uses 
of time (xxv. 14-30). In concluding this 
momentous discourse, our Lord puts aside 
the destruction of Jerusalem, and displays 
to our eyes the picture of the final judg- 
ment (Matt. xxv. 31-46). With these 
weighty words ends the tlard day. — 
Wednesday the ISth of Nisan (April htJi). 
This day was passed in retirement with 
the Apostles. Satan had put it into the 
mind of one of them to betray Him ; and 
Judas Iscariot made a covenant to betray 
Him to the chief priests for thirty pieces of 
silver (Matt. xxvi. 14-16; Mark xiv. 10, 
11 ; Luke xxii. 1-6). — Thursday the l^th 
of Nisan {April 6th). On "the first day 
of unleavened bread," the disciples asked 
their Master where they were to eat the 
Passover. He directed Peter and John to 
go into Jerusalem, and to follow a man 
whom they should see bearing a pitcher of 
water, and to demand of him, in their Mas- 
ter's name, the use of the guest-chamber in 
his house for this purpose. All happened 
as Jesus had told them, and in the evening 
they assembled to celebrate, for the last 
time, the paschal meal. The sequence of 
the events is not quite clear from a com- 
parison of the Evangelists. The order 
seems to be as foUows. When they had 
takea their places at table and the supper 
had begun, Jesus gave them the first cup 
to divide amongst themselves (Luke). It 
iras customary to drink at the paschal sup- 
per four cups of wine mixed with water; 
aui thi« answered to the first of them. 
There now arose a contention among the 
disciples which cf them should be the 
greatest; perhaps in connection with the 
places which they had taken at this feast 
(Luke\ After a solemn warning against 



prile and a obition J^gus perfoniied aa *ct 
which, as one of the last of His lif(;, must 
ever have been remembered by the wit 
nesses as a great lesson of humility. He 
rose from the table, poured water into a 
basin, girded himself with a towel, and 
proceeded to wash the disciples' feet 
(John). After all had been washed, the 
Saviour explained to them the meaning of 
what He had done. " If I, your Lord and 
Master, have washed your feet, ye alsc 
ought to wash one another's feet. For I 
have given you an example, that ye shou.d 
do as I have done to you " (IVfatt. xxvi. 17 
20 ; Mark xiv. 12-17 ; Luke xxii. 7-30 ; John 
xiii. 1-20). From this act of love it Joes 
not seem that even the traitor Judas was 
excluded. But his treason was thoroughly 
known ; and now Jesus denounces it. One of 
them should betray Him. The traitor luv- 
ing gone straight to his wicked object, the 
end of the Saviour's ministry seemed already 
at hand. He gave them the new command- 
ment, to love one another, as though i* 
were a last bequest to them (Matt. xxvi. 21 
-25 ; Mark xiv. 18-21 : Luke xxii. 21-23 ; 
John xiii. 21-35). Towards the close of the 
meal Jesus instituted the sacrament of th.e 
Lord's Supper (Matt. xxvi. 26-29 ; Mark 
xiv. 22-25 ; Luke xxii. 19, 20 ; 1 Cor. xi. 
23-25). The denial of Peter is now fore- 
told, and to no one would such an announce- 
ment be more incredible than to Peter lAim- 
self (Matt. xxvi. 31-35 ; Mark xiv. 27-31 ; 
Luke xxii. 31-38 ; John xiii. 36-38). That 
great final discourse, which John alone has 
recorded, is now delivered. Although in 
the middle of it there is a mention of de- 
parture (John xiv. 31), this perhaps only 
implies that they prepared to go ; and then 
the whole discourse was delivered in the 
house before they proceeded to Gethsema- 
ne (John xiv.-xvii.). — Friday the 15th of 
Nisan (April 1th), including part of the 
eve of it. " When they had sung a hymt 
which perhaps means, when they had sung 
the second part of the Hallel, or song of 
praise, which consisted of Psalms cxv.- 
cxviii., the former part (Psalms cxiii.-cxiv.) 
having been sung at an earlier part of the 
supper, they went out into the Mount of 
Olives. Jesus takes only his three proved 
companions, Peter, James, and John, and 
passes with them farther into the garden, 
leaving the rest seated, probably rear the 
entrance. No pen can attempt to describe 
what passed that night in that secluded spot. 
He tells them, " My soul is exceeding sor- 
rowful, even unto death ; tarry ye here and 
watch with me," and then leaving even the 
three He goes further, and in solitude 
wrestles with an inconceivable trial. The 
words of Mark are still more expressive — 
" He began to be sore amazed, and to be 
very heavy " (xiv. 33). The former word 
means that he was struf:k with a ffreat 



JESUS CHEIST 



"299 



JESL'5 OHRISl 



dread ; not from the fear of physical suffer- 
ing, however excruciating, we may well 
believe, but from the contact with the sins of 
the world, of which, in some inconceivable 
way, He felt the bitterness and the weight. 
He did not merely contemplate them, but 
bear and feel them. It is impossible to 
explain this scene in Gethsemane in any 
other way. The disciples have sunk to 
sleep. It was in search of consolation that 
He came back to them. The disciple who 
had been so ready to ask, "Why cannot I 
follow thee now ? " must hear another ques- 
tion, that rebukes his former confidence — 
'* Couldest not thou watch one hour?" 
A second time He departs and wrestles in 
prayer 'with the Father. A second time 
He returns and finds them sleeping. The 
same scene is repeated yet a third time ; and 
tlien all is concluded. Henceforth they 
may sleep and take their rest ; never more 
shall thej'^ be asked to watch one hour with 
Jesus, for His ministry in the flesh is at an 
end. This scene is in complete contrast 
to the Transfiguration (Matt. xxvi. 36— i6 ; 
Mark xiv. 32-42; Luke xxii. 39-46; John 
Kviii. 1). Judas now appeared to complete 
his work. In the doubtful light of torches, 
a kiss from him was the sign to the officers 
whom they should take. Peter, whose 
name is first given in John's Gospel, drew 
a sword and smote a servant of the high- 
priest and cut off his ear ; but his Lord re- 
fused such succor, and healed the wounded 
man. All the disciples forsook Him and 
fled (Matt. xxvi. 47-56 ; Mark xiv. 43-52 ; 
Luke xxii. 47-53 ; John xviii. 2 12). There 
is some difficulty in arranging the events 
that immediately follow, so as to embrace 
all the four accounts. On the capture of 
Jesus he was first taken to the house of 
Annas, the father-in-law of Caiaphas the 
high-priest. It might appear from the 
course of John's narrative, that the exam- 
ination of our Lord, and the first denial of 
Peter, took place in the house of Annas 
(John xviii. 13, 14). But the 24th verse 
is retrospective ; and probably all that oc- 
curred after verse 14 took place not at the 
house of Annas, but at that of Caiaphas. 
The house of the high-priest consisted 
probably, like other Eastern houses, of an 
open central court with chambers round it. 
Into this court a gate admitted them, at 
which a woman stood to open. As Peter 
passed in, the portress took note of him ; 
and afterwards, at the fire which had been 
lighted, asked hira, " Art not thou also one 
'^f this man'-s disciples?" (John). All 
the zeal and boldness of Peter seem to 
have deserted him. He had come as in se- 
cret ; he is determined so to remain, and he 
crenies his Master ! Feeling now the dan- 
ger of his situation, he went out into the 
porch, and there some one, or, looking at 
all the accounts, probably ^several persons, 



ask 2d him the question a second time, ana 
he denied more strongly. About an houi 
after, when he had returned into the court, 
the same question was put to him a third 
time, with the same result. Then the cock 
crew; and Jesus, who was within sight, 
probably in some open room communicat- 
ing with the court, '* turned and looked 
upon Peter. And Peter remembered the 
word of the Lord, how He had said unto 
him, Before the cock crow, thou shalt 
deny Me thrice. And Peter went out and 
wept bitterly" (Matt. xxvi. 57, 58, 69-75; 
Mark xiv. 53, 54, 66-72; Luke xxii. 54-62 ; 
John xviii. 13 18, 24-27). The first inter- 
rogatory to which our Lord was subject 
(John xviii. 19-24) was addressed to Him 
by Caiaphas, probably before the Sanhe- 
drim had time to assemble. It was the 
questioning of an inquisitive person who 
had an important criminal in his pres- 
ence, rather than a formal examinsition. 
The Lord's refusal to answer is thus ex- 
plained and justified. When the more 
regular proceedings begin He is ready to 
answer. A servant of the high-priest, 
knowing that he should thereby please his 
master, smote the cheek of the Son of Gof 
with the palm of his hand. But this wa* 
only the beginning of horrors. At the dawn 
of day the Sanhedrim, summoned by the 
hig]i-priest in the course of the night, as- 
sembled, and brought their band of ialse 
witnesses, whom they must have had ready 
before. These gave their testimony, but 
even before this unjust tribunal it could not 
stand, it was so full of contradictions. At 
last two false witnesses came, and their 
testimony was very like the truth. Even 
these two fell into contradictions. The 
high-priest now with a solemn adjuration 
asks Him whether He is the Christ the Son 
of God. He answers that He is, and fore- 
tells His return in glory and power at the 
last day. Tliis is enough for their purpose. 
They pronounce him guilty of a crime for 
which death should be the punishment 
(John xviii. 19-24 ; Luke xxii. 63-71 ; Matt 
xxvi. 59-68; Mark xiv. 55-65). Although 
they had pronounced Jesus to be guilty of 
death, the Sanhedrim possessed no power 
to carry out such a sentence. As scon as 
it was day they took Him to Pilate, the 
Roman procurator. The hall of judgment, 
or praetorium, was probably a part of the 
tower of Antonia near tixC Temple, where 
the Roman garrison was. Pilate, hearing 
that Jesus was an offender under their law, 
was about to give them leave to treat Him 
accordingly; and this would have made it 
quite safe to execute Him. From the first 
Jesus found favor in the eyes of Pilate, 
and he pronounced that he found no fault 
in Him. Not so easily were the Jews to be 
cheated of their prey. They heaped up ac- 
cusations against Him as a disturber of tb« 



JESUS CBKIST 



300 



JESUS CHRIST 



puhLc peace (Luke xxiii. 5). Filate was 
no match for their vehemence. Finding 
that Jesus was a Galilean, he sent Him to 
Herod to be dealt with; but Herod, after 
cruel mockery and persecution, sent Him 
back to Pilate. Now commenced the fear- 
ful struggle between the Roman procurator, 
a weak as well as cruel man, and the Jews. 
The well-known incidents of the second in- 
terview are soon recalled. After the ex- 
amination by Herod, and the return of 
Jesus, Pilate proposed to release Him, as it 
was usual on the feast-day to release a 
prisoner to the Jews out of grace. Pilate 
knew well that the priests and rulers would 
object to tla= ; but it was a covert appeal to 
the people, The multitude, persuaded by 
the priests, preferred another prisoner, 
called Barabbas. Now came the scourging, 
and the blows and insults of the soldiers, 
who, uttering truth when they were only 
reviling, crowned Him and addressed Him 
as King of the Jews. According to John, 
Pilate now made one more effort for His 
release. He still sought to release Je- 
sus : but the last argument, which had been 
in the minds of both sides all along, was 
now openly applied to him : " If thou let 
this man go, thou art not Caesar's friend." 
This decided the question. He delivered 
Jesus to be crucified (Matt, xxvii. 15-30 ; 
Mark xv. 6-19; Luke xxiii. 17-25; John 
xviii. 39, 40, xix. 1-16). John mentions 
that this occurred about the sixth hour, 
reckoning probably from midnight. In 
Mark the Jewish reckoning from six in the 
morning is followed. One Person alone 
has been calm amidst the excitements of 
that night of horrors. On Him is now laid 
the weight of His cross, or at least of the 
transverse beam of it ; and, with this press- 
ing Him down, they proceed out of the city 
to Golgotha or Calvary, a place the site of 
which is now uncertain. As He began tc 
droop. His persecutors, unwilling to defile 
themselves with the accursed burden, lay 
hold of Simon of Cyrene and compel him 
to carry the cross after Jesus. After offer- 
ing Him wine and myrrh, they crucified 
Him between two thieves. Nothing was 
wanting to His humiliation; a thief had 
been preferred before Him, and two thieves 
share His punishment. Pilate set over Him 
in three languages the inscription, " Jesus, 
the King of the Jews." The chief priests 
took exception to this, that it did not de- 
nounce Him as falsely calling Himself by 
that name, but Pilate refused to alter it. 
One of the two thieves underwent a change 
of heart even on the cross : he reviled at 
first (Matt.) ; and then, at the sight of the 
constancy of Jesus, repented (Luke) (Matt. 
xxvii. ; Mark xv. ; Luke xxiii. ; John xix.). 
In the depths of His bodily suffering, Jesus 
oalmJy commended to John (?), who itood 
oear, the c*re of Mai 7 his mother " Be- 



hold thy son ! behold thy mother." From 
the sixth hour to the ninth there -was dark- 
ness over the whole land. At the nintli hour 
(3 p. M.) Jesus uttered with a loud voice the 
opening words of the 22d Psalm, all the in- 
spired words of which referred to the suffer- 
ing Messiah. One of those present dipped 
a sponge in the common sour wine of the 
soldiers and put it on a reed to moisten the 
sufferer's lips. Again he cried with a loud 
voice, " Itis finished "(John)," Father, into 
tliy hands I commend my spirit" (Luke), 
and gave up the ghost (Matt, xxvii. 31-56; 
Mark' XV. 20-41 ; Luke xxiii. 33-49 ; John 
xix. 17-30). On the death of Jesus the veil 
which covered the most Holy Place of the 
Temple, the place of the more especial pres- 
ence of Jehovah, was rent in twain. There 
was a great earthquake. Many who were 
dead rose from their graves, although they 
returned to the dust again after this great 
token of Christ's quickening power had 
been given to many (Matt.). The Jews, 
very zealous for the Sabbath in the midst 
of their murderous work, begged Pilate 
that he would put an end to the punishment 
by breaking the legs of the criminals that 
they might be taken down and buried be- 
fore the Sabbath, for which they were pre- 
paring (Deut. xxi. 23 ; Joseph. B. J. iv. 5, 
§ 2). Those who were to execute this duty 
found that Jesus was dead and the thieves 
still living. The death of the Lord before 
the others was, no doubt, partly the con- 
sequence of the previous mental suffering 
which He had undergone, and partly be- 
cause His will to die lessened the natural 
resistance of the frame to dissolution. 
Joseph of Arimathea, a member of the 
Council but a secret disciple of Jesus, came 
to Pilate to beg the body of Jesus, that he 
might bury it. Nicodemus assisted in this 
work of love, and they anointed the body 
and laid it in Joseph's new tomb (Matt. 
xxvii. 50-61 ; Mark xv. 37-47 ; Luke xxiii. 
46-56; John xix. 30-42).— Saturday the 
Uth of Nisan {April 8th). The chief 
priests and Pharisees, with Pilate's permis- 
sion, set a watch over the tomb, " lest His 
disciples come by night and steal Him away, 
and say unto the people. He is risen from 
the dead." (Matt, xxvii. 62-66). — S inday 
the nth of Nisan {April 9th). Thj Sal)- 
bath ended at six on the evening of Nisac 
16th. Early the next morning the resur- 
rection of Jesus took place. The exact 
hour of the resurrection is not mentioned 
by any of the Evangelists.. Of the great 
mystery itself, the resumption of life by 
Him who was truly dead, we see but little. 
The women, who had stood by the cross of 
Jesus, had prepared spices on the evening 
before, perliaps to complete the embalming 
of our I/ord's body, already performed in 
haste by Joseph and Nicodemus. They 
came very early on the fiist day of th« 



JETHER 



301 



JEW 



»reek to the Sepulchre. Wlien they arrive 
they find the stone rolled away, and Jesus 
no longer in the Sepulchre. He had risen 
from the dead. Mary Magdalene at this 
point goes back in haste ; and at once, 
believing that the body has been removed 
by men, tells Peter and John that the Lord 
has been taken away. The other women, 
however, go into the Sepulchre, and they 
see an angel (Matt. Mark). The two 
angels, mentioned by St. Luke, are prob- 
ably two separate appearances to different 
members of the group; for he alone men- 
tions an indefinite number of women. They 
now leave the Sepulchre, and go in haste to 
make known the news to the Apostles. As 
they were going, " Jesus met them, saying, 
i.11 hail." The eleven do .lot believe the 
account when they receive it. In the mean 
time Peter and John came to the Septilchre. 
They ran, in tlieir eagerness, and John ar- 
rived first and looked in ; Peter afterwards 
came up, and it is characteristic that the 
awe which had prevented the other disciple 
from going in appears to have been unfelt by 
Peter, who entered at once, and found the 
grave-clothes lying, but not Him who had 
worn them. This fact must have suggested 
that the removal was not the work of human 
hands. They then returned, wondering at 
*rhat they had seen. Mary Magdalene, 
however, remained weeping at the tomb, 
.and she too saw the two angels in the tomb, 
though Peter and John did not. They ad- 
dress her, and she answers, still, however, 
without any suspicion that the Lord is 
risen. As she turns away she sees Jesus, 
but in the tumult of her feelings does not 
even recognize Him at His first address. 
But He calls her by name, and then she 
joyfully recognizes her Master. The third 
appearance of our Lord was to Peter (Luke, 
Paul) ; the fourth to the two disciples going 
to Emmaus in the evening (Mark, Luke) ; 
the fifth in the same evening to the eleven 
as they sat at meat (Mark, Luke, John). 
All of these occurred on the first day of 
the week, the very day of the Resurrec- 
tion. Exactly a week after, He appeared 
to the Apostles, and gave Thomas a con- 
vincing proof of His resurrection (John) ; 
this was the sixth appearance. The seventh 
was in Galilee, where seven of the Apostles 
were assembled, some of them probably 
about to return to their old trade of fishing 
rjohn). The eighth was to the eleven 
(Matt.), and probably to five hundred 
brethren assembled with them (Paul) on 
a mountain in Galilee. The ninth was to 
James (Paul) ; and the last to the Apos- 
tles at Jerusalem just before the Ascension 
(Acts). 

jG'ther. 1. Jethro, the father-in-law 
of Moses (Ex. iv. 18). 2. The first-born 
of Gideon's seventy sons (Judg. viii. 20). 
8. The father of Amasa, captain- general 



of Absalom. 8 army. Jelhei is Lie rely an- 
other form oi Ithra (2 Sam. xvii. 26), the 
latter being probably a corruption. He is 
described in 1 Chr. ii. 17 as an Ishmaelite, 
which again is more likely to be correct 
than the " Israelite " of the Heb. in 2 Sam. 
xvii., or the " Jezreelite" of the LXX. and 
Vulg. in the same passage. 4. The son 
of Jada, a descendant of Hezror, of the 
tribe of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 32). 5. The son 
of Ezra, whose name occurs in a dislocated 
passage in the genealogy of Judah (1 Chr. 
iv. 17). 6. The chief of a family of war- 
riors of the line of Asher, and father of 
Jephunneh (1 Chr. vii. 38). He is probably 
the same as Ithran in the preceding verse 

Je'theth, one of the phylarchs (A. V. 
" dukes ") who came of Esau (Gen. xxxvi, 
40 ; 1 Chr. i. 51). This record of the Edom- 
ite phylarchs may point specially to th«:' 
places and habitations, or towns, named 
after, or occupied by, them. 

Jeth'lah, one of the cities of the tribe of 
Dan (Josh. xix. 42). 

Je'thrO was priest or prince of Midian, 
both offices probably being combined in one 
person. Moses spent the forty years of his 
exile from Egypt with him, and married his 
daughter Zipporah. By the advice of Jeth- 
ro, Moses appointed deputies to judge tht> 
congregation and share the burden of gov- 
ernment with himself (Ex. xviii,). On ac- 
count of his local knowledge he was entreat 
ed to remain with the Israelites throughout 
their journey to Canaan (Num. x. 31, 33). 
It is said in Ex. ii. 18 that the priest of 
Midian whose daughter Moses married way 
Reuel; afterwards at ch. iii. 1 he is called 
Jethro, as also in ch. xviii. ; but in Num. x. 
29 "Hobab the son of Raguel the Midian- 
ite "is apparently called Moses' father-in- 
law (comp. Judg. iv. 11). Some commen- 
tators take Jethro and Reuel to be identical, 
and call Hobab the brother-in-law of Moses. 

Je'tur, Gen. xxv. 15 ; 1 Chr. i. 31, v. 
19. [Itukaea.] 

Je'uel, a chief man of Judah, one of 
the Bene-Zerah (1 Chr. ix. 6; comp. 2). 
[Jeiel.] 

Je'ush. 1. Son of Esau, by Aholiba- 
mah, the daughter of Anah, the son of Ze- 
beon the Hivite (Gen. xxxvi. 5, 14, 18 ; 1 
Chr. i. 35). 2. A Benjamite, son of Bil- 
han (1 Chr. vii. 10, 11). 3. A Gershonite 
I evite, of the house of Shimei (1 Chr. xxUi. 
10, 11). 4. Son of Rehoboam king of Ju- 
dah (2 Chr. xi. 18, 19). 

Je'uz, head of a Benjamite house, in ao 
obscure genealogy (1 Chr. viii. 10), appar- 
ently son of Shaharaim and Hodesh his 
third wife, and born in Moab. 

Jew. This name was properly applied 
to a member of the kingdom of Judah after 
the separation of the ten tribes. The term 
first makes its appearance just before the 
captivity of the ten tribes (2 K. xvi 6) 



JEWEL 



302 



JEZlEi^ 



After the Return the word received a larger 
application. Partly from the predominance 
of the members of the old kingdom of Ju- 
dah among those who returned to Palestine, 
partly from the identification of Judah with 
the religious ideas and hopes of the people, 
all the members of the new state were called 
Jews (Judaeans), and the name was ex- 
tend- 1 to the remnants of the race scattered 
throughcit the nations (Dan. iii. 8, 12 ; Ezr. 
iv. 12, 23, &c. ; Neh. i. 2, ii. 16, v. 1, &c. ; 
E8th. iii 4, ff., &c.). Under the name 
of "Judaeans," the people of Israel were 
known to classical writers (Tac. H. v. 2, 
&c.). The force of the title " Jew " is seen 
particularly in the Gospel of St. John, who 
very rarely uses any other term to describe 
the opponents of our Lord. The name, 
indeed, appeared at the close of the apos- 
tle's life to be the true antithesis to Chris- 
tianity, as describing the limited and defi- 
lite form of a national religion ; but at an 
earlier stage of the progress of the faith, it 
ras contrasted with Greek as implying an 
outward covenant with God (Rom. i. 16, ii. 
9, 10; Col. iii. 11, &c.), which was the 
correlative of Hellenist [Hellenist], and 
marked a division of language subsisting 
within the entire body, and at the same 
time less expressive than Israelite.^ which 
brought out with especial clearness the 
privileges and hopes of the children of Ja- 
•ob ;2 Cor xi. 22 ; John i. 47 ; 1 Mace. i. 
s?>, 53, and often). 

Jew'eL [Precious Stones.] 

Jew'ess, a woman of Hebrew birth, 
»ithnut distinction of tribe (Acts xvi. 1, 
itxiv 24). 

Jew'isll, of or belonging to Jews ; an 
r'pithet applied to their Rabbinical legends 
(^Tit. i. 14). 

Jew'ry, the same word elsewhere ren- 
dered Judah and Judaea. It occurs sev- 
eral times in the Apoc. and N. T., but once 
only in the O. T. (Dan. v. 13). Jewry 
comes to us through the Norman-French, 
and is of frequent occurrence in Old Eng- 
lish. 

Jezani'ah, the son of Hoshaiah, the 
Maachathite, and one of the captains of the 
forces who had escaped from Jerusalem 
during the final attack of the beleaguering 
army of the Chaldaeans. When the Baby- 
lonians had departed, Jezaniah, with the 
men under his command, was one of the 
first who returned to Gedaliah at Mizpah. 
In the events which followed the assassina- 
tion of that officer Jezaniah took a promi- 
nent part (2 K. xxv. 23; Jer. xl. 8, xlii. 1, 
xliii. 2). 

Jezebel, wife of Ahab, king of Israel, 
and mother of Athaliah, queen of Judah, 
and Ahaziah and Joram, kings of Israel. 
She was a Phoenician princess, daughter 
of "Ethhaal king of the Zidonians." In 
her hauda her husband became a mere pup- 



pet (1 K. xxi. 25). The first effect of tin 

influence was the immediate estabUshment 
of the Phoenician worship on a grand scale 
in the court of Ahab. At her table were 
supported no less than 450 prophets of 
Baal, and 400 of Astarte (1 K. xvi. 31, 32. 
xviii. 19). The prophets of Jehovah, who 
up to this time had found their chief refuge 
in the northern kingdom, were attacked by 
her orders and put to the sword (1 K. xviii. 
13; 2 K. ix. 7). When at last the people, 
at the instigation of Elijah, rose against her 
ministers, and slaughtered them at the foot 
of Carmel, and when Ahab was terrified 
into submission, she alone retained her 
presence of mind. The next instance of 
her power is still more characteristic and 
complete. When she found her husband 
cast down by his disappointment at being 
thwarted by Naboth, she took the matter 
into her own hands, with a spirit which re- 
minds us of Clytenmestra or Lady Macbeth 
(1 K. xxi. 7). She wrote a warrant in 
Ahab's name, and sealed it with his seal. 
To her, and not to Ahab, was sent the an- 
nouncement that the royal wishes were ac- 
complished (1 K. xxi. 14), and she bade 
her husband go and take the vacant prop- 
erty ; and on her accordingly fell the proph' 
et's curse, as well as on her husband (1 K. 
xxi. 23). We hear no more of her for a 
long period. But she survived Ahab for 14 
years, and still, as queen-mother (after the 
Oriental custom), was a great personage in 
the court of her sons, and, as such, became 
the special mark for the vengeance of Jehu. 
She was looking out from the window of 
the palace, which stood by the gate of the 
city, as Jehu approached. The new king 
looked up from his chariot. Two or three 
eunuchs of the royal harem showed their 
faces at the windows, and at his command 
dashed the ancient princess down from the 
chamber. She fell immediately in front 
of the conqueror's chariot. The merciless 
destroyer passed on ; and the last remains 
of life were trampled out by the horses' 
hoofs. The body was left in that open 
space called in modern Eastern language 
"the mounds," where oflal is tlu-own from 
the city walls. The dogs of Eastern cities, 
which prowl around these localities, and 
which the present writer met on this ver> 
spot by the modern village which occupies 
the site of Jezreel, pounced upon this un 
expected prey. 

Jeze'lus. 1. The same as J^hazibi. 
(1 Esd. viii. 32). 2. Jehiel, the father 
of Obadiah (1 Esd. viii. 35j. 

Je'zer, tlie third son of Naphtali (Gen. 
xlvi. 24 ; Num. xxvi. 49 ; 1 Chr. vii. 13), 
and father of the family of the Jezekites. 

Jezi'ah, a descendant of Parosh, who 
had married a foreign wife (Ilzr. x. 25). 

Je'ziel, a Benjamite who joined David 
at Ziklag (1 Chr. xu. 3) 



JEZLIAH 



303 



JOAB 



/ezli'ah, a Beniamite of the sons of 
Elpaal (1 Chr. viii/l8). 

Jez'oar, the son of Helah, one of the 
wives of Asher (1 Chr. iv. 7). 

Jezrahi'ah, a Levite, the leader of the 
choristers at the solemn dedication of the 
wall of Jerusalem under Nehemiah (Neh. 
xii. 42). 

Jez'reel, a descendant of the father or 
founder of Et;im, of the line of Judah (1 
Chr. iv. 3). But as the verse now stands, 
we must supply some such word as " fami- 
lies;" "these (are the families of) the fa- 
ther of Etam." 

Jez'reel. 1. a city situated in the 
plain of the same name between Gilboa 
and Little Hermon, now generally called 
Esdraelon. [Esdbaelon.] It appears in 
Josh. xix. 18, but its historical importance 
dates from the reign of Ahab, who chose it 
for his chief residence. The situation of 
the modern village of Zerin still remains 
to show the fitness of his choice. In the 
neighborhood, or within the town probably, 
were a temple and grove of Astarte, with an 
establishment of 400 priests supported by 
Jezebel (1 K. xvi. 33; 2 K. x. 11). The 
palace of Ahab (1 K. xxi. 1, xviii. 46), 
probably containing his "ivory house" (1 
K. xxii. 39), was on the eastern side of the 
city, forming part of the city wall (comp. 1 
K. xxi. 1 ; 2 K. ix. 25, 30, 33). The se- 
raglio, in which Jezebel lived, was on the 
vity wall, and had a high window facing 
eastward (2 K. ix. 30). Close by, if not 
f<irming part of this seraglio, was a watch- 
y)wer, on which a sentinel stood, to give 
•otice of arrivals from the disturbed district 
beyond the Jordan (2 K. ix. 17). An an- 
cient square tower which stands among the 
hovels of the modern village may be its 
representative. The gateway of the city on 
the east was also the gateway of the palace 
(2 K. ix. 34). Whether the vineyard of 
Naboth was here or at Samaria is a doubt- 
ful question. Still in the same eastern 
direction are two springs, one 12 minutes 
from the town, the other 20 minutes. The 
latter probably both from its size and situa- 
tion, was known as '* the Spring of Jez- 
reel" (mistranslated A. V. " a fountain," 
I Sam. xxix. 1). With the fall of the house 
of Ahab the glory of Jezreel departed. 2. 
A town in Judah, in the neighborhood of 
»;he southern Carmel (Josh. xv. 56). Here 
David m his wanderings took Ahinoam the 
Israelitess for his first wife (1 Sam. xxvii. 
8. XXX. 5). 3. The eldest son of the 
prophet Hosea (Hos. i. 4). 

Jez'reeiitess. A woman of Jezreel 
(1 Sam. xxvii. 3, xxx. 6 ; 2 Sam. ii. 2, iii. 
2; 1 Chr. iii. 1). 

Jib'sam, one of the sons of Tola, the 
t in of Issachar (1 Chr. vii. 2). 

Jid'laph, asonof Nahor (Gen. xxii. 22). 

Jjtn'xia, the firstborn of Asher TNum. 



xxvi. 44). He is elsewhere called in tut 
A. V. JiMNAH (Gen. xlvi. 17) and Imnah 

(1 Chr. vii. 30). 

Jira'nah = Jimna = Imnah (Gen. xlvL 
17). 

Jim'nites, The, descendants of th^ 
preceding (Num. xxvi. 44). 

Jiph'tah, one of the cities of Judah in 
the maritime lowland, or Shefelah (Josh. 
XV. 43). It has not yet been met with. 

Jiph'thah-el, The Valley of, a val- 
ley which served as one of the landmarks 
for the boundary both of Zebulun (Josh. 
xix. 14) and Asher (27). Dr. Robinson 
suggests that Jiphthah-el was identical with 
Jotapata, and that they survive in the mod- 
ern Jefat, a village in the mountains of 
Galilee, half way between the Bay of Acre 
and the Lake of Gennesareth. 

Jo'ab, the most remarkable of the three 
nephews of David, the children of Zeniiah, 
David's sister. Their father is unknown, 
but seems to have resided at Bethlehem, 
and to have died beforajiis sons, as we find 
mention of his sepulchr«e at that place (2 
Sam. ii.32). Joab first appears after Da- 
vid's accession to the throne at Hebron. 
Abner slew in battle Asahel, the youngei 
brother of Joab ; and when David after- 
wards received Abner into favor, Joa> 
treacherously murdered him. [Abner. 
There was now no rival left in the way of 
Joab's advancement, and at the sifge o' 
Jebus he was appointed for his prowess 
commander-in-chief — " captain of the 
host " — the same office that Abner had held 
under Saul, the highest in the state aftei 
the king (1 Chr. xi. 6 ; 2 Sam. viii. 16). In 
this post he was content, and served the 
king with undeviating fidelity. In the wide 
range of wars which David undertook, Joab 
was the acting general. He was called by 
the almost regal title of "Lord" (2 Sam. 
xi. 11), " the prince of the king's army" 
(1 Chr. xxvii. 34.) 1. His great war wa« 
against the Ammonites, which he conducted 
in person. It was divided into three cam- 
paigns. At the siege of Rabbah, in the last 
campaign, the ark was sent with him, and 
the whole army was encamped in booths o* 
huts round the beleaguered city (2 Sam. xi. 
1, 11). Joab took the lower city on the 
river, and then sent to urge David to 
come and take the citadel (2 Sam. xii. 20- 
28). 2. The services of Joab to the king 
were not confined to these military achieve- 
ments. In the entangled relations which 
grew up in David's domestic life, he bore 
an important part, (a) The first occasion 
was the unhappy correspondence which 
passed between hiiu and the king during 
the Ammonite war respecting Uriah the 
Hittite (2 Sam. xi. 1-25.) (6) The next 
occasion on which it was displayed was iB 
his successful endeavor to reinstate Absa- 
lom in David's favor, after the uiurder o/ 



JOAH 



304 



JOASH 



Ajnnon (2 Sam. xiv. 1-20) (c) The same 
keen sense of his master's interests ruled 
the con-duct of Joab no less, when the rela- 
tions of the father and sou were reversed 
by the successful revolt of Absalom. His 
former intimacy with the prince did not im- 
pair his fidelity to the king. He followed 
him beyond the Jordan, and in the final 
battle of Ephraim assumed the responsibil- 
ity of taking the rebel prince's dangerous 
life in spite of David's injunction to spare 
him, and when no one else had courage to 
act so decisive a part (2 Sam. xviii. 2, 11- 
15). The king transferred the command 
to Amasa. (d) Nothing brings out more 
Btroiigly the good and bad qualities of Joab 
than his conduct in this trying crisis of his 
nistory. With his own guard and the 
mighty men under Abishai he went out in 
pursuit of the remnants of the rebellion. In 
the heat of pursuit, he encountered his rival 
Amasa, more leisurely engaged in the same 
quest. At "the great stone" in Gibeon, 
tlie cousins met. Joab's sword was at- 
tached to his girdle ; by design or accident 
it protruded from the sheath ; Amasa rushed 
into the treacherous embrace, to which Joab 
invited him, holding fast his beard by his 
own right hand, whilst the unsheathed 
sword in his left hand plunged into Amasa's 
stomach ; a single blow from that practised 
arm, as in the case of Abner, sufficed to do 
its work. 3. There :s bomething mournful 
in the end of Joab. At the close of his long 
life, his loyalty, so long unshaken, at last 
wavered. " Though he had not turned 
after Absalom he turned after Adonijah " 
(1 K. ii. 28). This probably filled up the 
measure of the king's long-cherished re- 
sentment. The revival of the pretensions 
of Adonijah after David's death was suffi- 
tient to awaken the suspicions of Solomon. 
Joab fled to the shelter of the altar at Gib- 
son, and was there slain by Benaiah. 

Jo'ah. 1. The son of Asaph, and 
chronicler, or keeper of the records, to 
Hezekiah (Is. xxxvi. 3, 11, 22). 2. The 
son or grandson of Zimraah, aGershonite (1 
Chr. vi. 21). 3. The third son of Obed- 
edom (1 Chr. xxvi. 4), a Korhite, and one 
of the doorkeepers appointed by David. 
4. A Gershonite, the son of Zimmah, and 
father of Eden (2 Chr. xxix. 12). 5. The 
son of Joahaz, and keeper of the records, 
or annalist to Josiah (2 Chr. xxxiv. 8). 

Jo'ahaz, the father of Joah, the chron- 
icler or keeper of the records to king Josiah 
(2 Chr. xxxiv. 8). 

Joan'na. 1. Son of Rhesa, according 
V3 the text of Luke iii. 27, and one of the 
ancestors of Christ. But according to the 
view explained in a previous article, son of 
Zerubbabel, and the same as Hananiah in 
I Chr. iii. 19. 2. The name of a woman, 
occurring twice in Luke (viii. 3, xxiv. 10), 
but evidently denoting the same person. In 



the first passage she is expressly stated to 
have been " wife of Chuza, steward of 
Herod," that is, Antipas, tetrarch of Galilee. 
Jo'asll, contr. from Jehoash. 1. Son 
of Ahaziah, king of Judah, and the onU 
one of his children who escaped the mur- 
derous hand of Athaliah. After his father's 
sister Jehoshabeath, the wife of J^hoiada 
tlie high-priest, had stolen him from among 
the king's sons, he was hidden fcr six years 
in the chambers of the Temple. In the 7th 
year of his age and of his conceahnent, n 
successful revolution, conducted by Jehoi- 
ada, placed him on the throne of his ances- 
tors, and freed the country from ^he tyr- 
anny and idolatries of Athaliah. For at 
least 23 years, while Jehoiada lived, this 
reign was very prosperous. But, after the 
death of Jehoiada, Joash fell into the hands 
of bad advisers, at \Vhose suggestion he re- 
vived the worship of Baal and Ashtaroth. 
When he was rebuked for this by Zecha- 
riah, the son of Jehoiada, Joash caused him 
to be stoned to death in the very court of 
the Lord's house (Matt, xxiii. 35). The 
vengeance imprecated by the murdered high- 
priest was not long delayed. That very 
year, Hazael king of Syria came up against 
Jerusalem, and carried off a vast booty a^ 
the price of his departure. Joash had 
scarcely escaped this danger, when he fell 
into another and fatal one. Two of his sei"- 
yants, taking advantage of his severe illness, 
— some think of a wound received in bat- 
tle, — conspired against him, and slew him 
in his bed in the fortress of Millo. Joash's 
reign lasted 40 years, from 878 to 838 b. c. 
2. Son and successor of Jehoahaz on the 
throne of Israel from b. c. 840 to 825, and 
for two full years a contemporary sovereign 
with the preceding (2 K. xiv. 1, comp. with 
xii. 1, xiii. 10). When he succeeded to 
the crown, the kingdom was in a deplorable 
state from the devastations of Hazael and 
Benhadad, kings of Syria. On occasi^fl 
of a friendly visit paid by Joash to Elisha 
on his death-bed, the prophet promised him 
deliverance from the Syrian yoke in Aphek 
(1 K. XX. 26-30). He then bade him smite 
upon the ground, and the king smote thrice 
and then stayed. The prophet rebuked 
him for staying, and limited to three his 
victories over Syria. Accordingly Joasb 
did beat Benhadad three times on the field 
of battle, and recovered from him the cities 
which Hazael had taken from Jehoahaz. 
Tlie other great military event of Joash's 
reign was his successful war with Araaziah 
king of Judah. The grounds of this war are 
given fully in 2 Chr. xxv. The '.wo armies 
met at Beth-shemesh ; that of .Toash was 
victorious, put the army of Amaziah to the 
rout, took him prisoner, brought him to 
Jerusalem, broke down the wall of Jeni- 
sal'^m, and plundered the city. He died in 
I the 15th year of Amaziah king of Judah, 



JOATHAM 



30b 



JOB 



and iras succeeded by his son Jeroboam II. 
3. The father of Gideon, and a wealthy 
man among the Abiezrites (Judg. vi. II, 
29, 30, 3i, vii. 14, viii. 13, 29, 32). 4. 
Api)arently a younger son of Ahab, who 
held a subordinate jurisdiction in the life- 
time of his father, or was appointed viceroy 
(2 Chr. xviii. 25) during his absence in the 
attack on Kamoth-Gilead (1 K. xxii. 26 ; 2 
Chr xviii. 25). Or he may have been 
merely a prince of the blood-royal. 5. A 
descendant of Shelah the son of Judah, but 
whether his son or the son of Jokim, is not 
clear (1 Chr. iv. 22). 0. ABenjamite, son 
of Shemaahof Gibeah (1 Chr. xii. 3), who 
resorted to David at Ziklag. 7. One of 
the officers of David's household (1 Chr. 
xxvii. 28). 8. Son of Becher, and head 
of a Benjamite house (1 Chr. vii. 8). 

Jo'athani = Jotham the son of Uzziah 
(Matt. i. 9). 

Job, the third son of Issachar (Gen. 
xlvi. 13), called in another genealogy 
Jashcb (1 Chr. vii. 1). 

Job, the patriarch, the name of one of 
the books of the O. T. His residence in 
the land of Uz, which took its name from a 
son of Aram (Gen. x. 23), or Nahor (Gen. 
xxii. 21), marks him as belonging to a 
branch of the Aramaean race, which had 
settled in the lower part of Mesopotamia 
(probably to the south or south-east of Pal- 
estine, in Idumaean Arabia), adjacent to 
the Sabaeans and Chaldaeans. The opin- 
ions of Job and his friends are thus pecu- 
liarly interesting as exhibiting an aspect of 
the patriarchal religion outside of the family 
of Abraham, and as yet uninfluenced by 
the legislation of Moses. The form of 
worship belongs essentially to the early 
patriarchal type ; with little of ceremonial 
ritual, without a separate priesthood, it is 
thoroughly domestic in form and spirit. 
Job is represented as a chieftain of im- 
mense wealth and high rank, blameless in 
all the relations of life. 1. One question 
could be raised by envy ; may not the good- 
ness which secures such direct and tangi- 
ble rewards be a refined form of selfish- 
ness ? Satan, the accusing angel, suggests 
the doubt, " Doth Job fear God for nought ? " 
and asserts boldly that if those external 
blessings were withdrawn, Job would cast 
off his allegiance — "he will curse thee to 
thj. face." Tlie problem is thus distinctly 
propounded which this book is intended 
to discuss and solve. Can goodness exist 
irrespective of reward? The accuser 
receives permission to make the trial. He 
destroys Job's property, then his children; 
and afterwards, to leave no possible open- 
ing for a cavil, is allowed to inflict upon 
him the most terrible disease known in the 
East. Job's wife breaks down entirely 
mder the trial. Job remains steadfast. 
He repels his wife's suggestion with the 
20 



simple words, ''What! shall we receive 
good at the hand of the Lord, and shall we 
not receive evil?" "In all this Job did 
not sin with his lips." The question raised 
by Satan was thus answered. 2. Still it if 
clear that many points of deep hiterest 
would have been left in obscurity. Entire 
as was the submission of Job, he mui^t have 
been inwardly perplexed by events to which 
he had no clew. An opportunity fctr the 
discussion of the providential government 
of the world is aiforded by the introduction 
of three men, representing the wisdom and 
experience of the age, who came to condole 
with Job on hearing of his misfortunes. 
The meeting is described with singular 
beauty. At a distance they greet him with 
the wild demonstrations of sympathizing 
grief usual in the East; coming near they 
are overpowered by the sight of his wretch- 
edness, and sit seven days and seven nights 
without uttering a word. This awful si- 
lence drew out all his anguish. In an ago- 
ny of desperation he curses the day of his 
birth. With the answer to this outburst 
begins a series of discussions, continued 
probably with some intervals, during sever- 
al successive days. The results of 1\\q first 
discussion (from ch. iii.-xiv.) may be thus 
summed up. We have on the part of Job's 
friends a theory of the divine government 
resting upon an exact and uniform correla- 
tion between sin and punishment (iv. 6, 11, 
and throughout). Afflictions are always pe- 
nal, issuing in the destruction of those wlio 
are radically opposed to God, or who do not 
submit to His chastisements. They lead of 
course to correction and amendment of life 
when the sufierer repents and turns to Goa. 
Still the fact of the suffering always proves 
the commission of some special sin. These 
principles are applied by them to the case of 
Job. In order to do justice to the position 
and arguments of Job, it must be borne in 
mind, that the direct object of the trial was. 
to ascertain whether he would deny or for-- 
sake God, and that his real integrity is as-- 
serted by God Himself. He denies the 
assertion that punishment follows surely on . 
guilt, or proves its commission. Still he^ 
doubts not that God is just. There remains ■ 
then but one course open to him, and that; 
he takes. He turns to supplication, im- 
plores God to give him a fair and open trial, 
(xiii. 18-28). Believing that with death alli 
hope connected with this world ceases, he 
prays that he may be hidden in the grave 
(xiv. 13), and there reserved for the day- 
when God will try his cause and manifest 
himself in love (ver. 15). In the second' 
discussion (xv.-xxi.) there is a more reso- 
lute, elaborate attempt on the part of Job's, 
friends to vindicate their theory of retribu- 
tive justice. Eliphaz (xv.), who, as usual, 
lays down the basis of the argument, does> 
jaot now hesitate to in^pute to Job the worst- 



JOB 



3Ut) 



JOB 



i:rime« of whic i man could be guilty. Bil- 
dad (xviii.) takes up this suggestion of un- 
godliness, and concludes that the special 
evils which had come upon Job are pecu- 
liarly the penalties due to one who is with- 
out God. Zophar n yc only accounts for 
Job's present calamities, but menaces him 
«rith still gi'eater evils (xx.). In answer, 
Job recognizes the hand of God in his af- 
flictions (xvi. 7-16, and xix. 6-20), but re- 
jects the charge of ungodliness ; he has 
never forsaken his Maker, and never ceased 
to pray. He argues that since in this life 
the righteous certainly are not saved from 
evil, it follows that their ways are watched 
and their sufferings recorded, with a view 
to a future and perfect manifestation of the 
divine justice. On tlie other hand, stung 
by the harsh and narrow-minded bigotry of 
bis opponents. Job draws out (xxi.) with 
terrible force the undeniable fact, that from 
the beginning to the end of their lives, un- 
godly men, avowed atheists (vers. 14, 15), 
persons, in fact, guilty of the very crimes 
imputed, out of mere conjecture, to him- 
self, frequently enjoy great and unbroken 
prosperity. In the third dialogue (xxii.- 
xxxi.) no real progress is made by Job's 
opponents. Eliphaz (xxii.) makes a last 
effort. The station in which Job was for- 
merly placed presented temptations to cer- 
tain crimes ; the punishments which he un- 
dergoes are precisely such as might be 
expected had those crimes been committed ; 
iience lie infers they actually were commit- 
t^d. In his two last discourses Job does 
not alter his position, nor adduce any new 
argumL„^, but he states with incomparable 
force and eloquence the chief points which 
he regards as established (xxvi.). Then 
follows (xxviii.) the grand description of 
Wisdom. The remainder of this discourse 
(xxix.-xxxi.) contains a singularly beauti- 
ful description of his former life,. contrasted 
with his actual misery, together with a full 
vindication of his character from all the 
charges made or insinuated by his opponents. 
After this long discussion between Job and 
his three friends, Elihu, a young man, who 
had listened in indignant silence to the ar- 
guments of his elders (xxxii. 7), now ad- 
dresses himself (xxxii. -xxxvii.) to both 
parties in the discussion, and specially to 
,l<»b. He shows that they had accused Job 
ui)on false or insufficient grounds, and failed 
to convict liim or to vindicate God's justice. 
Job again had assumed his entire inno- 
cence, and had arraigned that justice. 
Jehovah at length appears in the midst of 
a storm, and in language of incomparable 
grandeur He reproves and silences the mur- 
murs of Job. He rebuket? tlie opponents 
of J'jb, and vindicates the integrity of the 
pati larch. The restoration of Job's exter- 
nal prosperity, which is the result of God's 
{>ersunal nraniffostaliou, symbo lizes the ulti- 



mate compensation of the righteous for aD 
sufferings undergone upon earth. The 
great object of the book must surely b^ 
that which is distinctly intimated in the in- 
troduction, and confirmed in the conclusion, 
to show the effects of calamity in its worst 
and most awful form upon a truly reiigioua 
spirit. Integrity of the hook. — Four part* 
of the book have been most generally at- 
tacked. Objections have been made to th« 
introductory and concluding chapters : 1. 
On account of the style. Of course tliere 
is an obvious and natural difference be- 
tween the prose of the narrative and the 
highly poetical language of the colloquy. 
Yet the best critics now acknowledge that 
the style of these portions is quite as an- 
tique in its simple and severe grandeur, aa 
that of the Pentateuch itself. It is said again 
that the doctrinal views are not in harmony 
with those of Job. This is wholly un- 
founded. The form of worship belongs 
essentially to the early patriarchal type. 
2. Strong objections are made to the pas- 
sage xxvii. from ver. 7 to the end of the 
chapter. Here Job describes the ultimate 
fate of the godless hypocrite in terms which 
some critics hold to be in direct contradic- 
tion to the whole tenor of his arguments in 
other discourses. The fact of the contra- 
diction is denied by able writers, who have 
shown that it rests upon a misapprehension 
of the patriarch's character and fundamen- 
tal principles. The whole chapter is thor- 
oughly coherent : tlie first part is admitted 
by all to belong to Job ; nor can the rest b* 
disjoined from it without injury to the sense 
As for the style, M. Renan, a most compe- 
tent authority in a matter of taste, declaref 
that it is one of the finest developments in 
the poem. 3. The last two chapters of the 
address of tVe Almighty have been rejected 
as interpolations by many writers, partly 
because of an alleged inferiority of style, 
partly as not having any bearing upon the 
argument. 4. The speech of Elihu pre- 
sents greater difficulties, and has been re- 
jected by several, whose opinion, however, 
is controverted not only by orthodox writers, 
but by some of the most sceptical commen- 
tators. The former support their decision 
chiefly on the manifest, and to a certain ex- 
tent the real, difference between this and 
other parts of the book in tone of thought, 
in doctrinal views, and more positively in 
language and general style. Much stress 
also is laid upon the facts that Elihu is not 
mentioned in the introduction nor at the 
end, and that his speech is unanswered by 
Job, and unnoticed in the final address of 
the Almighty. A candid and searching 
examination, however, leads to a different 
conclusion. It is proved that there is a 
clo'^e internal connection between this and 
other parts of tlie look; there are refer- 
ences to numerous passage* in the dii» 



JOB 



30i 



JOB 



jourses of .fob and his friends, so covert 
ao only to be discovered by close inquiry, 
yet, wben pointed out, so striking and nat- 
ural as to le ive no room for doubt. Elihu 
supplies exactly ^^hat Job repeatedly de- 
anands — a confutation of his opinions by 
rational and human arguments. There is 
uo difficulty in accounting for the omission 
of Elihu's name in the introduction. No 
persons are named in the book until they 
appear as agents, or as otherwise concerned 
in the events. Again, the discourse, being 
substantially true, did not need correction, 
and is therefore left unnoticed in the final 
decision of the Almighty. More weight is 
to be attached to the objection resting upon 
diversity of style and dialectic peculiari- 
ties. It may be accounted for on the sup- 
position that the Chaldaic forms and idioms 
are such as peculiarly suit the style of the 
young and fiery speaker. Historical char- 
acter of the work. — Three distinct theories 
have been maintained at various times ; 
some believing the book to be strictly his- 
torical ; others a religious fiction ; others a 
composition based upon facts. By some 
the authorship of the work was attributed 
to Moses. The fact of Job's existence, and 
the substantial truth of the narrative, were 
not likely to be denied by Hebrews or 
Christians, considering the terms in which 
the patriarch is named in the 14:th of Eze- 
kiel and in the Epistle of St. James (v. 11). 
Luther first suggested the theory, which, 
in some form or other, is now most gener- 
ally received. He says, " I look upon the 
book of Job as a true history, yet I do not 
believe that all took place just as it is writ- 
tea, but that an ingenious, pious, and learned 
man brought it into its present form." The 
■probable age, country, and position of the 
author. — The date of the book is doubt- 
ful, and there have been many theories 
upon the subject. The language approaches 
far more nearly to the Arabic than any 
other Hebrew production. On the other 
hand, there are undoubtedly many Aramaic 
words, and grammatical forms, which some 
critics have regarded as a strong proof that 
the writer must have lived during, or even 
after, the captivity. This hypothesis is now 
universally given upas untenable; and it 
has been proved that these Aramaisms are 
such as characterize the antique and highly 
poetic style. It may be regarded as a set- 
tled point that the book was written long 
^lefcre the exile ; while there is absolut<.'ly 
!ji thing to prove a later date than the Pen- 
"^atcuch. This impression is borne out by 
the style. All critics have recognized its 
grand archaic charader. Job is far more 
reuiarkable for obscurity than any Hebrew 
writing;. Ewald, whose judgment in this 
case wiil not be questioned, asserts very 
positively that in all tin? descriptions of 
cpauners and customs, douiestic, pocial, 



and political, and even in the indirect allu- 
sions and illustrations, the genuine coloring 
of the age of Job, that is, of the period be 
tween Abraham and Moses, is very faith- 
fully observed ; that all historical examples 
and allusions are taken exclusively from 
patriarchal times, and that there is a ::;om- 
plete and successful avoidance of direct 
reference to later occurrences, which in big 
opinion may have been known to the wri- 
ter. All critics concur in extolling the 
fresh, antique simplicity of manners de- 
scribed in this book, the genuine air of the 
wild, free, vigorous life of the desert, the 
stamp of hoar antiquity, and the thorough 
consistency in the development of charac- 
ters, equally remarkable for originality 
and force. These considerations lead of 
course to the conclusion that the book must 
have been written before the promulgation 
of the Law, by one speaking the Hebrew 
language, and thoroughly conversant with 
the traditions preserved in the family of 
Abraham. One hypothesis which has been 
lately brought forward, and supported by 
very ingenious arguments, deserves a more 
special notice. That supposition is, that 
Job may have been written after the settle- 
ment of the Israelites by a dweller in the 
south of Judaea, in a district immediately 
bordering upon the Idumean desert. The 
local coloring, so strikingly characteristic 
of this book, and so evidently natural, is 
just what might be expected from such a 
writer. The people appear also to have 
been noted for freshness and originality of 
mind ; qualities seen in the woman of Te- 
koah, or still more remarkably in Amos, 
the poor and unlearned herdman, also of 
Tekoah. Some weight may also be attached 
to the observation that the dialectic peculi- 
arities of Southern Palestine, especially the 
softening of the aspirates and exchanges of 
the sibilants, resemble the few divergencies 
from pure Hebrew which are noted in the 
book of Job. The controversy about the 
authorship cannot ever be finally settled. 
From the introduction it may certainly be 
inferred that the writer lived many years 
after the death of Job. From the strong- 
est internal evidence it is also clear that he 
must either have composed the work be- 
fore the Law was promulgated, or under 
most peculiar circumstances which exempt- 
ed him from its influence. The total ab- 
sence of any allusion, not only to the Mo- 
saic Law, but to the events of the Exodus, 
the fame of which must have reached the 
country of Job, on any hypothesis respect- 
ing its locality, is a strong argument for 
the early age of the patriarch and the book. 
Jo'bab. 1. The last in order of the 
sons of Joktan (Gen. x. 29 ; 1 Chr. i. 23). 
2. One of the "kings" of Edom (Gen. 
xxxvi. 33, 34; 1 Chr. i. 44, 45). 3. King 
of Madon ; pne of the northern chieftains 



jrOCHEBED 



308 



JOHN THE .P( STLE 



irlio atteiDfted to oppose Joshua's con- 
quest, and were routed by him at Meron 
(Josh. xi. 1, only). 4. Head of a Benja- 
mite house (1 Chr. viii. 10). 

Joeh'ebed, the wife and at the same 
time the aunt of Amram, and the motlier 
of Moses and Aaron (Ex. ii. 1, vi. 20; 
Num. xxvi. 59). 

Jo'ed, a Benjamite, the son of Pedaiah 
rNeh. xi, 7). 

Jo'el. 1. Eldest son of Samuel the 
prophet (1 Sam. viii. 2 ; 1 Chr. vi. 33, xv. 
IT), and father of Heman the singer. 2. 
In 1 Chr. vi. 36, A. V., Joel seems to be 
merely a corruption of Shaul in ver. 24. 
3, The second of the twelve minor prophets, 
the son of Pethuel, probably prophesied in 
Judah in the reign of Uzziah. We find, 
what we should expect on the supposition 
of Joel being the first prophet to Judah, 
only a grand outline of the whole terrible 
scene, which was to be depicted more and 
more in detail by subsequent prophets. 
The proximate event to which the prophe- 
cy related was a public calamity, then im- 
pending on Judah. of a twofold charac- 
ter: want of water, and a plague of lo- 
custs, continuing for several years. The 
prophet exhorts the people to turn to God 
with penitence, fasting, and prayer; and 
then (he says) the plague shall cease, and 
the rain descend in its season, and the land 
yield her accustomed fruit. Nay, the time 
will be a most joyful one ; for God, by the 
outpouring of His Spirit, will extend the 
blessings of true religion to heathen lands. 
The prophecy is referred to in Acts ii. 4. 
A Simeonite chief (1 Chr. iv. 35). 5. A 
descendant of Reuben. Junius and Tre- 
mellius make him the son of Hanoch, while 
others trace his descent through Carmi (1 
Chr. V. 4). 6. Chief of the Gadites, who 
dwelt in the land of Bashan (1 Chr. v. 12). 
7. The son of Izrahiah, of the tribe of Is- 
sachar (1 Chr. vii. 3). 8. The brother of 
Nathan of Zobah (1 Chr. xi. 38), and one 
of David's guard. 9. The chief of the 
Gershomites in the reign of David (1 Chr. 
XV. 7, 11). 10. A Gershonite Levite in the 
reign of David, son of Jehiel, a descendant 
of Laadan, and probably the same as the 
preceding (1 Chr. xxiii. 8, xxvi. 22). 11. 
The son of Pedaiah, and a chief of the 
hall-tribe of Manasseh, west of Jordan, in 
the reign of David (1 Chr. xxvii. 20). 12. 
A Kohathite Levite in the reign of Hezeki- 
ah (2 Chr. xxix. 12). 13. One of the sons 
of Nebo, who returned with Ezra, and had 
married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 43). 14. 
The son of Ziehri, a Benjamite (Neh. xi. 

^). 

Joe'lah, son of Jeroham of Gedor (1 
r^hr. xii. 7). 

Joe'zer, a Korhite, one of David's cap- 
'Ains (1 Chr. xii. 6). 

Jog'behah, one of the cities on the 



east of Jordan which were built and fortl 
fied by tlie tribe of Gad wlien they took 
possession of their territory (N\im. xxxii. 
35;. 

Jog'li, the father of Bukki, a Danite 
chief (Num. xxxiv. 22). 

Jo 'ha. 1. One of the sons of Betiah> 
the Btnjamite (1 Chr. viii. 16). 2. The 
Tizite, one of David's guard (1 Chr. xi, 
45). 

Joha'nan. 1. Son of Azariah, and 
grandson of Ahimaaz the son of Zadok, 
and father of Azariah, 3 (1 Chr. vi. 9, 10, 
A. v.). We may conclude without much 
doubt that Johanan's pontificate fell in the 
reign of Rehoboara. 2. Son of Elioenai, 
the son of Neariah, the son of Shemaiah, in 
the line of Zerubbabel's heirs (1 Chr. iii. 
24). 3. The son of Kareah, and one of 
the captains of the scattered remnants of 
the army of Judah, who escaped in the 
final attack upon Jerusalem by the Chal- 
deans. After the murder of Gedaliah, Jo- 
hanan was one of the foremost in the pui- 
suit of his assassin, and rescued the cap- 
tives he had carried off from Mizpah ( Jei . 
xii. 11-16). Fearing the vengeance of the 
Chaldeans, the captains, with Johanan a.l 
their head, notwithstanding the warnings 
of Jeremiah, retired into Egypt. 4. The 
first-born son of Josiah king of Judah (1 
Chr. iii. 15). 5. A valiant Benjamite who 
joined David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 4). 6. 
A Gadite warrior, who followed David (1 
Chr. xii. 12). 7. The father of Azariah, 
an Ephraimite in the time of Ahaz (2 Chr. 
xxviii. 12). 8. The son of Hakkatan, and 
chief of the Bene-Azgad who returned with 
Ezra (Ezr. viii. 12). 9. The son of Elia- 
shib, one of the chief Levites (Neh. xii. 
23 ; Ezr. x. 6). 10. The son of Tobiah 
the Ammonite (Neh. vi. 18). 

John, the same name as Johanan, a con- 
traction of Jehohanan, "Jehovah's gift." 
1. The father of Mattathias, and grand- 
father of the Maccabaean family (1 Mace, 
ii. 1.). 2. The eldest son of Mattathias 
surnamed Caddis, who was slain by '* the 
children of Jambri " (1 Mace. ii. 2, ix. 36- 
38). 3. The father of Eupolemus, one of 
the envoys whom Judas Maccabaeus sent 
to Rome (1 Mace. viii. 17; 2 Mace. iv. 
11). 4. The son of Simon, the brother of 
Judas Maccabaeus (1 Mace. xiii. 63, xvi. 
1). 5. One of the high-priest's family, 
who, with Annas and Caiaphas, eat in judg- 
ment upon the Apostles Peter and Jihn 
(Acts iv. 6). 6. The Hebrew name of the 
Evangelist Mark (Acts xii. 12, 25, xiii. 6, 
13, XV. 37). 

John the Apostle was the son of 
Zebedee, a fisherman on the Lake of Gali- 
lee, and of Salome, and brother of James, 
also an apostle. He was probably youngei 
than his brother, whose name commonly 
precedes hi^a /'Matt. iv. 21. x. 3, xvii ] 



JOHN THE APOSTLE 



309 



JOHN THE BAPTIST 



fcc ). younger than his friend Peter, possi- 
bly also than his Master. His call, and 
that of his brotlier, to be first disciples and 
then apostles of our Lord, are related un- 
der James. Peter and James and John 
come witliin the innermost circle of their 
Lord's friends. Peter is throughout the 
leader of that band ; to John belongs the 
jet more memorable distinction of being 
the disciple whom Jesus loved. He hardly 
sustains the popular notion, fostered by the 
received types of Christian art, of & nature 
gentle, yielding, feminine. The name Bo- 
anerges (Mark iii. 17) implies a vehemence, 
zf^al, intensity, which gave to those who had 
it tho might of Sons of Thunder. [James.] 
The three are with Him when none else are, 
in the chamber of death (Mark v. 37), in the 
glory of the transfiguration (Matt. xvii. 1), 
when he forewarns them of the destruction 
of the Holy City (Mark xiii. 3, Andrew, in 
this instance, with them), in the agony of 
Gethsemane. When the betrayal is accom- 
plished, Peter and John, after the first mo- 
ment of confusion, follow afar oflf, while the 
others simply seek safety in a hasty flight 
(John xviii. 15). The personal acquaint- 
ance whicli existed between John and Caia- 
phas enabled him to gain access both for 
himself and Peter, but the latter remains in 
ihe porch, with the officers and servants, 
while John himself apparently is admitted 
to the council-chamber, and follows Jesus 
thence, even to the praetorium of the Ro- 
man Procurator (John xviii. 16, 19, 28). 
Thence he followed, accompanied probably 
by his own mother, Mary the mother of 
Jesus, and Mary Magdalene, to the place 
of crucifixion. The Teacher who had been 
to him as a brother leaves to him a brother's 
duty. He is to be as a son to the mother 
who is left desolate (John xix. 26, 27). 
The sabbath that followed was spent, it 
would appear, in the same company. He 
receives Peter, in spite of his denial, on the 
old terms of friendship. It is to them that 
Mary Magdalene first runs with the tidings 
of the emptied sepulchre (John xx. 2); 
they are the first to go together to see what 
the strange words meant. Not without 
some bearing on their respective characters 
18 the fact that John is the more impetuous, 
running on most eagerly to the rock-tomb ; 
Peter, the least restrained by awe, the first 
to enter in and look (John xx. 4-6). For 
at least eight days they continued in Jeru- 
salem (John XX. 26). Then, in the interval 
between the resurrection and the ascension, 
we find them still together on the sea of 
Gralilee (John xxi. 1). Here too there is a 
Dharacteristic difference. John is the first 
to recognize in the dim form seen in the 
cnorning twilight the presence of his risen 
Lord; Peter the first to plunge into the 
water and swim towards the shore where 
17? «itood calling U* them (John xxi. 7). 



The last words of the Gospel reveal to us 
the deep affection which united the two 
friends. It is not enough for Peter to know 
his own future. That at once suggests the 
question, " And what shall this man do? " 
(John xxi. 21). The history of the Acts 
shows the same union. They are of course 
together at the ascension and on the day of 
Pentecost. Together they enter the Tem- 
ple as worshippers (Acts iii. 1) and protest 
against the threats of the Sanhedrim (iv. 
13). The persecution which was pushed on 
by Saul of Tarsus did not drive him or any 
of the apostles from their post (viii. 1). 
The sharper though shorter persecution 
which followed under Herod Agrippa 
brought a great sorrow to him in the ma,r- 
tyrdora of his brother (Acts xii. 2). Hi? 
friend was driven to seek safety in flight. 
Fifteen years after St. Paul's first visit he 
was still at Jerusalem, and helped to take 
part in the settlement of the great contro- 
versy between the Jewish and the Gentile 
Christians (Acts xv. 6). His subsequent 
history we know only by tradition. There 
can be no doubt that he removed from 
Jerusalem and settled at Ephesus, though 
at what time is uncertain. Tradition goes 
on to relate that in the persecution under 
Domitian he is taken to Rome, and there, 
by his boldness, though not by death, gains 
the crown of martyrdom. The boiling oil 
into which he is thrown has no power to 
hurt Mm. He is then sent to labor in the 
mines, and Patmos is the place of his exile. 
The accession of Nerva frees liim from 
danger, and he returns to Ephesus. Here- 
sies continue to show themselves, but he 
meets them with the strongest possible pro- 
test. The very time of his death lies with- 
in the region of conjecture rather than of 
history, and the dates that have been as- 
signed for it range from a. d. 89 to a. d. 
120. 

JollZl the Baptist was of the priestly 
race by both parents, for his father Zacha- 
rias was himself a priest of the course of 
Abia, or Abijah (1 Chr. xxiv. 10), offering 
incense at the very time when a son was 
promised to him; and Elizabeth was of 
the daughters of Aaron (Luke 1. 5). His 
birth — a birth not according to the ordi- 
nary laws of nature, but through the mirac- 
ulous interposition of almighty power — 
was foretold by an angel sent from God, 
and is related at length in the first chaptei 
of the Gospel of St. Luke. The birth of 
John preceded by six months that of our 
Lord. John was ordained to be a Nazarite 
from his birth (Luke i. 15). Dwelling by 
himself in the wild and thinly peopled 
region westward of the Dead Sea, he pre- 
pared himself for the wonderful office to 
which he had been divinely called. The 
very appearance of the holy Baptist was of 
itself a lesson to his countrymen; hi" dresi 



JOUN THE BAPTIST 



310 



JOHN. GOSPEL OF 



*«i that of the old prophets — a garment 
roven of camel's hair (2 K. i. 8^ , attached 
lo the body by a leathern girdle. His 
food was such as the desert aflbrded — 
locusts (Lev. xi. 22) and wild honey (Ps. 
Ixxxi. 16). And now the long secluded 
hermit came forth to the discharge of his 
office. His supernatural birth — his hard 
ascetic life — his reputation for extraordina- 
ry sanctity — and the generally prevailing 
expectation that some great one was about 
to ai)pear — these causes, without the aid 
of miraculous power, for "John did no 
miracle " (John x. 41), were sufficient to at- 
tract to him a great multitude from *' every 
quarter" (Matt. iii. 5). Brief and startling 
was his first exhortation to them, " Repent 
ye, for the kingdom of heaven is at hand." 
Many of every class pressed forward to 
confess their sins and to be baptized. The 
preparatory baptism of John was a visible 
sign to the people, and a distinct acknowl- 
edgment by them, that a hearty renuncia- 
tion of sin and a real amendment of life 
were necessary for admission into the king- 
dom of heaven, which the Baptist pro- 
claimed to be at hand. But the fundamen- 
tal distinction between John's baptism unto 
repentance, and that baptism accompanied 
with the gift of the Holy Spirit which our 
Lord afterwards ordained, is clearly marked 
by John himself (Matt. iii. 11, 12). Jesus 
himself came from Galilee to Jordan to be 
baptized of John. [Jesus.] From inci- 
dental notices we learn that John and his 
disciples continued to baptize some time 
after our Lord entered upon his ministry 
(see John iii. 23, iv. 1; Acts xix. 3). We 
gather also that John instructed his disci- 
ples in certain moral and religious duties, 
as fasting (Matt. ix. 14; Luke v. 33) and 
prayer (Luke xi. 1). But shortly after he 
had given his testimony to the Messiah, 
John's public ministry was brought to a 
close. In daring disregard of the divine 
laws, Herod Antipas had taken to himself 
the wife of his brother Philip ; and when 
John reproved him for this, as well as for 
other sins (Luke iii. 19), Herod cast him 
into prison. The place of his confinement 
was the castle of Machaerus — a fortress 
on the eastern shore of the Dead Sea. It 
was here that reports reached him of 
the miracles which our Lord was working 
in Judaea. Respecting the message which 
Jolin sent to our Saviour, see Jesus, p. 294. 
Nothmg but the death of the Baptist would 
satisfy the resentment of Herodias. A 
court festival was kept at Machaerus in 
honor of the king's birthday. After sup- 
per, tho daughter of Herodias came in and 
danced before the company, and so charmed 
was the king by her grace that he promised 
with an oath to give her whatsoever she 
should ask. Saiome, prompted by her 
%bAn(/r)nt:il m th^r, demanded the head if 



John the Baptist. Herod gave instructiona 
to an officer of his guard, who went and 
executed John in the prison, an.l his head 
was brought to feast the eyes of the adul- 
teress whose sins he had denounced. His 
death is supposed to have occurred jusi 
before the third passover, in the course ol 
the Lord's ministry. 

John, Gospel of. No doubt ha^ btes 
entertained at any time in the Church, 
either of the canonical authority of tYlt 
Gospel, or of its being written by St. John. 
Ephesus and Patmos are the two places 
mentioned by early writers as the place 
where this gospel was written ; and the 
weight of evidence seems to preponcieiate 
in favor of Ephesus. The Apostle's sojourn 
at Ephesus probably began after St. Paul's 
Epistle to the Ephesians was written, i- e. 
after a. d. 62. Eusebius specifies the 
fourteenth year of Domitian, i. e. a. d. 95, 
as the year of his banishment to Patmos. 
Probably the date of the Gospel may lie 
about midway between these two, abou? 
A. D. 78. After the destruction of Jerusa 
lem A. D. 69, Ephesus probably became th« 
centre of the active life of Eastern Christen 
dom. It contained a large church of faith 
ful Christians, a multitude of zealous Jews, 
an indigenous population devoted to the 
worship of a strange idol whose image wat. 
borrowed from the East, its name frou' 
the West. The Gospel was obviously ad- 
dressed primarily to Christians, not to 
heathens. There can be little doubt that 
the main object of St. John, who wrote 
after the other Evangelists, is to supple- 
ment their narratives, which were almost 
confined to our Lord's life in Galilee. [See 
further, Gospel.] The following is an 
abridgment of its contents : A. The Pro- 
logue, i. 1-18. B. Tfie History,!. 19-xx. 29. 
a. Various events relating to our Lord'e 
ministry, narrated in connection with seven 
journeys, i. 19-xii. 50 : 1. First journey, 
into Judaea and beginning of his ministry, 
i. 19-ii. 12. 2. Second journey, at the 
Passover in the first year of His ministry, 
ii. 13-iv. 3. Third journey, in the second 
year of His ministry, about the Passover, 
V. 4. Fourth journey, about the Passover, 
in the third year of His ministry, beyond 
Jordan, vi. 5. Fifth journey, six months 
before his death, begun at the Feast of 
Tabernacles, vii.-x. 21. 6. Sixth journey, 
about the Feast of Dedication, x. 22-42. 7. 
Seventh journey in Judaea towards Beth 
any, xi. 1-54. 8. Eighth journey, before His 
last Passover, xi. 55-xii. h. History of lh« 
death of Christ, xiii.-xx. 29. 1. Preparation 
for His Passion, xiii.-xvii. 2. The circum- 
stances of His Passion and Death, xviii., 
xix. 3. His Resurrection, and the j roofs of 
it, XX. 1-29. C. The Conclusion, nx. 30- 
xxi. : 1. Scope of the foregoing his' *ry, xx 
30, 31. 2. Confirmation of the aut> ntv o/ 



JOH^ EPISTLES Ul- 



311 



JUKTIlEEi^ 



ihe Evangelist by additional histo/ical facts, 
and by the testimony of tlie elders of the 
Church, xxi. 1-21:. 3. Reason of the ter- 
mination of the his^tory, xxi. 25. 

John, The First Epistle General 
of. There can be no doubt that the Apos- 
tle John was the author of this Epistle. 
Like tlie Gospel it was probably writtea 
from Ejjhesus, and most likely at the close 
■rf the first century. It was primarily meant 
for the churches of Asia under St. John's 
ir.spection, to whom he had already orally 
delivered his doctrine (i. 3, ii. 7). In the 
Introduction (i. 1-1) the Apostle states the 
purpose of his Epistle. It is to declare the 
Word of life to those whom he is address- 
ing, in order that he and they might be 
anited in true communion with each other, 
and with God the Father, and liis Son Jesus 
Christ. The first part of the Epistle may 
be considered to end at ii. 28. The Apostle 
begins afresh with the doctrine of sonship 
or communion at ii. 29, and returns to the 
name theme at iv. 7. His lesson through- 
out is, that the means of union with God 
are, on the part of Christ, his atoning blood 
(i- 7, ii. 2, iii. 5, iv. 10, 14, v. 6) and advo- 
cacy (ii. 1) — on the part of man, holiness, 
(i. 6), obedience (ii. 3), purity (iii. 3), 
faith (iii. 23, iv. 3, v. 5), and above all love 
(ii. 7, iii. 14, iv. 7, v. 1). There are two 
doubtful passages in this Epistle, ii. 23, 
" But he that acknowledgeth the Son hath 
the Father also," and v. 7, " For there are 
tlirpe tliat bear record in heaven, the Father, 
the Word, and the Holy Ghost, and these 
tlirte are on 2." It would appear without 
doubt that they are not genuine. 

John, The Second and Third 
Epistles of. These two Epistles are 
placed by Eusebius in the class of " dis- 
puted " books, and he appears himself to 
be doubtful whether they were written by 
the Evangelist, or by some other John. 
The evidence of antiquity in their favor is 
not very strong, but yet is considerable. 
In the 5th century they were almost uni- 
versally received. The title and contents 
of the Epistles are strong arguments 
against a fabricator, whereas they would 
account for their non-universal reception 
in early times. The Second Epistle is ad- 
dressed iy.XsxT^ xvQiu. An individual wo- 
man who had children, and a sister and 
nieces, is clearly indicated. "Whether her 
name is given, and if so, what it is, has 
been doubted. According to one interpre- 
tation she is " the Lady Electa," to another, 
" the elect Kyria," to a third, " the elect 
Lady." The English version is probably 
right, though liere too we should have ex- 
petted the article. The Third Epistle is 
addressed to Gaius or Caius. We have no 
rea.8on for identifying him with Caius of 
Macedoina (Acts xix. 29), or with Caius of 
Derbo TAct* xx. 4 ., o- with Caius of Cor- 



intli (Rom. xvi. 23; 1 Cor. i. 14), or wltfi 
Ciiius Bishop of Ephesus, or with (^aiua 
Bishop of Thessalonica, or with Caius 
Bi.shop of Pergamos. He was probalily a 
convert of St. John (Ep. iii. 4), ar..! a lay- 
man of wealth and distinction (Ep. iii. 5) 
in some city near Ephesus. The ooj^rt of 
St. John in writing the Second Epistle w«s 
to warn the lady to whom he wrote against 
abetting the teaching known as that of Ba- 
silides and his followers, by perliapd as 
undue kindness displayed by her towards 
the preachers of the false doctrine. The 
Third Epistle was written for tlie purpos*' 
of commending to the kindness and hospi- 
tality of Caius some Christians who werp 
strangers in the place where he lived. It 
is probable that these Christians carried 
this letter with them to Caius as their in- 
troduction. 

Joi'ada, high-priest after his father EIj- 
ashib (Neh. xiii. 28). 

Joi'akim, a high-priest, son of the re- 
nowned Jeshua (Neh. xii. 10). 

Joi'arib. 1. A layman who returaed 
from Babylon with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 16). 2. 
The founder of one of the courses of 
priests, elsewhere called in full Jehoiari* 
(Neh. xii. 6, 19). 3. A Shilonite — t. e. 
probably a descendant of Shelah the Bcm 
of Judah (Neh. xi. 5). 

Jok'.deam, a city of Judah, in the 
mountains (Josh. xv. oQ), apparently south 
of Hebron. 

Jo'kim, one of the sons of Shelah the 
son of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 22), of whom 
nothing further is known. 

Jok'meam, a city of Ephraim, given 
with its suburbs to the Kohathite Levites 
(1 Chr. vi. 68). The situation of Jokmeam 
is to a certain extent indicated in 1 K. iv. 
12, where it is named with places which we 
know to have been in the Jordan valley at 
the extreme east boundary of the tribe. 

Jok'neam, a city of the tribe of Zebu- 
lun, allotted with its suburbs to the Mera- 
rite Levites (Josh. xxi. 34). Its modem 
site is Tell Kaimon, an eminence which 
stands just below the eastern terminatioo 
of Carrael. 

Jok'shan, a son of Abraham and Ketu- 
rah (Gen. xxr. 2, 3 ; 1 Chr. i. 32), whose 
sons were Sheba and Dedan. 

Jok'tan, son of Eber (Gen. x. 25; i 
Chr. i. 19), and the father of the Joktanit€ 
Arabs. Scholars are agree 1 in placing the 
settlements of Joktan in the so,ith of tlip 
peninsula. Tlie original limits are st-ited 
in the Bible : " their dwe'Ung was from Me- 
sha, as thou goest unto Sephar, t mount of 
the East" (Gen. x. 30). The ancestor of 
tlie great southern peoples was called Kih- 
tan, who, say the Arabs, was the same aa 
Joktan. 

Jok'theel. 1. A city in the low coui* 
try of Judah (Josl xv. 38), named next u 



JONA 



812 



JONATHAN 



La^hi&b. 2. "God-subdued," the title 
^iven by Aruaziah to the cliff (A. V. Selah) 
— the stronghold of the Edomites — after 
he liai captured it from them (2 K. xiv. 7). 
Tho ijarallel narrative of 2 Chr. xxv. 11-13 
supplies fuller details. 

Jo'na, the father of the Apostle Peter 
(John i. 42), who is hence addressed as 
Bimon liarjona (t. «. son of Jona) in Matt. 
zvi. 17. 

Jon'adab. 1. Son of Shimeah and 
ttfphew of David. He is described as 
** very subtil" (2 Sam. xiii. 3). His age 
naturally made him the friend of his cousin 
A.mnon, heir to the throne (2 Sam. xiii. 3). 
He gave him the fatal advice for insnaring 
hij sister Tamar (5, 6). Again, when, in a 
kitsr stage of the same tragedy, Amnon 
was murdered by Absalom, and the exag- 
gerated report readied David that all the 
princes were slaughtered, Jonadab was al- 
ready aware of the real state of the case 
(2 Sum. xiii. 32, 33). 2. Jer. xxxv. 6, 8, 
10, 14, 16, 18, 19. [Jehonadab.] 

Jo'nah, the fifth of the Minor Prophets, 
according to the order of our Bible, was 
the son of Amittai, and a native of Gath- 
hepher, a town of Lower Galilee in Zebu- 
hm (2 K. xiv. 25). He hved after the 
reign of Jehu, when the losses of Israel (2 
K. x. 32) began ; and probably not till the 
latter part of the reign of Jeroboam II. 
The general opinion is, that Jonah was the 
first of the prophets. The king of Nine- 
veh at this time is supposed to have been 
Pul, who is placed b. c. 750. Our English 
Bibk gives b. c. 862. Having already, as 
it seems, prophesied to Israel, he was sent 
to Nineveh. The time was one of political 
revival in Israel ; but ere long the Assyr- 
ians were to be employed by God as a 
scourge upon them. The prophet shrank 
from a commission which he felt sure 
would result (iv. 2) in the sparing of a 
hostile city. He attempted therefore to es- 
cape to Tarshish. The providence of God., 
however, watched over him, first in a 
•torm, and then in his being swallowed by 
a large fish for the space of three days and 
three nights. [On this subject see art. 
WhaI/E.] After his deliverance, Jonah ex- 
ecuted his commission; and the king, " be- 
iieving him to be a minister from the su- 
preme deity of the nation," and having 
heard of his miraculous deliverance, ordered 
a general fast, and averted the threatened 
j'Ud^racnt. But tlie prophet, not from per- 
sonal, but national feelings, grudged the 
mercy shown to a heathen nation. He was 
theref >re taught, by the significant lesson 
of the " gourd," whose growth and decay 
brought the truth at once home to him, that 
lie was sent to testif}' by deed, as other 
prophets would afterwards testify by word, 
the capacity of Gentiles for salvation, and 
the design of God to make them partakers 



of it. This was "the sign of the prophet 
Jonas " (Luke xi. 29, 30). But the resiu> 
rection of Christ itself was also shadowed 
forth in the history of the prophet (Matt, 
xii. 39, 41, xvi. 4). The ndssion of Jonah 
was highly symbolical. The facts con- 
tained a concealed prophecy. The old tradi- 
tion made the burial-place of Jonah to he 
Gathhepher : the modern tradition places it 
at Nebi-Yunus, opposite Mosul. 

Jo'nail, son of Eliakim, in the gemaV 
ogy of Christ (Luke iii. 30). 

Jo'nas. 1. The prophet Jonah (Matt 
xii. 39, 40, 41, xvi. 4). 2. Father of Peter 
(John xxi. 15-17). [Jona.] 

Jon'athan, tliat is, " the gift of Jeho- 
vah," the eldest son of king Saul. He was 
regarded in his father's lifetime as heir to 
the throne. Like Saul, he was a man of 
great strength and activity (2 Sam. i. 23). 
He was also famous for the peculiar martial 
exercises in which his tribe excelled — arch- 
ery and slinging (1 Chr. xii. 2). His bow 
was to him what the spear was to his father : 
" the 5ow of Jonathan turned not back * 
(2 Sam. i. 22). It was always about him 
(1 Sam. xviii. 4, xx. 35). His life may be 
divided into two main parts. 1. The war 
with the Philistines, commonly called, from 
its locality, "the war of Mich mash " (1 
Sam. xiii. 21). The Philistines were still 
in the general command of the country; an 
officer was stationed at Geba, either the 
same as Jonathan's position or close to it. 
In a sudden act of youthful daring Jona- 
than slew this officer, and thus gave tlie 
signal for a general revolt. But it was t 
premature attempt. The Philistines poured 
in from the plain, and the tyranny became 
more deeply rooted than ever. From this 
oppression, as Jonathan by his former act 
had been the first to provoke it, so now he 
was the first to deliver his people. Witli- 
out communicating his project to any one, 
except the young man, whom, like all the 
cMefs of that age, he retained as his armor- 
bearer, he sallied forth from Gibeah to at- 
tack the garrison of the Pliilistine* stationed 
on the otlier side of the steep defile of 
Michmash (xiv. 1). A panic seized the 
garrison, thence spread to the camp, and 
thence to the surrounding hordes of marau- 
ders ; an earthquake combined with tb<> 
terror of the moment. Saul and his little 
band had watched in astonishment the wild 
retreat from the heights of Gibeah : he now 
joined in the pursuit. Jonathan had no* 
heard of the rasli curse (xiv. 24) which 
Saul invoked on any one who ate before th«» 
evening, and he tasted the honey which lay 
on the ground as they passed through th« 
forest. Jephthah's dreadful sacrifice would 
have been repeated; but the people inter- 
posed in behalf of the hero of that greui 
day ; and Jonathan was saved (xiv. 24-4*^. 
2. But tlie chief interest of bit i/^ee* ii 



JONATH-ELEM-RECHOKIM 



313 



JCJRDAN 



li rived from the friendship with David, 
irhich began on the day of David's return 
from the victory over the champion of Gath, 
and continued till his death. Their last 
uieeting was in the forest of Ziph, during 
Saul's pursuit of David (1 Sam. xxiii. 16- 
18). From this time forth we hear no 
tnore till the battle of Gilboa. In that battle 
hfc fell, with his two brothers and his father, 
ind liis C3rpse shared their fate (1 Sam. 
txxi. 2, 8). His ashes were buried first 
tX Jibesh-Gilead (t6. 13), but afterwards 
removed with those of his father to Zelah 
'n Benjamin (2 Sam. xxi. 12). The news 
«f liis death occasioned the celebrated elegy 
of David. He left a son, Mephibosheth. 
[Mephibosheth.] 2. Son of Shimeah 
brother of Jonadab, and nephew of David 
(2 Sam. xxi. 21 ; 1 Chr. xx. 7). Like Da- 
vid, he engaged in a single combat, and 
slew a gigantic Philistine of Gath (2 Sam. 
xxi. 21). 3. The son of Abiathar, the 
high-priest, is the last descendant of Eli 
of whom we hear anything. He appears 
cm the day of David's flight from Absalom 
(2 Sam. XV. 36, xvii. 15-21), and on the 
day of Solomon's inauguration (1 K. i. 42, 
43). 4. The son of Shage the Hararite (1 
Chr. xi. 34; 2 Sam. xxiii. 32). He was 
one of David's heroes. 5. The son, or de- 
scendant, of Gershom the son of Moses 
(Judg. xviii. 30). [Micah.] 8. One of 
the Bene-Adin (Ezr. viii. 6). 7. A priest, 
the son of Asahel, in the time of Ezra 
(Ezr. X. 15). 8. A priest of the family of 
Melicu. in the days of Joiakim, son of 
Jeshua (Neh. xii. 14. 9. One of the sons 
of Kareah, and brother of Johanan (Jer. 
xl. 8). He was one of the captains of the 
army who had escaped from Jerusalem in 
the final assault by the Chaldeans, and 
with his brother Johanan resorted to Geda- 
liah at Mizpah : from that time we hear 
nothing more of him. 10. Son of Joiada, 
and his successor in the high-priesthood 
(Neh. xii. 11, 22, 23). 11. Father of 
Zechariah, a priest who blew the trumpet 
at the dedication of the wall (Neh. xii. 35.) 
12. 1 Esdr. viii. 32. [See No. 6.] 

Jo'nath-elem-re'chokim, "a dumb 
iove of (in) distant places," a phrase found 
once only in the Bible as a heading to the 
66th psalm. Aben Ezra, who regards Jo- 
natk Mem Rechokim as merely indicating 
the modulation or the rhythm of the psalm, 
appears to come the nearest to the mean- 
ing of the passage. 

Jop'pa, or Japho, now Jaffa, a town 
ou the S. W. coast of Palestine, in the por- 
tion of Dan (Josh. xix. 46). Having a har- 
bor attaclied to it — though always, as still, 
a dangerous one — it became the port of 
Jerusalem in the days of Solomon, and has 
been ever since. Here Jonah "took ship 
to flee from the presence of his Maker." 
Here, on the house-top of Simon the tan- 



ner, " by the seaside," St. Peter nad hlf 
vision of tol< trance (Acts xi. 5). The ex 
isting town contains about 4000 inhabitant*. 

Jo 'rah, the ancestor of a family of 113 
who returned from Babylon with Ezra (Ezr. 
ii. 18). In Neh. vii. 24 he appears utdei 
the name Hariph, or more correctly tb^ 
same family are represented as the Btne- 
Hariph. 

Jo'rai. One of the Gadites dwelling to 
Gilead in Bashan, in the reign of Jothan 
king of Judah (1 Chr v. 13). 

Jo'ram. 1. Son of Ahab; king of 
Israel (2 K viii. 16, 25, 28, 29 ; ii. 14, 17, 
21-23, 29). [Jehoram, 1.] 2. Son of 
Jehoshaphat ; king of Judah (2 K. viii. 21, 
23, 24 ; 1 Chr. iii. 11 ; 2 Chr. xxii. 5, 7 ; 
Matt. i. 8). [Jehoram, 2.] 3. A priest 
in the reign of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 
8). 4. A Levite, ancestor of Shelomith in 
the time of David (1 Chr. xxvi. 25). 5. Son 
of Toi, king of Hamath (2 Sam. viii. 10). 
[Hadoram.] 6. 1 Esd. i. 9. [Jozabad, 3.] 

Jor'dan, the one river of Palestine, has 
a course of little more than 200 miles, from 
the roots of Anti-Lebanon to the head of 
the Dead Sea. It is the river of the " greai 
plain " of Palestine — the " Descender "— 
if not " the river of God " in the book ol 
Psalms, at least that of His chosen peopl* 
throughout their history. There were ford* 
over against Jericho, to which point the 
men of Jericho pursued the spies (Josh. ii. 
7; comp. Judg. iii. 28). Higher up, per- 
haps over against Succoth, some way abora 
where the little river Jabbok {ZerJca) enten 
the Jordan, were the fords or passages of 
Bethbarah (probably the Bethabara of the 
Gospel), where Gideon lay in wait for the 
Midianites (Judg. vii. 24), and where the 
men of Gilead slew the Ephraimites (xii. 
6). These fords undoubtedly witnessed 
the first recorded passage of the Jordan in 
the O. T. (Gen. xxxii. 10). Jordan was 
next crossed, over against Jericho, by Josh 
ua the son of Nun (Josh. iv. 12, 13). 
From their vicinity to Jerusalem the lowei 
fords were much used; David, it is proba- 
ble, passed over them in one iritauce to 
fight the Syrians (2 Sam. x. 17) ; and Bnl> 
sequently, when a fugitive himself, in his 
way to Mahanaim (xvii. 22) on the east 
bank. Thus the;e were two customary 
places at which the Jordan was fordable ; 
and it must have been at one of these, if 
not at both, that baptism was afterwards ad- 
ministered by St. Jolin, and by the disci- 
ples of our Lord. Where our Lord was 
baptized is not stated expressly ; but it wa* 
probably at the upper ford. These forda 
were rendered so much the more precious 
in those days from two circumstances- 
First, it does not appear that there were 
then • any bridges thrown over, or boats 
regularly established on, the Jordan ; and 
secondly, because ".Jordan ov<=rfl< w^d all 



JORIM 



314 



JOSEPH 



Hia banks all the time of hai rest " (Josh. 
iii. 15). The channel or bed of the river 
became brimful, so that the level of the 
water and of the banks was then the same. 
The last feature which remains to be noticed 
in the Scriptural account of the Jordan is 
its frequent mention as a boundary : " over 
Jordan," "this," and "the other side," or 
" beyond Jordan," were expressions as fa- 
uixliar to the Israelites as "across the wa- 
ter," "tliis," and "the other side of the 
Channel," are to English ears. In one 
sense indeed, that is, in so far as it was the 
eaatern boundary of the land of Canaan, it 
vrua the eastern boundary of the promised 
land (Num. xxxiv. 12). The Jordan rises 
from several sources near Panium {£d- 
nids), and passes through the lakes of 
Merom (HAleh) and Gennesaret. The two 
principal features in its course are its de- 
scent and its windings. From its fountain- 
tain heads to the Dead Sea, it rushes down 
one continuous inclined plane, only broken 
t)y a series of rapids or precipitous falls. 
Between the lake of Gennesaret and the 
Dead Sea there are 27 rapids ; the depres- 
sion of the lake of Gennesaret below the 
level of the Mediterranean is 653 feet ; and 
that of the Dead Sea 1316 feet. Its sinu- 
osity is not so remarkable in the upper part 
of its course. The only tributaries to the 
Jordan below Gennesaret are the Yarmuk 
(Hieromax) and the Zerka (Jabbok). Not 
a single city ever crowned the banks of the 
Jordan. Still Bethshan and Jericho to the 
W., Gerasa, Pella, and Gadara to the E. of 
It, were important cities, and caused a good 
deal of traffic between the two opposite 
banks. The physical features of the Ghor, 
through which the Jordan flows, are treated 
of under Palestine. 

Jo'rirQ, son of Matthat, in the geneal- 
og)'' of Christ (Luke iii. 29). 

Jor'koam, either a descendant of Caleb 
the son of Ilezron, or the name of a place 
in the tribe of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 44). 

Jos'abad. Properly Jozabad, the 
Gederathite, one of the warriors of Ben- 
jamin who joined David at Ziklag (1 Chr. 
xii. 4). 

Jos'apliat = Jehoshaphat king of Ju- 
dah (Matt. i. 8). 

Jo'se, son of Eliezer, in the genealogy 
of Jesus Christ (Luke iii. 29). 

Jos'edecll = Jehozabak the son of 
Seraiah (Hag. i. 1, 12, 14, ii. 2, 4 ; Zeca. 
vi. 11). 

Jo'seph. 1. The elder of the two sons 
of Jacob by Rachel, is first mentioned when 
a youth, seventeen years old. Jacob seems 
then to have staid at Hebron with the 
aged Isaac, while his sons kept his flocks. 
Joseph, wo read, brought the evil report of 
his brethren to his father, and they hated 
him because his father loved him more than 
them, as the " son of his old age," and had 



shown his preference by maki jg him a dr esf 
which appears to have been a long tunif 
with sleeves, worn by youths and maidens 
of the richer class (Gen. xxxvii. 2). The 
hatred of Joseph's brethren was increased 
by his telling of a dream foreshowing 
that they would bow down to him, whicb 
was followed by another of the same import 
They had gone to Shecliem to feed the fleck ; 
and Joseph was sent thither from the vale of 
Hebron by his father to bring him word )1 
their welfare and that of the flock. They 
were not at Shechem, but were gone to 
Dotlian, which appears to have been not 
far distant, pasturing their flock hke tiie 
Arabs of the present day, wherever the 
wild country was unowned. On Joseph's 
approach, his brethren, except Reuben, re- 
solved to kill him ; but Reuben saved him-, 
persuading them to cast him into a dry pit, 
to the intent that he might restore him t( 
his father. Accordingly, when Joseph wa.' 
come, they stripped him of his tunic and 
cast him into the pit, "and they sat down 
to eat bread ; and they lifted up their eyes 
and looked, and, behold, a company ol 
Ishmeelites came from Gilead with their 
camels." Judah suggested to his brethren 
to sell Joseph to the Ishmeelites, and ac- 
cordingly tliey took him out of the pit antS 
sold him "for twenty [shekels] of silver" 
(ver. 28). His brethren pretended to Jacob 
that Joseph had been killed by some wild 
beast, taking to him the tunic stained with 
a kid's blood. The Midianites sold Joseph 
in Egypt to Potiphar, "an officer of Pha- 
raoh, captain of the executioners, an Egyp 
tian" (xxxix. 1 ; comp. xxxvii. 36). Josepii 
prospered in the house of the Egyptian, 
who, seeing that God blessed Mm, and 
pleased with his good service, "set him 
over his house, and all [that] he had he 
gave into his hand" (xxxix. 4, comp. 5). 
His master's wife, with the well-known 
profligacy of the Egyptian women, tempted 
him, and failing, charged him with the 
crime she would have made him commit. 
Potiphar, incensed against Joseph, cast him 
into prison, where he remained for at least 
two years, and perhaps longer. In the 
prison, as in Potiphar's luaise, Josepn wai? 
found worthy of complete trust, and the 
keeper of the prison pla^'cd everything 
under his control. After a while. Pharaoh 
was incensed against two of his officers, 
" the chief of the cup-bearers " and the 
"chief of the bakers," and cast ihem into 
the prison where Joseph was. Each dreamed 
a prophetic dream, which Joseph interpret- 
ed. "After two years," Joseph's deliver- 
ance came. Pharaoh dreamed two pro- 
phetic dreams. "He stood by the rive* 
[the Nile]. And, beliold, coming up oxl\ 
of the river seven kine [or 'heifeis'}. 
beautiful in appearance and fat-fleshed: 
and they fed in the marsh-irra'>8. And. bo 



F 



JOSEPH 



315 



JCBEPfl 



hold, seven other kine coming up after 
tlieiD out of the river, evil in appearance, 
and lean-fleshed " (xli. 1-3). These, after- 
wards described still more strongly, ate up 
the first seven, and yet, as is said in the 
second account, when they had eaten them 
remaiaed as lem as before (xli. 1-4, 17-21). 
Then Pharaoh had a second dream : "Be- 
hold, seven ears of corn coming up on one 
■talk, fat [or ' full,' ver. 22] and good. 
And, behold, seven ears, thin and blasted 
rith the east wind, sprouting forth after 
them" (ver. 5, 6). These, also described 
more strongly in the second account, de- 
voured the first seven ears (ver. 5-7, 22- 
24). In the morning Pharaoh sent for the 
"scribes" and the "wise men," and they 
were unable to give him an interpretation. 
Then the chief of tlie cup-bearers remem- 
bered Joseph, and told Pharaoh how a 
young Hebrew, " servant to the captain of 
tlie executioners," had interpreted his and 
his fellow-prisoner's dreams. " Then Pha- 
raoh sent and called Joseph, and they made 
him hasten out of the prison : and he shaved 
[himself], and changed his raiment, and 
came unto Pharaoh" (ver. 14). The king 
then related his dreams, and Joseph, when 
he had disclaimed human wisdom, declared 
to him that they were sent of God to fore- 
warn Pharaoh. There was essentially but 
one dream. Both kine and ears symbolized 
years. There were to be seven years of 
great plenty in Egypt, and after them seven 
years of consuming and "very heavy fam- 
ine." On the interpretation it may be 
remarked, that the kine represented the 
animal products, and the ears of corn the 
vegetable products, the most important 
object in each class representing the whole 
class. Having interpreted the dream, Jo- 
seph counselled Pharaoh to choose a wise 
man and set him over the country, in order 
that he should take the fifth part of the 
produce of the seven years of plenty against 
the years of famine. To this liigh post the 
king appointed Joseph, made him not only 
governor of Egypt, but second only to the 
sovereign. He also " gave liim to wife 
Asenath daughter of Potipherah, priest [or 
' prince '] of On." Joseph's first act was to 
go throughout all the land of Egypt. Dur- 
ing the seven plenteous years there was a 
very abundant produce, and he gathered 
the fifth part, as he had advised Pharaoh, 
and laid it up. Before the year of famine I 
Asenath bare Joseph two sons. When the 
iov(m ^ood years had passed, the famine 
b<'gau i^Gen. xli.. 54-57). Famines are 
not very unfreqnent in the history of 
E&yp^ [Famine.] After the famine had 
lasted for a time, apparently two years, 
Joseph gathered up all the money that | 
was found in the land of Egypt, and in 
the land of Canaan, for the corn which 
khey bought ; and Joseph brought the , 



Egypt, Jacob and 
land of Goshen 
country. Here 



money inio Pharaoh's house xlvii. IS, 14) 
When all the money of Epyjit and Ca- 
naan was exhausted, biirter became n« ceS' 
sary. Joseph then obtained all the cattle of 
Egypt, and in the next year, all the land, 
except tliat of the priests, and aj-parently, 
as a consequence, the Egyptians themselves. 
He demanded, however, only a fifth part 
of the produce as Pliaraoh's right. Earl/ 
in the time of famine, which prevaileo 
equally in Canaan and Egypt, Jacob re- 
proved his helpless sons, and sent them to 
Egypt, where he knew there was corn to be 
bought. Benjamin alone he kept with him. 
Joseph was now governor, an Egyptian in 
habits and speech. His brethren did not 
know him, grown, from the boy they ha '3 
sold, into a man. Joseph remembered hii< 
dreams, and behaved to them as a stranger, 
using, as we afterwards learn, an inter- 
preter, and spoke hard words to them, and 
accused them of being spies. In defending 
themselves they spoke of their household. 
The whole story of Joseph's treatment of 
his brethren is so graphically told in Gen 
xlii.-xlv., and is so familiar, tliat it is unne- 
cessary here to repeat it. After the re- 
moval of his family into 
his house abode in the 
Joseph still ruling the 
Jacob, when near his end, gave Joseph a 
portion above his brethren, doubtless in- 
cluding tlie "parcel of ground" at She- 
chem, his future burying-place (comp. John 
iv. 5). Then he blessed his sons, Joseph 
most earnestly of all, and died in Egypt. 
" And Joseph fell upon his face, and wept 
upon him, and kissed him" (1. 1). When 
he had caused him to be embalmed by "his 
servants the pliysicians," he carried him tf 
Canaan, and laid him in the cave of Mach- 
pelah, the burying-place of his fathers. 
Then it was that his brethren feared that, 
their father being dead, Joseph would pun- 
ish them, and that he strove to remove 
their fears. We know no more of Joseph 
than that he lived " a hundred and ten 
years," having been more than ninety in 
Egypt; that he " saw Ephraim's children 
of the third" [generation], and that "the 
children also of Machir the son of Manas- 
seh were borne upon Joseph's knees ; " and 
that dying he took an oath of his brethren 
that they sliould carry up his bones to the 
land of promise : thus showing in his latest 
action the faith (Heb. xi. 22) which had 
guided his whole life. Like his father he 
was en\balmed, " and he was put in a coffin 
in Egypt" (I. 26). His trust Moses kept, 
and laid the bones of Joseph in his inherit- 
ance in Shechem, in the territory of Ephra- 
im his offspring. As to the dynasty which 
ruled in Egypt during Joseph's residence, 
see Egypt. 2. Father of Igal who repre- 
sented the tribe of Issachar among the spies 
(Num. xiii. 7). 3. A lay Israelite of the 



JOSEPH 



316 



JOSHUA 



tamilj ofBani who was compelled by Ezra 
to put away Ws foreign wife (Ezr. x. 42). 

4. Representative of tl e priestly family of 
Shebaniah, in the next generation after 
the Return fiora Captivi y (Neh. xii. 14). 
5 One of the ancestors of Christ (Luke iii. 
90), son of Joaan. 6. Another ancestor 
of Christ, son of Judah (Luke iii. 26). 7. 
Another, son of MattatMas (Luke iii. 24). 

5. Son of Heli, and reputed father of Jesus 
Christ. All that is told us of Joseph in the 
N. T. may be summed up in a few words. 
He was a just man, and of the house and 
Lneage of David. The public registers 
also contained his name under the reckon- 
ing of the house of David (John i. 45 ; Luke 
iii. 23; Matt. i. 20; Luke ii. 4). He lived 
at Nazareth in Galilee, and it is probable 
tiiat his family had been settled there for 
at least two preceding generations, possibly 
from the time of Matthat, the common 
granaiather of Joseph and Mary, since 
Mary lived there too (Luke i. 26, 27). He 
espoused Mary, the daughter and heir of 
his uncle Jacob, and before he took her 
home as his wife received the angelic com- 
munication recorded in Matt. i. 20. When 
Jesus was 12 years old Joseph and Mary 
took him with them to keep the Passover 
at Jerusalem, and when they returned to 
Nazareth he continued to act as a father to 
the child Jesus, and was reputed to be so 
indeed. But here our knowledge of Joseph 
ends. That he died before our Lord's 
rmicifixion, is indeed tolerably certain, by 
irhat is related, John xix. 27, and perhaps 
Mark vi. 3 may imply that he was then 
dead. But where, when, or how he died, 
we know not. 9. Joseph of Arima- 
FHAEA, a rich and pious Israelite, is denom- 
inated by Mark (xv. 43), an honorable 
counsellor, by which we are probably to 
anderstand that he "w^as a member of the 
Great Council, or Sanhedrim. He is fur- 
ther characterized as "a good man and a 
just" (Luke xxiii. 50), one of those who, 
bearing in their hearts the words of their old 
prophets, were waiting for the kingdom of 
God (Mark XV. 43; Luke ii. 25, 38, xxiii. 
51). We are expressly told that he did not 
" consent to the counsel and deed " of his 
colleagues in conspiring to bring about the 
death of Jesus ; but he seems to have lacked 
the conrage to protest against their judg- 
ment. At all events we know that he 
shrank, through fear of his countrymen, 
from professing himself openly a disciple 
rf our Lord. The crucifixion seems to have 
wrought in him the same clear conviction 
chat it wrought in the Centurion who stood 
by the crose* ; for on the very evening of 
that dreadful day, when tlie triumph of the 
chief priests ard rulers seemed complete, 
Joseph " went in boldly unto Pilate and 
craved the body of Jesus." Pilate con- 
««iite'l. Josepli and NicoJemua then, Lav 



ing enfolded the sar red body in the linen 
shroud which Joseph had bought, consignej 
it to a tomb hewn in a rock, a tomb where 
no Imman corpse had ever yet been laid. 
The tomb was in a garden belonging to 
Joseph, and close to the place of cruci- 
fixion. There is a tradition that he wa« 
one of the seventy disciples. 10. Josepb, 
called Barsabas, and surnamed Justus; 
one of the two persons chosen by the as* 
sembled church (Acts i. 23) as worthy to 
fill the place in the Apostolic company from 
which Judas had fallen. 

Jo'ses. 1. Son of Eliezer, in the gene- 
alogy of Christ (Luke iii. 29). 2. One of 
the Lord's brethren (Matt. xiii. 55 ; Mark 
vi. 3). 3. JosEs Barnabas (Acts iv. 36V 
[Barnabas.] 

Jo'shah, a prince of the house of Sim- 
eon, son of Amaziah, in the days of Heze- 
kiah (1 Chr. iv. 34, 38-41). 

Josh'aphat, the Mithnite, one of Da- 
vid's guard (1 Chr. xi. 43). 

Joshaviah, the son of Elnaam, and 
one of David's guards (1 Chr. xi. 46), 

Joshbek'ashah, son of Heman, head 
of the 17th course of musicians (1 CIib, 
XXV. 4, 24). 

Josh'ua. His name appears in the 
various forms of Hoshea, Oshea, Jehosh- 
UA, Jeshua, and Jesus. 1. The son of 
Nun, of the tribe of Ephraim (1 Chr. vii. 
27), and was nearly forty years old Wi^en 
he shared in the hurried triumph of the Ex- 
odus. He is mentioned first in connection 
with the fight against Amalek at Rephidim, 
when he was chosen by Moses to lead the 
Israelites (Ex. xvii. 9). When Moses as- 
cended Mount Sinai to receive for the first 
time the two Tables, Joshua, who is called 
his minister or servant, accompanied him 
part of the way, and was the first to accost 
him in his descent (Ex. xxxii. 17). Soon 
afterwards he was one of the twelve chiefs 
who were sent (Num. xiii. 17) to explore 
the land of Canaan, and one of the two 
(xiv. 6) who gave an encouraging report 
of their journey. The 40 years of wander- 
ing were almost passed, and Joshua wa> 
one of the few survivors, when Moses, 
shortly before his death, was directed (Num. 
xxvii. 18) to invest Joshua solemnly and 
publicly with definite authority, in connefv 
tion with Eleazar the priest, over the peo- 
ple. And after this was done, God Hinv 
self gave Joshua a charge by the mouth of 
the dying Lawgiver (Deut. xxxi. 14, 23). 
Under the direction of God again renewed 
(Josh. i. 1), Joshua assumed the command 
of tlie people at Shittira, sent spies into Jer- 
iclio, crossed the Jordan, fortified a camp 
at Gilgal, circumcised the people, kept the 
passover, and was visited by the Captaii 
of the Lord's Host. A miracle made the faB 
of Jericho more terrible to the r'anaanites. 
In the first attack upon AlI ti)e Israelitfti 



JOSTIUA, BOOK OF 



^17 



JOSIAU 



ff er? re])ulsed : it fell at the second assault, 
and the invaders marched to the relief of 
Gibeon. In the great battle of Bethhoron 
the Amorites were signally routed, and the 
south country was open to the Israelites. 
Joshua returned to the camp at Gilgal, 
master of half of Palestine. In the north, 
at the waters of Merom, he defeated the 
Canaanites under Jabin king of Hazor, and 
pursued his success to the gates of Zidon 
and into the valley of Lebanon under Her- 
mon. In six years, six tribes with thirty- 
one petty chiefs were conquered ; amongst 
others the Anakim — the old terror of Is- 
rael — are especially recorded as destroyed 
everywhere except in Philistia. Joshua, 
now stricken in years, proceeded in con- 
junction with Eleazar and the heads of the 
tribes to complete the division of the con- 
quered land; and when all was allotted, 
Timnath-serah in Mount Ephraim was as- 
signed by the people as Joshua's peculiar 
inheritance. After an interval of rest, 
Joshua convoked an assembly from all Is- 
rael. He delivered two solemn addresses, 
reminding them of the marvellous fulfil- 
ment of God's promises to their fathers, and 
warning them of the conditions on which 
their prosperity depended; and lastly, he 
caused them to renew their covenant with 
God at Shechem, a place already famous 
in connection with Jacob (Gen. xxxv. 4), 
and Joseph (Josh. xxiv. 32). He died at 
the age of 110 years, and was buried in his 
own city, Timnath-serah. 2. An inhab- 
itant of Bethshemesh, in whose land was 
the stone at which the milch-kine stopped, 
when they drew the ark of God with the 
offerings of the Philistines from Ekron to 
Bethshemesh (1 Sam. vi. 14, 18). 3. A 
governor of the city who gave his name to 
a gate of Jerusalem (2 K. xxiii. 8). 4. 
Jbshua the son of Jozadak (Hag. i. 14, ii. 
1 ; Zech. iii. 1, &c.). 

Joshua, Book of. This book has 
been regarded by many critics as a part of 
the Pentateuch, forming with the latter one 
complete work ; but there do not appear to 
be sufficient grounds for this opinion. The 
fact that the first sentence of Joshua begins 
with a conjunction does not show any closer 
connection between it and the Pentateuch 
than exists between Judges and it. The 
references in i. 8, viii. 31, xxiii. 6, xxiv. 
26. to the "book of the law" rather show 
that that book was distinct from Joshua. 
Other references to events recorded in the 
Pentateuch tend in the same direction. No 
quotation (in the strict modern sense of the 
word) from the Pentateuch can be found in 
Joshua. — The book may be regarded as 
consisting of three parts : (I.) The con- 
quest of Canaan; (II.) The partition of 
Canaan ; (III.) Joshua's farewell. I. The 
preparations for the war and the passage 
(rf tile Jordan, ch. 1-6 ; the capture of Jeri- 



cho, 6 ; the conquest of th (^ siuth, 7- 10; tbt 
conquest of the north, 11 ; recapitulation, 
12. II. Territory assigned to Heuben 
Gad, and half Manasseh, 13 ; tne lot of Ca- 
leb and of the tribe of Judah, 14, 15 ; Ephra- 
im and half Manasseh, 16, 17 ; Benja- 
min, 18 ; Simeon, Zebulun, Issachar, Ashe^r, 
Naphtali, and Dan, 19; the appointment of 
six cities of refuge, 20; the assignment of 
forty-eight cities to Levi, 21 ; the departure 
of the trans- Jordanic tribes to their homes, 
22. This part of the book has been aptly 
compared to the Domesday-book of the 
Norman conquerors of England. The doc- 
uments of which it consists were doubtless 
the abstract of such reports as were 8nj)plied 
by the men whom Joshua sent out to de- 
scribe the land. In the course of tiUAe it 
is probable that changes were introduced 
into their reports by transcribers adapting 
them to the actual state of the country in 
later times, when political divisions werC' 
modified, new towns sprang up and oH 
ones disappeared. III. Joshua's convocs. 
tion of the people and first address, 23 ; hi 
second address at Shechem, and his deatl , 
24. Nothing is really known as to the au - 
thorship of the book. Joshua himself ii 
generally named as the author by the Jew 
ish writers and the Christian Fathers; bu» 
no contemporary assertion or sufficient his 
torical proof of the fact exists, and it can 
not be maintained without qualification. 
The last verses (xxiv. 29-33) were obvi 
ously added at a later time. Some events 
such as the capture of Hebron, of Debit 
(Josh. XV. 13-19, and Judg. i. 10-15), of 
Leshem (Josh. xix. 47, and Judg. xviii, 
7), and the joint occupation of Jerusaler^ 
(Josh. XV. 63, and Judg. i. 21) probablj 
did not occur till after Joshua's death. 

Josi'ah. 1. The son of Amon and 
Jedidah, succeeded his father b. c. 641, in 
the eighth year of his age, and reigned 31 
years. His history is contained in 2 K. 
xxii.-xxiv. 30; 2 Chr. xxxiv., xxxv. ; an^ 
the first twelve chapters of Jeremiah thro\* 
much light upon the general character ol 
the Jews in his days. He began in the 
eighth year of his reign to seek the Lord', 
and in his twelfth year, and for six years 
afterwards, in a personal progress through- 
out all the land of Judah and Israel, he 
destroyed everywhere high places, groves, 
images, and all outward signs and relics of 
idolatry. The temple was restored under a 
special commission ; and in the course of 
the repairs Hilkiah the priest found that 
book of the Law of the Lord which quick- 
ened so remarkably the ardent zeal of the 
king. The great day of Josiah's life was 
the day of the Passover in the eighteenth 
year of his reign. After this, his endeavors 
to abolish every trace of idolatry and super- 
stition were still carried en. But the time 
drew near which had been indicated hi 



jos!:as 



818 



JUDA 



Hulu.v^ (12 K. vylh *:0). When Pliaraoh- 
INecho went from Egypt to Carchemish to 
carry on his war against Assyria, Josiah, 
possibly in a spirit of loyalty to the As- 
syrian king, to whom he may have been 
bound, opposed his march along the sea- 
joast. Necho reluctantly paused and gave 
him battle in the valley of Esdraelon. Jo- 
siah was morta'!y wounded, and died be- 
fore he could reach Jerusalem. He was 
buried with extrax)rdinary honors. 2. The 
con of Zephaniah, at whose house the 
propliet Zechariah was commanded to as- 
semble the chief men of the captivity, to 
witness the solemn and symbolical crown- 
ing of Joshua the high-priest (Zech. vi. 9). 

Josi'as. Josiah, king of Judah (Matt. 
i. 10, 11). 

Josibi'ah, the father of Jehu, a Simeon- 
'te (1 Chr. iv. 35). 

Josiphi'ah., the father or ancestor of 
Shelomith, who returned with Ezra (Ezr. 
v^iii. 10). 

Jot'ball, the native place of Meshulle- 
aieth, the queen of Manasseh (2 K. xxi. 19). 

Jot'bath, or Jot'bathah (Deut. x. 7 ; 
?fum. xxxiii. 33), a desert station of the 
[sraelites. 

Jo'tham. 1. This youngest son of 
Grideon (Judg. ix. 5), who escaped from the 
aassacre of his brethren. His parable of 
she reign of the bramble is the earliest ex- 
wnpie of the kind. 2. The son of king 
Craiah or Azarvih and Jerushah. After 
iuin>inistering the kingdom for some years 
luring bis father's leprosy, he succeeded to 
(he throne b. c. 758, when he was 25 years 
i.ld, and t signed 16 years in Jerusalem. 
He was contemporary with Pekah and with 
chf prophet Isaiah. His history is con- 
tained in 2 K. XV. and 2 Chr. xxvii. 3. A 
dejcendant of Judah, son of Jahdai (1 Chr. 
ii. 47). 

Joz'abad. 1. A captain of the thou- 
sands of Manasseh, who deserted to David 
before the battle of Gilboa (1 Chr. xii. 20). 
2. A hero of Manasseh, like the preceding 
(1 Chr. xii. 20). 3. A Levite in the reign 
of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 13). 4. A chief 
Levite in the reign of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxv. 
9). 5. A Levite, son of Jeshua, in the 
days of Ezra (Ezr. viii. 33). Probably 
identical with 7. 6. A priest of the sons 
of Pashur, who had married a foreign wife 
(Ezr. x. 22). 7. A Levite among those 
who re"^ irned with Ezra and had married 
foreigr wives. He is probably identical 
with Jozabad the Levite (Neh. viii. 7) ; 
and with Jozabad, who presided over the 
outer work of the Temple (Neh. xi. 16). 

Joz'achar, the son of Shimeath the 
Amraonitess, and one of ihe murderers of 
Joash king of Judah (2 K. xii. 21). The 
writer of the Chronicles (2 Chr. xxiv. 26) 
calls him Zabad, which is nothing more 
than H clerical error for Jozachar. 



Joz'adak, Ezr. iii. 2, 8 ; T. 2 ; X. 1 8 , Neh 
xii. 26. The contracted form of J ehozadax. 

Ju'bal, a son of Lamech by Adah, and 
the inventor of the "harp and organ' 
(Gen. iv. 21), probably general terms foi 
stringed and wind instruments. 

Jubilee, The Year o^ the fiftieth 
year after the succession of seven Sabbati- 
cal years, in which all the land which had 
been alienated returned to the families oi 
those to whom it had been allotted in (hf 
original distribution, and all bondmen of 
Hebrew blood were liberated. The rila- 
tion in which it st od to the Sabbatical 
year and the general directions for its ob- 
servance are given Lsv. xxv. 8-16 and 23- 
55. Its bearing on lands dedicated to Je- 
hovah is stated Lev. xxvii. 16-25. There 
is no mention of the Jubilee in the book of 
Deuteronomy, and the only other refer- 
ence to it in the Pentateuch is in Num. 
xxxvi. 4. The year was inaugurated on 
the Day of Atonement with the blowing of 
trumpets throughout the land, and by a 
proclamation of universal liberty. Jose- 
phus states that all debts were remitted in 
the year of Jubilee ; but the Scripture 
speaks of the remission of debts only in 
connection with the Sabbatical year (Deut. 
XV. 1, 2), and the Jewish writers say ex- 
pressly that the remission of debts was a 
point of distinction between the Sabbatical 
year and the Jubilee. The Jewish writers 
in general consider that the Jubilee was 
observed till the destruction of the firt;t 
temple. But there is no direct historical 
notice of its observance on any one occa- 
sion, either in the books of the O. T., or in 
any otlier records. The only passages in 
the Prophets which can be regarded with 
much confidence, as referring to the Ju- 
bilee in any way, are Is. v. 7, 8, 9, 10, Ixi. 
1, 2; Ez. vii. 12, 13, xlvi. 16, 17, 18. The 
Jubilee is to be regarded as the outer cir- 
cle of that great Sabbatical system which 
comprises within it the Sabbatical year, 
the sabbatical month, and the sabbath day. 
But the Jubilee is more immediately con- 
nected with the body politic; and it wa» 
only as a member of the state that each 
person concerned could participate in it« 
provisions. It was not distinguished by 
any prescribed religious observance pecu- 
liar to itself, like the rites of the sabbath 
day and of the sabbatical month. As far 
as legislation could go, its provisions tend- 
ed to restore that equality in outward cir- 
cumstances which was instituted in th« 
first settlement of the land by Joshua. 

Ju'cal, son of Shelemiah (Jer. xxxviii. 

Ju'da. 1. Son of Joseph in the gen- 
ealogy of Christ (Luke iii. 30). 2. Son 
of Joanna, or Hananiah [Hananiah, 8] 
(Luke iii. 26). He seems to be certain Ij 
the same person as A bind in Matt i. '<* 



JUDAEA 



'619 



JUDAIT, KINGDOM OF 



3. One of the Lord's brethren, enumerated 
m Mark vi. 3. 4. The patriarch Judah 
(Sus. 56 ; Luke iii. 33 ; Heb. vii. U ; Rev. 
V. 5, vii. 5). 

Judae'a, or Jude'a, a territorial divis- 
ion which succeeded to the overtlirow of 
the ancient landmarks of the tribes of Is- 
rael and Judah in their respective captivi- 
ties. The word first occurs Dan. v. 13 (A. 
V. "Jewry "), and the first mention of the 
" province of Judea " is in the book of 
Ezra (v. 8) ; it is alluded to in Neh. xi. 3 
(A. V. "Judah"), and was the result of 
the division of the Persian empire men- 
tioned by Herodotus (iii. 89-97), under 
Darius (comp. Esth. viii, 9; Dan. vi. 1). 
In the Apocryphal Books the word " prov- 
ince " is dropped, and throughout the 
books of Esdras, Tobit, Judith, and Mac- 
« cabees, the expressions are the "land of 
Judaea," " Judaea " (A. V. frequently 
"Jewry"), and throughout the N. T. In 
a wide and more improper sense, the term 
Judaea was sometimes extended to the 
whole country of the Canaanites, its an- 
cient inhabitants ; and even in the Gospels 
we seem to read of the coasts of Judaea 
" beyond Jordan " (Matt. xix. 1 ; Mark x. 
1). Judaea was, in strict language, the 
name of the third district, west of the Jor- 
dan, and south of Samaria. It was made 
a portion of the Roman province of Syria 
npon the deposition of Archelaus, the eth- 
narch of Judea, in a. d. 6, and was gov- 
erned by a procurator, who was subject to 
the governor of Syria. 

Ju'dah, the fourth son of Jacob and the 
fourth j)f Leah, the last before the tempo- 
rary cessation in the births of her children. 
His whole-brothers were Reuben, Simeon, 
and Levi, elder than himself — Issachar 
and Zebulun, younger (see Gen. xxxv. 23). 
Of Judah's personal character more traits 
are preserved than of any other of the pa- 
triarchs, with the exception of Joseph. In 
the matter of the sale of Joseph, he and 
Reuben stand out in favorable contrast to 
the rest of the brothers. When a second 
visit to Egypt for corn had become inevita- 
ble, it was Judah who, as the mouthpiece 
of the rest, headed the remonstrance against 
the detention of Benjamin by Jacob, and 
finally undertook to be responsible for the 
safety of ilie lad (xliii. 3-10). And when, 
through Joseph's artifice, the brothers were 
brought back to the palace, he is again the 
leader and spokesman of the band. So too 
it is Judah who is sent before Jacob to 
eniouth the way for him in the land of Go- 
ehen (xlvi. 28). This ascendency over 
his brethren 's reflected in the last words 
addressed to him by his father. His sons 
were five. Of these, three were by his 
Canaanite wife Bath-shua. They are all 
insignificant; two died early : and the third, 
Bhel^h, does not come prominently for- 



ward, either in his person or nis family. 
The other two, Pharez and Zerah, wer« 
illegitimate sons by the widow of Er, the 
eldest of the former family. As is not un- 
frequently the case, the dlegitimate sons 
surpassed the legitimate, and from Pharez, 
the elder, were descended the royal and 
other illustrious families of Judah. The 
three sons went with their father into Egypt 
at the time of the final removal thither 
(Gen. xlvi. 12; Ex. i. 2). When we again 
meet with the families of Judah they occu- 
py a position among the tribes similar to 
that which their progenitor had taken 
amongst the patriarchs. The numbers of 
the tribe at the census at Sinai were 74,600 
(Num. i. 26, 27), considerably in advance 
of any of the others, the largest of which 
— Dan — numbered 62,700. On the bor- 
ders of the Promised Land they were 76,500 
(xxvi. 22), Dan being still the nearest. 
During the march through the desert, Ju- 
dah's place was in the van of the host, on 
the east side of the Tabern.acle, with his 
kinsmen Issachar and Zebulmi (ii. 3-9, x. 
14). During the conquest ol ti?e eounf-r* 
the only incidents specially affecting th» 
tribe of Judah are — (1) the misdeed ol 
Achan, who was of the great house of Ze 
rah (Josh. vii. 1, 16-18); and (2) the cod 
quest of the mountain district of Hebro"' 
by Caleb, and of the strong city Debir, 
in the same locality, by his nephew ano 
son-in-law Othniel (Josh. xiv. 6-15, xv. 13-- 
19). The boundaries and contents of the 
territory allotted to Judah are narrated at 
great length, and with greater minutenesa 
than the others, in Josh. xv. 20-63. The 
north boundary, for the most part coinci- 
dent with the south boundary of Benjamin, 
began at the embouchure of the Jordan, 
entered the hills apparently at or about 
the present road from Jericho, ran west- 
ward to En-shemesh, probably the pres- 
ent Ain-Haud, below Bethany, thence over 
the Mount of Olives to Enrogel, in the 
valley beneath Jerusalem ; went along the 
ravine of Hinnom, under the precipices of 
the city, climbed the hill in a N. W. direc- 
tion to the water of the Nephtoali (probably 
Lifta), and thence by Kirjath-Jearim (prob- 
ably Kuriet-el-Enah), Bethshemesh {Ain- 
Shems), Timnath, and Ekron to Jabneel on 
the sea-coast. On the east the Dead Sea, 
and on the west the Mediterranean, formed 
the boundaries. The southern line is hard 
to determine, since it is denoted by places 
many of which have not been identifiel. It 
left the Dead Sea at its extreme south 2nd, 
and joined the Mediterranean at the Wndy 
i el-Arish. This territc ry is in average 
length about 45 miles, and in average 
breadth about 50. 

Ju'dah. Kingdom of. When the dis- 
ruption of Solomon's kingdom took place at 
Shechem, only the tribe of Judah followed 



JUDAH, KINGDOM Oi' 



320 



JUDAS ISCARIOT 



the house of Darid. But almost immediately 
afterwards, when Rehoboara conceived the 
design of establishing his authority over 
Israel by force of arras, the tribe of Ben- 
jamin also is recorded as obeying his sum- 
mons, and contributing its warriors to make 
up his army. Two Benjamite towns. Bethel 
and Jericho, were included in the northern 
kingdom. A part, if not all, of the terri- 
tory of Simeon (1 Sam. xxvii. 6 ; 1 K. xix. 
3 ; comp. Josh. xix. 1) and of Dan (2 Chr. 
xi. 10; comp. Josh. xix. 41, 42) was recog- 
nized as belonging to Judah; and in the 
reigns of Abijah and Asa the southern 
kingdom was enlarged by some additions 
Wiken out of the territory of Ephraim (2 
Chr. xiii. 19, xv. 8, xvii. 2). The kingdom 
of Judah possessed many advantages which 
secured for it a longer continuance than 
that of Israel. A frontier less exposed to 
powerful enemies, a soil less fertile, a popu- 
lation hardier and more united, a fixed and 
venerated centre of administration and re- 
ligion, an hereditary aristocracy in the sac- 
erdotal caste, an army always subordinate, 
a succession of kings which no revolution 
interrupted : — to these and other secon- 
dary causes is to be attributed the fact that 
Judah survived her more populous and 
more powerful sister kingdom by 135 years, 
and lasted from b. c. 975 to b. c. 636. (a.) 
The first three kings of Judah seem to 
have cherished the hope of re-establishing 
their authority over the Ten Tribes ; for 
sixty years there was war between them 
and the kings of Israel. The victory 
achieved by the daring Abijah brought to 
Judah a temporary accession of territory. 
Asa appears to have enlarged it still fur- 
ther. (6.) Hanani's remonstrance (2 Chr. 
xvi. 7) prepares us for the reversal by Je- 
hoshaphat of the policy which Asa pursued 
towards Israel and Damascus. A close 
alliance sprang up with strange rapidity 
between Judah and Israel. Jehoshaphat, 
active and prosperous, repelled nomad in- 
vaders from the desert, curbed the aggres- 
sive spirit of his nearer neighbors, and 
.Tiade his influence felt even among the 
Philistines and Arabians. Amaziah, flushed 
with the recovery of Edom, provoked a 
WAT with his more powerful contemporary 
Jelioash the conqueror of the Syrians ; and 
Jerusalem was entered and plundered by 
the Israehtes. Under Uzziah and Jotham, 
Jiidah long enjoyed political and religious 
prosperity, till Ahaz became the tributary 
and vassal of Tiglath-Pileser. (c.) Al- 
ready in tlie fatal grasp of Assyria, Judah 
was yet spared for a checkered existence 
of almost another century and a half after 
the termination of the kingdom of Israel. 
The consummation of the ruin came upon 
them in the destruction of the Temple by 
the hand of Nebuzaradan, amid the wail- 
ings of prophets, and the taunts of heathen 



tribes released at length froBi the yoke ol 
Dav id. 

Ju'das, the Greek form of the Hebrew 
name Judah, occurring in the LXX. and 
N. T. 1. The Patriarch Judah (Matt. i. 
2, 3). 2. A man residing at Damascus, in 
" the street which is called Straight," in 
whose house Saul of Tarsus lodged after 
his miraculous conversion (Acts ix. 11). 

Ju'das, surnamed Bar'sabas, a lead- 
ing member of the Apostolic church at 
Jerusalem (Acts xv. 22), endued with the 
gift of prophecy (ver. 32), chosen with 
Silas to accompany Paul and Barnabas as 
delegates to the church at Antioch, to make 
known the decree concerning the terms of 
admission of the Gentile converts (ver. 27). 
After employing their prophetical gifts for 
the confirmation of the Syrian Christians in 
the faith, Judas went back to Jerusalem. 

Ju'das of Galilee, the leader of a 
popular revolt "in the days of the taxing" 
(i. e. the census, under the prefecture of 
P. Sulp. Quirinus, a. d. 6, a. u. c. 759), re- 
ferred to by Gamaliel in his speech befort 
the Sanhedrim (Acts v. 37). According 
to Josephus, Judas was a Gaulonite of the 
city of Gamala, probably taking his name 
of Galilean from his insurrection having 
had its rise in Galilee. His revolt had a 
theocratic character, the watchword cf 
which was, " We have no lord or master 
but God." Judas himself perished, and his 
followers were dispersed. With his fellow- 
insurgent Sadoc, a Pharisee, Judas is rep- 
resented by Josephus as the founder of a 
fourth sect, in addition to the Pharisees, 
Sadducees, and Essenes. The Gaulonites, 
as his followers were called, may be re- 
garded as the doctrinal ancestors of the 
Zealots and Sicarii of later days. 

Ju'das Iscar'iOt. He is sometimes 
called " the son of Simon " (John vi. 71, 
xiii. 2, 26), but more commonly called (the 
three Synoptic Gospels give no other name) 
Iscariotes (Matt. x. 4 ; Mark iii. 19 ; liufce 
vi. 16, &c.). In the three lists of the 
Twelve there is added in each case the 
fact that he was the betrayer. The name 
Iscariot has received many interpretatiomi 
more or less conjectural. The most proba- 
ble are — (1) From Kerioth (Josh. xv. 25), 
in the tribe of Judah. On this hypotliesis 
his position among the Twelve, the rest of 
whom belonged to Galilee (Acts ii. 7), 
would be exceptional; and this has led to 
(2) From Kartha in Gahlee (Kartan, A. V. 
Josh. xxi. 22). (3) From scortea, a leath- 
ern apron, the name being applied to him 
as the bearer of the bag, and = Judas with 
the apron. — Of the life of Judas, before 
the appearance of his name in the lists of 
the Apostles, we know absolutely nothing. 
What that appearance implies, however, 
is, that he had previously declared him- 
self a disciple. He was drawn, as tb* 



JUDAS ISCARIUT 



321 



uUDE 



others were, by the preaching of the Bap- 
tist, or his own Messianic hopes, or the 
" gracious words " of che new Teacher, to 
leave his former Ufe, &nd to obey the call of 
the Prophet of Nazareth. The choice was 
not made, -we m'ls; remember, without a 
prevision of its issue (John. vi. 64). The 
germs of the evil, in all likelihood, unfold- 
ed themselves gradually. The rules to 
wliich the Twelve were subject in their 
first journey (Matt. x. 9, 10) sheltered him 
flora the temptation that would have been 
most dangerous to him. The new form 
of life, of which we find the first traces in 
Luke viii. 3, brought that temptation with 
it. As soon as the Twelve were recognized 
as a body, travelling hither and thither with 
tiieir Master, receiving money and other 
offerings, and redistributing what they re- 
ceived to the poor, it became necessary that 
some one should act as the steward and 
almoner of the small society, and this fell 
to Judas (John xii. 6, xiii. 29). The Gal- 
ilean or Judaean peasant found himself 
intrusted with larger sums of money than 
before, and with this there came covetous- 
ness, unfaithfulness, embezzlement. It 
was impossible after this that he could feel 
at ease with One who asserted so clearly 
and sharply the laws of faithfulness, duty, 
unselfishness. The narrative of Matt, xxvi., 
Mark xiv., places this history in close con- 
nection with the fact of the betrayal. It 
leaves the motives of the betrayer to con- 
jecture. The mere love of money may 
have been strong enough to make him 
clutch at the bribe offered him. Mingled 
with this there may have been some feeling 
of vindictiveness, a vague, confused desire 
to show that he had power to stop the 
career of the Teacher who had reproved 
him. There may have been the thought 
that, after all, the betrayal could do no 
harm, that his Master would prove his in- 
nocence, or by some supernatural manifes- 
lation effect his escape. Another motive 
has been suggested of an entirely different 
kind, altering altogether the character of 
the act. Not the love of money, nor re- 
venge, nor fear, nor disappointment, but 
policy, a subtle plan to force on the hour 
jf the triumph of the Messianic kingdom, 
the belief that for this service he would re- 
ceive as high a place as Peter, or James, or 
John : this it was that made him the traitor. 
Ingenious as this hypothesis is, it lails for 
that very reason. Of the other motives 
that have been assigned we need not care 
to fix on any one, as that which singly led 
him on. During the days that intervened 
between the supper at Bethany and the 
Paschal or quasi-Paschal gathering, he ap- 
peared to have concealed his treachery. At 
the last Supper he is present, looking for- 
ward to the consummation of his guilt as 
Irawing nearer every hour. Then come 
21 



the soriowful words which showed him that 
his design was known. " One of you shall 
betray me." After this there comes on him 
that paroxysm and insanity of guilt as of 
one whose human soul was possessed ly the 
Spirit of Evil — " Satan entered into him " 
(John xiii. 27). He knows that garden in 
which his Master and his companions had 
so often rested after the weary work of the 
day. He comes, accompanied by a band 
of oflBcers and servants (John xviii. 3), with 
the kiss which was probably the usual salu- 
tation of the disciples. The words of Jesus, 
calm and gentle as they were, showed that 
this was what embittered the treachery, and 
made the suffering it inflicted more acute 
(Luke xxii. 48). What followed in the 
confusion of that night the Gospels do not 
record. The fever of the crime passed 
away. There came back on him the recol- 
lection of the sinless righteousness of the 
Master he had wronged (Matt, xxvii. 3). 
He repented, and his guilt and all that had 
tempted him to it became hateful. He car- 
ried back the thirty pieces of silver to the 
chief priests, and confessed his sin, hoping 
perhaps that good might yet be done by this 
assertion of Christ's innocence. Their only 
answer was to throw the responsibility upon 
him ; and casting down the money on the 
pavement of the Temple, he went and 
hanged himself. His death was made more 
horrible to all the inhabitants of Jerusalem 
by the circumstance recorded by St. Luke 
in the Acts ; but most awful of all is the 
sentence which was more than once pro- 
nounced upon him by the Lord, and with 
wliich Peter dismisses his name from the 
Apostles' list, " from which Judas by trans- 
gression fell, that he might go to his own 
place." With a scrupulousness which is the 
most striking example of religious formal- 
ism glossing over moral deformity, the 
chief priests decided that the thirty silver 
pieces, as the price of blood, must not be • 
put back into the treasury; so they pur- 
chased with them the potter's field, without: 
the city, as a burial-place for strangers. Itc 
seems to be implied in the narrative that: 
the field thus purchased was also the place 
where Judas committed suicide, and the- 
double memorial of the scene and the price ■ 
of blood was preserved by its name, Acel- 
dama, the field of blood (Matt xxvii. 3-10;, 
Acts i. 18. 19). It is hardly necessary t<» 
point out that "purchased" in the latter 
passage is an instance of a common figure oil 
speech, implying indirect agency. [Acel- 
dama.] 
Ju'das Maceabae'us. [Maccabees.] 
Jude, or Ju'das, Lebbe us, ands 
Thadde'us (A. V. " Judsis the brother of 
James"), one of the Twelve Apostles; a^ 
member, toother with his namesake " Is- 
cariot," Jamea the son of Alphaeus, andi 
Simon Z ilotes. of the last of the tliree seo' 



JUl>Aa, THE LOKD'S BkOTHER 322 



JUDGES 



tions of the Apostolic ]>ody. The oame 
Judas only, -without any distinguishing 
mark, occurs in the lists given by St. Luke 
vi. 16; Acts i. 13; and in John xiv. 22 
(where w^e find "Judas not Iscariot " 
aanong the Apostles), but the Apostle has 
been generally identified with "Lebbeus 
whose surname was Thaddeus " (Matt. x. 
3 ; Mark iii. 18). Much difference of opin- 
ion has existed from the earliest times as 
to tlie right interpretation of the words 
'lovdug *Juxa)^Qv. The generally received 
opinion is that the A. V. is right in trans- 
lating " Judas the brother of James." But 
we prefer to follow nearly all the most em- 
inent critical authorities, and render the 
words "Judas the son of James." The 
name of Jude occurs only once in the Gos- 
pel narrative (John xiv. 22). Notliing is 
certainly known of the later history of the 
Apostle. Tradition connects him with the 
foundation of the church at Edessa. 

Ju'das, the Lord's brother. Among 
the brethren of our Lord mentioned by the 
people of Nazareth (Matt, xiii. 65 ; Mark 
vi. 3) occurs a " Judas," who has been 
sometimes identified with the Apostle of the 
same name. It has been considered with 
more probability that he was the writer of 
the Epistle which bears the name of " Jude 
the brother of James." 

Jude, Epistle of. Its author was prob- 
ably Jude, one of the brethren of Jesus, 
the subject of the preceding article. Al- 
jKough the canonicity of this Epistle was 
questioned in the earliest ages of the 
Church, there never was any doubt of its 
genuineness. The question was never 
whether it was the work of an impostor, 
but whether its author was of suflScient 
weight to warrant its admission into the 
Canon. This question was gradually de- 
cided in its favor. There are no data from 
which to determine its date or place of 
writing. Lardner places the time between 
A.. D. 64 and 66, Davidson before a. d. 70, 
CrednfT a. d. 80, Calmet, Estius, Witsius, 
and N zander, after the death of all the 
ApostUs but John, and perhaps after the 
Sill of Jerusalem. The object of the Epistle 
18 plainly enough announced, ver. 3 : the 
reason for this exhortation is given ver. 4. 
The remainder of the Epistle is almost en- 
tirely occupied by a minute depiction of the 
adversaries of the faith. The Epistle closes 
by briefly reminding the readers of the 
»ft- repeated prediction of the Apostles — 
among whom the writer seems not to rank 
Himself — that the faith would be assailed 
t»y such enrmies as he has depicted (ver. 
17-19), exhorting them to maintain their 
own steadfastness in the faith (ver. 20, 21), 
whilethey earnestly sought to rescue others 
from the corrupt example of those licentious 
livers (ver. 22, 23), and commending them 
to the pi werof God in 'anguags which for- 



cibly recalls the closing benediction of tht 
Epistle to the Romans (ver. 24, 25; cf- 
Rom. xvi. 25-27). This Epistle present* 
one peculiarity, which, as we learn from 
St. Jerome, caused its authority to be im- 
pugned in very early times — the supposed 
citation of apocryphal writings (ver. 9, 14, 
15). The former of these passages, con- 
taining the reference to the contest -^f the 
archangel Michael and the devil ' about 
the body of Moses," was supposed br 
Origeu to have been founded on a Jewish 
work called the " Assumption of Moses*." 
As regards the supposed quotation from the 
Book of Enoch, the question is not so clear 
whether St. Jude is making a citation from 
a work already in the hands of his readers, 
or is employing a traditionary prophecy not 
at that time committed to writing. The 
larger portion of this Epistle (ver. 3-16) is 
almost identical in language and subject 
with a part of the Second Epistle of Peter 
(2 Pet. ii. 1-19). This question is examined 
in the article Peter, Second Epistle of. 
Judges. The Judges were temporary 
and special deliverers, sent by God to de- 
liver the Israelites from their oppressors, 
not supreme magistrates, succeeding to the 
authority of Moses and Joshua. Their 
power only extended over portions of tlw 
country, and some of them were contempo- 
raneous. Their name in Hebrew is Sho- 
phetim, which is the same as that for ordi- 
nary judges ; nor is it applied to them in a 
different sense.* For, though their first 
work was that of deliverers and leaders iB 
war, they then administered justice to the 
people, and their authority supplied the 
want of a regular government. But thj 
only recognized central authority was still 
the oracle at Shiloh, which sunk into a 
system of p'-i^stly weakness and disordei 
under Eli and his sons. Even while the 
administration of Samuel gave something 
like a settled government to the South, 
there was scope for the irregular exploiti 
of Samson on the borders of the Philistines ; 
and Samuel at last established his authority 
as Judge and prophet, but still as the ser- 
vant of Jehovah, only to see it so abused by 
his sons as to exhaust the patience of tlM 
people, who at length demanded a Kiko, 
after the pattern of the surrounding nations. 
The following is a list of the Judges, whose 
history is given under their respective 
names : — 

First Servitude, to Mesopotamia — 

First Judge : Othniel. 
Second Servitude, to Moab - 

Second Judge : Ehud ; 

7%ird Judge : Shamgar. 
Third Servitude, to Jabin and Sisera 

Fourth Judge : Deborah and Barak. 

• The Hebrew word !• the same ae that of the Cartbaffia> 
ian " Siiffete§," the name of the maffistratea wbom w« ia' 
Lq the time of tha Punic wan 



JUDGES, BOOK OF 



323 



JUDITH 



Fourth Servitude, to Midiau — 

Fifth Judge : Gideon ; 

Sixth Judge : Abimelech 

Seventh Judge : Tola ; 

Eighth Judge : Jaib. 
Fifth Servitude, to Ammon — 

Ninth Judge : Jephthah ; 

Tenth Judge : Ibzan ; 

Eleventh Judge : Elon ; 

Twelfth Judge : Abdon. 
Sixth Servitude, to the Philistines — 

Thirteenth Judge : Samson ; 

Fourteenth Judge : Eli ; 

Fifteenth Judge : Samuel. 

On the Chronology of the Judges, see the 
folloiring article. 

Judges, Book of, of which the hook of 
Ruth formed originally a part, contains the 
history from Joshua to Samson. As the his- 
tory of the Judges occupies by far the great- 
er part of the narrative, and is at the same 
time the history of the people, the title of 
the whole book is derived from that portion. 
The book may be divided into two parts — 
(I.) Ch. i.-xvi. The subdivisions are — 
(a) i.-ii. 5, which may be considered as a 
first introduction, giving a summary of the 
results of the war carried on against the 
Canaanites by the several tribes on the 
west of Jordan after Joshua's death, and 
forming a continuation of Josh. xii. (b) ii. 
6-iii. 6. This is a second introduction, 
standing in nearer relation to the following 
history, (c) iii. 7-xvi. The words, *'and 
the chiliren of Israel did evil in the sight 
of the I«orJ," which had been already used 
ui ii. 11, are employed to introduce the his- 
tory of the thirteen Judges comprised in 
this book. An account of six of these 
thirteen is given at greater or less length. 
The account of the remaining seven is 
very short, and merely attached to the 
longer narratives. "We may observe in 
general on this portion of the book, that it 
is almost entirely a history of the wars of 
deliverance. (II.) Ch. xvii.-xxi. This 
part has no formal connection with the 
preceding, aod is often called an appendix. 
No mention of the Judges occurs in it. It 
contains allusions to " the house of God," 
the ark, and the high-priest. The period 
to which the narrative relates is simply 
marked by the expression, " when there 
was no king in Israel " (xix. 1 ; cf. xviii. 1). 
It records (a) the conquest of Laish by a 
portion of the tribe of Dan, and the estab- 
lishment there of the idolatrous worship 
of Jeliovah already instituted by Micah in 
Mount Ephraim. (6) The almost total 
extinction of the tribe of Benjamin. The 
date is marked by tho mention of Phin- 
ehas, the grandson of Aaron (xx. 28). 
From the above account it will be observed 
that the history ceases with Samaon, ex- 
ludjng Eli and Simuel; anj then at this 



point two historical pieces are added — 
xvii.-xxi., and the book of Ruth — inde- 
pendent of the general plan and of each 
other. This is sufficiently explained by the 
supposition that the books from Judges to 
2 Kings formed one work. [Kings, Book0 
of.] In this case the histories of Eli and 
Samuel, so closely united between them- 
selves, are only deferred on account of 
their close connection with the rise of the 
monarchy. And Judg. xvii.-xxi. is insert- 
ed both as an illustration of the sin of 
Israel during the time of the Judges, in 
which respect it agrees with i.-xvi., and as 
presenting a contrast with the better order 
prevailing in the time of the kings. If we 
adopt the view, that Judges to 2 Kings 
form one book, the final arrangement of 
the whole must have been after the thirty- 
seventh year of Jehoiachin*8 captivity, or 
B. c. 662 (2 K. XXV. 27). The time com- 
monly assigned to the period contained in 
this book is 299 years. The dates which 
are given amount to 410 years when reck- 
oned consecutively; and Acts xiii. 20 
would show that this was the computation 
commonly adopted, as the 450 years seem 
to result from adding 40 years for Eli to the 
410 of this book. But a difficulty is created 
by xi. 26, and in a still greater degree by 
1 K. vi. 1, where the whole period from the 
Exodus to the building of the Temple is 
stated as 480 years. On the whole, it 
seems safer to give up the attempt to ascer- 
tain the chronology exactly. The succes- 
sive narratives give us the history of only 
parts of the country, and some of the occur- 
rences may have been contemporary (x. 7). 

Judgment-hall. The word Praeto- 
rium is so translated five times in the A. 
V. of the N. T. ; and in those five pas- 
sages it denotes two difierent places. 1. In 
John xviii. 28, 33, xxix. 9, it is the resi- 
dence which Pilate occupied when he visit- 
ed Jerusalem. The site of Pilate's prae- 
torium in Jerusalem has given rise to much 
dispute, some supposing it to be the palace 
of king Herod, others the tower of Anto- 
nia ; but it was probably the latter, which 
was then and long afterwards the citadel of 
Jerusalem. 2. In Acts xxiii. 35, Horod's 
judgment-hall or praetorium in Caesarea 
was doubtless a part of that magnificent 
range of buildings, the erection of which 
by king Herod is described in Josephus. 
The word " palace," or " Caesar's court,** 
in the A. V. of Phil. i. 13, is a translation 
of the same word praetorium. It may 
here have denoted the quarter of that de- 
tachment of the Praetorian Guards which 
was in immediate attendance upon the em- 
peror, and had barracks in Mount Palatine. 

Ju'dith. 1. The daughter of Beeri the 
Hittite, and wife of Esau (Gen. xxvi. 34). 
2. The heroine of the apocryphal book 
which bears her name, who appears as aa 



JUDITH, BOOK OF 



324 



KAT>£Sn 



Ideal type of piety (Jud. viii. 6), beauty 
(xi. 21), courage, and chastity (xvi. 22, flF). 

Ju'dith, The Book of, one of the 
books of the Apocrypha, like that of Tobit, 
Lclongs to the earliest specimens of his- 
torical fiction. The narrative of the reign 
of '* Nebuchadnezzar king of Nineveh " (i. 
1), of the campaign of Holofernes, and the 
deliverance of Bethulia, through the strat- 
agem and courage of the Jewish heroine, 
contains too many and too serious diffi- 
culties, both historical and geographical, to 
allow of the supposition that it is either 
literally true, or even carefully moulded on 
truth. It belongs to the Maccabaean peri- 
od, which it reflects not only in its general 
spirit, but even in its smaller traits. The 
text exists at present in two distinct recen- 
sions, the Greek and the Latin. The for- 
mer evidently is the truer representative 
of the original, and it seems certain that 
the Latin was derived, in the main, from 
the Greek by a series of successive altera- 
tions. 

Ju'lia, a Christian woman at Rome, 
probably the wife, or perhaps the sister, 
of Plmlologus, in connection with whom she 
is saluted by St. Paul (Rom. xvi. 15). 

Ju'lius, the centurion of "Augustus' 
band," to whose charge St. Paul was de- 
livered when he was sent prisoner from 
Caesarea to Rome (Acts xxvii. 1, 3). 

Ju'nia, a Christian at Rome, mentioned 
kjy St. Paul as one of his kinsfolk and fel- 
low prisoners, of note among the Apostles, 
and in Christ before St. Paul (Rom. 
xvi. 7). 

Juniper (1 K. xix. 4, 5 ; Ps. cxx. 4 ; 
Job XXX. 4). The word which is rendered 
in A. V. juniper is beyond doubt a sort of 
broom, Genista monosperma, G. raetam of 
Forskal, answering to the Arabic Rethem. 
It is very abundant in the desert of Sinai, 
and affords shade and protection, both in 
heat and storm, to travellers. The Rothem 
is a leguminous plant, and bears a white 
flower. It is also found in Spain, Portugal, 
and Palestine. 

Ju'piter (the Greek Zeus). Antiochus 
Epiphanes dedicated the Temple at Jeru- 
8-alem to the service of Zeus Olympius (2 
Mace. vi. 2), and at the same time the rival 
temple on Gerizim was devoted to Zeus 
Xenius {Jupiter hospiialis, Vulg.). The 
Olympian Zeus was the national god of the 
Hellenic race, as well as the supreme ruler 
of the heathen world, and as such formed 
the true opposite to Jehovah. The appli- 
cation of the second epithet, " the God of 
hospitality," is more obscure. Jupiter or 
Zeus is mentioned in one passage of the N. 
T., on the occasion of St. Paul's visit to 
Lystra (Acts xiv. 12, 13), where the ex- 
pression " Jupiter, which was before their 
city," means that his temple was outside 
thA citv. 



fTu'shab-he'sed, son of Zercbbabel 

(IChr. iii. 20). 

Jus'tus. 1. A surname of Joseph calW 
Barsabas (Acts i. 23). 2- A Christian at 
Corinth, with whom St. Paul lodged (Acts 
xviii. 7). 3. A surname of Jesus, h friend 
of St. Paul (Col. iv. 11). 

Jut'tah, a city in the mountain regicQ 
of Judah, in the neighborhood of Maon and 
Carmel (Josh. xv. 65). 



K. 

Kab'zeel, one of the "cities" of thft 
tribe of Judah (Josh. xv. 21), the nativp 
place of the great hero Benaiah-ben-Jehoi- 
ada (2 Sam. xxiii. 20; 1 Chr. xi. 22). 
After the captivity it was reinhabited bi 
the Jews, and appears as Jekabzeel. 

Ka'desh, Ka'desh-bar'nea (Kadesh 
means holy : it is the same word as tho 
Arabic name for Jerusalem, El-Khuds). 
This place, the scene of Miriam's deitth, 
was the farthest point which the Israel'.tes 
reached in their direct road to Canaan ; it 
was also that whence the spies were sent, 
and where, on their return, the people 
broke out into murmuring, upon which 
their strictly penal term of wandering be- 
gan (Num. xiii. 3, 26, xiv. 29-33, xx. 1; 
Deut. ii. 14). It is probable that the term 
" Kadesh," though applied to signify a 
" city," yet had also a wider application to 
a region, in which Kadesh-Meribah certain- 
ly, and Kadesh-Barnea probably, indicates 
a precise spot. In Gen. xiv. 7, Kadesh is 
identified with En-Mishpat, the " fountain 
of judgment," and is connected with Tamar 
or Hazazon-Tamar. Precisely thus stands 
Kadesh-Barnea in the Books of Numbers 
and Joshua (comp. Ezek. xlvii. 19, xlviii. 
28; Num. xxxiv. 4; Josh. xv. 3). The 
name of the place to which the spies re- 
turned is "Kadesh" simply, in Num. xiii. 
26, and is there closely connected with the 
"wilderness of Paran;"yet the "wilder- 
ness of Zin " stands in near conjunction, as 
the point whence the " search " of the spies 
commenced (ver. 21). Again, in Num. xx., 
we find the people encamped in Kadesh 
after reaching the wilderness of Zin. Hence 
it has been supposed that there were two 
places of the name of Kadesh, one in the 
wilderness of Paran, and the other in that 
of Zin; but it is more probable that only 
one place is meant, for whether these tracts 
were contiguous, and Kadesh on their com- 
mon border, or ran into each other, and 
embraced a common territory, to which the 
name " Kadesh," in an extended sense, 
might be given, is comparatively unimpor- 
tant. Kadesh must be placed in a site near 
where the mountain of thfc Amorites de- 
scends to the low reidon oi* the Arabah and 



KADMIEL 



325 



KEMUEL 



l>ead Sea; bat its exact locality cannot be 
ascertained. Dean Stanley would identify 
it with Petra. 

Kadmiel, one of the Levites who with 
his family returned from Babylon with 
Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 40; Neh. vii. 43). He 
and his house are prominent in history on 
Ihree occasions (Ezr. iii. 9; Neh. Lx. 4, 5, 
1 9). 

Kad'monites, The, a people named in 
Gen. XV. 19 only ; one of the nations who at 
that time occupied the land promised to the 
descendants of Abram. The name is prob 
ably a synonyme for the Bene-Kedem — 
the "children of the East." 

Kalla'i, a priest in the days of Joiakim 
the son of Jeshua. He represented the 
family of Sallai (Neh. xii. 20). 

Ka'nah. 1. One of the places which 
formed the landmarks of the boundary of 
Asher ; apparently next to Zidon-rabbah, or 
'' great Zidon " (Josh. xix. 28). 2. The 
River, a stream falling into the Mediterra- 
«iean, which formed the division between 
ihe territories of Ephraim and Manasseh, 
*Jie former on the south, the latter on the 
aorth (Josh. xvi. 8, xvii. 9). 

Kare'ah, the father of Johanan and 
Jonathan, who supported Gedaliali's author- 
ity and avenged his murder (Jer. xl. 8, 13, 
15, 16, xli. 11, 13, 14, 16, xlii. 1, 8, xliii. 
i, 4, 5). 

Saika'a, one of the landmarks on the 
«outh o jundary of the tribe of Judah (Josh. 
Kv. 3). Its site is unknown. 

Kar'kor, the place in which Zebah and 
Zalmunna were again routed by Gideon 
(Juilg. viii. 10), must have been on the 
east of Jordan. 

Kar'tah, a town of Zebulun, allotted to 
the Merarite I<evites (Josh. xxi. 34). 

Kar'tan, a city of Naphtali, allotted to 
the Gershonite Levites (Josh, xxi, 32). In 
the parallel list of 1 Chr. vi. the name ap- 
pears in the more expanded form of Kir- 
JATHAIM (ver. 76). 

Kat'tath, one of the cities of the tribe 
of Zebulun (Josh. xix. 15). Schwarz seeks 
to identify it with Kana el-Jelil, — most 
probably the Cana of Galilee of the New 
Testament. 

Ke'dar, the second in order of the sons 
of Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 13; 1 Chr. i. 29), 
and the name of a great tribe of the Arabs, 
settled on the north-west of the peninsula 
»nd the confines of Palestine. The *' glory 
of Kedar " is recorded by the prophet Isa- 
iah (xxi. 13-17) in the burden upon Ara- 
bia ; and its importance may also be inferred 
from the " princes of Kedar " mentioned by 
El. (xxvii. 21), as well as the pastoral char- 
acter of the tribe. They appear also to 
have been, like the wandering tribes of the 
prssent day, " archers " and " mighty men " 
(Is. xxi. 17; comp. Ps. cxx. 5). That 
Uiex als) «iettled in villai^es or towj»8, we 



find from Isaiah (xlii. 11). The tntte 
seems to have been one of the most con- 
spicuous of all the Ishmaelite tribes, and 
hence the Rabbins call the Arabians uni 
versally by this name. 

Ee'demah, the youngest of the sons 
of Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 15; 1 Chr. i. 31). 

Ke'demoth, one of the towns in the 
district east of the Dead Sea allotted to the 
tribe of Reuben (Josh. xiii. 18) ; given to 
the Merarite Levites (Josh. xxi. 37 ; 1 Chr. 
vi. 79). It possibly conferred its name on 
the "wilderness," or uncultivated pasture 
land, "of Kedemoth" (Num. xxi. 23 ; Deut 
ii. 26, 27, &c.). 

Ke'desh. 1. In the extreme south of 
Judah (Josh. xv. 23). 2. A city of Issa- 
char, allotted to the Gershonite Levites (1 
Chr. vi. 72) . The Kedesh mentioned among 
the cities whose kings were slain by Joshua 
(Josh, xii- 22), in company with Megiddo 
and Jokneam of Carmel, would seem to 
have been this city of Issachar. 3. Ke- 
desh ; also Kedesh in Galilee ; and once, 
Judg. iv. 6, Kedesh-Naphtali. One of the 
fortified cities of the tribe of Naphtali, 
named between Hazor and Edrei (Josh, 
xix. 37) ; appointed as a city of refuge, and 
allotted with its " suburbs " to the Gershon- 
ite Levites (xx. 7, xxi. 32; 1 Chr. vi. 70). 
It was the residence of Barak (Judg. iv. 6), 
and there he and Deborah assembled the 
tribes of Zebulun and Naphtali before the- 
conflict, being probably, as its name im 
pUes, a "holy place" of great antiquity. 
It was taken by Tiglath-Pileser in the reign 
of Pekah (2 K. xv. 29). It is identified 
with the village Kades, which lies 4 miles 
to the N. W. of the upper part of the Sea 
of Merom. 

Ked'ron, properly Kidron. [Kidbon.J 

Kehela'thah, a desert encampment of 
the Israelites (Num. xxxiii. 22), of which 
nothing is known. 

Ke'ilah, a city of the Shefelah, or low- 
land district of Judah (Josh. xv. 44). Its 
main interest consists in its connection with 
David (1 Sam. xxiii. 7-13). It is repre- 
sented by Kila, a site with ruins, on the 
lower road from Beit Jihrin to Hebron. 

Ke'ilah the Garmite, apparently a 
descendant of the great Caleb (1 Chr. iv. 
19). There is no apparent connection with 
the town Keilah. 

Kelai'ah = Kelita (Ezr. x. 23). 

Ke'lita, one of the Levites who returned 
with Ezra (Ezr. x. 23). He assisted in 
expounding the law (Neh. viii. 7), and 
signed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. 
X. 10). 

Kem'uel. 1. The son of Nahor by 
Milcah, and father of Aram (Gen. xxii. 21). 
2. The son of Shiphtan, and prince of the 
tribe of Ephraim ; one of the twelve men 
appointed by Moses to divide the land of 
Canaan (Num. xxxiv. 24). 3. A Levite, 



KENAJS 



826 



laDROA 



father of llasjabiah, prince of the tribe in 
the reign of David (1 Chr. xxvii. 17). 

Ke'nan = Cainan, th« son of Enos (1 
Chr. i. 2). 

Ke'nath, one of the cities on the east 
of Jordan, with its " daughter-towns " (A. V. 
" villages ") th-ken possession of by a cer- 
tain NoBAH, who then called it by his own 
name (Num xxxii. 42). 

Ke'uaz. 1. Son of Eliphaz, the son of 
Esau. He was one of the dukes of Edom 
(Gen. xxxvi. 15, 42; 1 Chr. i. 53). 2. One 
of the same family, a grandson of Caleb, 
according to 1 Chr. iv. 15, where, however, 
the Hebrew text is corrupt. 

Ke'nezite, or Ke'nizzite (Gen. xv. 
19), an Edomitish tribe (Num. xxxii. 12; 
Josh. xir. 6, 14). 

Ke'nite, The, and Ke'nites, The; a 
tribe or nation, first mentioned in company 
with the Kenizzites and Kadmonites (Gen. 
rv. 19). Their origin is hidden from us. 
But we may fairly infer that they were a 
branch of the larger nation of Midian, — 
from liie fact that Jethro, who in Exodus 
(see ii. 15, 16, iv. 19, &c.) is represented 
as dwelhng in the land of Midian, and as 
priest or prince of that nation, is in Judges 
(i. 16, iv. 11) as distinctly said to have been 
a Kenite. The important services ren- 
dered by the sheikh of the Kenites to Moses 
during a time of great pressure and diffi- 
culty were rewarded by the latter with a 
promise of firm friendship between the two 
peoples. The connection then commenced 
lasted as firmly as a connection could last 
between a settled people like Israel and 
one whose tendencies were so ineradicably 
nomadic as the Kenites. They seem to 
have accompanied the Hebrews during their 
wanderings (Num. xxiv. 21, 22; Judg. i. 
16 ; comp. 2 Chr. xxviii. 15). But the wan- 
derings of Israel over, they forsook the 
neighborhood of the towns, and betook 
themselves to freer air, — to "the wilder- 
ness of Judah, which is to the south of 
Arad " (Judg. i. 16). But one of the sheikhs 
of the tribe, Heber by name, had wandered 
north instead of south (Judg. iv. 11). The 
most remarkable development of this peo- 
ple is to be found in the sect or family of 
t;he Rechabites. 

Ke'nizzite. (Gen. xv. 19). [Kene- 

BITE.] 

Ke'ren-hap'puch, the youngest of the 
daughters of Job, born to him during the 
period of his reviving prosperity (Job xlii. 

Ke'rioth. 1. A name which occurs 
among the lists of the towns in the southern 
district of Judah (Josh. xv. 25). 2. A city 
of Moab, named by Jeremiah only (Jer. 
xlviii. 24). 

Ke'ros, one of the Nethinim, whose 
descen lants returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. 
u. 44; Neh.rii. 47). 



Kettle, a vessel for culinary or sacrifl 
cial purposes (1 Sara. ii. U). The Hebrew 
word is also rendered "basket" in Jer. 
xxiv. 2, " caldron" in 2 Chr. xxxv. 13, and 
"pot"in Jobxli. 20. 

Ketu'rah, the wife whom Abraham 
"added and took" (A. V. "again took") 
besides, or after the death of, Sarah (Gen. 
XXV. 1; 1 Chr. i. 32). Some critics think 
that Abraham took Keturah after Sarah's 
death ; but it is more probable that he took 
her during Sarah's lifetime (comp. Gen. 
xvii. 17, xviii. 11; Rom. iv. 19; Heb. xi. 
12). That she was strictly speaking his 
wife is also very uncertain. In the record 
in 1 Chr. i. 32 she is called a "concutine" 
(comp. Gen. xxv. 5, 6). 

Key. The key of a native Oriental 
lock is a piece of wood, from 7 inches to 
2 feet in length, fitted with wires or short 
nails, which, being inserted laterally into 
the hollow bolt which serves as a lock, raises 
other pins within the staple so as to allow 
the bolt to be drawn back. But it is not 
diflScult to open a lock of this kind erec 
without a key, viz. with the finger dipped 
in paste or other adhesive substance. Ths 
passage Cant. y. 4, 5, is thus probably ex 
plained. 

Kezi'a, the second of the daughters of 
Job, born to him after his recovery (Job 
xlii. 14). 

Ke'ziz, The Valley of, one of the 
" cities " of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 21) and 
the eastern border of the tribe. 

Kib'roth-hatta'avah, Num. xi. 34; 

marg. "the graves of lust" (comp. xxxiii. 
17). From there being no change of spot 
mentioned between it and Taberah in xi. 3, 
it is probably, like the latter, about three 
days' journey from Sinai (x. 33), and near 
the sea (xi. 22, 31). If BUdherd be H?ze- 
roth, then " the graves of lust" may be 
perhaps within a day's journey thence in 
the direction of Sinai. 

Kibza'im, a city of Mount Ephraim, 
given up with its " suburbs " to the Kohp.tb' 
ite Levites (xxi. 22). In the parallel list 
of 1 Chr. vi. JoKMEAM is substituted tot 
Kibzaim (ver. 68). 

Kid. [GoatJ 

Blid'ron (orKed'ron), The Broolt, 
a torrent or valley — not a " brook," as in 
the A. V. — close to Jerusalem. It lay be- 
tween the city and the Mount of OUves, 
and was crossed by David in his flight (2 
Sam. XV. 23, comp. 30), and by our Lord 
on His way to Gethsemano (John xviii. 1 ; 
comp. Mark xiv. 26; Luke xxii. 39). Its 
connection with these two occurrences is 
aloiie sufficient to leave no doubt that the 
Kidron is the deep ravine on the east of Je- 
rusalem, now commonly known as the "Val- 
ley of Jehoshaphat." The distinguishing 
peculiarity of the Kidron valley — that i» 
respect to which it is moat frequently 



ILTN^H 



S'Zl 



KING 



najnlUiXiJ in the Old Teitament — is the 
impuriiy which appears to have been as- 
cribed to it. In the time of Josiah it was 
Oie conimoD cemetery of the city (2 K- 
&xiii. 6 , comp. Jer. xxvi. 23, " graves of 
the common people"). At present it is 
the favorite resting-place of Moslems and 
Jews, the former on the west, the latter on 
the east, of the valley. The channel of the 
Talley of Jehoshaphat is nothing more than 
die dry bed of a wintry torrent, bearing 
marks of being occasionally swept over by 
a large volume of water. 

Ki'nah, a city of Judah, on the extreme 
•outh boundary of the tribe, next to Edom 
(Josh. XV. 22). 

Kindred. I. Of the special names de- 
noting relation by consanguinity, the prin- 
cipai will be found explained under their 
proper heads. Father, Brother, &c. It 
will be there seen that the words which de- 
note near relation in the direct line are used 
also for the other superior or inferior de- 
grees in that line, as grandfather, grand- 
son, &c. II. The words which express col- 
lateral consanguinity are — 1. uncle; 2. 
«.unt; 3. nephew; 4. niece (not in A. V.) ; 
5. cousin. III. The terms of affinity are 
— 1. (a) father-in-law, (J) mother-in-law; 
2. (a) son-in-law, (b) daughter-in-law; 3. 
(a) brother-iu-law, (6) sister-in-law. The 
domestic and economical questions arising 
out of kindred may be classed under the 
three heads of Marriage, Inheritance, 
and Blood -revenge, and the reader is 
referred to the articles on those suhjects. 

King. [Bull. | 

King, the name of the Supreme Ruler 
of the Hebrews during a period of about 
600 years previous to the destruction of Je- 
rusalem, B. c. 586. The immediate occa- 
sion of the substitution of a regal form of 
government for that of Judges, seems to 
have been the siege of Jabesh-Gilead by 
Nahash, king of the Ammonites (1 Sam. 
xi. 1, xii. 12), and the refusal to aUow the 
inhabitants of that city to capitulate, except 
on humiliating and cruel conditions (1 Sam. 
xi. 2, 4-6). The conviction seems to have 
forced itself on *the Israelites that they 
Rould not resist their formidable neighbor 
unless they pl?,ced themselves under the 
sway of a king, like surrounding nations. 
Concurrently ^ith this conviction, disgust 
had been excited by the corrupt administra- 
tion of justice under the sons of Samuel, 
and a radical change was desired by them 
in this respect also (1 Sam. viii. 3-5). Ac- 
cordingly the original idea of a Hebrew 
king was twofold : first, that ha should lead I 
the people to battle in time of war ; and, ' 
2dly, that he should execute judgment ' 
and justice to them in war and in peace (1 1 
Sam. viii. 20). In both respects the de- 
sirad end was attained. To form a correct I 
ideaot a Hebrew king, we must abstract 



ourselves from the notions of modern Eti- 
rope, and realize the position of Oriental 
sovereigns. Besides being commander-in- 
chief of the army, supreme judge, and ib- 
solute master, as it were, of the lives of his 
subjects, the king exercised the power of 
imposing taxes on them, and of exacting 
from them personal service and labor. And 
the degree to which the exaction of person a1 
labor might be carried on a special occa- 
sion is illustrated by King Solomon's re- 
quirements for building the temple. In 
addition to these earthly powers, the king 
of Israel had a more awful claim to respect 
and obedience. He was the vicegerent of 
Jehovah (1 Sam. x. 1, xvi. 13), and as it 
were His son, if just and holy (2 Sam. vii. 
14; Ps. Ixxxix. 26, 27, ii. 6, 7). He had 
been set apart as a consecrated ruler. Upon 
his head had been poured the holy anoint- 
ing oil, which had hitherto been reserved 
exclusively for the priests of Jehovah. He 
had become, in fact, emphatically " the 
Lord's anointed." A ruler in whom so 
much authority, human and divine, was 
embodied, was naturally distinguished by 
outward honors and luxuries. He had a 
court of Oriental magnificence. Wheij 
the power of the kingdom was at its height, 
he sat on a throne of ivory, covered with 
pure gold, at the feet of which were two 
figures of lions. The king was dressed 
in royal robes (1 K. xxii. 10; 2 Chr. 
xviii. 9); his insignia were, a ciown or 
diadem of pure gold, or peihaps ra- 
diant with precious gems (2 Sam. i. 10, 
xii. 30; 2 K. xi. 12 ; Ps. xxi. 3), and a royal 
sceptre. Those who approached him did 
him obeisance, bowing down and touching 
the ground with their foreheads (1 Sam. 
xxiv. 8 ; 2 Sam. xix. 24) ; and this was 
done even by a king's wife, the mother of 
Solomon (1 K. i. 16). Their officers and 
subjects called themselves his servants or 
slaves, though they do not seem habitually 
to have given way to such extravagant sal- 
utations as in the Chaldaean and Persian 
courts (1 Sam. xvii. 32, 34, 86, xx. 8; 2 
Sam. vi. 20; Dan. ii. 4). As in the East to 
this day, a kiss was a sign of respect ind 
homage (1 Sam. x. 1, perhaps Ps. ii. 12). 
He lived in a splendid palace, with porchea 
and columns (1 K. vii. 2-7). All his drink- 
ing vessels were of gold (1 K. x. 21). He 
had a large harem, which in the time of 
Solomon mu«t have been the source ol 
enormous expense. As is invariably the 
case in the great eastern monaichies si 
present, his harem was guarded by eunuch*, 
translated " officers " in the A. V. for the 
most part (1 Sam. viii. 15; 2 K. xxiv. 12. 
15 ; 1 K. xxii. 9 ; 2 K. viii. 6, ix. 32, 33, xx. 
18, xxiii. 11 ; Jer. xxxviix. 7). The law of 
succession to the throne is somewhat ob- 
scure, but it seems most prn^hable that tli^ 
kirg during his lifetime named ;iis Auc<:es- 



KINGS, BOOKS OF 



328 



KINGS, BOOKS OF 



ior This was certainly the case with David 
0. K. i. 30, ii. 22), and with Eehoboam (2 
Chr. xi. 21, 22). At the same time, if no 
partiality for a favorite wife or son inter- 
vened, there would always be a natural bias 
of affection in favor of the eldest son. 

Kings, First and Second Books 
af, originally only one book in the Hebrew 
Canon, form in the LXX. and the Vulgate 
the third and fourth Books of Kings (the 
Books of Samuel being the first and second) . 
It must also be remembered that the divis- 
ion letween the Books of Kings and Sam- 
uel is e«[ually artificial, and that in point of 
fact the historical books commencing with 
Judges and ending with 2 Kings present 
the appearance of one work, giving a con- 
tinuous history of Israel from the time of 
Joshua to the death of Jehoiachin. The 
Books of Kings contain the history from 
David's death and Solomon's accession to 
the destruction of the kingdom of Judah 
«,nd the desolation of Jerusalem, with a 
supplemental notice of an event that oc- 
curred after an interval of twenty-six years, 
viz. the liberation of Jehoiachin from his 
prison at Babylon, and a still further ex- 
tension to Jehoiachin's death, the time of 
which is not known, but which was proba- 
bly not long after his liberation. The his- 
tory therefore comprehends the whole time 
of the Israelitish monarchy, exclusive of 
the reigns of Saul and David. As regards 
the afiairs of foreign nations, and the rela- 
tion of Israel to them, the historical notices 
in these books, though in the earlier times 
»canty, are most valuable, and in striking 
accordance with the latest additions to our 
knowledge of contemporary profane his- 
tory. The rames of Omri, Jehu, Mena- 
bem, Hoshea, Hezekiah, &c., are believed 
to have been deciphered in the cuneiform 
inscriptions, which also contain pretty full 
accounts of the campaigns of Tiglath-Pile- 
ser, Sargon, Sennacherib, and Esarhaddon : 
Shalmaneser's name has not yet been dis- 
covered, though two inscriptions in the 
British Museum are thought to refer to 
his reign. Another most important aid to 
a right understanding of tlie history in 
these books, and to the filling up of its 
outline, is to be found in the prophets, 
and especially in Isaiah and Jeremiah. It 
muf t. however, be admitted that the chron- 
ol ogical details expressly given in the books 
ol Kings form a remarkable contrast with 
their striking historical accuracy. The 
very first date of a decidedly chronological 
character which is given, that of the foun- 

If.tion of Solomon's temple (1 K. vi. 1), is 
manifestly erroneous, as being irreconcila- 
ble with any view of the chronology of the 
times of the Judges, or with St. Paul's cal- 
culation, Acts xiii. 20. It ife in fact aban- 

loned by almost all chronologists, to what- 
a\er school they belong, whether ancient 



or mc dern, and is utterly ignored \y Jose* 
phus. As regards, however, these cirono* 
logical difficulties, it must be observed they 
are of two essentially different kinds. One 
kind is merely the want of the data neces- 
sary for chronological exactness. But the 
other kind of difficulty is of a totally differ- 
ent character, and embraces dates which 
are very exact in their mode of expression, 
but are erroneous and contradictory. (1.) 
When we sum up the years of all the 
reigns of the kings of Israel as given in 
the Books of Kings, and then all the j^ears 
of the reigns of the kings of Judah from 
the 1st of Rehoboam to the 6th of Heze- 
kiah, we find that, instead of the two sums 
agreeing, there is an excess of 19 or 20 
years in Judah; the reigns of the latter 
amounting to 261 years, while the former 
make up only 242. But we are able to get 
somewhat nearer to the seat of this disa- 
greement, because it so happens that the 
parallel histories of Israel and Judah touch 
in four or five points where the synchro- 
nisms are precisely marked. These points 
are, (1) at the simultaneous accessions of 
Jeroboam and Rehoboam ; (2) at the simul- 
taneous deaths of Jehoram and Ahaziah. 
or, which is the same thing, the simultane- 
ous accessions of Jehu and Athaliah; (3) 
at the 15th year of Amaziah, which was the 
1st of Jeroboam II. (2 K. ; iv. 17) ; (4) in 
the reign of Ahaz, which was contemporary 
with some part of Pekah's, viz., according 
to the text of 2 K. xvi. 1, the three first 
years of Ahaz with the three last of Pekah ; 
and (5) at the 6th of Hezekiah, which wa« 
the 9th of Hoshea. Beginning with the 
sub-period which commences with the dou- 
ble accession of Rehoboam and Jeroboani, 
a.d closes with the double death of Aha- 
ziah and Jehoram, we find that the sis 
reigns in Judah make up 95 years, and the 
eight reigns in Israel make up 98 years. 
Here there is an excess of 3 years in tha 
kingdom of Israel, which may, however, 
be readily accounted for by the frequent 
changes of dynasty there, and the proba- 
bility of fragments of years being reckoned 
as whole years, thus causing the same year 
to be reckoned twice over. Beginning, 
again, at the double accession of Athaliah 
and Jehu, we have in Judah 7 + 40 -}- 14 first 
years of Amaziah = 61, to correspond with 
28-1-17-4' 16 = 61, ending with the last 
year of Jehoash in Israel. Starting again 
with the 15th of Amaziah = 1 Jeroboam 
II., we have 15 -f- 52 4- 16 -f- 3 = 86 (to 
the 3d year of Ahaz), to correspond with 
41 -{- 1 -f 10 -f- 2 4- 20 = 74 (to the close 
of Pekah's reign), where we at once detect 
a deficiency on the part of Israel of (86 — 
74 = ) 12 years, if at least the 3d of Ahaa 
really corresponded with the 20th of J?ekah. 
And lastly, starting with the year follow* 
ing that last named, we have 13 last y»>ar« 



KINGS, BOOKS OF 



329 



KINGS, BOOKS OF 



jf Ahaz -{- 7 first of Hezekiah = 20, to 
correspond with the 9 years of Hoshea, 
where we find another deficiency in Israel 
of 11 years. The discrepance of 12 years 
first occurs in the third period. We are 
told in 2 K. xv. 8 that Zachariah began to 
reign in the 38th of Uzziah, and (xiv. 23) 
that his father Jeroboam began to reign in 
the 15th of Amaziah. Jeroboam must, 
Ih-ftr afore, have reigned 62 or 53 years, not 
41 [ for tl:.e idea of an interregnum of 11 or 
12 years between Jeroboam and his son 
Zachariah i? absurd. But the addition of 
these 12 years to Jeroboam's reign exactly 
equalizes the period in the two kingdoms, 
which would thus contain 86 years. As 
regards the discrepance of 11 years in the 
last period, nothing can in itself be more 
probable than that either during some part 
of Pekah's lifetime, or after his death, a 
period, not included in the regnal years 
of either Pekah or Hoshea, should have 
elapsed, when there was either a state of 
anarchy, or the government was adminis- 
tered by an Assyrian officer. (2.) Turn- 
ing next to the other class of difficulties 
mentioned above, the following instances 
will perhaps be thought to justify the opin- 
ion that the dates in these books which are 
intended to establish a precise chronology 
are the work of a much later hand or 
hands than the books themselves. The 
date in 1 K. vi. 1 is one which is obviously 
intended for strictly chronological pur- 
poses. If correct, it would, taken in con- 
junction with the subsequent notes of time 
\n the Books of Kings, supposing them to 
be correct also, give to a year the length 
of the time from the Exodus to the Baby- 
lonian captivity, and establish a perfect 
connection between sacred and profane 
history. But so little is this the case, 
that this date is quite irreconcilable with 
Egyptian history, and is, as stated above, 
by almost universal consent rejected by 
chronologists, even on purely Scriptural 
pounds. This date is followed by pre- 
cise synchronistic definitions of the par- 
allel reigns of Israel and Judah, the effect 
of which would be, and must have been 
designed to be, to supply the want of ac- 
curacy in stating the length of the reigns 
without reference to the odd months. But 
these synchronistic definitions are in con- 
tinual discord with the statement of the 
length of reigns. According to 1 K. xxii. 
61, Ahaziah succeeded Ahab in the 17th 
year of Jehoshaphat. But according to 
th-e statement of the length of Ahab's reign 
in xvi. 29, Ahab died in the 18th of Jehosh- 
aphat; while according to 2 K. i. 17, Je- 
horam the son of Ahaziah succeeded his 
brother (after his 2 years' reign) in the 
Becand year of Jehoram the son of Je- 
hoshaphat, though, according to the length 
of the reigns, he must have succeeded' in 



the 18th or 19th of Jehoshaphat (seo 2 K. 
iii. 1), who reigned in all 25 years (xxii. 
42). [Jehoram.] As regards Jehcram 
the son of Jehoshaphat, the statements are 
so contradictory that Archbishop Ussher 
actually makes three distinct beginnings to 
his regnal era. From the length of Ama- 
ziah's reign, as given 2 K. xiv. 2, 17, 23, i< 
is manifest that Jeroboam II. began to 
reign in the 15th year of Amaziah, and 
that Uzziah began to reign in the 16th of 
Jeroboam. But 2 K. xv. 1 places tha 
commencement of Uzziah's reign in the 
27th of Jeroboam, and the accession of 
Zachariah = the close of Jeroboam's reign, 
in the 38th of Uzziah, statements utterly 
contradictory and irreconcilable. Other 
grave chronological difficulties seem to 
have their source in the same erroneous 
calculations on the part of the Jewish 
chronologist. — The peculiarities of diction 
in the Books of Kings, and other features in 
their literary history, may be briefly dis- 
posed of. On the whole the peculiarities 
of diction in these books do not indicate a 
time after the captivity, or towards the close 
of it, but on the contrary point pretty dis- 
tinctly to the age of Jeremiah. The gen- 
eral character of the language is, most dis- 
tinctly, that of the time before the Babylon- 
ish captivity. Authorship. — As regards the 
authorship of the books, but little difficulty 
presents itself. The Jewish tradition, which 
ascribes them to Jeremiah, is borne out by 
the strongest internal evidence, in addition 
to that of the language. The last chapter, 
especially as compared with the last chap- 
ter of the Chronicles, bears distinct traces 
of having been written by one who did not 
go into captivity, but remained in Judaea 
after the destruction of the Temple. This 
suits Jeremiah. The events singled out 
for mention in the concise narrative are 
precisely those of which he had personal 
knowledge, and in which he took special 
interest. The writer in Kings has nothing 
more to tell us concerning the J^iws oi 
Chaldees in the land of Judah, which ex- 
actly agrees with the hypothesis that he is 
Jeremiah, who we know was carried down 
into Egypt with the fugitives. In fact, the 
date of the writing and the position of the 
writer seem as clearly marked by the ter- 
mination of the narrative at xxv. 26, as in 
the case of the Acts of the Apostles. The 
annexation of this chapter to the writings 
of Jeremiah so as to form Jer. Iii. (with 
the additional clause contained 28-30) is 
an evidence of a very ancient, if not a con- 
temporary belief, that Jeremiah was the 
author of it. Going l«a,ck to the xxivtb 
chapter, we find in vei . 14 an enumeration 
of the captives taken with Jehoiachin iden- 
tical with that in Jer. xxiv 1 ; in vfjr. 13, a 
reference to the vessels of the Temple 
pre'^isely similar to that in Jer. xy^ii. 18- 



KINGS, BOOKS OF 



330 



KINGS, BOOKS OF 



TO, xxvui. 3, 6. Brief as the narrative is, 
It brings out all the chief points in the po- 
litical events of the time which we know 
were raach in Jeremiah's mind ; and yet, 
which is exceedingly remarkable, Jeremiah 
U never once named (as he is in 2 Chr. 
txxvi. 12, 21), although the manner of the 
writer is frequently to connect the suffer- 
ings of Judah with their sins and their 
neglect of the Word of God, 2 K. xvii. 
13, $eq,, xxiv. 2, 3, &c. It must, how- 
ever, be acknowledged that as regards Je- 
hoiakim's reign, and especially the latter 
part of it, and the way in which he came 
by his death, the narrative is much more 
meagre than one would have expected from 
a contemporary writer, living on the spot. 
But exactly the same paucity of informa- 
tion is found in those otherwise copious 
notices of contemporary events with which 
Jeremiah's prophecies are interspersed. 
When it is borne in mind that the writer 
of 2 K. was a contemporary writer, and, 
if not Jeremiah, must have had indepen- 
dent means of information, this coincidence 
will have great weight. Going back to the 
reign of Josiah, in the xxiii. and xxii. chap- 
ters, the connection of the destruction of 
Jerusalem with Manasseh's transgressions, 
and tile comp?,/ison of it to the destruction 
of Samaria, ver. 2Q, 27, lead us back to 
xxi. 10-13, and that passage leads us to 
Jer. vii. 15, xv. 4, xix. 3, 4, &c. The par- 
ticular account of Josiah's passover, and his 
other good works, the reference in ver. 24, 
25, to the law of Moses, and the finding of 
the Book by Hilkiah the priest, with the 
fuller account of that discovery in ch. 
xxii.i exactly suit Jeremiah, who began 
his prophetic office in the 13th of Josiah ; 
whose xith chap, refers repeatedly to the 
book thus found ; who showed his attach- 
ment to Josiah by writing a lamentation 
on his death (2 Chr. xxxv. 25), and whose 
writings show how much he made use of 
the copy of Deuteronomy so found. With 
Josiah's reign necessarily cease all strong- 
1/ marked characters of Jeremiah's author- 
ship. But though the general unity and 
continuity of plan lead us to assign the 
whole history in a certain sense to one 
author, yet it must be borne in mind that 
the authorship of those parts of the history 
of which Jeremiah was not an eye-witness 
— that is, of all before the reign of Josiah 
- would have consisted merely in select- 
ing, arranging, inserting the connecting 
phrases, and, when necessary, slightly 
modernizing the old histories which had 
been drawn up by contemporary prophets 
thiough the whole period of time. (See 
0. ^. 1 K. xiii. 32.) For, as regards the 
sources of information, it may truly be 
said that we have the narrative of contem- 
porary writers throughout. There was a 
reg^ar series of state-annals both for the 



kingdom of Judah and for that ol Israel, 
which embraced the whole time C)mi.re* 
bended in the Books of Kings, or at least 
to the end of the reign of Jelioiakiju (2 
K. xxiv. 5). These annals are constantly 
cited by name as "the Book of the ^cts of 
Solomon " (1 K. xi. 41) ; and after Solo- 
mon, "the Book of the Chronicles of thp 
Kings of Judah, or^ Israel " (c. g. 1 K. 
xiv. 29, XV. 7, xvi. 5, 14, 20; 2 K. x. 34, 
xxiv. 5, &c.) ; and it is manifest that the 
author of Kings had them both before hiia, 
while he drew up his history, in which the 
reigns of the two kingdoms are harmo- 
nized, and these annals constantly ap» 
pealed to. But, in addition to these nai- 
tional annals, there were also extant, al 
the time that the Books of Kings were 
compiled, separate works of the several 
prophets who had lived in Judah and Is- 
rael. Thus the acts of Uzziah, written by 
Isaiah, were very likely identical with the 
history of his reign in the national chront 
cles ; and part of the history of Hezekiah 
we know is identical in the Chronicles and 
in the prophet. The chapter in Jeremiad 
relating to the destruction of the TempliB 
(iii.) is identical with that in 2 K. xxiv.^ 
XXV. Relation of the Books of Kings U 
those of Chronicles. — It is manifest, and ia 
universally admitted, that the former is by 
far the older work. The language, which 
is quite free from the Persicisms of thf 
Chronicles and their late orthography, 
clearly points out its relative superiority 
in regard to age. Its subject also, eu> 
bracing the kingdom of Israel as well as 
Judah, is another indication of its conk- 
position before the kingdom of Israel was 
forgotten, and before the Jewish enmity 
to Samaria, which is apparent in such pas- 
sages as 2 Chr. xx. 37, xxv., and in those 
chapters of Ezra (i.-vi.) wliich belong 
to Chronicles, was brought to maturity. 
While the Books of Chronicles, there- 
fore, were written especially for the Jews 
after their return from Babylon, the Book 
of Kings was written for the whole of Is- 
rael, before their common national exist- 
ence was hopelessly quenched. Another 
comparison of considerable interest be- 
tween the two histories may be drawn in 
respect to the main design, that design 
having a marked relation both to tlie indi- 
vidual station of the supposed writers, and 
the peculiar circumstances of their coun- 
try at the time of their writing. Jeremiah 
was himself a prophet. He lived while the 
prophetic office was in full vigor, in his 
own person, in Ezekiel, and Daniel, and 
many others, both true and false. Accord- 
ingly, we find in the Books of Kings greaf 
prominence given to the prophetic offic& 
Ezra, on the contrary, was only a priest. 
In his days the pr'-phetio office had whdlN 
fallen into abeyance . That evidencr of the 



KINGS, BOOKS OF 



331 



KIRIOTU 



Jeyin being the people of God, which con- 
•isted in the presence of prophets among 
them, was no more. But to the men of his 
generation, the distinctive mark of the con- 
tinuance of God's favor to their race was 
the rebuilding of the Temple at Jerusalem, 
the restoration of the daily sacrifice and the 
''<evitical worship, and the wonderful and 
providential renewal of the Mosaic institu- 
tions. The chief instrument, too, for pre- 
serving the Jewish remnant from absorption 
into the mass of Heathenism, and for main- 
taining their national Life till the coming of 
Messiah, was the maintenance of the Tem- 
ple, its ministers, and its services. Hence 
we see at once that the chief care of a good 
•nd enlightened Jew of the age of Ezra — 
and all the more if he were himself a priest 
— would naturally be to enhance the value 
of the Levitical ritual, and the dignity of 
the Levitical caste. And in compiling a 
history of the past glories of his race, he 
would as naturally select such passages as 
especially bore upon the sanctity of the 
priestly office, and showed the deep concern 
taken by their ancestors in all that related 
to the honor of God's House, and the sup- 
port of his ministering servants. Hence the 
Levitical character of the Books of Chroni- 
cdes, and the presence of several detailed nar- 
ratives not found in the Books of Kings, and 
the more frequent reference to the Mosaic 
institutions, may most naturally and simply 
be accounted for, without resorting to the 
absurd hypothesis that the ceremonial law 
wa«» an invention subsequent to the captiv- 
ity (2 Chr. xxix., xxx., xxxi., compared 
with 2 K. xviii., is perhaps as good a speci- 
men as can be selected of the distinctive 
epirit of the Chronicles. See also 2 Chr. 
xxvi. 16-21, compared with 2 K. xv. 5 ; 2 
Chr. xi. 13-17, xiii. 9-20, xv. 1-15, xxiii. 2 
Sf compared with 2 K. xi. 5-9, and vers. 
18, 19, compared with ver. 18, and many 
other passages.) Moreover, upon the prin- 
ciple that the sacred writers were influenced 
by natural feelings in their selection of their 
materials, it seems most appropriate that 
while the prophetical writer in Kings deals 
veiy fully with the kingdom of Israel, in 
which the prophets were much more illus- 
trious than in Judah, the Levitical writer, 
an the contrary, should concentrate all his 
thoughts round Jerusalem, where alone the 
Levitical caste had all its power and func- 
tions, and should dwell upon all the instan- 
ces preserved in existing muniments of the 
deeds and even the minutest ministrations 
of the priests and Levites, as well as of their 
faithfulness and sufferings in the cans* of 
truth. From the comparison of parallel 
larratives in the two books, it appears that 
the results are precisely what would natu- 
rally arise from the circumstances of the 
case. The writer of the Chronicles, having 
ttie Books of Kings before him, made those 



books to a great extent the basis of his owa 
But also having his own personal views, 
predilections, and motives in writing, com- 
posing for a different age, and for people 
under very different circumstances ; and, 
moreover, having before him the original 
authorities from which the Books of Kings 
were compiled, as well as some others, he 
naturally re-arranged the older narrative 
as suited his purpose and his taste. He 
gave in full passages which the other had 
abridged, inserted what had been wholly 
omitted, omitted some things which the other 
had inserted, including nearly everything re- 
lating to the kingdom of Israel, and showed 
the color of his own mind, not only in the 
nature of the passages which he selected 
from the ancient documents, but in the re- 
flections which he frequently adds upon the 
events which he relates, and possibly also 
in the turn given to some of the speeches 
which he records. The last point for oui 
consideration is the place of these books in 
the Canon, and the references to them in 
the N. T. Their canonical authority having 
never been disputed, it is needless to bring 
forward the testimonies to their authentici 
ty which may be found in Josephus, Euse- 
bius, Jerome, Augustine, &c. They are 
reckoned among the Prophets, in the 
threefold division of the Holy Scriptures ; 
a position in accordance with the supposi- 
tion that they were compiled by Jeremiah 
and contain the narratives of the differ- 
ent prophets in succession. They are fre 
quently cited by our Lord and by th» 
Apostles. 

Kir is mentioned by Amos (ix. 7) as the 
land from which the Syrians (Aramaeans) 
were once "brought up;" i.e. apparently 
as the country where they had dwelt before 
migrating to the region north of Palestine. 
May not Kir be a variant for Kish or Kusi 
(Cush), and represent the eastern Ethiopia, 
the Cissia of Herodotus ? 

Kir-har'aseth (2 K. iii. 25), Kir- 
ha'resh (Is. xvi. ii), Kir-har'eseth 
(Is. xvi. 7), Kir-he'res (Jer. xlviii. 31, 
36). These four names are all applied to 
one place, probably Kir-Moab. 

EjT'iah, apparently an ancient or ar- 
chaic word, meaning a city or town. II 
may be compared to the word " burg " or 
" bury " in our own language. Closely re- 
lated to Kiriah is Kereth, apparently a 
Phoenician form, which occurs occasionally 
(Job. xxix. 7; Prov. viii. 3). This is f»- 
miliar to us in the Latin garb of Carr/iago, 
and in the Parthian and Armenian names 
Cit-ta, Tigrano- Certa. As a proper name 
it appears in the Bible under the forms of 
Kerioth, Kartah, BLartan ; besides those im- 
mediately following. 

Kiriatha'im. [Kikjathaim.] 

Kir'ioth, a place in Moab, the palacei 
of which were threatened by Amos with dfi- 



BaKJATH 



332 



KISHON, THE RITER 



■cru*. tion by fire (Am. ii. 2) ; unless indeed 
tne word means simply "the cities,' which 
is probably the case also in Jer. xlviii. 4. 

Kir'jath^ the last of the cities enumer- 
ated as belonging to the tribe of Benjamin 
''Tosh, xviii. 28), probably identical with 
tb». better known place Kirjath-Jearim. 

Kirjatha'im- 1. On the east of the 
Jordan, one of the places which were taken 
possession of and rebuilt by the Reubenites, 
and had fresh names conferred on them 
(Num. xxxii. 37, and see 38), the first and 
last of which are known with som^ tolerable 
degree of certainty (Josh. xii. ly). It ex- 
isted in the time of Jeremiah (xlviii. 1, 23) 
and Ezekiel (xxv. 9 — in these three pas- 
sages the A. V. gives the name Kiriathaim) . 
By Eusebius it appears to have been well 
known. He describes it as a village en- 
tirely of Christians, 10 miles west of Mede- 
ba, '* close to the Baris." 2. A town in 
Naphtali not mentioned in the original lists 
af the possession allotted to the tribe (see 
Josh. xix. 32-39), but inserted in the list of 
cities given to the Gershonite Levites, in 1 
Chr. (vi. 76), in place of Kartan in the 
parallel catalogue, Kartan being probably 
only a contraction thereof. 

Kir'jath-ar'ba, an early name of the 
city which after the conquest is generally 
known as Hebron (Josh. xiv. 15 ; Judg. i. 
10). The identity of Kirjath-Arba with 
Hebron is constantly asserted (Gen. xxiii. 
2, XXXV. 27 ; Josh. xiv. 15, xv. 13, 54, xx. 
7, xxi. 11). 

Kir'jath-a'rim, an abbreviated form 
of the name Kirjath-Jearim, which oc- 
curs only in Ezr. ii. 25. 

Kir'jath-ba'al. [Kirtath-jearim.] 

Kir'jath-hu'zoth, a place to which 
Balak accompanied Balaam immediately 
after his arrival in Moab (Num. xxii. 39), 
and which is nowhere else mentioned. It 
appears to have lain between the Arnon 
( Wady Mojeh) and Bamoth-Baal (comp. 
ver. 36 and 41). 

Kir'jath-je'arim, first mentioned as 
line of the four cities of the Gibeonites 
^Josh. ix. 17) : it next occurs as one of the 
landmarks of the northern boundary of 
Judah (xv. 9), and as the point at which 
the western and southern boundaries of 
Benjamin coincided (xviii. 14, 15) ; and in 
the two last passages we find that it, bore 
another, perhaps earlier, name — that of the 
great Canaanite deity Baal, namely Baalah 
and K:rjath-Baal. It is reckoned among 
the towns of Judah (xv. 60). It is included 
in the genealogies of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 50, 
&2) as founded by, or descended from, 
Shobal, thx3 son of Caleb-ben-Hur. " Be- 
hind Kirjath-jearim " the band of Danites 
pitched their camp before tbeir expedition 
to Mount Ephraim and Laisli, leaving their 
aame atta(;bed to the spot for long after 
(Judg. XI ill. ] 2). [Mahanbh-dan.1 Hi'Ji- 



erto beyond the early sanctity implied iu 
its bearing the name of Ba^l, there is 
nothing remarkable in Kirjath-jearim. It 
was no doubt this reputation for sanctity 
which made the people of Bethshemesli ap- 
peal to its inhabitants to relieve them c f th« 
Ark of Jehovah, which was bringing such 
calamities on their untutored inexperience 
(1 Sam. vi. 20, 21). In this high place the 
ark remained for twenty years (vii. 2). 
At the close of that time Kirjath-jearim lost 
its sacred treasure, on its removal by David 
to the house of Obed-edom the Gittite (\ 
Chr. xui. 5, 6 ; 2 Chr. i. 4 ; 2 Sam. vi. 2, 
&c.). To Eusebius and Jerome it appears 
to have been well known. They describe 
it as a village at the ninth mile between 
Jerusalem and Diospolis (Lydda). These 
requirements are exactly fulfilled in thtf 
modern village of Kuriet-el-Enah — now 
usually known as Ah'O. Gosh, from the rob- 
ber-chief whose head-quarters it was — on 
the road from Jaffa to Jerusalem. 

Kir'jath-san'nah. [Debir.] 

Kir'jath-se'pher (Josh. xx. 15, 16; 
Judg. i. 11, 12). [Debir.] 

Kir of Moab, one of the two chief 
strongholds of Moab, the other being As oi' 
Moab. The name occurs only in Is- xv. 1, 
though the place is probably referred to 
under the names of Kir-hebes, Kir-hara- 
SETH, &c. It is almost identical with the 
name Kerak, by which the site of an im- 
portant city in a high and very strong 
position at the S. E. of the Dead Sea is 
known at this day. Its situation is truly 
remarkable. It is built upon the top of a 
steep hill, surrounded on all sides by a 
deep and narrow valley, wL^ch again is 
completely enclosed by mountains rising 
higher than the town, and overlooking it 
on all sides. 

Kish. 1. The father of Saul; a Ben- 
jamite of the family of Matri, according to 1 
Sam. X. 21, though descended from Becher 
according to 1 Chr. vii. 8, compared with 1 
Sam. ix. 1. 2. Son of Jehiel, and uncle 
to the preceding (1 Chr. ix. 36). 3. A 
Benjamite, great-grandfather of Mordecai 
(Esth. ii. 5). 4. A Merarite, of the house 
of Mahli, of the tribe of Levi. His song 
married the daughters of his brother Elea- 
zar (1 Chr. xxiii. 21, 22, xxiv. 28, 39), ap- 
parently about the time of King fjaul, or 
early in the reign of Da\id, since Jedathub 
the singer was the son of Kish (1 Chr. vi. 
44, compared with 2 Chr. xxix. I'?). 

Kish'i, a Merarite, and father or ances- 
tor of Ethan the minstrel (1 Chr. vi. 44). 

Kisll'lon, one of the towns on tlie 
boundary of the tribe of Issachar (Josh, 
xix. 20), which with its suburbs was allot- 
ted to the Gershonite Levites (xxi. 28 ; A 
V. Kishon). 

Ki'shon, The River, a torrent oi 
w Iter strean. o^ central Palestine, tJ»« 



KISON 



383 



EGA 



«vene of two of the grandest achievements 
nl Israelite history — the defeat of Sisera 
(Judg. iv.), and the destruction of the 
prophets of Baal by Elijah (1 K. xviii. 40). 
The Nahr Mukutta, the modern represen- 
tative of the Kishon, is the drain by which 
the waters of the plain of Esdraelon, and 
of the mountains which enclose that plain, 
find their way to the Mediterranean. Like 
most of the so-called " rivers " of Pales- 
tine, the perennial stream forms but a 
small part of the Kishon. During the 
greater part of the year its upper portion 
is dry, and the stream confined to a few 
miles next the sea. The part of the Ki- 
shon at which the prophets of Baal were 
slaughtered by Elijah was doubtless close 
below the spot on Carmel where the sacri- 
fice had taken place. 

Ej.'son, an inaccurate mode of repre- 
senting the name Kishon (Ps. Ixxxiii. 9). 

Ej.SS. Kissing the lips by way of affec- 
tionate salutation was customary amongst 
near relatives of both sexes, both in Patri- 
archal and in later times (Gen. xxix. 11; 
Cant. viii. 1). Between individuals of the 
same sex, and in a limited degree between 
those of different sexes, the kiss on the 
cheek as a mark of respect or an act of 
salutation has at all times been customary 
in the East, and can hardly be said to be 
extinct even in Europe. In the Christian 
Church the kiss of charity was practised 
not only as a friendly salutation, but as an 
act symbolical of love and Christian broth- 
erhood (Rom. xvi. 16; 1 Cor. xvi. 20; 2 
Cor. xiii. 12 ; 1 Thess. v. 26; 1 Pet. v. 14). 
It was embodied in the earlier Christian 
offices, and has been continued in some of 
those now in use. Among the Arabs the 
women and children kiss the beards of 
their husbands or fathers. The superior 
returns the salute by a kiss on the fore- 
head. In Egypt an inferior kisses the 
hand of a superior, generally on the back, 
Dut sometimes, as a special favor, on the 
^alm also. To testify abject submission, 
i,nd in asking favors, the feet are often 
kissed instead of the hand. The written 
decrees of a sovereign are kissed in token 
of respect ; even the ground is sometimes 
cissed by Orientals in the fulness of their 
submission (Gen. xli. 40 ; 1 Sam. xxiv. 8 ; 
Ps. Ixxii. 9 ; &c.). Kissing is spoken of in 
Scripture as a mark of respect or adoration 
to idols (1 K. xix. 18; Hos. xiii. 2). 

Kite (Heb. ayydh). The Hebrew word 
thus rendered occurs in three passages, 
Lev. xi. 14, Deut. xiv. 13, and Job xxviii. 
7 : in the two former it is translated " kite " 
in the A. V., in the latter " vulture." It is 
enumerated among the twenty names of 
birds mentioned in Deut. xiv. (belonging 
for the most part to the order Raptores), 
which were considered unclean by the Mo- 
amir Law, and ibrbidden to be used as food 



by the Israelites. The allusion in J^e 
alone affords a clew to its identiflcalion. 
The deep mines in the recesses of the 
mountains from which the labor of man 
extracts the treasures of the earth arf 
there described as "a track which the bird 
of prey hath not known, nor hath the ey*^ 
of the ayydh looked upon it." The ayydh 
may possibly be the " kite," but there in 
no certainty on the subject. 

Kith'lish, one of the towns of Judah, iu 
the Shefelah or lowland (Josh. xv. 40). 

Kit'ron, one of the towns from which 
Zebulun did not expel the Canaanites 
(Judg. i. 30). In the Talmud it is identi- 
fied with '' Zippori," i. e. Sepphoris, now 
Seffurieh. 

Kit'tim. Twice written in the A. V. 
for Chittim (Gen. x. 4; 1 Chr. i. 7). 

Kneadiug-troughs. [Bread.] 

Knife, l. The knives of the Egyp- 
tians, and of other nations in early times, 
were probably only of hard stone, and the 
use of the flint or stone knife was some- 
times retained for sacred purposes aftei 
the introduction of iron and steel. Herod* 
otus (ii. 86) mentions knives both of iroi» 
and of stone in different stages of the samt* 
process of embalming. The same may per 
haps be said to some extent of the Hebrews 
2. In their meals the Jews, like other Ori 
entals, made little use of knives, but the^ 
were required both for slaughtering ani- 
mals either for food or sacrifice, as well aa 
cutting up the carcass (Lev. vii. 33, 34, 
viii. 15, 20, 25, ix. 13 ; Num. xviii. 18 ; 1 
Sam. ix. 24, &c.). 3. Smaller knives were 
in use for paring fruit (Joseph.), and for 
sharpening pens (Jer. xxxvi. 23). 4. Th« 
razor was often used for Nazaritic pur- 
poses, for which a special chamber was 
reserved in the Temple (Num. vi. 5, 9, 19 ; 
Ez. V. 1; &c.). 5. The pruning-hooks of 
Is. xviii. 6 were probably curved knives. 
6. The lancets of the priests of Baal were 
doubtless pointed knives (1 K. xviii. 28). 

Knop. A word employed in the A. V. 
to translate two terms, which refer to some 
architectural or ornamental object, but 
which have nothing in common. 1. Caph^ 
tor. This occurs in the description of the 
candlestick of the sacred tent in Ex. xxv. 
31-36, and xxxvii. 17-22. 2. The second 
term, PekaHm, is found only in 1 K. vi. 18, 
and vii. 24. The word no doubt signifies 
some globular thing resembling a small 
gourd, or an egg, though as to the character 
of the ornament we are quite in the dark 

Ko'a is a word which occurs only in Ez. 
xxiii. 23. It maj' perhaps designate a 
piace otherwise unknown, which we must 
suppose to have been a city or district of 
Babylonia. Or it may be a common noun, 
signifying " prince " or " nobleman," as the 
Vulgate takes it, and some of the Jewish 
interpreters. 



KOHATH 



834 



LACHI8H 



Ko'Jiath, second of the three sons of 
Levi, from whom the three principal divis- 
ions of the Levites derived their origin and 
tiieir name (Gen. xlvi. 11; £xod. vi. 16, 
18; Num. iii. 17; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 12, &c.). 
Kohath was the father of Amram, and he 
of Moses and Aaron. From him, there- 
fore, wevi descended all the priests ; and 
hence those of the Kohathites who were 
act priests were of the highest rank of the 
Levitf;s, though not the sons of Levi's first- 
born. In the journey ings of the Taber- 
nacle the sons of Kohath had charge of the 
most holy portions of the vessels (Num. 
iv.). It appears from Ex. vi. 18-22, com- 
pared with 1 Chr. xxiii. 12, xxvi. 23-32, 
that there were four families of sons of 
Kohath — Amramites, Izharites, Hebron- 
ites, and Uzzielites. Of the personal his- 
tory of Kohath we know nothing, except 
that he came down to Egypt with Levi and 
Jacob (Gen. xlvi. 11), that his sister was 
Tochebed (Ex. vi. 20), and that he lived to 
ihe age of 133 years (Ex. vi. 18). 

Kolai'ah. 1. A Benjamite whose de- 
scendants settled in Jerusalem after the 
return from the captivity (Neh. xi. 7). 2. 
The father of Ahab the false prophet, who 
was burnt by the king of Babylon (Jer. 
ifxix. 21). 

Ko'rah. 1. Third son of Esau by 
Aholibamah (Gen. xxxvi. 5, 14, 18 ; 1 Chr. 
I. 36). He was born in Canaan before 
Iksau migrated to Mount Seir (xxxvi. 5-9), 
*/id was one of the '* dukes " of Edom. 2. 
Inother Edomitish duke of this name, 
sprung from Eliphaz, Esau's son by Adah 
CGen. xxxvi. 16). 3. One of the " sons 
jf Hebron," m 1 Chr. ii. 43. 4. Son of 
tzhu,r, the son Kohath, the son of Levi. 
He was leader of the famous rebellion 
against his cousins Moses and Aaron in the 
wilderness, for which he paid the penalty 
of perishing with his followers by an earth- 
quake and flames of fire (Num. xvi., xxvi. 
9-11). The particular grievance which 
rankled in the mind of Korah and his com- 
pany was their exclusion from the office of 
the priesthood, and their being confined — 
those among them who were Levites — to 
the inferior service of the tabernacle. Ko- 
rah's position as leader in this rebellion 
was evidently the result of his personal 
character, which was that of a bold, haugh- 
ty, and ambitious man. From some cause 
rhich does not clearly appear, the children 
of Korah were not involved in the destruc- 
tion of their father (Num. xxvi. 11). Per- 
haps the fissure of the ground which swal- 
lowed up the tents of Dathan and Abiram 
did not extend beyond those of the Reu- 
benites. From ver. 27 it seems clear that 
Korah himself was not with Dathan and 
Abiram at the moment. He himself was 
doubtless with the 250 men who bare cen- 
sers nearer the tabernacle (ver 19), and 



pcrifcl ed with them by the " fire from Je- 
hovah " which accompanied the earthquake. 
In the N. T. (Jude 11) Korah is coupled 
with Cain and Balaam. 

Kor'ahite (1 Chr. ix. 19, 31), Kor- 
hite, or Kor'athite, that portion of the 
Kohathites who were descended from Ko- 
rah, and are frequently styled by the synonj - 
mous phrase Sons of Korah. They were 
an important branch of the singers (2 Chr. 
XX. 19). Hence we find eleven Psalms (oi 
twelve, if Ps. 43 is included under the 
same title as Ps. 42) dedicated or assigned 
to the sons of Korah, viz. Ps. 42, 44-49, 84, 
85, 87, 88. 

Ko're. 1. A Korahite ancestor of Shat 
lum and Meshelemiah, chief porters in th€ 
reign of David (1 Chr, ix. 19, xxvi. 1). ^ 
Son of Imnah, a Levite in the reign of 
Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 14). 3. In the A. 
V. of 1 Chr. xxvi. 19, ** the sons of Kore " 
(following the Vulg. Core), should proper- 
ly be " the sons of the Korhite." 

Koz (Ezr. ii. 61 ; Neh. iii. 4, 21) = Coz 
= Hakkoz. 

Kushai'ah. The same as Kisb. oi 
KisHi, the father of Ethan the Merarite O 
Chr. XV. 17). 

L. 

La'adah, the son of Shelah, and grand- 
son of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 21). 

Iia'adan. 1. An Ephraimite, ancestor 
of Joshua the son of Nun (1 Chr. vii. 26). 
2. The son of Gershom, elsewhere called 
LiBNi (1 Chr. xxiii. 7, 8, 9; x:xvi. 21). 

Lia'bail. 1. Son of Bethuel, brother of 
Rebekah, and father of Leah and Rachel. 
The elder branch of the family remained 
at Haran when Abraham removed to the 
land of Canaan, and it is there that we 
first meet with Laban, as taking the lead- 
ing part in the betrothal of his sister Re- 
bekah to her cousin Isaac (Gen. xxiv. 10, 
29-60, xxvii. 43, xxix. 4). The next time 
Laban appears in the sacred narrative it is 
as the host of his nephew Jacob at Haran 
(Gen. xxix. 13, 14). The subsequent trans- 
actions by which he secured the valuable 
services of his nephew are related under 
Jacob. 2. One of the landmarks named 
in the obscure and disputed passage Deut. 
i. 1. The mention of Hezeroth lias perhaps 
led to the only conjecture regarding Laban 
of which the writer is aware, namely, that it 
is identical with Libnah (Num. xxxiii. 20). 
The Syriac Peshito understands the name 
as Lebanon. 

Lacedemo'nians, the inhabitants of 
Sparta or Lacedaemon, with whom the 
Jews claimed kindred (1 Mace. xii. 2, 6, 6, 
20, 21 ; xiv. 20, 23; xv. 23; 2 Mace. v. 9). 

Ija'cllish, a city of the Amorites, the king 
of which jo'ned with four others, at th* 



LAEL 



335 



LAMENTATIONS 



mntation of Adonizedek king of Jerusa- 
lem, to chastise the Gibeonites for their 
league with Israel (Josh. x. 3, 5). They 
were routed by Joshua at Beth)ioron, and 
the king of Lachish fell a victim with the 
nthcrs under the trees at Makkedah (ver. 
26). The destruction of the town shortly 
followed the death of the king (ver. 31-33). 
In the special statement that the attack 
lasted two days, in contradistinction to the 
other cities which were taken in one (see 
rer. 35), we gain our first glimpse of that 
strength of position for which Lachish was 
afterwards remarkable. Lachish was one 
of the cities fortified and garrisoned by Re- 
hoboam after the revolt of the northern 
kingdom (2 Chr. xi. 9). It was chosen as 
a refuge by Amaziah from the conspirators 
who threatened him in Jerusalem, and to 
whom he at last fell a victim at Lachish (2 
K. xiv. 19; 2 Chr. xxv. 27). In the reign 
of Hezekiah, it was one of the cities taken 
by Sennacherib when on his way from 
Phoenicia in Egypt. This siege is consid- 
ered by Layard and Hincks to be depicted 
on the slabs found by the former in one of 
the chambers of the palace at Kouyunjik. 
But though the Assyrian records appear to 
assert the capture of Lachish, no statement 
is to be found either in the Bible or Jose- 
phus that it was taken. After the return 
fi om captivity, Lachish with its surround- 
ing "fields "was re-occupied by the Jews 
(Neh. xi. 30). By Eusebius and Jerome, 
ia the Onomasticon, Lachish is mentioned 
as " 7 miles from Eleutheropolis, towards 
Daroma," t. e. towards the south. 

Lia'el, the father of Eliasaph (Num. ill. 
24). 

La'liad, son of Jahath, one of the de- 
scendants of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 2). 

Laha'i-ro'i, The Well. In this form 
is given in the A. V. of Gen. xxiv. 62, and 
xxv. 11, the name of the famous well of 
Hagar's relief, in the oasis of verdure 
round which Isaac afterwards resided. 

Lah'mam., a town in the lowland dis- 
mct of Judah (Josh. xv. 40). 

Lah'mi, the brother of Goliath the Git- 
tite, slain by Elhanan the son of Zair, or 
Zaor (1 Chr. xx. 5). 

Jjalsh, the city which was taken by the 
Danites, and under its new name of Dan 
became famous as the northern limit of the 
nation (Judg. xviii. 7, 14, 27, 29). [Dan.] 
In the A. V. Laish is again mentioned in 
the account of Sennacherib's march on Je- 
rusalem (Is. X. 36). This Laish is proba- 
bly the small village, Laishah, lying be- 
tween Gallira and Anathoth, and of wliich 
hitherto no traces have been found. 

Ija'isll, father of Phaltiel, to whom Saul 
had given Michal, David's wife (1 Sam. 
rxv. 44 ; 2 Sam. iii. 15). 

Lakes. [Palestine.] 

Lakum, properly Lak'kum, one of 



the places which formed the landmarki 
of the boundary of Nd,phtali (Josh. xiv. 
33). 

Iiainbs formed an important part o ' 
almost every sacrifice (Ex. xxix. 38-41 
Num. xxviii. 9, 11, xxix. 2, 13-40, &c.) 
On the Paschal Lamb, see Passover. 

La'mech, properly Lemech. 1. Th» 
fifth lineal descendant from Cain (Gen. ir 
18-24). He is the only one except Enoch, 
of the posterity of Cain, whose history vt 
related with some detail. His two wives, 
Adah and Zillah, and his daughter Naamah, 
are, with Eve, the only antediluvian women 
whose names are mentioned by Moses. His 
three sons, Jabal, Jubal, and Tubal-cain, 
are celebrated in Scripture as authors of 
useful inventions. The remarkable poem 
which Lamech uttered has not yet been ex- 
plained quite satisfactorily. It may be ren- 
dered, — 

Adah and Zillah, hear my TOice ; 

Ye wives of Lamech, eire ear unto raj ipecch i 

£oT a man had I ilain for smiting me, 

And a youth for wounding me, 

Surely teven-fold shall Cain be arenged. 

But Lamech seventy and seven. 

It may perhaps be regarded as Lamech's 
song of exultation on the invention of the 
sword by his son Tubal-cain, in the pos- 
session of which he foresaw a great advan- 
tage to himself and his family over any 
enemies. 2. The father of Noah (Gen. r. 
29). 

Lamentations of Jeremiah. The 
Hebrew title of this book, ^cah, is taken, 
like those of the five Books of Moses, from 
the Hebrew word with which it opens. The 
poems included in this collection appear 
in the Hebrew canon with no name at- 
tached to them, and there is no direct ex- 
ternal evidence that they were written b> 
the prophet Jeremiah earlier than the 
date given in the prefatory verse which 
appears in the Septuagint. The poems 
belong unmistakably to the last days of 
the kingdom, or the commencement of 
the exile. They are written by one who 
speaks, with the vividness and intensity of ap 
eye-witness, of the misery which he bewails. 
It might almost be enough to ask who else 
then living could have written with that 
union of strong passionate feeling and en- 
tire submission to Jehovah which char« 
acterizes both the Lamentations and the 
Prophecy of Jeremiah. The evidences of 
identity are, however, stronger and more 
minute. Assuming this as sufficiently es- 
tablished, there come the que.nions — (1.) 
When, and on what occasion, did he write 
it? (2.) In what relation did it stand to 
his other writings? (3.) What light does 
it throw on his personal history, or on that 
of the time in which he lived? I. The 
earliest statement on this point is that of 
Josephus {Ant. x. 6, § 1). He finds among 
the books which were extant in his own 



1.AMENTATI0NS 



336 



LAMP 



time the lamentations on the death of Jo- 
siah, wnich are mentioned in 2 Chr. xxxv. 
26. As there are no traces of any other 
poem of this kind in the later Jewish liter- 
ature, it has been inferred, naturally enough, 
that he speaks of this. Against this we have 
to Ret (1) the tradition on the other side 
embodied in the preface of the Septuagint, 
(2) the contents of the book itself. We 
look in vain for a single word distinctive of 
a funeral dirge over a devout and zealous 
reformer like Josiah, while we find, step by 
itep, the closest possible likeness between 
the pictures of misery in the Lamentations 
and the events of the closing years of the 
reign of Zedekiah. At what period after 
the capture of the city the prophet gave 
tMs utterance to his sorrow we can only 
conjecture, and the materials for doing so 
with any probability are but scanty. II. 
The book consists of five chapters, each of 
which, however, is a separate poem, com- 
plete in itself, and having a distinct sub- 
ject, but brought at the same time under a 
plan which includes them all. A compli- 
cated alphabetic structure pervades nearly 
the whole book. (1.) Ch. i., ii., and iv. 
contain 22 verses each, arranged in alpha- 
betic order, each verse falling into three 
oearly balauced clauses ; ii. 19 forms an 
exception, as having a fourth clause. (2.) 
Ch. iii. contains tliree short verses under 
each letter of the alphabet, the initial letter 
being three times repeated. (3.) Ch. v. 
contains the same number of verses as 
di. i., ii., iv., but without the alphabetic 
order. III. Jeremiah was not merely a 
patriot-poet, weeping over the ruin of his 
country. He was a prophet who had seen 
all this coming, and had foretold it as inev- 
itable. He had urged submission to the 
Chaldaeans as the only mode of diminish- 
ing the terrors of that " day of the Lord." 
All feeling of exultation in which, as mere 
prophet of evil, he might have indulged 
at the fulfilment of his forebodings, was 
swallowed up in deep, overwhelming sor- 
row. Yet sorrow, not less than other 
emotions, works on men according to 
their characters, and a man with Jere- 
miah's gifts of utterance could not sit 
down in the mere silence and stupor of a 
hopeless grief. He was compelled to give 
expression to that which was devouring his 
heart and the heart of his people. An ex- 
amination of the five poems will enable us 
to judge how far each stands by itself, how 
far they are connected as parts forming a 
whole. I. The opening verse strikes the 
key-note of the whole poem. That which 
haunts the prophet's mind is the solitude 
in which he finds himself. She that was 
'♦princess among the nations" sits "sol- 
itary," " as a widow." Mingling with this 
outburst of sorrow there are two thouglits 
characteristic both of the man and tlie time. 



The calamities which the nation suflfers are 
the consequences of its sins. There musi 
be the confession of those sins. There 
is also, at any rate, this gleam of con- 
solation — that Judah is not alone in hei 
sufferings. II. As the solitude of the city 
was the subject of the first lamentation, so 
the destruction that had laid it waste is 
that which is most conspicuous in the sec- 
ond. III. In the two preceding poems, 
Jeremiah had spoken of the misery and 
destruction of Jerusalem. In the third 
he speaks chiefly, though not exclusively, 
of his own. Here, as in the prophecies, 
we find a Gospel for the weary and heavy- 
laden. IV. It might seem, at first, as if 
the fourth poem did but reproduce the 
pictures and thoughts of the first and 
second. Thus come before us once again 
the famine, the misery, the desolation, 
that had fallen on the holy city, making 
all faces gather blackness. V. One great 
dilSerence in the fifth and last section 
of the poem has been already pointed 
out. It obviously indicates either a de- 
liberate abandonment of the alphabetic 
structure, or the unfinished character of 
the concluding elegy. There are perhaps 
few portions of the O. T. which appear 
to have done the work they were meant to 
do more effectually than this. Tlie book 
has supplied thousands with the fullest 
utterance for their sorrows in the critical 
periods of national or individual suffering. 
We may well believe that it soothed the 
weary years of the Babylonian exile. On 
the ninth day of the month of Ab (July-Au- 
gust), the Lamentations of Jeremiah were 
read, year by year, with fasting and weep- 
ing, to commemorate the misery out of 
which the people had been delivered. It 
enters largely into the order of tlie Latin 
Church for the services of Passion-week. 
The LXX. group the writings connected 
with the name of Jeremiah together, but the 
Book of Baruch comes between the prophe- 
cy and the Lamentation. On the hypothesis 
of some writers that Jer. Iii. was originally 
the introduction to the poem, it would follow 
that the arrangement of the Vulg. and the 
A. V. corresponds more closely than any 
other to that which we must look on as th« 
original one. 

Lamp. 1. That part of the golden can 
dlestick belonging to the Tabernacle whict 
bore the light ; also of each of the ten can- 
dlesticks placed by Solomon in the Temple 
before the Holy of Holies (Ex. xxv, 37 ; 1 
K. vii. 49 ; 2 Chr. iv. 20, xiii. 1 1 ; Zech. iv. 
2). The lamps were lighted every evening, 
and cleansed every morning (Ex. xxx. 7, 
8). 2. A torch or flambeau, such as wa« 
carried by the soldiers of Gideon (Judg. viL 
16, 20; comp. xv. 4). The use of lamps fed 
with oil in marriage processions is alluded 
to in the parable of the ten virgins (Matt. 




< 

g 

o 
o 

< 



:*-a^-:._ 



LANCET 



337 



LATTICE 



rxv. 1). Modern Egyptian lamps consist 
j{ small glass vessels with a tube at the bot- 
tom containing a cotton-wick twisted round 
a piece of straw. For night-travelling, a 
lantern composed of waxed cloth strained 
over a sort of cylinder of wire-rings, and a 
top and bottom of perforated copper. This 
would, in form at least, answer to the lamps 
«^ithin pitchers of Gideon. 




E^gyptian Lamp. 

bancet. This word is found in 1 K. 
V iii. 2b only. The Hebrew term is Eomach, 
w.dch is elsewhere rendered, and appears 
to mean, a javelin, or light spear. In the 
original edition of the A. V. (1611) the 
word is "lancers." 

Ijanguage. [Tongues, Confusion of.] 

Ijantern occurs only in John xviii. 3. 
liee Diet, of Ant. art. Laterna. 

Laodice'a, a town in the Roman prov- 
ince of Asia, situated in the valley of the 
Maeander, on a small river called the 
Lycus, with Colossae and Hierapolis a 
few miles distant to the west. Built, or 
rather rebuilt, by one of the Seleucid mon- 
archs, and named in honor of his wife, Laod- 
icea became under the Roman government 
a plane of some importance. Its trade was 
f^onsi'lirable : it lay on the line of a great 
road ; and it was the seat of a conventus. 
From the third chapter and seventeenth 
verse of Revelation we should gather it was 
a place of great wealth. Christianity was 
introduced into Laodicea, not, however, as 
it would seem, through the direct agency of 
St. Paul. We have good reason for be- 
lieving that when, in writing from Rome to 
the Christians of Colossae, he sent a greet- 
ing to those of Laodicea, he had not per- 
sonally visited either place. But the 
preacliing of the Gospel at Ephesus (Acts 
xviii. 19--xix. 41) must inevitably have re- 
sulted in the formation of churches in the 
neighboring cities, especially where Jews 
were settled; andthere were Jews in Laod- 
icea. In subsequent times it became a 
Christian city of eminence, the see of a 
bishop, and a meeting-place of councils. 
The Mohammedan invaders destroyed it ; 
and it is now a scene of utter desolation : 
out the extensive ruins near Denislu justify 
all that we read of Laodicea in Greek and 
Roman writers. One Biblical subject of 
interest is connected with Laodicea. From 
Col. iv. 16 it appears that St. Paul wrote a 
letter to this place when he wrote the letter 
U) Colossae. The question arises wl ether 

22 



we can give any account of this Laodic t-ai 
epistle. Wieseler's theory is that the Epistlt 
to Philemon is meant. Another view, main- 
tained by Paley and others, is that the 
Epistle to the Ephesians is intended. 
Ussher's view is that this last epistle was s 
circular letter sent to Laodicea an)ong other 
places. The apocryphal Epistola ad Lao 
dicenses is a late and clumsy forgery. 

riaodice'ans, the inhabitants of Laod 
icea (Col. iv. 16; Rev. iii. 14). 

Lap'idoth, the husband of Deborah tlie 
prophete^^o (Judg. iv. 4). 

Lapwing (Heb. dudphath) occurs only 
in Lev. xi. 19, and in the parallel passage 
of Deut. xiv. 18, amongst the list of those 
birds which were forbidden by the law O'f 
Moses to be eaten by the Israelites. Com- 
mentators generally agree that the Hoopoe 
is the bird intended. The hoopoe is not 
now eaten except occasionally in those 
countries where it is abundantly found — 
Egypt, France, Spain, &c., &c. The hoopoe 
is an occasional visitor to England, arriv- 
ing for the most part in the autumn. Its 
crest is very elegant ; the long feathers form- 
ing it are each of them tipped with black. 

Xiase'a (Acts xxvii. 8), a city of Crete, 
the ruins of which were discovered in 1856, 
a few miles to the eastward of Fair Havens. 

Xja'sha, a place noticed in Gen. x. 19 
as marking the limit of the country of the 
Canaanites. It lay somewhere in the south- 
east of Palestine. Jerome and other writers 
identify it with CallirhoS, a spot famous for 
hot springs, near the eastern shore of the 
Dead Sea. 

Lasha'ron, one of the Canaanite toM ns 
whose kings were killed by Joshua (JoaJ» 
xii. 18). 

Latchet, the thong or fastening by 
which the sandal was attached to the foot. 
It occurs in the proverbial expression in 
Gen. xiv. 23, and is there used to denote 
something trivial or worthless. Another- 
semi-proverbial expression in Luke iii. 16* 
points to the fact that the office of bearing , 
and unfastening the shoes of great person-- 
ages fell to the meanest slaves. 

Latin, the language spoken by the Ro-- 
mans, is mentioned only in John xix. 20,. 
and Luke xxiii. 38. 

Lattice. The rendering in A. V. ol 
three Hebrew words. 1. Eshndb, which^ 
occurs but twice, Judg. v. 28, and Prov. 
vii. 6, and in the latter passage is translat- 
ed " casement " in the A. V. In both in- 
stances it stands in parallelism with " win- 
dow." 2. Khdraccim (Cant. ii. 9) is ap-- 
parently synonymous with the preceding, 
though a word of later date. 3. Sebdcdh, 
is simply "a network" placed before a. 
window or balcony. Perhaps the network. 
through which Ahaziah fell and receii'ed" 
his mortal injury was on the parapet tvf 
his palace (2 K. I. 2\ 



LAVER 



338 



LAW OF MOSES 



XjAVQT. 1 . In the Tabernacle, a vessel 
(1^ brass containing water for the priests to 
wash their hands and feet '^efore offering 
»ftcrifit;e. It stood in the court between 
Ihe altar and the door of the Tabernacle 
(Ex. XXX. 19, 21.) It rested on a basis, 
i. e. a foot, though by some explained to 
t>c a cover of copper or brass, which, as 
well as the laver itself, was made from the 
mirrors of the women who assembled at the 
door of the Tabernacle-court (Ex. xxxviii. 
8;. Tlie form of the laver is not specified, 
but may be assumed to have been circular. 
Like the other vessels belonging to the Tab- 
ernacle, it was, together with its "foot," 
consecrated with oil (Lev. viii. 10, 11). 2. 
In Solomon's Temple, besides the great 
raolten sea, there were ten lavers of brass, 
raised on bases (1 K. vii. 27, 39), five on 
the N. and S. sides respectively of the 
court of the priests. Each laver contained 
40 of the measures called " bath." They 
were used for washing the animals to be 
offered in burnt-offerings (2 Chr. iv. 6). 
The dimensions of the bases with the la- 
vers, as given in the Hebrew' text, are 4 
cubits in length and breadth, and 3 in 
height. There were to each 4 wheels of 
li cubit in diameter, with spokes, &c., all 
cast in one piece. 

Law. The word is properly used, in 
Scripture as elsewhere, to express a defi- 
nite commandment laid down by any rec- 
ognized authority. The commandment may 
be general, or (as in Lev. vi. 9, 14, &c., 
*' the law of the burnt-offering," &c.) par- 
ticular in its bearing ; the authority either 
human or divine. But when the word is 
used with the article, and without any 
words of limitation, it refers to the ex- 
pressed will of God, and, in nine cases out 
of ten, to the Mosaic Law, or to the Pen- 
tateuch, of which it forms the chief por- 
tion. The Hebrew word, tdrdh, lays more 
stress on its moral authority, as teaching 
♦he truth, and guiding in the right way; 
the Greek nomos (louoc), on its constrain- 
ing power, as imposed and enforced by a 
recognized authority. The sense of the 
word, however, extends its scope, and as- 
sumes a more abstract character in the 
•writings of St. Paul. Nomos, when used 
by him w ith the article, still refers in gen- 
eral to the Law of Moses ; but when used 
without the article, so as to embrace any 
manifestation of "law," it includes all 
powers M'liich act on the will of man by 
compulsion, or by the pressure of external 
motives, whether their commands be or be 
not expressed in definite forms. The oc- 
casional use of the word "law" (as in 
Ram. iii. 27, "law of faith") to denote 
in internal principle of action, does not 
really militate against the general rule. It 
should also l)e noticed that the title "the 
r^aw " is mcasienalW used loosely to ref^r 



to the whole of the Old Testament (as Iq 
John X. 34, referring to Ps. Ixxxii. 6; in 
Jolm XV. 25, referring to Ps. xxxv. 19; 
and in 1 Cor. xiv. 21, referring to Is. 
xxviii. 11, 12). 

Law of Moses. It will be the objert 
of this article to give a brief analysis of its 
substance, to point out its main principles, 
and to explain the position which it oct;u 
pies in the progress of Divine Revelation. 
In order to do this the more clearly, it 
seems best to speak of the Law, 1st, in re* 
lation to the past ; 2dly, in its own intrin- 
sic character; and, 3dly, in its relation to 
the future, (i.) (a.) In reference to the 
past, it is all-important, for the proper un- 
derstanding of the Law, to remember its 
enti7'e dependence on the Ahrahamic Cove- 
nant, and its adaptation thereto (ste Gal. 
iii. 17-24). That covenant had a twofold 
character. It contained the " spiritual 
promise " of the Messiah, which was given 
to the Jews as representatives of the whole 
human race. But it contained also the 
temporal promises subsidiary to the for- 
mer. These promises were special, given 
distinctively to the Jews as a nation. It 
follows that there should be in the Law a 
corresponding duality of nature. (6.) The 
nature of this relation of the Law to the 
promise is clearly pointed out. The belief 
in God as the Redeemer of man, and the 
hope of His manifestation as such in t\'f 
person of the Messiah, involved the belief 
that the Spiritual Power must be superior 
to all carnal obstructions, and that there 
was in man a spiritual element which could 
rule his life by communion with a Spirit 
from above. But it involved also the idea 
of an antagonistic Power of Evil, from 
which man was to be redeemed, existing 
in each indiv'dual, and ■existing also in the 
world at large, (c.) Nor is it less essen- 
tial to remark the period of the history 
at which it was given. It marked and de- 
termined the transition of Israel from the 
condition of a tribe to that of a nation, and 
its definite assumption of a distinct posi- 
tion and office in the history of the world. 
{d.) Yet, though new in its general con- 
ception, it was probably not wholly new in 
its materials. There must necessarily have 
been, before the law, commandments and 
revelations of a fragmentary character, un- 
der which Israel had hitherto growp up. 
So far therefore as they were consistent 
with the objects of the Jewish law, the cus- 
toms of Palestine and the laws of Egypt 
would doubtless be traceable in the Mosaic 
system, (c.) In close connection with, and 
almost in consequence of, this reference to 
antiquity, we find an accommodation of the 
Law to tlie temper and circumstances of 
the Israelites, to which our Lord refers in 
the case of divorce (Matt. xix. 7, 8) as ne- 
cfc'^sarilv interfering with its absolute i/er- 



LAW OF MOSES 



839 



LAW OF MOSES 



ft;< turn. Ii many cases it rather should be 
said to guide and modify existing usages 
tlia,n actually to sanction them ; and the ig- 
norance of their existen(;e n.ay lead to a 
conception of its ordinances not only erro- 
neous, I it actually the reverse of the truth. 
Nor is it less noticeable that the degree of 
prominence, given to each part of the Mo- 
saic system, has a similar reference to the 
period at which the nation had arrived. 
The ceremonial portion is marked out dis- 
tinctly and with elaboration ; the moral and 
criminal law is clearly and sternly decisive ; 
even the civil law, so far as it relates to in- 
dividuals, is systematic; because all these 
were called for by the past growth of the 
nation, and needed in order to settle and 
develop its resources. But the political 
and constitutional law is comparatively im- 
perfect; a few leading principles are laid 
down, to be developed hereafter; but the 
law is directed rather to sanction the vari- 
ous powers of the state than to define and 
jalance their operations. (/.) In close con- 
nection with this subject we observe also 
the gradual process by which the Law was 
revealed to the Israelites. In Ex. xx.-xxiii., 
in direct connection with the revelation 
from Mount Sinai, that which may be called 
th(! rough outline of the Mosaic Law is 
given by God, solemnly recorded by Moses, 
and accepted by the people. In Ex. xxv.- 
Kxxi. there is a similar outline of the Mo- 
saic ceremonial. On the basis of these it 
maj bo conceived that the fabric of the 
Mosaic system gradually grew up under the 
requirements of the time. The first reve- 
lation of the Law in anything like a perfect 
form is found in the book of Deuteronomy. 
If et even then the revelation was not final ; 
It was the duty of the prophets to amend 
and explain it in special points (Ez. xviii.), 
and to bring out more clearly its great prin- 
ciples, (ii.) In giving an ar,alysis of the 
substance of the Law, it will probably be 
better to treat it, as any other system of 
laws is usually treated, by dividing it into 
— (I.) Laws Civil; (II.) Laws Criminal; 
(111 ^ Laws Judicial and Constitutional ; 
<i\ \ Laws Ecclesiastical and Ceremonial. 

a.) LAWS CIVIL. 

(A) Of Persons. 

\a) Father and Son. — The power of a 
Father to be held sacred ; cursing, or smit- 
ing (Ex. xxi. 15, 17; Lev. xx. 9), or stub- 
t)orn and wilful disobedience, to be con- 
sidered capital crimes. But uncontrolled 
povier of life and death was apparently 
refused to the father, and vested only in 
.he congregation (Deut. xxi. 18-21). Right 
of the first-born to a double portion of the 
inhsritance not to be set aside by partiality 
(Deui. xxi. 15-17). Inheritance by Daugh' 
'♦r* to be alUwe^ in (kfault of sons, pro- 



vided (Num. xxvii. 6-8, comp. xxxvi.) 
that heiresses married in their own tribe. 
Daughters unmarried to be entirely de- 
pendent on their father (Num. xxx. 3-5). 

{h) Husband and Wife. — The power 
of a Husband to be so great that a wife 
could never be sui juris, or enter inde- 
pendently into any engagement, even be- 
fore God (Num. xjcx. 6-15). A widow or 
divorced wife became independent, and did 
not again fall under her father's power 
(ver. 9). Divorce (for uncleanness) al* 
lowed, but to be formal and irrevocable 
(Deut. xxiv. 1-4). Marriage within ccT' 
tain degrees forbidden (Lev. xviii., &c.). 
A Slave Wife, whether bought or captive, 
not to be actual property, nor to be sold; 
if ill-treated, to be ipso facto free (Ex. xxi. 
7-9; Deut. xxi. 10-14). Slander against 
a wife's virginity to be punished by fine, 
and by deprival of power of divorce ; on 
the other hand, ante- connubial unclean- 
ness in her to be punished by death (Deut. 
xxii. 13-21). The raising up of seed (Le- 
virate law) a formal right to be claimed by 
the widow, under pain of infamy, with a 
view to preservation of families (Deut. 
XXV. 5-10). 

(c) Master and Slave. — Pow^r of 
Master so far limited, that death under 
actual chastisement was punishable (Ex. 
xxi. 20) ; and maiming was to give liberty 
ipso facto (ver. 26, 27). Hie Hebrew Slav* 
to be freed at the sabbatical year,* and pro- 
vided with necessaries (his wife and chil- 
dren to go with only if they came to his 
master with him), unless by his own for- 
mal act he consented to be a perpetual slave 
(Ex. xxi. 1-6; Deut. xv. 12-18). In any 
case, it would seem, to be freed at the 
jubilee (Lev. xxv. 10), with his children. 
If sold to a resident alien, to be always re- 
deemable, at a price proportional to the 
distance of the jubilee (Lev. xxv. 47-54). 
Foreign Slaves to be held and inherited as 
property forever (Lev. xxv. 45, 46) ; and 
fugitive slaves from foreign nations not to 
be given up (Deut. xxiii. 15). 

{d) Strangers. — They seem never to 
have been sui juris, or able to protect them- 
selves, and accordingly protection and kind- 
ness towards them are enjoined as a sacreH 
duty (Ex. xxii. 21 ; Lev. xix. 33, 34). 

(B) Law of Things. 

(a) Laws of Land (and Property). — 
(1) All Land to be the property of God 
alone, and its holders to be deemed His 
tenants (Lev. xxv. 23). (2) All sold Itand 
therefore to return to its original owners 
at the jubilee, and the price of sale to be 
calculated accordingly ; and redemption on 
equitable terms to be allowed at all times 
(xxv. 25-27). A House sold to be redeem- 

* The di£Bcalty of enCnrcuif thit UwU m«d Ir fer. ZTziv,. 
8-lA. 



LAW OF MOSES 



340 



LAW OF MOSES 



able within a year ; and, if not redeemed, 
to pass away altogether (xxv. 29, 30). Bui 
the Houses of the Levites, or tliose in un- 
called villages, to be redeemable at all 
times, in the same way as land; and the 
Levitical suburbs to be inalienable (xxv. 
31-34). (3) Land or Houses sanctified, or 
tithes, or unclean firstlings to be capable of 
being redeemed, at six fifths value (calcu- 
lated according to the distance from the 
jubilee-year by the priest) ; if devoted by 
the owner and unredeemed, to be hallowed 
at the jubilee forever, and given to the 
priests ; if only by a possessor, to return to 
Uie owner at the jubilee (Lev. xxvii. 14-34). 
(4) Inheritance. 
I 



a) 



Son*. I 
(2) Daughters.* 

(3) Brothers. 

(4) Uncles on the Father's side. 

(5) ^ext Kinsmen, generally. 

(b) Laws of Debt. — (1) All Debts (to 
ftn Israelite to be released at the 7th (sab- 
batical) year ; a blessing promised to obedi- 
ence, and a curse on refusal to lend (Deut. 
XV. 1-11). (2) Usury (from Israelites) 
not to be taken (Ex. xxii. 25-27; Deut. 
xxiii. 19, 20). (3) Pledges not to be in- 
solently or ruinously exacted (Deut. xxiv. 
6, 10-13, 17, 18). 

(c) Taxation. — (1) Census-money, a 
poll-tax (of a half shekel), to be paid for 
the service of the tabernacle (Ex. xxx. 12- 
16). All spoil in war to be halved; of the 
combatant's half, one five-hundredth, of the 
people's, one fiftieth, to be paid for a 
" heave-offering " to Jehovah. 

(2) Tithes, (o) Tithes of all produce to 
be given for maintenance of the Levites 
(Num. xviii. 20-24). (Of this one tenth to 
be paid as a heave-offering for maintenance 
of the priests . . . 24-32.) (/?) Second Tithe 
to be bestowed in religious feastmg and 
charity, either at the Holy Place, or every 
3d year at home (?) (Deut. xiv. 22-28). 
(y) First Fruits of corn, wine, and oil (at 
least one sixtieth, generally one fortieth, 
for the priests) to be offered at Jerusalem, 
with a solemn declaration of dependence on 
God the King of Israel (Deut. xxvi. 1-15 ; 
Num. xviii. 12, 13). Firstlings of clean 
beasts ; the redemption-money (5 shekels) 
of man, and (i shekel, or 1 shekel) of un- 
clean beasts, to be given to the priests after 
sacrifice (Num. xviii. 15-18). 

(3) Poor Laws, (a) Gleanings (in field 
or vineyard) to be a legal right of the poor 
(Lev. xix. 9, 10; Deut. xxiv. 19-22). ((i) 
Slight Trespass (eating on the spot) to be 
allowed as legal (Dout. xxiii. 24, 25). (y) 
Second Tithe (see 2 (i) to be given in chari- 
ty, (i) Wages to be paid day by day (Deut. 
ixiv. 15). 

(4) Maintenance of Priests (Num. xviii. 

* Heireises to marry In their own tribe (Num. zxrii. 6- 

I ZXXTi.). 



8-32). (a) Tenth of Levites' Tiihe. (8«« 
2 a), {[i) The heave and wave-offeringt 
(breast and right shoulder of all peace- 
offerings), (y) The meat and sin-offerings, 
to be eaten solemnly, and only in the holy 
place. ((5) First Fruits and redemption 
money. (See 2 y). (jb) Price of all devoted 
things, unless specially given for a sacred 
service. A man's service, or that of his 
household, to be redeemed at 50 shekels fo) 
man, 30 for woman, 20 for boy, and 10 foi 
girl. 

(II.) LAVv^S CRIMINAL. 

(A) Offences against God (of the nature 
of treason). 

1st Command. Acknowledgment of false 
gods (Ex. xxii. 20), as e. g. Molech (Lev. 
XX. 1-5), and generally all idolatry (Deut 
xiii., xvii. 2-5). 

2d Command. Witchcraft and falst 
prophecy (Ex. xxii. 18 ; Deut. xviii. 9-22 : 
Lev. xix. 31). 

3d Command. Blasphemy (Lev. xxiv 
15, 16). 

4th Command. Sabbath-breaking (Num 
XV. 32-36). 

Punishment in all cases, death by ston- 
ing. Idolatrous cities to be utterly de- 
stroyed. 

(B) Offences against Man. 

5th Command. Disobedience to or curs 
ing or smiting of parents (Ex. xxi. 15, 17 j 
Lev. XX. 9; Deut. xxi. 18-21), to be 
punished by death by stoning, publicly ad- 
judged and inflicted ; so also of disobedience 
to the priests (as judges) or Supreme Judge. 
Comp. 1 K. xxi. 10-14 (Naboth) ; 2 Chr. 
xxiv. 21 (Zechariah). 

6th Command. (1) Murder, to be pun- 
ished by death without sanctuary or re- 
prieve, or satisfaction, (Ex. xxi. 12, 14- 
Deut. xix. 11-13). Death of a slave 
actually under the rod, to be punished (Ex. 
xxi. 20, 21). (2) Death by negligence, to 
be punished by death (Ex. xxi. 28-30). 
(3) Accidental Homicide: the avenger of 
blood to be escaped by flight to the cities 
of refuge till the death of the high-priest 
(Num. XXXV. 9-28; Deut. iv. 41-43; xix. 
4-10). (4) Uncertain Murder, to be ex- 
piated by formal disavowal and sacrifice by 
the elders of the nearest city (Deut. xxi 
1-9). (5) Assault to be punished by lea 
talionis, or damages (Ex. xxi. 18, 19, 22- 
25; Lev. xxiv. 19, 20). 

7th Command. (1) Adultery tc be pun- 
ished by death of both offienders ; the rape 
of a married or betrothed woman, by death 
of the oflTender (Deut. xxii. 13-27). (2) 
Rape or Seduction of an unbetrothed virgin, 
to be compensated by marriage, with dowry 
(60 shekels), and without power of aivorce ; 
or, if she be refused, by payment of full 
dowry (Ex xxii. 16, 17 ; Deut. xxii 2». 



uA.W OF MOSES 



341 



LAW OF MOSEb 



£9). (3) Unlawful Marriages (incestu- 
3U8, &c.)? to be punished, some by death, 
some by childlessness (Lev. xx.). 

8th Command. (1) Theft to be punished 
by fourfold or double restitution ; a noc- 
trarnal robber might be slain as an outlaw 
(Ex. xxii. 1—1). (2) Trespass and injury 
of things lent to be compensated (Ex.xxiii. 
&- 15) . (3) Perversion of Justice (by bribes , 
ihreats, &c.), and especially oppression of 
itrangcrs, strictly forbidden (Ex. xxii. 9, 
fee). (4) Kidnapping to be punished by 
ieath (Deut. xxiv. 7). 

9th Command. False Witness, to be 
Dunished by lex taltonis (Ex. xxiii. 1-3 ; 
beut. xix. 16-21). Slander of a wife's 
ihastity, by fine and loss of power of di- 
rorce (Deut. xxii. 18, li^;. 

A fuller consideration of the tables of the 
Ten Commandments is given elsewhere. 
[Ten Commandments.] 

nil.) LAWS JUDICIAL AND CON- 
STITUTIONAL, 

(A) Jurisdiction. 

\a) Local Judges (generally Levites, as 
more skilled in the Law) appointed, for 
ordinary matters, probably by tlie people 
with approbation of the supreme authority 
(as of Moses in the wilderness) (Ex. xviii. 
25 ; Deut. i. 15-18) through all the land 
(Deut. xvi. 18) . (6) Appeal to the Priests (at 
the holy place), or to the judge; their 
sentence final, and to be accepted under 
pain of death. See Deut. xvii. 8-13 (comp. 
appeal to Moses, Ex. xviii. 26). (c) Two 
witnesses (at least) required in capital 
matters (Num. xxxv. 30; Deut. xvii. 6, 7). 
{d) Punishment (except by special com- 
mand), to be personal, and not to extend to 
the family (Deut. xxiv. 16). Stripes al- 
lowed and limited (Deut. xxv. 1-3), so as 
to avoid outrage on the human frame. 

All this would be to a great extent set 
aside — 1st. By the summary jurisdiction 
of the king (see 1 Sam. xxii. 11-19 (Saul) 
2 Sam. xii. 1-5, xiv. 4-11 ; 1 K. iii. 16-28), 
•»hich extended even to the deposition of the 
high-priest (1 Sam. xxii. 17, 18 ; 1. K. ii. 26, 
27). The practical difficulty of its being car- 
ried out is seen in 2 Sam. xv. 2-6, and would 
lead of course to a tertain delegation of his 
power. 2d. By the appointment of the 
Seventy (Num. xi. 24-30) with a solemn 
religious sanction. In later times there 
was a local Sanhedrim of 23 in each city, 
and two such in Jerusalem, as well as the 
Great Sanhedrim, consisting of 70 members, 
besides the president, who was to be the 
high-priest if duly qualified, and controlling 
even the king and high-priest. The members 
were priests, scribes (Levites), and elders 
(of other tribes). A court of exactly this na- 
ture is noticed, as appointed to supreme pow- 
er I s Jehoshaph'it. ''Se<; 2 Chr. xix. 8-11.) 



(B) Royal Power. 

The King's Power limited by the Law, 
as written and formally accepted by the 
king ; and directly forbidden to be despotic * 
(Deut. xvii. 14-20; comp. 1 Sam x. 25). 
Yet he had power of taxation (to one tenth) ; 
and of compulsory service (1 Sam. viii. Id-- 
18) ; the declaration of war (1 Sam. xi.), &c^ 
There are distinct traces of a " mutual con- 
tract" (2 Sam. v. 3; a "leagu^e," 2 K. xL 
17) ; the remonstrance with Rehoboaia 
being clearly not extraordinary (IK. xii. 
1-6). 

TAe Princes of the Congregation, The 
heads of the tribes (see Josh. ix. 15) seem 
to have had autliority under Joshua to act 
for the people (comp. 1 Chr. xxvii. 16-22 < 
and in the later times " the princes of Ju- 
dah " seem to have had power to control 
both the king and the priests (see Jer. xxvi. 
10-24, xxxviii. 4, 6, &c.). 

(C) Royal Revenue. 

(1) Tenth of produce. (2) Domain land 
(1 Chr. xxvii. 26-29). Note confiscation 
of criminal's land (IK. xxi. 15). (3) Bond 
service (1 K. v. 17, 18), chiefly on foreign- 
ers (1 K. ix. 20-22 ; 2 Chr. ii. 16, 17). (4) 
Flocks and herds (1 Chr. xxvii. 29-31). 

(5) Tributes (gifts) from foreign kings. 

(6) Commerce; especially in Solomun'i 
time (1 K. x. 22, 29, &c.). , 

(IV.) ECCLESIASTICAL AND CER- 
EMONIAL LAW. 

(A) Law of Sacrifice (considered as the 
sign and the appointed means of the 
union with God, on which the holinesf 
of the people depended). 

(1) Ordinary Sacrifices. 

(a) The whole Burnt- Offering (Lev. 1) 
of the herd or the flock ; to be oflTered 
continually (Ex. xxix. 38-42) ; and the 
fire on the altar never to be extin- 
guished (Lev. vi. 8-13). 

(/?) The Meat-Ofering (Lev. ii., vi. 14- 
23) of flour, oil, and frankincense, un- 
leavened, and seasoned with salt. 

(y) The Peace- Offering (Lev. iii., rii. 
11-21) of the herd or the flock ; either 
a thank-offering, or a vow, or freewill 
offering. 

((J) 27ie Sin- Offering, or Trespass- 
Offering (Lev. iv., v., vi.). 

(a) For sins committed in ignorance 
Lev. iv.). 

(b) For vows unwittingly made and 
broken, or uncleanness unwittingly 
contracted (Lev. v.). 

(r) For sins wittingly committed (Lev 
vi. 1-7). 

* Military conqueBt diacouraf^ed by the prohibition o( 
the use of horses. (See Josh. xi. &) For an exampl* of 
obedience to this law cee 2 Sam. riiL 4, and (^f diMb«»i**«f 
to it in 1 K. X. 26-29. - 



LAW OF MOSES 



342 



LAW OF MOSES 



1 2) EXTKAOKDINARY SaCRU ICES. 

(m) At the Consecration of Priests (Lev. 

viii., ix.). 
(l*) At the Purification of Women (Lev. 

xii.). 
(jr) At the Cleansing of Lepers (Lev. 

xiii., xiv.). 
(^) On the Great Day of Atonement 

(Lev. xvi.). 
''^t) On the great Festivals (Lev. xxiii.). 

B) Law of Holiness (arising from the 
anion with God through sacrifice). 

(1) Holiness of Persons. 

(a) Holiness of the whole people as 

"children of God" (Ex. xix. 5, 6; 

Lev. xi.-xv., xvii., xviii. ; Deut. xiv. 

1-21), shown in 
(a) The Dedication of the first-born (Ex. 

xiii. 2, 12, 13, xxii. 29, 30, &c ; and the 

offering of all firstlings and first-fruits 

(Deut. xxvi., &c.). 
(6) Distinction of clean and unclean food 

(Lev. xi. ; Deut. xiv.). 
(c) Provision for purification (Lev. xii., 

xiii., xiv., XV. ; Deut. xxiii. 1-14). 
(rf) Laws against disfigurement (Lev. 

xix. 27 ; Deut. xiv. 1 ; comp. Deut. 

XXV. 2, against excessive scourging). 
(«) Laws against unnatural marriages 

and lusts (Lev. xviii., xx.). 
(i^) Holiness of the Priests (jind Levites). 
(a) Their consecration (Lev. viii., ix. ; 

Ex. xxix). 
(6) Their special qualifications and re- 
strictions (Lev. xxi., xxii. 1-9). 
(c) Their rights (Deut. xviii. 1-6 ; Num. 

xviii.) and authority (Deut. xvii. 8-13). 

1^2) Holiness of Places and Things. 

(a) The Tabernacle with the ark, the 
■»ail, the altars, the laver, the priestly 
robes, &c. (Ex. xxv.-xxviii., xxx.). 

(Ji) J%e Holy Place chosen for the perma- 
nent erection of the tabernacle (Deut. 
xii., xiv., 22-29), where only all sacri- 
fices were to be offered, and all tithes, 
first-fruits, vows, &c., to be given or 
eaten. 

(3) Holiness of Times. 

(«) The Sahhtith (Ex. xx. 9-11, xxiii. 12, 
Ac). 

[f) The Sabbatical Tear (Ex. xxiii. 10, 
11 ; Lev. XXV. 1-7, &c.). 

\^y) The Tear of Jubilee (Lev. xxv. 8-16, 
&c.). 

[S) The Passover (Ex. xii. 3-27; Lev. 
(xiii. 4-14). 

(•) The Feast of Weeks (Pentecost) (Lev. 
xxiii. 15, «&c.) 

(C) The Feast of Tabernacles (Lev. 
xxiii. 33-43). 

(ij) The Feast of Trumpets (Lev. xxiii. 
23-25) . 

f ^) The Day of Atonement (I er. xxiii. 
'i6')2, &c.) 



Such is the substance of the Mosaic Law 
The leading principle of the whole i« lU 
theocratic character, its reference (thai 
is) of all action and thoughts of men di- 
rectly and immediately to the Tvill of God. 
It follows from this, that it is to be regard- 
ed not merely as a law, that is, a rule of 
conduct, based on known truth and ac- 
knowledged authority, ! ut also as a Retela 
Hon of God's nature and His dispensations. 
But this theocratic character of the law de- 
pends necessarily on the belief in Goc^, at 
not only the Creator and Sustainer of the 
world, but as, by special covenant, the head 
of the Jewish nation. This immediate ref- 
erence to God as their King is clearly seen 
as the groundwork of their whole polity. 
From this theocratic nature of the law fol- 
low important deductions with regard to (a) 
the view which it takes of political society; 
(b) the extent of the scope of the law ; (c) 
the penalties by which it is enforced ; and 
(cZ) the character which it seeks to impress 
on the people, (a.) The Mosaic Law seeks 
the basis of its polity, first, in the absolute 
sovereignty of God, next in the relation- 
ship of each individual to God, and through 
God to his countrymen. It is clear that 
such a doctrine, while it contradicts none 
of the common theories, yet lies beneath 
them all. (i.) The law, as proceeding di- 
rectly from God, and referring directly to 
Him, is necessarily absolute in its suprem- 
acy and unlimited in its scope. It is su- 
preme over the governors, as being only 
the delegates of the Lord, and therefore it 
is incompatible with any despotic authority 
in them. On the other hand, it is supreme 
over the governed, recognizing no inhe- 
rent rights in the individual, as prevailing 
against or limiting the law. It regulated 
the whole life of an Israelite. His actions 
were rewarded and punished with great 
minuteness and strictness ; and that ac- 
cording to the standard, not of their conse- 
quences, but of their intrinsic morality. His 
religious worship was defined and enforced 
in an elaborate and uncoasing ceremonial, 
(c.) TTie penalties and 'rewards by which 
the law is enforced are such as depend on 
the direct theocracy. With regard to indi- 
vidual actions, it may be noticed that, ao 
generally some penalties are inflicted by 
the subordinate, and some only by the su- 
preme authority, so among the Israelites 
some penalties came from the hand of man, 
some directly from the providence of God. 
The bearing of this principle on the inquiry 
as to the revelation of a future life, in the 
Pentateuch, is easily seen. The sphere of 
moral and religious action and tliought to 
which the law extends is beyond the cogni- 
zance of human laws, and the scope of 
their ordinary penalties, and is therefore 
left by thiim to the retribution of God's in 
Bcnitable justice, which, being hnt ixnpcr 



1.AW OF MOfeES 



3i3 



LAW OF MOSEb 



fiBcUy seen here, is contemplated especially 
as exercised in a future state. Hence arises 
th i expectation of a direct revelation of this 
future state in the Mosaic Law. Such a 
revelation is certainly not given. The truth 
seems to be that, in a law which appeals 
directly to God himself for its authority and 
ite sanction, there cannot be that b^oad line 
of demarcation between this life and the 
nt xt, which in drawn for those whose power 
is limited by the grave, (d.) But perhaps 
tie most important consequence of the the- 
ocratic niiture of the law was the peculiar 
character of goodness which it sought to 
impress on the people. The Mosaic Law, 
bi?gjnning with piety, as its first object, en- 
forces most emphatically the purity essen- 
tial to those who, by their union with God, 
have recovered the hope of intrinsic good- 
ness, while it views righteousness and love 
rather as deductions from these than as in- 
dependent objects. The appeal is not to 
any dignity of human nature, but to the 
obligations of communion with a Holy God. 
The subordination, therefore, of this idea 
also to the religious idea is enforced ; and 
so long as the due supremacy of the latter 
was preserved, all other duties would find 
tlicir places in proper harmony. But the 
usurpation of that supremacy in practice 
by the idea of personal and national sanc- 
tity was that which gave its peculiar color 
to the Jewish character. It is evident that 
this characteristic of the Israelites would 
tend to preserve the seclusion which, under 
Gods providence, was intended for them, 
and would in its turn be fostered by it. 
— In considering the relation of the Law 
to the future, it is important to be guided 
by the general principle laid down in Heb. 
v^ii. 19, " The Law made nothing perfect." 
This principle will be applied in difiTerent 
degrees to its bearing (a) on the after-his- 
tory of the Jewish commonwealth before 
the coming of Christ; (b) on the coming of 
our Lord Himself; and (c) on the dispensa- 
tion of the Gospel, (a.) To that after- 
hiijtory the Law was, to a great extent, the 
key. It was indeed often neglected, and 
even forgotten ; yet still it formed the stan- 
dard from wliich the people knowingly 
departed, and to which tliey constantly re- 
turned; and to it therefore all which was 
peculiar in their national and individual 
character was due. Its direct influence 
was probaoly greatest in the periods be- 
fore the establishment of the kingdom, 
and after the Babylonish captivity. The 
last act of Joshua was to bind the Israel- 
ites to it as the charter of their occupa- 
tion of the conquered land (Josh. xxiv. 
24-27) ; and, in the semi- anarchical period 
of the Judges, the Law and the Tabernacle 
were the only centres of anything like 
national unity. The establishment of the 
kingdom was due to an impatience of ^his 



position, and a desire for a visible and per 
sonal centre of autliority, much the same 
in nature as that which plunged tht m so 
often in idolatry. In the kingdoni cf Is- 
rael, after the separation, the dolihfrife 
rejection of the leading principles of the 
Law by Jeroboam and his successors wag 
the beginning of a gradual declension 'me 
idolatry and heathenism. But in the king- 
dom of Judah the very division of tht 
monarchy and consequent diminution af 
its splendor, and the need of a principle to 
assert against the superior material powei- 
of Israel, brought out the Law once more 
in increased honor and influence. Far 
more was this the case after the captivitj 
The loss of the independent monarchy, and 
the cessation of prophecy, both combined 
to throw the Jews back upon the Law alone, 
as their only distinctive pledge of nation- 
ality, and sure guide to truth. This love 
for the Law, rather than any abstract 
patriotism, was the strength of the Mac- 
cabaean struggle against the Syrians, and 
the success of that struggle, entlironing a 
Le-* itical power, deepened the feeling from 
which it sprang. The Law thus became 
the moulding influence of the Jewish char 
acter. The Pharisees, truly representing 
the chief strength of the people, systema- 
tized this feeling. Against this idolatry of 
the Law there were two reactions. The 
first was that of the Sadducees ; one which 
had its basis in the idea of a higher love 
and service of God, independent of the 
Law and its sanctions. The other, that of 
the EssENES, was an attempt to burst the 
bonds of the formal law, and assert its ideae 
in all fulness, freedom, and purity. (b.) 
The relation of tlie Law to the advent of 
(~!hrist is also laid down clearly by St. Paul. 
The law was the Uuiduyaiyoq (ig Xoiorov, 
the servant (that is), whose task it was to 
guide the child to the true teacher (Gal. iii. 
24); and Christ was "the end "or object 
" ot the Law" (Rora. x. 4). As being sub- 
sidiary to the promise, it had accom])lished 
its purpose when the promise was fulfilled. 
In its national aspect it had existed to guarti 
the faith in the theocracy. The chief hin- 
derance to that fauh had been (lie diffi- 
culty of realizing tlie invisible presence oi 
God, and of conceiving a communion * ith 
the infinite Godhead wljchsliould r;(t cnisb 
or absorb the finite creature. ThisdJlficultj 
was now to pass away forever, in the In- 
carnation of the Godhead in One truly and 
visibly man. In its individual, or wh; t i.-^ 
usually called its "moral" aspect, the 
Law bore equally the stamp of transitoii- 
ness and insuificiency. It had d ?clared tht 
authority of truth and goodness ov( r man s 
will, and taken for granted in man the ex- 
istence of a spirit which could recognize 
tliat autliority ; but it had done no more. 
Its presence had, therefore, dt-tectid th« 



LAWi:£K 



344 



LAZAKUS 



existence and the sinfulness of sin, as alien 
alike to God's will and man's true nature ; 
but it had also )>rought out with more vehe- 
ment and desperate antagonism the power 
of sin dwelling in man as fallen (Rom. vii. 
7--25). The relation of the Law to Christ 
ip its sacrijficial and ceremonial aspect, will 
be more fully considered elsewhere. [Sac- 
sifiCE.] (c.) The question has been fre- 
|uectly discussed how far the Mosaic Law 
has any obligation or existence under the 
dispensation of the Gospel. As a means of 
justification or salvation, it ought never to 
have been regarded, even before Christ; 
it needs no proof to show that still less can 
this be so since He has come. But yet 
the question remains whether it is binding 
on Christians, even when they do not de- 
pend on it for salvation. It seems clear 
enough, that its formal coercive authority 
as a whole ended with the close of the 
Jewish di.»;)ensation. It referred through- 
out to the Jewish covenant, and in many 
points to the constitution, the customs, land 
even the local circumstances of the people. 
That covenant was preparatory to the Chris- 
tian, in which it is now absorbed; those 
customs and observances have passed away. 
It follows, by the very nature of the case, 
that the formal obligation to the Law must 
have ceased with the basis on which it is 
grounded. But what then becomes of the 
declaration of our Lord, that Jle came " not 
to destroy the Law, but to perfect it," and 
that " not one jot or one tittle of it shall pass 
away "? what of the fact, consequent upon 
it, that the Law has been reverenced in all 
Christian churches, and had an important 
influence on much Christian legislation? 
The explanation of the apparent contra- 
lUction lies in the difference between posi- 
tive and moral obligation. To apply this 
principle practically there is need of much 
study and discretion, in order to distinguish 
what is local and temporary from what is 
universal, and what is mere external form 
from what is the essence of an ordinance. 

Lawyer. The title '* lawyer " is gener- 
ally supposed to be equivalent to the title 
" scribe," both on account of its etymolo- 
gical meaning, and also because the man, 
who is also called a " lawyer " in Matt. 
xxii. 35 and Luke x. 25, is called " one of 
the scribes " in Mark xii. 28. If the com- 
mofi reading in Luke xi. 44, 45, 46, be cor- 
rect, it will be decisive against this. By 
ihf u^e of the word io,ii/>fo$ (Tit. iii. 9) as a 
simple adjective, it seems more probable 
that the title " scribe " was a legal and offi- 
cial dijsignation, but that the name vo/nixug 
was properly a mere epithet signifying one 
" learned in the law," and only used as a 
f.itle in common parlance (comp. the use of 
'.t ii) Tit. iii. 13, " Zenas the lawyer"). 
Laying on of Hands. [Baptism.] 
Laz arus, another form of the Hobrew 



name Eleazar. 1. Lazarus of Betlianf 
the brother of Martha and Mary (John xi. 
1). All that we know of him is derived 
from the Gospel of St. John, and tliat re- 
cords little more than the facts of his death 
and resurrection; but vs^e may, with at least 
some measure of probability, fill up these 
scanty outlines. (1.) The language of 
John xi. 1, implies that the sisters were tlie 
better known. Lazarus is " of Bethany, 
of the village of Mary and her sister Mar 
tha." From this, and from the order of 
the three names in John xi. 5, we may rea 
sonably infer that Lazarus was the youngest 
of the family. (2.) In Luke x. 38 and 
John xii. I, 2, a feast is given to Jesus bjF 
Martha and Mary ; but in Matt. xxvi. 6, 
Mark xiv. 3, the same feast appears as oc- 
curring in " the house of Simon the leper." 
A leper, as such, would have been com- 
pelled to lead a separate life, and certainlj 
could not have given a feast and received a 
multitude of guests. Among the conjectu- 
ral explanations which have been given of 
this difference, the hypothesis that this Si- 
mon was the father of the two sisters and 
of Lazarus, that he had been smitten with 
leprosy, and that actual death, or the civil 
death that followed on his disease, had left 
his children free to act for themselves, is at 
least as probable as any other, and has 
some support in early ecclesiastical tradi- 
tions. (3.) All the circumstances of John 
xi. and xii. point to wealth and social po- 
sition above the average. (4.) A compari- 
son of Matt. xxvi. 6, Mark xiv. 3, with 
Luke vii. 36, 44, suggests another conjec- 
ture that harmonizes with and in part ex- 
plains the foregoing. If Simon the leper 
were also the Pharisee, it would explain 
the fact just noticed ol the friendship be- 
tween the sisters of Lazarus and the menv 
bers of that party in Jerusalem. It would 
follow on this assumption that the Pharisee, 
whom we thus far identify with the father 
of Lazarus, was probably one of the mem- 
bers of that sect, sent df^wn from Jorusalem 
to watch the new teacher. (5.) One other 
conjecture may yet br hazarded. There 
are some coincidences which suggest the 
identification of Lazarus with the young 
ruler that had great possessions, of Matt 
xix., Mark x., Luke xviii. The ago ;^Matt 
xix. 20, 22) agrees with what has been be- 
fore inferred (see above, I), as does the fa<;t 
of wealth above tlie average with what we 
know of the condition :>f the family at Beth- 
any (see 2). If the fatlier were an influ- 
ential Pharisee, if there v ere ties of som** 
kind uniting the family with that bodj , it 
would be natural enough that the son, even 
in comparative youth, should occupy the 
position of a *' ruler." But further, it ta 
of this rich young man that St. Mark uses 
the emphatic word ("Jesus, beholding him, 
lored him ") which is used «f no others •» 



LAZARUS 



345 



LEAD 



the Gospel-history, save of the beloved 
%po8tle and of Lazarus and his sisters (John 
%i. 6). Combining these inferences then, 
we get an insight into one aspect of the life 
of the Divine Teacher and Friend, full of 
liTing interest. The village of Bethany 
and its neighborhood were a frequent re- 
Sreat from the controversies and tumults of 
Jsn^e-alem (John xviii. 2; Luke xxi. 37, 
rsii, 39) . At some time or other one house- 
tiDld, wealthy, honorable, belonging to the 
l)etter or Nicodemus section of the Phari- 
iees (see above, 1, 2, 3) learns to know and 
reverence him. Disease or death removes 
the father from the scene, and the two sis- 
ters are left with their younger brother to 
do as they think right. In them and in the 
brother over whom they watch, He finds 
that which is worthy of His love. But two 
at least need an eiJucation in the spiritual 
life. A few weeks pass away, and then 
comes the sickness of John xi. One of 
the sharp malignant fevers of Palestine 
cuts off the life that was so precious. The 
sisters know how truly the Divine Friend 
has loved him on whom their love and their 
hopes centred. They send to Him in the 
belief that the tidings of the sickness will at 
once draw Him to them (John xi. 3) . Slowly, 
and in words which (though afterwards 
understood otherwise) must at the time have 
seemed to the disciples those of one upon 
whom the truth came not at once but by de- 
grees, He prepares them for the worst. "This 
sickness is not unto death " — " Our friend 
Lazarus sleepeth " — ♦' Lazarus is dead." 
The work which He was doing as a teach- 
er or a healer (John x. 41, 42) in Bethab- 
ara, or the other Bethany (John x. 40 and 
i. 28), was not interrupted, and continues 
for two days after the message reaches 
Rim. Then comes the journey, occupying 
two days more. When He and His disci- 
ples come, three days have passed since the 
burial. The friends from Jerusalem, chief- 
ly of the Pharisee and ruler class, are 
there with their consolations. The sisters 
receive the Prophet, each according to her 
character. His sympathy with their sorrow 
leads Him also to weep. Then comes the 
work of might as the answer of the prayer 
which the Son oflers to the Father (John 
xi.. 41, 42). The stone is rolled away from 
the mouth of the rock- chamber in which 
the body had been placed. "He that was 
dead came forth, bound hand and foot with 
gprave-clothes ; and his face was bound 
about with a napkin." One scene more 
meets us, and then the life of the family 
wirich has come before us with such daylight 
clearness lapses again into obscurity. In 
the house which, though it still bore the 
father's name (sup. 1), was the dwelling of 
the sisters and the brother, there is a sup- 
per, and Lazarus is there, and Martha 
•erves, no longer jealou sly and Mary pours 



out her love ij the costly offering of the 
spikenard ointment, and finds herself onct 
again misjudged and hastily condemned. 
After this all direct knowledge of Laz.arui 
ceases. The resurrection of Lazarus ig 
recorded only by St. John. The writers 
of the first three Gospels confined them- 
selves, as by a deliberate plan, to the mira- 
cles wrought in Galilee (that of the blind 
man at Jericho being the only exception). 
2. The name of a poor man in the well- 
known parable of Luke xvi. 19-31. The 
name of Lazarus has been perpetuated iOB 
an institution of the Christian Church. The 
leper of the Middle Ages appears as a Laz- 
zaro. Among the orders, half military and 
half monastic, of the 12th century, was one 
which bore the title of the Knights of St. 
Lazarus (a. i>. 1119), whose special work 
it was to mix^ister to the lepers, first of Syr- 
ia, and afterwards of Europe. The use of 
lazaretto and lazar-house for the leper-hos- 
pitals then founded in all parts of Western 
Christendom, no less than that of lazzaroiu 
for the mendicants of Italian towns, are in- 
dications of the effect of the parable upon 
the mind of Europe in the Middle Ages, 
and thence upon its later speech. 

Ijead, one of the most common of met- 
als, found generally in veins of rocks, 
though seldom in a metallic state, and most 
commonly in combination with sulphur. It 
was early known to the ancients, and the 
allusions to it in Scripture indicate that the 
Hebrews were well acquainted with its uses. 
The rocks in the neighborhood of Sinai 
yielded it in large quantities, and it was 
found in Egypt. That it was common in 
Palestine is shown by the expression in 
Ecclus. xlvii. 18 (comp. 1 K. x. 27). It 
was among the spoils of the Midianites 
which the children of Israel brought with 
them to the plains of Moab, after their re- 
turn from the slaughter of the tribe (Num. 
xxxi. 22). The ships of Tarshish supplied 
the market of Tyre with lead, as with other 
metals (Ez. xxvii. 12). Its heaviness, to 
which allusion is made in Ex. xv. 10, and 
Ecclus. xxii. 14, caused it to be used for 
weights, which were either in the form of a 
round flat cake (Zech. v. 7), or a rough 
unfashioned lump or "stone" (ver. 8); 
stones having in ancient times served tlie 
purpose of weights (comp. Prov. xvi. 11). 
In modern metallurgy lead is used with tin 
in the composition of solder for fastening 
metals together. That the ancient Hebrews 
were acquainted with the use of solder la 
evident from Isaiah xli. 7. No hint ii 
given as to the composition of the solder 
but in all probability lead was one of the 
materials employed, its usage for such a 
purpose being of great antiquity. In Jol 
xix. 24 the allus^ion is supposed to be to the 
practice of carving inscriptio\is upon stone, 
and pouring molten lead into- tb-d cavitae« 



bEA> 



34t) 



LEBANON 



al the letters, to render them legible, and 
at the same time preserve them from the 
action of the air. In modern metallurgy 
lead is employed for the purpose of purify- 
ing silver from other mineral products. 
The alloy is mixed with lead, exposed to 
fusion upon an earthen vessel, and submit- 
ted to a blast of air. By this means the 
iiross ii consumed. This process is called the 
capelling operation, with which the descrip- 
tion in Ez. xxii. 18 22 accurately coincides. 

Xieaf, Leaves. The word occurs in the 
A.. V. either in the singular or plural num- 
ber in three different senses. 1. Leaf of 
a tree. The olive-leaf is mentioned in Gen. 
riii. 11. Fig-leaves formed the first cov- 
ering of our parents in Eden. The barren 
fig-tree (Matt. xxi. 19 ; Mark xi. 13) on the 
road between Bethany and Jerusalem " had 
on it nothing but leaves .^^ The oak-leaf is 
mentioned in Is. i. 30, and vi. 13. The right- 
eeMS are often compared to green leaves 
(Jer. xvii. 8). The ungodly, on the other 
hand, are "as an oak whose leaf fadeth " 
(Is. i. 30). In Ez. xlvii. 12, Rev. xxii. 1, 2, 
there is probably an allusion to some tree 
vrhose leaves were used by the Jews as a 
medicine or ointment; indeed, it is very 
likely that many plants and leaves were thus 
made use of by them, as by the old English 
herbalists. 2. Leaves of doors. The He- 
brew word, which occurs very many times 
in the Bible, and which in 1 K. vi. 32 (mar- 
gin) and 34 is translated " leaves " in the 
A. v., signifies beams, ribs, sides, &c. 3. 
Leaves of a book or roll occurs in this sense 
only in Jer. xxxvi. 23. The Hebrew word 
(literally doors) would perhaps be more 
owrectly translated columns. 

Le ah., the daughter of Laban (Gen. 
xxix. 16). The dulness or weakness of her 
^es was so notable, that it is mentioned as 
a contrast to the beautiful form and appear- 
ance of her younger sister Rachel. Her 
fatlier took advantage of the opportunity 
which the local marriage-rite afforded to 
pass her off in her sister's stead on the un- 
conscious bridegroom, and excused himself 
to Jacob by alleging that the custom of the 
country forbade the younger sister to be 
given first in marriage. Jacob's preference 
of Rachel grew into hatred of Leah, after 
ke had married both sisters. Leah, how- 
ever, bore to him in quick succession Reu- 
ben, Simeon, Levi, Judah, then Issachar, 
Zebulun, and Dinah, before Rachel had a 
diild. She died some time after Jacob 
reached the south country in which his 
father Isaac lived. She was buried in the 
fiuuily grave in Machpelah (ch. xlix. 31). 

Leasing, " falsehood." This word is 
retained in the A. V. of Ps. iv. 2, v. 6, from 
the older English versions ; but the Hebrew 
word of which it is the rendering is else- 
wnere almost uniformly translated "lies" 
'^Ps. xl. 4. Iviii 8, &c.\ 



Leather. The notices of leather .l tr.t 
Bible are singularly few; indeed the word 
occurs but twice in the A. V., and in each 
instance in reference to the same object, a 
girdle (2 K. i. 8 ; Matt. iii. 4). Ihere are, 
however, other instances in which the word 
"leather" might with propriety be suiisti- 
tuted for " skin " (Lev. xi. 32, xiii. 48 , 
Num. xxxi. 20). 

Leaven. Various substances were 
known to have fermenting qualities; but 
the ordinary leaven consisted of a lump of 
old dough in a high state of fermentation, 
which was inserted into the mass of dougb 
prepared for baking. The use of leaven 
was strictly forbidden in all offerings made 
to the Lord by fire. It is in reference w^ 
these prohibitions that Amos (iv. 5) iron 
ically bids the Jews of his day to " offer s, 
sacrifice of thanksgiving with leaven" In 
other instances, where the offering was to 
be consumed by the priests, and not on tht 
altar, leaven might be used. Various ideac 
were associated with the prohibition of 
leaven in the instances above quoted. But 
the most prominent idea, and the one which 
applies equally to all the cases of pro- 
hibition, is connected with the corruption 
which leaven itself had undergone, and 
which it communicated to bread in the pro- 
cess of fermentation. It is to this property 
of leaven that our Saviour points when lie 
speaks of the " leaven (i. e. the corrupt 
doctrine) of the Pharisees and of the Sad- 
ducees " (Matt. xvi. 6) ; and St. Paul, whei 
he speaks of the " old leaven " (1 Cor. v. 7) 

Leb'ana, one of the Nethinim whos^ 
descendants returned from Babylon with 
Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 48). He is called 

Leb'anah in Ezr. ii. 45. 

Leb'anon, a mountain range in the 
north of Palestine. The name Lebanon 
signifies "white," and was applied either 
on account of the snow, which, during a 
great part of the year, covers its whole 
summit, or on account of the white color of 
its limestone cliffs and peaks. It is the 
" white mountain " — the Mont Blanc of 
Palestine. Lebanon is represented in Scrip- 
ture as lying upon the northern border of 
the land of Israel (Deut. i. 7, xi. 24 ; Josh, 
i. 4). Two distinct ranges bear this name. 
They run in parallel lines from S. W. to 
N. E. for about 90 geog. miles, enclosing 
between them a long fertile valley from 6 
to 8 miles wide, anciently call.'d Coele- 
Syria. The western range is the "Libar 
nus " of the old geographers, and the Leba- 
non of Scripture. The eastern range was 
called " Anti-Libanus " by geographers, 
and "Lebanon toward the sun-rising* 
by the sacred writers (Josh. xiii. 5). L 
Lebanon — the western range — commence? 
on the south of the deep ravine of th^ 
Lit Any, the ancient river Leontes, which 
drains the valley of Coele' Syria, and '%11« 



LEBANON 



347 



LEEKS 



mto the Mediterranean five miles north of 
Tyre. It runs N. E. in a straight line par- 
allel to the coast, to the opening from the 
Mediterranean into the plain of Eraesa, 
r-alled in Scripture the " Entrance of Ha- 
math " (Num. xxxiv. 8). Here Nahr el- 
Kehir — the ancient river Eleutherus — 
sf^seps round its northern end, as the 
Ijeontes does round its southern. The 
ftvorage elevation of the range is from 6000 
to 8000 ft. ; but two peaks rise considerably 
higher. On the summits of both these 
peaks the snow remains in patches during 
the whole summer. The line of cultivation 
runs along at the height of about 6000 ft. ; 
and below this the features of the western 
slopes are entirely different. The rugged 
limestone banks are scantily clothed with 
the evergreen oak, and the sandstone with 
pines ; while every available spot is care- 
ifuUy cultivated. The cultivation is won- 
derful, and shows what all Syria might be 
if under a good government. Fig-trees 
ding to the naked rock ; vines are trained 
along narrow ledges ; long ranges of mul- 
berries, on terraces like steps of stairs, 
cover the more gentle declivities ; and 
dense groves of olives fill up the bot- 
toms of the glens. Hundreds of vil- 
lages are seen — here built amid laby- 
rinths of rocks, there clinging like swallows' 
nests to the sides of cliffs ; while convents, 
no less numerous, are perched on the top 
erf every peak. The vine is still largely 
cultivated in every part of the mountain. 
Lebanon also abounds in olives, figs, and 
mulberries ; while some remnants exist of 
the forests of pine, oak, and cedar, which 
formerly covered it (1 K. v. 6 ; Ps. xxix. 5 ; 
Is. xiv. 8 ; Ezr. iii. 7). Considerable num- 
bers of wild beasts still inhabit its retired 
glens and higher peaks ; the writer has seen 
jackals, hyenas, wolves, bears, and pan- 
thers (2 K. xiv. 9 ; Cant. Iv. 8 ; Hab. ii. 17). 
Along the base of Lebanon runs the irreg- 
ular plain of Phoenicia ; nowhere more than 
two miles wide, and often interrupted by 
bold rocky spurs, that dip into the sea. 
The main ridge of Lebanon is composed 
of Jura limestone, and abounds in fossils. 
Long belts of more recent sandstone run 
along the western slopes, which is in places 
largely impregnated with iron. Lebanon 
was originally inhabited by the Hivites and 
Giblites (Judg. iii. 3 ; Josh. xiii. 5, 6). The 
whole mountain range was assigned to the 
Israelites, but was never conquered by them 
(Josh. xiiL 2-6; Judg. iii. 1-3). During 
the Jewish monarchy it appears to have 
been subject to the Phoenicians (1 K. v. 
2-6; Ezr, iii. 7). From the Greek con- 
quest until modern times Lebanon had no 
sena rate history. 2. Anti-Lihanus. — The 
main chain of Anti-Libanus commences in 
•ae plateau of Bashan, near the parallel of 
r«ie8area-PLilippi, runs north to Hermon, 



and then north-east in a straight lint till ii 
sinks down into the great plain jf Einesa, 
not far from the site of Riblah. Hermojs 
is the loftiest peak; the next highest is a 
few miles north of the site of Abila, beside 
tlie village of Bluddn, and has an elevation 
of about 7000 feet. The rest of the ridge 
averages about 5000 ft. ; it is in general 
bleak and barren, with shelving gray de- 
clivities, gray cliffs, and graj rounded sum- 
mits. Here and there we meet with thin 
forests of dwarf oak and juniper. The 
western slopes descend abruptly into the 
Bukd'a ; but the features of the eastern 
are entirely different. Three side ridges 
here radiate from Hermon, like the ribs of 
an open fan, and form the supporting wallt? 
of three great terraces. Anti-Libanus is 
only once distinctly mentioned in Scripture, 
where it is accurately described as " Leba- 
non toward the sun-rising " (Josh xiii. 5). 
" The tower of Lebanon which looketb 
toward Damascus " (Cant. vii. 4) is doub^ 
less Hermon, which forms the most striking 
feature in the whole panorama round that 
city. 

Leb'aoth, a town which forms one of 
the last group of the cities of " the South "' 
in the enumeration of the possessions ol 
Judah (Josh. xv. 32), probably identical 
with Beth-lebaoth. 

Lebbao'US. This name occurs in Matt. 
X. 3, according to Codex D (Bezae) of the 
sixth century, and in the received Text. 
In Mark iii. 18, it is substituted in a few 
unimportant MSS. for Thaddaeus. [Jude.] 

Ijeb'onall, a place named in Judg. xxi, 
19 only. Lebonah has survived to our times 
under the almost identical form of el-Lub- 
ban. It lies to the west of, and close to, 
the Nahlus road, about eight miles north of 
Beitin (Bethel), and two from Seilun (Shi- 
loh). 

Le'cah, a name mentioned in the gene- 
alogies of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 21 only) as 
one of the descendants of Shelah, the third 
son of Judah by the Canaanitess Bath-shua. 

Leech. (Horse-Leech.) 

Leeks (Heb. chdtsir). The word ehdt- 
str, which in Num. xi. 5 is translated leeks^ 
occurs twenty times in the Hebrew text. 
The Hebrew term, wliich properly denotes 
grass, is derived from a root signifying "to 
be green," and may therefore stand in this 
passage for any green food, lettuce, endive, 
&c. ; it would thus be applied somewhat 
in tlie same manner as we use the term 
" greens ; " yet as the chdtsir is mentioned 
together with onions and garlic in the text, 
and as the most ancient versions unani- 
mously understand leeks by the Hebrew 
word, we may be satisfied with our own 
translation. There is, however, anothei 
and a very ingenious interpretation of 
chdtsir, first proposed by Ilengstenberg 
and received by Dr. Kittc (^Fict<M . BibU 



LEES 



348 



LEPEB 



N^um. xj. 5), which adopts a more literal 
translation of the original word, foi, says 
Dr. Kitto, "among the wonders in the nat- 
ural history of Egypt, it is mentioned by 
travellers that the common people there eat 
with special relish a kind of grass similar 
to clover." This plant (of which the scien- 
tific name is Trigonella foenum Graecum) is 
similar to clover, but its leaves more point- 
ed, and great quantities of it are eaten by 
the people. The leek is too well known to 
need description. Its botanical name is 
AUium porrum. 

Liees. The Hebrew shemer bears the 
radical sense of preservation, and was ap- 
plied to " lees " from the custom of allow- 
ing the wine to stand on the lees in order 
that its color and body might be better pre- 
served. Hence the expression "wine on 
tho lees," as meaning a generous, full- 
bodied liquor (Is. xxv. 6). Before the 
wine was consumed, it was necessary to 
strain off the lees ; such wine was then 
termed "well refined" (Is. xxv. 6). To 
drink the lees, or " dregs," was an expres- 
sion for the endurance of extreme pumsh- 
mer»t (Ps. Ixxv. 8). 

LjeglOIl, the chief subdivision of the 
Roman army, containing about 6000 infan- 
try, with a contingent of cavalry. The 
term does not occur in the Bible in its pri- 
mary sense, but appears to have been 
adopted in order to express any large 
number, wit": the accessory ideas of order 
and subordination (Matt. xxvi. 53 ; Mark 
r.9). 

Ije'liabiiu, occurring only in Gen. x. 
13, the name of a Mizraite people or tribe. 
There can be no doubt that they are the same 
as the ReBU or LeBU of the Egyptian in- 
scriptions, and that from them Libya and the 
Libyans derived their name. These primi- 
tive Libyans appear to have inhabited the 
northern part of Africa to the west of Egypt, 
though latterly driven from the coast by 
the Greek colonists of the Cyrenaica. 

Iie'hi, a place in Judah, probably on the 
confines of the Philistines' country, between 
it and the cliff Etam ; the scene of Sam- 
ton's well-known exploit with the jawbone 
(Judg.xv. 9, 14, 19). It contained an emi- 
aence — Ramath-lehi, and a spring of great 
and lasting repute — En-hak-kore. It may 
perhaps be identified with Beit-Likiyeh, a 
Tillage about 2 miles below the upper Beth- 
Horon. 

Item'uel, the name of an unknown king 
to whom his mother addressed the pruden- 
tial maxims contained in Prov. xxxi. 1-9. 
The Rabbinical commentators identified 
Lemuel with Solomon. Others regard him 
as king or chief of an Arab tribe dwelling 
on the borders of Palestine, and elder 
brother of Agur, whose name stands at the 
head of Prov. xxx 

Jdentils CHub. 'idd,ihim) The word 



occurs in the iour followmg passages • — 
Gen. xxv. 34, 2 Sam. xvii. 28, xxiii. 11 
and Ez. iv. 9. There are three or foui 
kinds of lentils, all of which are still much 
esteemed in those countries where thej are 
grown, viz. the South of Europe, Asia, and 
North Africa ; the red lentil is still a favor- 
ite article of food in the East ; it is a small 
kind, the seeds of which, after being decor- 
ticated, are commonly sold in the bazaars 
of India. The modern Arabic name of this 
plant is identical with the Hebrew; it is 
known in Egypt and Arabia, Syria, &c., by 
the name 'Adas. Lentil bread is still eat- 
en by the poor of Egypt. 

Leopard (Heb. ndmer) is invariably 
given by the A. V. as the translation of the 
Hebrew word, which occurs in the seven 
following passages: — Is. xi. 6; Jer. v. 6, 
xiii. 23 ; Dan. vii. 6 ; Hos. xiii. 7 ; Cant. 
iv. 8 ; Hab. i. 8. Leopard occurs also in 
Ecclus. xxviii. 23, and in Rev. xiii. 2. From 
Cant. iv. 8, we learn that the hilly ranges 
of Lebanon were in ancient times frequent- 
ed by these animals. They are now not un- 
commonly seen in and about Lebanon, and 
the southern maritime mountains of Syria. 
Under the name nd^nier, which means 
" spotted," it IS not improbable that another 
animal, namely, the cheetah (Gittparda 
jubata), maybe included; which is tamed 
by the Mohammedans of Syria, 'vhoeni|.loj 
it in hunting the gazelle. 

Leper, Leprosy. The predominam 
and characteristic form of leprosy in Scrip- 
ture is a white variety, covering either tht 
entire body, or a large tract of its surface, 
which has obtained the name of lepra Mo- 
saica. Such were the cases of Moses, 
Miriam, Naaman, and Gehazi (Ex. iv. 6; 
Num. xii. 10; 2 K. v. 1, 27; comp. Lev. 
xiii. 13). But, remarkably enough, in the 
Mosaic ritual-diagnosis of tlie disease (Lev. 
xiii., xiv.), this kind, when overspreading 
the whole surface, appears to be regarded 
as "clean" (xiii. 12, 13, 16, 17). The 
Egyptian bondage, with its studied degra- 
dations and privations, and especially the 
work of the kiln under an Egyptian sun, 
must have had a frightful tendency to gen- 
erate this class of disorders ; henc<! Mane- 
tho asserts tliat tlie Egyptians drove out 
the Israelites as infected with leprosy — a 
strange reflex, perhaps, of the Mooaic nar- 
rative of the " plagues " of Egypt, yet prob- 
ably also conta'ning a ^erm of truth. The 
sudden and total change of fu^ d, air, dwell- 
ing, and mode of life, caused by the Exodus, 
to this nation of newly-emancipated slaves, 
may possibly have had a further tendency 
to produce skin-disor Jers, and severe re- 
pressive measures may have been required 
in the desert-moving camp to secure the 
public health, or to allay the panic of infec- 
tion. Hence it is possible that nanj per- 
haps most of tlda repertory oj symptoma 



LEPER 



349 



LEVIATHAjn 



tn»j have disappeared with the period of 
the Exodus, and the snow-white form, 
which had pre-existed, may alone have 
ordinarily continue i in a later age. But 
it is observable that, amongst these Leviti- 
cal symptoms, the scaling, or peeling off 
of the surface, is nowhere mentioned, nor 
i« there any expression in the Hebrew text 
which points t -> e'^ibliation of the cuticle. 
The principal morbid features are a rising 
or swelling, a scab or baldness, and a 
briglit or white spot (xiii. 2). But espe- 
cially a white swelling in the skin, with a 
change of the hair of the part from the 
natural black to white or yellow (.3, 4, 10, 
iM), 25, 30), or an appearance of a taint 
going "deeper than the skin," or again, 
" raw flesh " appearing in the swelling (10, 
14, 15), were critical signs of pollution. 
The mere swelling, or scab, or bright spot, 
was remanded for a week as doubtful (4, 
21, 26, 31), and for a second such period, 
if it had not yet pronounced (5). If it 
then spread (7, 22, 27, 35), it was decided 
a^ polluting. But if after the second peri- 
od of quarantine the trace died away and 
showed no symptom of spreading, it was 
a mere scab, and the patient was adjudged 
clean (6, 23, 34). This tendency to spread 
seems especially to have been relied on. 
A spot most innocent in all other respects, 
if it "spread much abroad," was unclean; 
whereas, as before remarked, the man so 
wholly overspread with the evil that it 
could find no farther range, was on the 
contrary " clean " (12, 13) Tliese two 
opposite criteria seem to show, that whilst 
the disease manifested activity, the Mosaic 
law imputed pollution to and imposed seg- 
regation on the sufferer, but that the 
point at which it might be viewed as hav- 
ing run its course was the signal for his 
readmission to communion. It is clear 
that the leprosy of Lev. xiii., xiv., means 
any severe disease spreading on the sur- 
face of the body in the way described, and 
so shocking of aspect, or so generally sus- 
pected of infection, that public feeling 
called for separation. — It is now undoubt- 
ed that the "leprosy" of modern Syria, 
and which has a wide range in Spain, 
Greece, and Norway, is the Elephantiasis 
Graecorum. It is said to have been brought 
home by 'he crusaders into the various 
countries of Western and Northern Eu- 
rope. It certainly was not the distinctive 
white leprosy, nor do any of the described 
symptoms: in Lev. xiii. point to elephanti- 
asis. " White as snow " (2 K. v. 27) would 
hf^ as inapplicable to elephantiasis as to 
small-pox. — There remains a curious ques- 
tion as regards the leprosy of garments and 
hoases. Some have thought garments worn 
by leprous patients intended. This class- 
ing of garments and house-walls with the 
fkuman epide'mis, as leprous, has moved 



the mirth of some, and the woi. ler oi 
others. Yet modern science has estab- 
lished what goes far to vindicate the Mo 
saie classification as more pliilosophicaJ 
than such cavils. It is now known thai 
there are some skin-diseases which origi- 
nate in an acarus, and others which pro- 
ceed from a fungus. In these we may 
probably find the solution of the paradox. 
The analogy between the insect which frets 
the human skin and that which frets the 
garment that covers it, between the fun- 
gous growth that lines the crevices of the 
epidermis, and that which creeps in the 
interstices of masonry, is close enough 
for the purposes of a ceremonial law. It 
is manifest also that a disease in the hu 
man subject caused by an acarus or by a 
fungus would be certainly contagious, since 
the propagative cause could be transferrer! 
from person to person. 

Le'shem, another form of Laish, after- 
wards Dan, occurring in Josh. xix. 47. 

Letu'shim, the name of the second cf 
the sons of Dedan, son of Jokshan (Gem 
XXV. 3), 

Leum'mim, the name of the third \H 
the descendants of Dedan, son of Jokshai., 
Gen. XXV. 3, being in the plural form, lilce 
his brethren, Asshurim and Letushim. 

Le'vi. 1. The name of the third son of 
Jacob by his wife Leah. The name, de- 
rived from Idvdh, "to adhere," gave utte^ 
ance to the hope of the mother that the af- 
fections of her husband, which had hitherto 
rested on the favored Rachel, would at last 
be drawn to her. " This time will my hus- 
band be joined unto me, because I have 
borne him three sons " (Gen. xxix. 34). 
The new-born child was to be a fresh link 
binding the parents to each other more 
closely than before. Levi, with his brother 
Simeon, avenged with a cruel slaughter vhe 
outrage of their sister Dinah. [Dinah. 1 
Levi, with his three sons, Gershon, Kohath, 
Merari, went down to Egj^pt with his father 
Jacob (Gen. xlvii. 11). When Jacob's 
death draws near, and the sons are gathered 
round him, Levi and Simeon hear the old 
crime brought up again to receive its sen- 
tence. They, no less than Reuben, the in- 
cestuous first-born, had forfeited the privi- 
leges of their birthright (Gen. xlix. 5-7). 
[Levites. I 2. Son of Melchi, one of th€ 
near ancestors of our Lord, in fact the 
great-grandfather of Joseph (Luke iii. 24). 
3. A more remote ancestor of Christ, sod 
of Simeon (Luke iii. 29). 4. Son of Al- 
phaeus (Mark ii. 14; Luke v. 27, 29). 
[Matthew.] 

Zievi'athail occurs five times in the 
text of the A. V., and once in the margin 
of Job iii. 8, where the text has " mourn- 
ing." In the Htbrew Bible the wori livy- 
atha^i, which is, v^ith the foregoing exce^ 
tion, always left un'rauslated in the A.. V^ 



LEVIS 



350 



LEVITES 



is found only In the following passages : 
Jcb iii. 8, xli. 1; Ps. Ixxiv. 14, civ. 2G; Is. 
xx^ii. 1. In the margin of Job iii. 8, and 
text of Job xli. 1, the crocodile is most 
clearly tlie animal denoted by the Hebrew 
word. Vs. Ixxiv. 14 also clearly points to 
this same saurian. The context of Ps. civ. 
26 seems to show that in this passage 
ihe name represents some animal of the 
whale tribe ; but it is somewhat uncertain 
^hat animal is denoted in Is. xxvii. 1. 




Crocodile of the Nile (C vulgari$), 

\» the term leviathan is evidently used in 

Qo limited sense, it is not improbable that 
che "leviathan the piercing serpent," or 
" leviathan the crooked serpent," may de- 
note some species of the great rock-snakes 
rh*2h are common in South and West 
ifrica. 

IjQ'vis, improperly given as a proper 
lamein 1 Esd. ix. 14. It is simply a corrup- 
fjon of " the Levite " in Ezr. x. 15. 

IiQ'vites. The analogy of the names 
jf the other tribes of Israel would lead us 
to include under these titles the whole 
tribe that traced its descent from Levi. 
The existence of another division, how- 
ever, within the tribe itself, in the higher 
office of the priesthood as limited to " the 
sons of Aaron," gave to the common form, 
in this instance, a peculiar meaning. Most 
frequently the Levites are distinguished, as 
such, from the priests (1 K. viii. 4 ; Ezr. 
ii. 70; John i. 19, &c.), and this is the 
meaning which has perpetuated itself. 
Sometimes the word extends to the whole 
tribe, the priests included (Num. xxxv. 2 ; 
Josh. xxi. 3, 41 ; Ex. vi. 25 ; Lev. xxv. 32, 
&c.). Sometimes again it is added as an 
epithet of the smaller portion of the tribe, 
«id we read of " the priests the iuevites " 
(Josh. iii. 3; Ez. xliv. 15). The history 
of the tribe and of the functions attached 
tc. its several orders is essential to any 
right apprehension of the history of Israel 
fts a people. It will fall naturally into four 
great periods. I. The time of the Exodus. 
— There is no trace of the consecrated 
character of the Levites till the institution 
of an hereditary priesthood in the tamily 
wf A»roD. during the first withdrawal of 



Moses to the solitude of Sinai vxxnii, J> 
The next extension of the idea of the 
priesthood grew out of the terrible crisis 
of Ex. xxxii. The tribe stood forth, sepa- 
rate and apart, recognizing even in this 
stern work the spiritual as higher than the 
natural. From this time they occupied a 
distinct position. The tribe of Levi was to 
take the place of that earlier priesthood of 
the first-born as representatives of the ho- 
liness of the people. As the Tabernacle 
was the sign of the presence among the 
people of their unseen King, so the Levites 
were, among the other tribes of Israel, as 
the royal guard that waited exclusively on 
Him. Wlien the people were at rest they 
encamped as guardians round the sacred 
tent (Num. i. 51, xviii. 22). When on the 
march no hands but theirs might strike the 
tent at the commencement of the day's 
journey, or carry the parts of its structure 
during it, or pitch the tent once again when 
they halted (Num. i. 51). It was obvious- 
ly essential for such a work that there should 
be a fixed assignment of duties ; and now 
accordingly we meet with the first out- 
lines of the organization which afterwards 
became permanent. The division of the 
tribe into the three sections that traced 
their descent from the sons of Levi, formed 
the groundwork of it. The work which 
they all had to do required a man's full 
strength, and therefore, though twenty was 
the starting-point for mihtary service 
(Num. i.), they were not to enter on their 
active service till they were thirty (Num. 
iv. 23, 30, 35). At fifty they were to be 
free from all duties but those of superin- 
tendence (Num. viii. 25, 26). The Kohath- 
ites, as nearest of kin to the priests, held 
from the first the highest offices. They 
were to bear all the vessels of the sanctu- 
ary, the ark itself included (Num. iii. 31, 
iv. 15 ; Deut. xxxi. 25), after the priests had 
covered them with the dark- blue cloth which 
was to hide them from all profane gaza 
The Gershonites had to carry the tent 
hangings and curtains (Num. iv. 22-26). 
The heavier burden of the boards, bars, an J 
pillars of the tabernacle fell on the sons oi 
Merari. The Levites were to have no ter- 
ritorial possessions. In place of them they 
were to receive from the others the tithes 
of the produce of the land, from which 
they, in their turn, offered a tithe to the 
priests, as a recognition of their higher con- 
secration (Num. xviii. 21, 24, 26; Neh. x. 
37). When the wanderings of the people 
should be over and the tabernacle have a 
settled place, great part of the labor that had 
fallen on them would come to an end, and 
they too would need a fixed abode. Dis- 
tinctness and diffusion were both to be 
secured by the assignment to the whole 
tribe of forty-eight cities, with an outlying 
" suburb ■ (Num. xxxv. 2) of meadow- lanH 



uEVITES 



351 



LEVITICLfe 



lor the pasturage of their flocks and herds. 
The reverence of the people for them was 
to he heightened by the selection of six of 
these as cities of refuge. Through the 
wrhole land the Levites were to take the 
place of tho old household priests, sharing 
in all festivals and rejoicings (Deut. xii. 19, 
.xiv. 26, 27, xxvi. 11). Every third year 
thej were to have an additional share in 
the produce of the land (Deut. xiv. 28, 
xxvi. 12). To " the priests the Levites" 
was to belong the oflice of preserving, 
transcribing, and interpreting the law 
(Deut. xvii. 9-12, xxxi. 26). II. The pe- 
riod of the Judges. — The successor of 
Moses, though belonging to another tube, 
did faitlifully all that could be done to con- 
Tert this idea into a reality. The submis- 
sion of the Gibeonites enabled him to re- 
lieve the tribe-divisions of Gershon and 
Merari of the most burdensome of their 
duties. The conquered Hivites became 
" hewers of wood and drawers of water " 
for the house of Jehovah and for the con- 
gregation (Josh. ix. 27). As soon as the 
conquerors had advanced far enough to 
proceed to a partition of the country, the 
forty-eight cities were assigned to them. 
III. Tlce Monarchy. — The rule of Samu- 
el, himself a Levite, tended to give them 
the position of a ruling caste. The reign 
of Saul, in its later period, was the asser- 
tion of a self-willed power against the 
priestly order. The reign of David, how- 
ever, wrought the change from persecution 
to honor. When his kingdom was estab- 
lished, there came a fuller organization of 
the whole tribe. Their position in relation 
CO the priesthood was once again definitely 
recognized. When the ark was carried up 
to its new resting-place in Jerusalem, their 
claim to be the bearers of it was publicly 
acknowledged (1 Chr. xv. 2). In the pro- 
cession which attended the ultimate con- 
veyance of the ark to its new resting-place 
the Levites were conspicuous, wearing their 
linen ephods, and appearing in their new 
character as minstrels (1 Chr. xv. 27, 28). 
In the worship of the tabernacle under Da- 
vid, as afterwards in that of the Temple, 
we may trace a development of the simpler 
arrangements of the wilderness and of 
Shiloh. The Levites were the gatekeepers, 
yergers, sacristans, choristers of the cen- 
tral sanctuary of the nation. They were, 
in the language of 1 Chr. xxiii. 24-32, to 
«rhich we may re^^r as almost the locus 
rlassicus on this Suoject, " to wait on the 
ions of Aaron for the service of the house 
of Jehovah, in the courts, and the cham- 
bers, and the purifying of all holy things." 
Tills included the duty of providing " for 
the shew-bread, and the fine flour for meat- 
offering, and for the unleavened bread.'" 
They were, besides this, " to stand every 
11 ^rnuii,' to 1 hank and praije Jehovah, and 



likewise at even." They were lastly " to 
offer " — t. e. to assist the priest in offering 
— "all burnt-sacrifices to Jehovah in the 
sabbaths and on the set feasts." Thej 
lived for the greater part of the year iiv 
their own cities, and came up at fixed peri- 
ods to take their turn of work (1 Chr. xxv.^ 
xxvi.). The education which the Levitei 
received for their peculiar duties, no less 
than their connection more or less intimate 
with the schools of the prophets, would 
tend to make them the teachers of the 
others, the transcribers and interpreters of 
the Law, the chroniclers of the times in 
which they lived. We have some striking 
instances of their appearance in this uew 
character. The two books of Chronicles 
bear unmistakable marks of having been 
written by men whose interests were all 
gathered round the services of the Temple, 
and who were familiar with its records. The 
revolt of the ten tribes, and the policy pur- 
sued by Jeroboam, led to a great change in 
the position of the Levites. They were the 
witnesses of an appointed order and of a 
central worship. He wished to make the 
priests the creatures and instruments of the 
king, and to establish a provincial and di- 
vided worship. The natural result was, that 
they left the cities assigned to them in the 
territory of Israel, and gathered round the 
metropolis of Judah (2 Chr. xi. 13, 14). In 
the kingdom of Judah they were, from thift 
t^'oie forward, a powerful body, politically, 
as well as ecclesiastically. IV. After the 
Captivity. — On the return from Babylon, 
the Levites take their old places in the Tem- 
ple and in the villages near Jerusalem (Neh 
xii. 29), and are present in full array at the 
great feast of the Dedication of the Wall. 
The two prophets who were active at the 
time of the Return, Haggai and Zechariah, 
if they did not belong to the tribe, helped it 
forward in the work of restoration. The 
last prophet of the O. T. sees, as part of his 
vision of the latter days, the time when the 
Lord " shall purify the sons of Levi " (Mai. 
iii. 3). During the period that followed thr 
Captivity they contributed to the formatior 
of the so-called Great Synagogue. They, 
with the priests, formed the majority of the 
permanent Sanhedrim, and as such had a 
large share in the administration of justice 
even in capital cases. They take no prom- 
inent part in the Maccabaean struggles, 
though they must have been present at th#» 
great purification of the Temple. They ap- 
pear but seldom in t)ie history of the N . T. 
Where we meet with their names it is an 
the type of a formal heartless worship, 
without sympathy and without love (Luke 
X. 32). The mention of a Levite ot Cyprus 
in Acts iv. 36 shows that the changes of the 
previous century had carried that tribe alsc 
into " the dispersed among the Gentiles. ' 
Levit'icus. The Book, which i» m- 



t 



LIBANU8 



352 



LIEUTENANTS 



called because it relates principally to the 
Levites and Priests, consists of the fol- 
lowing principal sections : I. The laws 
touching sacrifices (chap, i.-vii.). II. An 
historical section containing, first, the con- 
secration of Aaron and his sons (chap, 
viii.) ; next, his first offering for himself 
and Ids people (chap, ix.) ; and lastly, the 
destruction of Nadab and Abihu, the sons 
of Aaron, for their presumptuous offence 
(chap. X.). III. The laws concerning pu- 
rity and impurity, and the appropriate 
sacrifices and ordinances for putting away 
impurity (chap, xi.-xvi.). IV. Laws chief- 
ly intended to mark the separation between 
Israel and the heathen nations (chap, xvii.- 
XX.). V. Laws concerning the priests 
(xxi., xxii.), and certain holy days and 
festivals (xxiii., xxv.), together with an 
episode (xxiv.). The section extends from 
chap. xxi. 1 to xxvi. 2. VI. Promises and 
threats (xxvi. 2-46). VII. An appendix 
containing the laws concerning vows 
(xxvii.). Integrity. — This is very gener- 
ally admitted. Those critics even who are 
in favor of different documents in the Pen- 
tateuch assign nearly the whole of this book 
to one writer, the Elohist, or author of the 
original document. According to Knobel 
the only portions which are not to be re- 
ferred to the Elohist are — Moses' rebuke 
of Aaron because the goat of the sin-offer- 
ing had been burnt (x. 16-20) ; the group 
of laws in chap, xvii.-xx. ; certain audi- 
tional enactments respecting the Sabbath 
and the Feast of Weeks and of Tabernacles 
(xxiii., part of ver. 2, and ver. 3, ver. 18, 
19, 22, 39-44) ; the punishments ordained 
for blasphemy, murder, &c. (xxiv. 10-23) ; 
the directions respecting the Sabbatical year 
(xxv. 18-22), and the promises and warnings 
contained in chap. xxvi. We must not quit 
this book without a word on what may be 
called its spiritual meaning. That so elab- 
orate a ritual looked beyond itself we can- 
not doubt. It was a prophecy of things to 
come ; a shadow whereof the substance was 
Christ and His kingdom. We may not al- 
ways be able to say what the exact relation 
is between the type and the antitype. But 
we cannot read the Epistle to the Hebrews 
»nd not acknowledge that the Levitical 
priests '* served the pattern and type of 
heavenly things " — that the sacrifices of 
the law pointed to and found their interpre- 
tation in the Lamb of God — that the ordi- 
nanc es of outward purification signified the 
true inner cleansing of the heart and con- 
science from dead works to serve the living 
God. One idea moreover penetrates the 
whole of this vast and burdensome ceremo- 
nial, ani gives it a real glory even apart 
from any prophetic significance. Holiness 
is its character. 

Lib'anus. [Lebanon.] 

Iiibertines. This word, which occurs 



once only in the N. T. (Acts vi. 9), is the 
Latin Lihertini, that is, " freedmen." They 
were probably Jews who, having been taken 
prisoners by Pompey and other Roman gen- 
erals in the Syrian wars, had been reduced 
to slavery, and had afterwards been eman- 
cipated, and returned, permanently or fo»" 
a time, to the country of their fathers. 

Lib'nah. 1. A city which lay in the 
south-west part of the Holy Land, taken b) ^ . 
Joshua immediately after the rout of Etch- fl| 
boron. It belonged to the maritime low- ™' 
land of Judah, among the cities of which 
district it is enumerated (Josh. xv. 42). It 
was appropriated with its " suburbs " to the 
priests (Josh. xxi. 13; 1 Chr. vi. 57). In 
the reign of Jehoram the son of Jehoshaphat 
it " revolted " from Judah at the same time 
with Edom (2 K. viii. 22 ; 2 Chr. xxi. 10\ 
On completing or relinquishing the siegb 
of Lachish — which of the two is not quite 
certain — Sennacherib laid siege to Libnah 
(2 K. xix. 8; Is. xxxvii. 8). It was the 
native place of Hamutal, or Hamital, the 
queen of Josiah, and mother of Jehoahaz 
(2 K. xxiii. 31) and Zedekiah (xxiv. 18; 
Jer. lii. 1). Its exact site is uncertain. 2. 
One of the stations at which the Israelites 
encamped, on their journey between the 
wilderness of Sinai and Kadesh (Num. 
xxxiii. 20, 21) ; and the only conjecture 
which appears to have been made concern- 
ing it is, that it was identical with Laban, 
mentioned in Deut. i. 1. 

Lib'ni. 1. The eldest son of Gershon, 
the son of Levi (Ex. vi. 17; Num. iii. 18; 
1 Chr. vi. 17, 20), and ancestor of the fami- 
ly of the Libnites. 2. The son of Mahli, 
or Mahali, son of Merari (1 Chr. vi. 29), as 
the Text at present stands. It is probably, 
however, that he is the same with the pre- 
ceding, and that something has been omit- 
ted (comp. ver. 29 with 20, 42). 

Lib'ya occurs only in Acts ii. 10, in the 
periphrasis " the parts of Libya about 
Cyrene," which obviously means the Cyre- 
naica. The name Libya is applied by the 
Greek and Roman writers to the African 
continent, generally, however, excluding 
Egypt. 

Ziice (Heb. cinnim, cinndm). This word 
occurs in the A. V. only in Ex. viii. 16-18, 
and in Ps. cv. 31 ; both of which passai?es 
have reference to the third great plague of 
Egypt. The Hebrew word has given occa- 
sion to whole pages of discussion. Some 
commentators, and indeed modern writers 
generally, suppose that gnats are the ani- 
mals intended by the original word ; while, 
on the other hand, the Jewish Rabbis, 
Josephus, and otliers, are in favor of the 
translation of the A. V. Upon the whole it 
appears that there is not sufficient authority 
for departing from the translation of the 
A. V. 

Iiieutenauts. The Hebrew aduuh 



LIGN ALOES 



353 



LINEN 



ttarpan was the official title of the satraps 
or viceroys who governed the provinces 
of the Perd.an empire; it is rendered 
" lieutenant '' in Esth. iii. 12, viii. 9, ix. 3 ; 
Ezr. viii. 36, and " prince " in Dan. iii. 2, 
vi. 1, &c. 

Lign Aloes. [Aloes.] 

Ligure (Heb. leshem), a precious stone 
mentioned in Ex. xxviii. 19, xxxix. 12, as 
the first in the third row of the liigh-priest's 
breastplate. It is impossible to say, with 
any certainty, what stone is denoted by the 
Hebrew term ; but perhaps tourmaline, or 
aiore definitely the red variety known as 
rvhellite has better claims than that of any 
other mineral. Rubellite is a hard stone, 
and used as a gem, and is" sometimes sold 
for red sapphire. 

Liik'hi, a Manassite, son of Shemida, 
(he son of Manasseh (1 Chr. vii. 19). 

Lily (Heb. shushdn, shdshanndh). Al- 
though there is little doubt that the Hebrew 
word denotes some plant of the lily species, 
it is by no means certain what individual 
of this class it especially designates. If the 
shAshdn or shdshanndh of the O. T. and 
the xoivov of the Sermon on the Mount be 
identical, which there seems no reason to 
doubt, the plant designated by these terms 
must have been a conspicuous object on the 
shores of the Lake of Gennesaret (Matt. vi. 
28 ; Luke xii. 27) ; it must have flourished 
in the deep broad valleys of Palestine (Cant, 
ii- 1), among the thorny shrubs (ib. ii. 2) 
an J pastures of the desert {ih. ii. 16, iv. 5, 
vi. 3), and must have been remarkable for 
its rapid and luxuriant growth (Hos. xiv. 
5; Ecclus. xxxix. 14). That its flowers 
were brilliant in color would seem to be in- 
dicated in Matt. vi. 28, where it is compared 




LUinm ChaIe«doBieiuD. 

•rith the gorgeous robes of Solomon ; and 
that this iH lor was scarlet or purple is im- 
plie-l in Cant. v. l.S, There appea p to be 
23 



no species of lily which so <'ompletely 
answers all these requirements as the 
Lilium Chalcedonicum, or Scarlo:; Mar- 
tagon, which grows in profusion in Ihe 
Levant. But direct evidence on the po nt 
is still to be desired from the observation 
of travellers. — The Phoenician architects 
of Solomon's temple decorated the capital? 
of the columns with "lily-work," that is. 
with leaves and flowers of the lily (1 K. vii.), 
corresponding to the lotus-headed capital* 
of Egyptian architecture. The rim of the 
" brazen sea" was possibly wrought in the 
form of the recurved margin of a lily flowe* 
(1 K. vii. 26). 

Lime. This substance is noticed only 
three times in the Bible, viz. in Deut. 
xxvii. 2, 4 (A. V. " plaister "), in Is. xxxiii . 
12, and in Am. ii. 1. 

Linen. 1. As Egypt was the great cen- 
tre of the linen manufacture of antiquity, 
it is in connection with that country that 
we find the first allusion to it in the Bit le. 
Joseph, when promoted to the dignity of 
ruler of the land of Egypt, was arrayed 
"in vestures of fine linen" yShesh, marg. 
" silk," Gen. xli. 42), and among the ofier- 
ings for the tabernacle of the things which 
the Israelites had brought out of Egypt 
were "^lue, and purple, and scarlet, and 
fine .vnen" (Ex. xxv. 4 yxxv. 6). 2. But 
in Ex. xxviii. 42, and Lev. vi. 10, the 
drawers of the priests and their flowing 
robes are said to be of linen (had) ; and 
the tunic of the high-priest, his girdle and 
mitre, which he wore on the day of atone- 
ment, were made of the same material 
(Lev. xvi. 4). From a comparison of Ex. 
xxviii. 42 with xxxix. 28 it seems clear that 
bad and shesh were synonymous. 3. Bitts, 
always translated "fine linen," except 2' 
Chr. V. 12, is apparently a late word, and! 
probably the same with the Greek /^rooo;, by 
which it is represented by the LXX. It; 
was used for the dresses of the Levite- 
choir in the temple (2 Chr. v. 12), for the- 
loose upper garment worn by kings over the- 
close-fitting tunic (1 Chr. xv. 27), and for- 
the vail of the temple, embroidered by the- 
skill of the Tyrian artificers (2 Chr. iii. 14). 
The dress of the rich man in the parabJe was> 
purple and fine linen {(ii'aoog, Luke xvi.. 
19). "Fine linen," with purple and silk,. 
is enumerated in Rev. xviii. 12 as amongr 
the merchandise of the mystical Babylon. 
4, 5. JEtiln (Prov. vii. 16) and sddin^ 
(Judg. xiv. 12, 13) also signify linen. But..- 
the general term which included all those- 
already mentioned was pishteh, which was 
employed — like our " cotton" — to denote- 
not only the flax (Judg. xv. 14), or raw 
material from which the linen was made, 
but also the plant itself (Josh. ii. 6), and' 
the manufacture from it. It is generally 
opposed to wool, as a vegetable product tO' 
an animal (Lev. xiii. 47, 48, 52, f»^ Deut 



LINTEL, 



4{54 



LOAN 



S.X11. 11; ProT. xxxi. 13; IIos. ii. 5, 9), 
and was used for nets (Is. xix. 9), gir- 
dles (J or. xiii. 1), and maasuring-lines 
(Ez.xL 3), as well as for the dress of the 
priests (Ez. xliv. 17, 18). 

XiinteL The beam which forms the 
upper pait of the framework of a door. 
Gescnius arrives at the nonclusicn that in 
the singular it denotes the whole projecting 
framowork of a door or gateway. In the 
plural it is applied to denote the projections 
along the front of an edifice ornamented 
with columns or palm-trees, and with re- 
cesses or intercolumniations between them 
sometimes filled up by windows. 

Xii'nus, a Christian at Rome, known to 
St Paul and to Timothy (2 Tim. iv. 21), 
who was the first bishop of Rome after the 
apostles. 

Iiion. At present lions do not exist in 
Palestine ; but they must in ancient times 
have been numerous. The names Lebaoth 
(Josh. XV. 32), Beth-Lebaoth (Josh. xix. 
6), Arieh (2 K. xv. 25), and Laish (Judg. 
xviii. 7; 1 Sam. xxv. 44), were probably 
derived from the presence of or connection 
with lions, and point to the fact that they 
were at one time common. They had their 
lairs in the forests which have vanished 
with them (Jer. v. 6, xii. 8; Am. iii. 4), in 
the tangled brushwood (Jer. iv. 7, xxv. 38; 
Job xxxviii. 40), and in the caves of the 
mountains (Cant. iv. 8; Ez. xix. 9 ; Nah. 
.i. 12). The canebrake on the banks of 
the Jordan, the " pride " of the river, was 
their favorite haunt (Jer. xlix. 19, 1. 44; 
Zech. xi. 3). The lion of Palestine was in 
all probability the Asiatic variety, described 
by Aristotle and Pliny as distinguished by 
Its short curly mane, and by being shorter 
and rounder in shape, like the sculptured 
lion found at Arban. It was less daring 
than the longer named species, but when 
■driven by hunger it not only ventured to 
attack the flocks in the desert in presence 
of the sheplierd (Is. xxxi. 4; 1 Sam. xvii. 
■34), but laid waste towns and villages (2 
K. xvii. 25, 26; Prov. xxii. 13, xxvi. 13), 
and devoured men (1 K. xiii. 24, xx. 36 ; 2 
:K. xvii. 25; Ez. xix. 3, 6). The shepherds 
'*!ometimes ventured to encounter the lion 
■single-handed (1 Sam. xvii. 34) ; and the 
'vivid figure employed by Amos (iii. 12), 
the herdsman of Tekoa, was but the tran- 
«' ;ript of a scene which he must have often 
witnessed. At other times they pursued 
the animal in large bands, raising loud 
*h()ut8 to intimidate him (Is. xxxi. 4), and 
drive him into the net or pit they had pre- 
pared to catch hira (Ez. xix. 4, 8). Be- 
naiah, one of David's heroic body-guard, 
had distinguished himself by slaying a lion 
in tiis den (2 Sam. xxiii. 20). The kings 
of Persia had a menagerie of lions (Dan. 
vi. 7, &c.). When captured alive they 
«rere pat ir» ^ca^e (E/. xix. 9), but it does 



j not appear that they were tamed. The 
strength (Judg. xiv. 18 ; Prov. xxx. 30 ; 2 
Sam. i. 23), courage (2 Sam. xvii. 10; 
Prov. xxviii. 1; Is. xxxi. 9; Nah. ii. 11). 
and ferocity (Gen. xlix. 9; Num. xxir. 4) 
of the lion were proverbial. The "lion- 
faced " warriors of Gad were among David's 
most valiant troops (1 Chr. xii. 8) ; and the 
hero Judas Maccabaeus is described as " like 
a lion, and like a lion's whelp roaring for 
his prey" (1 Mace. iii. 4). Among th€ 
Hebrews, and throughout the O. T.. tiie 
lion was the achievement of the princely 
tribe of Judah, while in the closing book of 
the canon it received a deeper significance 
as the emblem of Him who "prevailed to 
open the book and loose the seven seals 
thereof" (Rev. v. 5). On the other hand 
its fierceness and cruelty rendered it an 
appropriate metaphor for a fierce and ma- 
hgnant enemy (Ps. vii. 2, xxii. 21, Ivii. 4 ; 
2 Tim. iv. 17), and hence for the arch-fiend 
himself (1 Pet. v. 8). The figure of the 
lion was employed as an ornament both in 
architecture and sculpture. 

Liz'ard (Heb. letddh, Lev. xi. 30). 
Lizards of various kinds abound in Egypt, 
Palestine, and Arabia. The lizard denote<l 
by the Hebrew word is probably the Fan- 
Foot Lizard {Ptyodactylus Gecko), which 
is common in Egypt and in parts of Arabia, 
and perhaps is also found in Palestine. Il 
is reddish brown, spotted with white. The 




The Fan-Foot Lizard {Ptyodactyhu Otckoi. 

Geckos live on insects and worms, which 
they swallow whole. They derive theii 
name from the peculiar sound which 8om»« 
of the species utter. 

Lo-am'mi, i. e. " not my people," the 
figurative name given by the prophet Hosea 
to his second son by Gomer, the daughter 
of Diblaim (Hos. i. 9), to denote the rejec- 
tion of the kingdom of Israel by Jehovah. 
Its significance is explained in ver. 9, 10. 

Loan. The Law strictly forbade any 
interest to be taken for a loan to any poor 
person, and at first, as it seems, even in the 
case of a foreigner ; but this prohibition wa* 
afterwards limited to the Hebrews only, 
from whom, rf whatever rank, noc onh 



LOAVES 



355 



LO-DEBAR 



♦ras flo usury on any pretonre to be ex- 
aete;l, but relief to tlie poor by way of 
loan was (.-njoined^ and excuses for evading 
this duty were forbidden (Ex. xxii. 25 ; 
Lev. XXV. 35, 37 ; Deut. xv. 3, 7-10, xxiii. 
U), 20). As commerce increased, the prac- 
tice of usury, and so also of suretyship, 
gre-vi "jp ; but the exaction of it from a He- 
brew appears to have been regarded to a 
late pt>riod as discreditable (Prov. vi. 1, 4, 
ri. 15, xvii. 18 ; xx. 16, xxii. 26 ; Ps. xv. 5, 
xxvii. 13; Jer. xv. 10; Ez. xviii, 13, xxii. 
12). Systematic breach of the law in this 
respect was corrected by Nehemiah after 
the return from captivity (Neh. v. l.,13). 
The money-changers, who had seats and 
tables in the Temple, were traders whose 
profits arose chietiy from the exchange of 
money with those who came to pay their 
annual half-shekel. The Jewish law did 
not forbid temporary bondage in the case 
of debtors, but it forbade a Hebrew debtor 
to be detained as a bondsman longer than 
the 7th year, or at farthest the year of Ju- 
bilee (Ex. xxi. 2 ; Lev. xxv. 39, 42 ; Deut. 
vv. 9). 

Loaves. [Bread.] 

Lock. Where European locks have 
aot been introduced, the locks of Eastern 
houses are usually of wood, and consist of 
a partly hollow bolt from 14 inches to 2 feet 
long for external doors or gates, or from 7 
to 9 inches for interior doors. The bolt 
passes through a groove in a piece attached 
to tho door into a socket in the door-post. 

Locust, a well-known insect, which 
;ommits terrible ravages on vegetation in 
the countries which it visits. In the Bible 
there are frequent allusions to locusts ; and 
there are nine or ten Hebrew words which 
aie supposed to denote different varieties 
or species of this family. The most de- 
structive of the locust tribe that occur in the 
Bible lands are the Oedipoda migratoria 
and the Acridium peregrinum, and as both 
these species occur in Syria and Arabia, 
&c., it is most probable that one or other is 
denoted in those passages which speak of 
the dreadful devastations committed by 
these insects. Locusts occur in great num- 




Locnst (Oedipoda miffrataria'). 

')ers, and sometimes obscure the sun (Ex. 
t. 15; Jer. xlvi. 23; Judg. vi. 5, vii. 12; 
Joel ii. 10; Nah. iii. 15). Their voracity 
is alluded to in Ex. x. 12, 15; Joel i. 4, 7, 
12, anJ ii. 3: Deut. xxviii. 38; Ps. Ixxviii. 
f^, cv. 34; Is xxxiii. 4. Ih^y are com- 
LAr^d in horses — Jofl ii. 4: Rev. ix. 7. 



They make a fearful noiso in tlieir flight 
(Joel ii. 5 ; Rev. ix. 9) Tbey have 
no king (Prov. xxx. 27). Their irre- 
sistible progress is referred to in Joel ii. 
8, 9. They enter dwellings, and devour 
even the woodwork of houses (Ex. x. 6 ; 
Joel ii. 9, 10). They do not fly in the night 
(Nah. iii. 17). The sea destroys the great- 
er number (Ex. x. 19 ; ,Joel ii. 20). Tb'^ij 
dead bodies taint the air (Joel ii. 20). Tbf 
flight of locusts is thus descril)ed by M. 
Olivier {Voyage dans V Empire 0th yman 
ii. 424): "With the burning fouth winds 
(of Syria) there come from the interior of 
Arabia and from the most southern parts 
of Persia clouds of locusts {Acridium per e- 
griniim), whose ravages to these countries 
are as grievous and nearly as sudden as 
those of the heaviest hail in Europe. We 
witnessed them twice. It is difficult to ex- 
press the effect produced on us by the sight 
of the whole atmosphere filled on all sides 
and to a great height by an innumerable 
quantity of these insects, whose flight was 
slow and uniform, and whose noise resem- 
bled that of rain : the sky was darkened, 
and the light of the sun considerably weak- 
ened. In a moment the terraces of the 
houses, the streets, and all the fields were 
covered by these insects, and in two days 
they had nearly devoured all the lea ves of 
the plants. Happily they lived but a short 
time, and seemed to have migrated only to 
reproduce themselves and die ; in fact, near- 
ly all those we saw the next day had paired, 
and the day following the fields were cov- 
ered with their dead bodies." The A. V. 
is clearly in error in translating this word 
" beetle ; " it occurs only in Lev. xi. 22, but 
it is clear from the context that it denotes 
some species of winged insect which the 
Israelites were allowed to use as food. Lo- 
custs were used as food (Lev. xi. 21, 22; 
Matt. iii. 4; Mark i. 6). There are differ- 
ent ways of preparing locusts for food : 
sometimes they are ground and pounded, 
and then mixed with flour and water and 




Loca«t (Acridimn Peregrinwn). 

made into cakes, or they are salted and then 
eaten ; sometimes smoked ; boiled or roast- 
ed ; stewed, or fried in butter. From ig- 
norance of this fact, some persons have 
erroneously asserted that the locusts which 
formed part of the food of the Baptist were 
not the insect of that name, but the long 
sweet pods of the lof:ust-tree, " St. John's 
bread," as the monks of Palestine call it 

Lod. [Ltdda.] 

Lo'-debar, a place named with Mah»- 



LODGE 



356 



LOtiDS SLiTER 



naim, Rogelim, and other trans- Jordanie 
towns (2 Sam. xvii. 27), and therefore no 
diOu})t on the eastern side of the Jordan. It 
If as the natire place of Machir-ben-Ammiel 
(ix. 4, 5). 

Lodge, To. This word in the A, V. 
— with one exception only — is used to 
translate the Hebrew verb hln or lin, which 
has at least in the -narrative portions of 
the Bible, almost invariably the force of 
" passing the night." 

Log. [Weights and Measures.] 

Lo'is, the grandmother of Timothy, 
and doubtless the mother of his mother 
Eunice (2 Tim. i. 5). It seems likely that 
Lois had resided long at Lystra; and al- 
most certain that from her, as well as from 
Eunice, Timothy obtained his intimate 
knowledge of the Jewish Scriptures (2 Tim. 
iii. 15). 

Loolung-glasses. [Mirrors.] 

Lord. [God.] 

Lord's Day, The (», KvQtaxij 'H^iqa, 
Rev. i. 10 only), the weekly festival of our 
Lord's resurrection, and identified with 
" the first day of the week," or " Sunday," 
of every age of the Church. Scripture 
says very little concerning this day. But 
that little seems to indicate that the divine- 
ly inspired apostles, by their practice and 
by their precepts, marked the first day of 
the week as a day for meeting together to 
break bread, for communicating and receiv- 
ing instruction, for laying up offerings in 
store for charitable purposes, for occupa- 
tion in holy thought and prayer. The 
first day of the week so devoted seems also 
to have been the day of the Lord's Resur- 
rection. The Lord rose on the first day of 
the week, and appeared, on the very day of 
His rising, to His followers on five distinct 
occasions — to Mary Magdalene, to the 
other women, to the two disciples on the 
road to Emmaus, to St. Peter separately, 
to ten Apostles collected together. After 
eight days, that is, according to the ordi- 
nary reckoning, on the first day of the next 
week. He appeared to the eleven. On the 
day of Pentecost, which in that year fell 
on the first day of the week, "they were 
all with one accord in one place," had spir- 
itual gifts conferred on them, and in their 
turn began to communicate those gifts, as 
accompaniments of instruction, to others. 
At Troas (Acts xx. 7), many years after 
the occurrence at Pentecost, when Chris- 
tianity had begun to assume something like 
a settled form, St. Luke records the fol- 
lowing circumstances. St. Paul and his 
companions arrived there, and " abode 
seven days, and upon the first day of the 
week, when the disciples came together to 
break bread, Paul preached unto them." 
In 1 Cor. xvi. 1, 2, that same St. Paul 
writes thuo : " Now concerning the collec- 
tion for the saints, as I have given order to 



the churches in Gaiatia, even eo do ytt 
Upon the first day of the week, let every 
one of you lay by him in stoiR, as God 
hath prospered him, that there be no gath- 
erings when I come." In Heb. x. 25, the 
correspondents of the writer are desired 
" not to forsake the assembling of them- 
selves together, as the manner of some is, 
but to exhort one another," an injunction 
which seems to imply that a regular day 
for such assembling existed and was well 
known ; for otherwise no rebuke would lie. 
And lastly, in the passage given above, St. 
John describes himself as being in the 
Spirit " on the Lord's Day." Taken sepa- 
rately, perhaps, and even all together, these 
passages seem scarcely adequate to prove 
that the dedication of the first day of the 
week to the purposes above mentioned was 
a matter of apostolic institution, or even 
of apostolic practice. But it may be ob- 
served, that it is at any rate an extraordi- 
nary coincidence, that almost immediatel ' 
we emerge from Scripture, we find the sam • 
day mentioned in a similar manner, ax\f\ 
directly associated with the Lord's Resui 
rection ; that it is an extraordinary fa( \ 
that we never find its dedication questioned 
or argued about, but accepted as something 
equally apostolic with Confirmation, witi 
Infant Baptism, with Ordination, or at leaM 
spoken of in the same way. The results o' 
our examination of the principal writen 
of the two centuries after the death of Si. 
John are as follows. The Lord's Day (a 
name which has now come out more prom- 
inently, and is connected more explicitlj 
with our Lord's resurrection than beforej 
existed during these two centuries as a pari 
and parcel of apostolical, and so of Scriptur- 
al Christianity. It was never defended, foi 
it was never impugned, or at least only im- 
pugned as other things received from the 
apostles were. It was never confounded 
with the Sabbath, but carefully distinguished 
from it. Religiously regarded, it was a 
day of solemn meeting for the Holy Eucha- 
rist, for united prayer, for instruction, foi 
alms-giving. [Sabbath.] 

Lord's Supper (KvQiaxbv SeiTivov). 
The words which thus describe the greal 
central act of the worship of the Christian 
Church occur but in one single passage of 
the N. T. (1 Cor. xi. 20). I. It was institut 
ed on that night when Jesus and his disci 
pies met together to eat the Passover (Matt 
xxvi. 19; Mark xiv. 16; Luke xxii. 13) 
The Paschal feast was kept by the Jews o:* 
that period in the following order. (1^ 
The members of the company that wert 
joined for this purpose met in the evening 
and reclined on couches (comp Matt. xxvi. 
20; Luke xxii. 14; and John xiii. 23, 25). 
The head of the household, or celebrant 
began by a form of blessing "for the daj 
and for the wine," pronounced over a cup^ oi 



LORD'S SUPPER 



357 



i^URD'S SUPPER 



w^hkh he and the otl ers then drank. (2) All 
who were present then washed their hands ; 
this also having a special benediction. (3) 
The t ihlo was then set out with the paschal 
lamb, unleavened bread, bitter herbs, and 
the dish known as Charoseth, a sauce made 
of dates, figs, raisins, and vinegar, and de- 
eigned to commemorate the mortar of 
their bundage in Egypt. (4) The cele- 
brant first, and then the others, dipped a 
portion of the bitter herbs into the Charo- 
seth and ate them. (5) The dishes were 
then removed, and a cup of wine again 
brought. Then followed an interval which 
was allowed theoretically for the questions 
that might be asked by children or prose- 
lytes, who were astonished at such a 
strange beginning of a feast, and the cup 
was passed round and drunk at the close 
3f it. (6) The dishes being brought on 
again, the celebrant repeated the com- 
memorative words which opened what was 
strictly the paschal supper, and pronounced 
a solemn thanksgiving, followed by Ps. 
cxiii. and cxiv. (7) Then came a second 
washing of the hands, with a short form of 
blessing as before, and the celebrant broke 
one of the two loaves or cakes of un- 
leavened bread, and gave thanks over it. 
A.11 then took portions of the bread, and 
lipped them, together with the bitter herbs, 
mto the Charoseth, and so ate them. (8) 
After this they ate the flesh of the paschal 
lamb, with bread, &c., as they liked; and 
^fter another blessing, a third cup, known 
►•specially as the "cup of blessing," was 
aanded round. (9) This was succeeded 
by a fourth cup, and the recital of Ps. 
cxv.-cxviii. followed by a prayer, and this 
was accordingly known as the cup of the 
Hallel, or of the Song. (10) There might 
be, in conclusion, a fifth cup, provided that 
the "great Hallel" (possibly Psalms cxx.- 
cxxxviii.) was sung over it. — Comparing 
the ritual thus gathered from Rabbinic 
writers with the N. T., and assuming 
that it represents substantially the com- 
mon practice of our Lord's time, and that 
the meal of which He and His disciples 
partook, was either the passover itself, or 
an anticipation of it, conducted according 
to the same rules, we are able to point, 
though not with alDsolute certainty, to the 
points of departure which the old practice 
presented for the institution of the new. 
To (1) or (3), or even to (8), we may re- 
ft;! tlie first words and the first distribution 
of the cup (Luke xxii. 17, 18); to (2) or 
(7), the dipping of tbe sop of John xiii. 26; 
to (7), or to an interval during or after (8), 
the distribution of the bread (Matt. xxvi. 
26; Mark xiv. 22; Luke xxii. 19; 1 Cor. 
xi. 23, 24^; to (9) or (10) ("after sup- 
per," Luke xxii. 20) the thanksgiving, and 
distribution of the cuj), and the hymn with 
MLich the wholtf was ordcd. — The narra- 



tives of the Gospels sh jw how strongly the 
disciples were impr-^ssed with the words 
which had given a new meaning to the old 
familiar acts. They leave unnoticed all 
the ceremonies of the Passover, except 
thftse which had thus been transferred to 
the Christian Church and perpetuated in 
it. Old tilings were passing away, and all 
things becoming new. They had looked 
on the bread and the wine as memorials of 
the deliverance from Egypt. They were 
now told to partake of them " in remem- 
brance " of their Master and Lord. The 
festival had been annual. No rule was 
given as to the time and frequency of the 
new feast that thus supervened on the old, 
but the command, " Do this as oft as ye 
drink it" (1 Cor. xi. 25), suggested the 
more continual recurrence of that which 
was to be their memorial of one whom they 
would wish never to forget. The words, 
" This is my body," gave to the unleavened 
bread a new character. They had been 
prepared for language that would other- 
wise have been so startling, by the teach- 
ing of John (vi. 32-58), and they were thus 
taught to see in the bread that was broken 
the witness of the closest possible union 
and incorporation with their Lord. The 
cup which was " the new testament in His 
blood," would remind them, in like man- 
ner, of the wonderful prophecy in which 
that new covenant had been foretold (Jer. 
xxxi. 31-34). II. In the account given by 
the writer of the Acts of the life of the first 
disciples at Jerusalem, a prominent place 
is given to this act, and to the phrase which 
indicated it. He describes the baptized 
members of the Church as continuing 
steadfast in or to the teaching of the apos- 
tles, in fellowship with them and with each 
other, and in breaking of bread and in 
prayers (Acts ii. 42). We can scarcely 
doubt that this implies that the chief actual 
meal of each day was one in which they 
met as brothers, and which was either 
preceded or followed by the more sol- 
emn commemorative acts of the breaking 
of the bread and the drinking of the 
cup. It will be convenient to anticipate 
the language and the thoughts of a some- 
what later date, and to say that, appar- 
ently, they thus united every day tbe 
Agape or feast of Love with the celebiation 
of the Eucharist. It would be natural that 
in a society consisting of many thousand 
members there should be many places of 
meeting. The congregation assembling in 
each place would come to be known as " the 
Church " in this or that man's house (Rom. 
xvi. 5, 23; 1 Cor. xvi. 19; Col. iv. 15; 
Philem. ver. 2). When they met, the place 
of honor would naturally be taken by one 
of the apostles, or some elder representing 
him. It would belong to him to pronounce 
the blessing and thanksgiving, with whioh 



LORD'S SUPPER 



358 



LOT 



the Meal 8 of levout Jew always began and 
ended. The bread (unless the converted 
Jews were to think of themselves as keeping 
a perpetual passover) would be such as they 
habitually used. The wine (probably the 
common red wine of Palestine, Prov. xxiii. 
Si) would, according to their usual practice, 
he mixed with water. At some time, before 
or "after the meal of which they partook as 
»uch, the bread and the wine would be given 
arith some special form of words or acts, to 
ifidicate its character. New converts would 
aeed some explanation of the meaning and 
origin of the observance. What would be 
so fitting and so much in harmony with the 
precedents of the Paschal feast as the nar- 
rative of what had passed on the night of its 
institution (1 Cor. xi. 23-27) ? With this 
there would naturally be associated (as in 
Acts ii. 42) prayers for themselves and oth- 
ers. Their gladness would show itself in the 
psalms and hymns with which they praised 
God (Heb. ii. 46, 47; James v. 13). The 
ainalogy of the Passover, the general feeling 
of the Jews, and the practice of the Essenes 
may possibly have suggested ablutions, par- 
tial or entire, as a preparation for the feast 
(Heb. X. 22; John xiii. 1-15). At some 
point in the feast those who were present, 
men and women sitting apart, would rise to 
''alute each other with the ''holy kiss" (1 
Cor. xvi. 20; 2 Cor. xiii. 12). The next 
traces that meet us are in 1 Cor., and the 
fact that we find them is in itself significant. 
The commemorative feast has not been 
confined to the personal disciples of Christ, 
or the Jewish converts whom they gathered 
round them at Jerusalem. The title of the 
"cup of blessing" (1 Cor. x. 16) has been 
imported into the Greek Church. The 
synonyme of '* the cup of the Lord " (1 Cor. 
X. 21) distinguishes it from the other cups 
that belonged to the Agape, or Love-feast. 
The word "fellowship" is passing by de- 
grees into the special signification of " Com- 
munion." The apostle refers to his own 
office as breaking the bread and blessing 
the cup (1 Cor. x. 16). The table on which 
the bread was placed was the Lord's Table. 
But the practice of the Agap^, as well as 
the observance of the commemorative feast, 
had been transferred to Corinth, and this 
called for a special notice. E vils had sprung 
up which had to be checked at once. The 
meeting of friends for a social meal, to 
which all contributed, was a sufficiently fa- 
miliar practice in the common life of Greeks 
of this period ; and the club-feasts were as- 
sociated with plans of mutual relief or char- 
ity to the poor. The Agape of the new 
society would seem to them to be such a 
feast, and hence came a disorder that alto- 
gether frustrated the object of the Church 
in instituting it. What was to be the rem- 
edy for this terrible and growing evil St. 
**aul does not state explicitly He reserves 



formal regulations for a later personal vi£^ 
it. In the mean time he gives a rule will cb 
would make the union of the Agap^ and 
the Lord's Supper possible without the risk 
of profanation. They « ere not to comt* 
even to the former with the keen edge of 
appetite. They were to wait till all were 
met, instead of scrambling tut mltuously to 
help themselves (1 Cor. xi. 33, 34}. In out 
point, however, the custom of the Church 
of Corinth differed apparently from that of 
Jerusalem. The meeting for the Lord'u 
Supper was no longer daily (1 Cor. xi. 20, 
33). The directions given in 1 Cor. xvi. 2 
suggest the constitution of a cek oration on 
the first day of the week. The meeting at 
Troas is on the same day (Acts xx. 7). A 
change gradually takes place. The Lord's 
Supper is separated from the Agape, and the 
latter finally dies out. The morning celebra- 
tion of the Supper takes the place of the even- 
ing. In Acts XX. 11 we have an example of 
the way in which the transition may havt- 
been effected. The .disciples at Troas meet 
together to break bread. The hour is not 
definitely stated, but the fact that St. Paul's* 
discourse was protracted till past midnight 
and the mention of the many lamps, indicate i 
a later time than that commonly fixed foy 
the Greek SeCnvov. Then came the teach 
ing and the prayers, and then, towards early 
dawn, the breaking of bread, which consti- 
tuted the Lord's Supper, and for which thej 
were gathered together. If this midnight 
meeting may be taken as indicating a com- 
mon practice, originating in reverence for 
an ordinance which Christ had enjoined, we 
can easily understand how the next step 
would be to transfer the celebration of the 
Eucharist permanently to the morning hour, 
to which it had gradually been approxi- 
mating. 

Lo-ruha'mall, t. e. "the uncompas- 
sionated," the name of the daughter of Ho- 
sea the prophet, given to denote the utterly- 
ruined condition of the kingdom of Israe' 
(Hos. i. 6). 

Lot, the son of Haran, and therefore 
the nephew of Abraham (Gen. xi. 27, 31). 
His sisters were Milcah the wife of Nahor, 
and IscAH, by some identified with Sarah. 
Haran died before the emigration of Te- 
rah and liis family from Ur of the Chaldecs 
(ver. 28), and Lot was therefore born there. 
He removed with the rest of his kindred 
to Charran, and again subsequently with 
Abraham and Sarai to Canaan (xii 4, 5) 
With them he took refuge in Egypt from a 
famine, and with them returned, first to the 
" South" (xiii. 1), and then to their origi- 
nal settlement between Bethel and A\ (ver 
3, 4). But the pastures of the hills of 
Bethel, which had with ease contained tne 
two strangers on their first ai rival, were not 
able any longer to bear them, so much had 
their possessions of sbeep, goats, and caul 



U)1 



859 



LUCIUS 



uici eased. Accorlingly they separatee!, 
Lot choosing the fertile plain of the Jor- 
dan, and advancing as far as Sodom (Gen. 
iiii 10-14). The next ojcnrrence in the 
life of Lot is his capture by the four kings 
jf the East, and his rescue by Abram (Gen. 
xiv.). For details see Abraham. The 
last 8?ene preserved to us in the history of 
Lot to too well known to need repetition. 
H<9 is Btill living in Sodom (Gen. xix.). But 
In the mi 1st of the licentious corruption of 
that city, he preserves some of tlie delight- 
ful characteristics of his wandering life, his 
fervent and chivalrous hospitality (xix. 2, 
%), the unleavened bread of the tent of the 
wilderness, the water for the feet of the 
wayfarers, affor-ling his guests a reception 
identical with that which they had experi- 
enced that very morning in Abraham's tent 
on the heights of Hebron (comp. xviii. 3, 
6). His deliverance from the guilty and 
condemned city points the allusion of St. 
Peter (2 Pet. ii. 6-9). Where Zoar was 
situated, in which he found a temporary 
refuge during the destruction of the other 
cities of the plain, we do not know with 
{ibsolute certainty. The end of Lot's wife 
ie commonly treated as one of the difficul- 
ties of the Bible. But it surely need not 
be so. It cannot be necessary, as some 
liave done, to create the details of the story 
«»^here none are given. On these points t\2 
record is silent. The value and the sig- 
nificance of the story to us are contained 
in the allusion of Chilst (Luke xvii, 32). 
Later ag(!S have not been satisfied so to leave 
the matter, but have insisted on identifying 
Liie •' pillar" with some one of the fleeting 
*'orms which the perishable rock of the 
>outh end of the Dead Sea is constantly 
assuming in its process of decomposition 
and liquefaction. From the incestuous in- 
tercourse between Lot and his two daugh- 
ters sprang the nations of Moab and Am- 
raon. 

Lot. The custom of deciding doubtful 
questions by lot is one of great extent and 
high antiquity. The religious estimate of 
them may be gathered from Prov. xvi. 33. 
The following historical or ritual instances 
are — 1. Choice of men for an invading 
force (Judg. i. 1, xx. 10). 2. Partition (a) 
of the soil of Palestine among the tribes 
(Num. xxvi. 55; Josh, xviii. 10; Acts xiii. 
19). (6) of Jerusalem ; i, e. probably its 
spcil or captives among captors (Obad. 11) ; 
of the land itself in a similar way (1 Mace. 
iii. 36). (c) Apportionment of possessions, 
or spoil, or of prisoners, to foreigners or 
captors (Joel iii. 3; Nah. iii. 10; Matt. 
jtxvii. 35). 3. (a) Settlement of doubtful 
que.stions (Prov. xvi. 33, xviii. 18). (b) A 
mode of divination among heathens by 
means of arrows, two inscribed, and one 
witJiout mark (IIos. iv. 12- Ez. xxi. 21). 
[c^ Doteiaior of a crimin.il (Josh. vii. 14, 



18). (c?) Appointment of persons to ofBcei 
or duties, as above in Achan's case. («) 
Selection of the scape-goat on tlie Day of 
Atonement (Lev. xvi. 8, 10). 4. The nse 
of words heard or passages chosen at ran- 
dom from Scripture. 

Lo'tan, the eldest son of Seir tb; Ho- 
rite (Gen. xxxvi. 20, 22, 29 ; 1 Clir. i. 38 
39). 

Lots, Feast of. [Pckim.] 

Love-feasts (Jude 12, and 2 Pet u 
13.) [Lord's Supper.] 

Lu'bim, a nation mentioned as contrib- 
uting, together with Cushites and SukHim, 
to Shishak's army (2 Chr. xii. 3) ; and ap- 
parently as forming with Cushites the bulk 
of Zerah's army (xvi. 8), spoken of by Na- 
hum (iii. 9) with Put or Phut, as helping 
No-Amon (Thebes), of which Cush and 
Egypt were the strength ; and by Daniel 
(xi. 43) as paying court with the Cushites 
to a conqueror of Egypt or the Egyptians. 
Upon the Egyptian monuments we find 
representations of a people called Rebu, or 
Lebd, who correspond to the Lubim, and 
who may be placed on the African coast to 
the westward of Egypt, perhaps extending 
far beyond the Cyrenaica. 

Lu'cas (Philem. 24). [Luke.] 

Lu'cifer, found in Is. xiv. 12, coupled 
with the epithet " son of the morning," 
clearly signifies a " bright star," and prob- 
ably what we call the morning star. In 
this passage it is a symbolical representa- 
tion of the king of Babylon, in his splen- 
dor and in his fall. Its application, from 
St. Jerome downwards, to Satan in his fall 
from heaven, arises probably from the fact 
that the Babylonian Empire is in Scripture 
represented as the type of tyrannical and 
self-idolizing power, and especially con- 
nected with the empire of the Evil One in 
the Apocalypse. 

Lu'cius. 1. A Roman consul who is 
said to have written the letter to Ptolemy 
(Euergetes), which assured Simon I. of the 
protection of Rome (cir. b. c. 139-8 ; 1 
Mace. XV. 10, 15-24). The whole form of 
the letter shows that it cannot be an accu- 
rate copy of the original document. The 
imperfect transcription of the name has led 
to the identification of Luciu« with thrv€ 
distinct persons — (1.) [LuciasJ Ffaiui? 
Pliilus, who was not consul till b. c. 13G, 
and is therefore at once excluded. (2.; 
Lucius Caecilius Metellus Calvus, who wa.; 
consul in b. c. 142. (3.) Lucivjs ra*} per- 
haps be identified with Lucius Calpurnius 
Piso, who was consul b. c. 139. — 2. A kins- 
man or fellow-tribesman of St. Paul TRoni 
xvi. 21), by whom he is said by tradition to 
have been ordained bishop of the church of 
Cenchreae. He is thought by some to bt 
the same with Lucius of Cyrene. — 3. IvU- 
C1U8 OF Cykenk is first mentioned in the 
I N. T. in company with Barnabas, Simet/a 



LUD 



d60 



LUKE, GOSPEI. OF 



ualled Niger, Manaen, and Saul, who are 
described as prophets and teachers of the 
church at Antioch (Acts xiii. 1), Whether 
Lucius was one of the seventy disciples, is 
q[nite a matter of conjecture; but it is high- 
ly piobable that he formed one of the con- 
W'ig ition to whom St. Peter preached on 
cbr:- dn,y of Pcntecost (Acts ii. 10) ; and 
Uiere can hardly be a doubt that he was 
iue of " the men of Cyrene " who, being 
* S'uattereJ abroad upon the persecution 
cfiat arose about Stephen," went to Antioch 
preaching the Lord Jesus (Acts xi. 19, 20). 
U is commonly supposed that Lucius is 
tl" e kinsman of St. Paul, mentioned by that 
Apostle as joining with him in his salutation 
to the Roman brethren (Horn. xvi. 21). 

IiUd, the fourth name in the list of the 
children of Sliem (Gen. x. 22 ; comp. 1 
Chr. i. 17), supposed to have been the an- 
ces^tor of the Lydians. 

Lu'dim (Gen. x. 13; 1 Chr. i. 11), a 
Mizraite people or tribe. From their posi- 
tion at the head of the list of the Mizraites, 
it is probable that the Ludim were settled 
to the west of Egypt, perhaps farther than 
any other Mizraite tribe. Lud and the 
Ludim are mentioned in four passages of 
the prophets (Is. Ixvi. 19 ; Jer. xlvi. 9 ; Ez. 
xxvii. 10, xxxviii. 5). There can be no 
doubt that but one nation is intended in 
these passages, and it seems that the pre- 
ponderance of evidence is in favor of the 
Mizraite Ludim. 

Lu'hith, The Ascent of, a place in 
Moab, occurs only in Is. xv. 5, and the par- 
allel passage of Jeremiah (xlviii. 5). In 
the days of Eusebius and Jerome it was 
Rtill known, and stood between Areopolis 
''Rabbath-Moab) and Zoar. 

LjUke, or Lu'cas. is an abbreviated form 
of Lucanus. It is not to be confounded 
with Lucius (Acts xiii. 1 ; Rom. xvi. 21), 
which belongs to a different person. The 
name Luke occurs three times in the N. T. 
(Col. iv. 14; 2 Tim. iv. 11; Philem. 24), 
and probably in all three, the third evangel- 
ist is the person spoken of. Combining the 
traditional element with the scriptural, we 
are able to trace the following dim outline 
of the Evangelist's life. He was born at 
Antioch in Syria, and was taught the science 
cf medicine. The well-known tradition 
that Ivuke was also a painter, and of no 
mean skill, rests on the authority of late 
writers. He was not born a Jew, for he is 
f> jt reckoned among them " of the circum- 
cinoii " by St Paul (comp. Col. iv. 11 with 
ver. 14). The date of his conversion is un- 
certain. He joined St. Paul at Troas, and 
nt nred his journey into Macedonia. The 
su IdoB transition to the first person plural 
in Acts xvi. 9, is most naturally explained, 
after all the objections that have been urged, 
by supposing that Luke, the writer of the 
Acts, formed one of St. Paul's company 



from this point. As far as Philip^i the 
Evangelist journeyed with the Apostle. Th<- 
resumption of the third person on Paul's 
departure from that place (xvii. 1) would 
show that Luke was now left beliind. Dur- 
ing the rest of St. Paul's second mis(?ionary 
journey we hear of Luke no more. But <*t; 
the third journey the same indication re- 
minds us that Luke is again of the companj 
(Acts XX. 5), having joined it apparently at 
Philippi, where he had been left. With the 
Apostle he passed through Miletus, Tyre, 
and Caesarea to Jerusalem (xx. 5, xxi. 18). 
Between the two visits of Paul to Phil'ppi 
seven years had elapsed (a. d. 51 to a. d. 
58), which the Evangelist may have spent 
in Philippi and its neighborhood, preach- 
ing the Gospel. There remains one pas- 
sage, which, if it refers to St. Luke, must 
belong to this period. " We have sent with 
him " (t. e. Titus) " the brother whose 
praise is in the gospel throughout all the 
churches " (2 Cor. viii. 18). The subscrip- 
tion of the Epistle sets forth that it was 
"written from Philippi, a city of Macedonia, 
by Titus and Lucas," and it is an old opinion 
that Luke was the companion of Titus, al- 
though he is not named in the body of the 
Epistle. If this be so, we are to suppose 
that during the "three months " of Paul's 
sojourn at Philippi (Acts xx. 3) Luke was 
sent from that place to Corinth on this 
errand. He again appears in the company' 
of Paul in the memorable journey to Rome 
(Acts xxvii. 1). He remained at his side 
during his first imprisonment (Col. iv. 14; 
Philem. 24) ; and if it is to be supposed tliat 
the Second Epistle to Timothy was writter 
during the second imprisonment, then the 
testimony of that Epistle (iv. 11) shows that 
he continued faithful to the Apostle to the 
end of his afflictions. After the death of 
St. Paul, the acts of his faithful companion 
are hopelessly obscure to us. In the well- 
known passage of Epiphanius, we find that 
L"ke, receiving the commission to preach 
the Gospel, preaches first in Dalmatia and 
Gallia. As to his age and death, there it- 
the utmost uncertainty. He probably diea 
a martyr, between a. d. 75 and a. d. 100. 

Luke, Gospel of. The third Gospel 
is ascribed, by the general consent of an- 
cient Christendom, to " the beloved phy- 
sician," Luke, the friend and companion oi 
the Apostle Paul. I. Date of the Gospel 
of Luke. — From Acts i. 1, it is clear that 
the Gospel described as "the former trea 
tise " was written bpfore the Acts of the 
Apostles ; but how much earlier is uncer- 
tain. Perhaps it was written at Caesarm 
during St Paul's imprisonment there, a., d. 
58-no, II. ~*lace where the Gospel wcu 
written. — ti the time has be(m rightly 
indicated, the place would be Caesarea. 
Other suppositions are, that it was com- 
posed in Anhaia and the region ot B*»e<r« 



LUKE, GOSPEL OF 



361 



LYCAONIA 



(Je/iroe), in Alexandria (Syriac version), 
in Home (Ewald, &c.), in Achaia and 
Macedonia (Hilgenfeld), and Asia Minor 
(Kdstlin), It is impossible to verify these 
traditions and conjectures. III. Origin 
of the Gospel. — The preface, contained in 
the first four verses of the Gospel, describes 
the object of its writer. Here are several 
TactJ* to be observed. There were many 
narratives oi the life of our Lord curi'ent at 
he early tin^e when Luke wrote his Gospel. 
The grounc* of fitness for the task St. Luke 
places in his having carefully followed out 
the whole course of events from the begin- 
ning. He does not claim the character of 
ftn eye-witness from the first ; but possibly 
he may have been a witness of some part 
of our Lord's doings. The ancient opinion, 
Uiat Luke wrote his Gospel under the in- 
fluence of Paul, rests on the authority of 
Irenaeus, Tertullian, Origen, and Eusebius. 
The two first assert that we have in Luke 
the Gospel preached by Paul ; Origen calls 
it "the Gospel quoted by Paul," alluding 
to Rom. ii. 16; and Eusebius refers Paul's 
words, " according to my Gospel " (2 Tim. 
ii. 8), to that of Luke, in which Jerome 
concurs. The language of the preface is 
against the notion of any exclusive in- 
fluence of St. Paul. The four verses could 
not have been put at the head of a his- 
tory composed under the exclusive guid- 
mce of Paul or of any one apostle, and as 
little could they have introduced a gospel 
simply communicated by another. The 
truth seems to be that St. Luke, seeking 
information from every quarter, sought it 
from the preaching of his beloved master, 
St. Paul ; and the apostle in his ti;rn era- 
ployed the knowledge acquired from other 
sources by his disciple. Upon the question 
whether Luke made use of the Gospels of 
Matthew and Mark, see Gospels. IV. Pur- 
pose for which the Gospel was written. — 
The Evangelist professes to write that 
Theophilus " might know the certainty of 
those things wherein he had been instruct- 
ed " (i. 4). This Theophilus was probably 
a native of Italy, and perhaps an inhabitant 
of Rome, for in tracing St. Paul's journey 
to Rome, places which an Italian might be 
supposed not to know are described minute- 
ly TActs xxvii. 8, 12, 16) ; but when he comes 
to Sicily and Italy this is neglected. Hence 
■|t would appear that the person for whom 
Luke wrote in the first instance was a Gen- 
vile reader ; and accordingly we find traces 
in the Gospel of a leaning towards Gentile 
rather than Jewish converts. V. Lan- 
guage and Style of the Gospel. — It has nev- 
er been doubted that the Gospel was written 
in Greek. Whilst Hebraisms are frequent, 
classic al idioms and Greek compound words 
abound The number of words used by 
Luke on y is unusually great, and many of 
tliera ar*' 'compound words for which there 



is classical authority. On c;omparlng tl.« 
Gospel with the Acts it is found that the 
style of the latter is more pure and free 
from Hebrew idioms. VI. Integrity of 
the Gospel — the first two Chapters. — The 
Gospel of Luke is quoted by Justin Martyr 
and by the author of 'he Clementine Homi- 
lies. The silence of the Apostolic fathera 
only indicates that it was admitted into the 
Canon somewhat late, which was probably 
the case. The result of the Marcion con- 
troversy is, as we have seen, that our Gos- 
pel was in use before a. d. 120. A special 
question, however, has been raised about 
the first two chapters. But there is no real 
ground for distinguishing between the first 
two chapters and the rest. 

Lunatics. This word is used twice in 
the N. T. (Matt. iv. 24, xvii. 15). It is 
evident that the word itself refers to some 
disease, affecting both the body and the 
mind, which might or might not be a sign 
of possession. By the description of Mark 
ix. 17-26, it is concluded that this disease- 
was epilepsy. 

XillZ. It seems impossible to discover 
with precision whether Luz and Bethel rep- 
resent one and the same town — the former 
the Canaanite, the latter the Hebrew name 
— or whether they were distinct places, 
though in close proximity. The latter is 
the natural inference from two of the pas- 
sages in which Luz is spoken of (Gen, 
xxviii. 19; Josh. xvi. 2, xviii. 13). Othei 
passages, however, seem to speak of the 
two as identical (Gen. xxxv. 6 ; Judg. i. 23). 
The most probable conclusion is, that the 
two places were, during the times preceding 
the conquest, distinct, Luz being the city 
and Bethel the pillar and altar of Jacob ; 
that after the destruction of Luz by the 
tribe of Ephraim the town of Bethel arose. 
2. When the original Luz was destroyed, 
through the treachery of one of its inhab- 
itants, the man who had introduced the 
Israelites into the town went into the " land 
of the Hittites *' and built a city, which he 
named after the former one (Judg. i. 26). 
Its situation, as weU as that of the " land of 
the Hittites," has never been discovered, 
and is one of the favorite puzzles of Scrip- 
ture geographers. 

Lycao'llia, a district of Asia Minor. 
From what is said in Acts xiv. 11 of " the 
speech of Lycaonia," it is evident that the 
inhabitants of the district, in St. Paul's day, 
spoke something very different from ordi- 
nary Greek. Whether this language wao 
some Syrian dialect, or a corrupt form of 
Greek, has been much debated. The fact 
that the Lycaonians were familiar with the 
Greek mythology is consistent with either 
supposition. Lycaonia is for the most part 
a dreary plain, bare of trei'S, destitute of 
fresh water, and with several salt lakes. 
After the provincial system of Roiae had 



LYCIA 



365i 



LYSIAS 



embraced the whole of Asia Minor, the 
boundaries of the provinces were variable ; 
arjd Lycaonia was, politically, sometimes 
in Cappadocia, sometimes in Galatia. It is 
interesting to see these rude country peo- 
ple, when Paul and Barnabas worked mir- 
icles among them, rushing to the conclusion 
that the strangers were Mercury and Ju- 
piter, whose visit to this very neighborhood 
forms the subjc^^t of one of Ovid's most 
?hArming stories (Ovid, Metam. viii. 626). 
Nor can we fail to notice how admirably St. 
Paul's address on the occasion was adapted 
to a simple and imperfectly civilized race 
(xiv. 1*-17). This was at Lystra, in the 
heart of the country. Farther to the east 
was Derbe (ver. 6), not far from the chief 
pass which leads up through Taurus, from 
CiLiciA and the coast, to the central table- 
land. At the western limit of Lycaonia 
waa IcoNiuM (ver. 1), in the direction of 
Anxioch in Pisidia. a good Roman road 
intersected the district along the line thus 
indicated. On St. Paul's first missionary 
journey he traversed Lycaonia from west 
to east, and then returned on his steps 
(ver. 21; see 2 Tim. iii. 11). On the 
second and third journeys he entered it 
from the east ; and after leaving it, travelled 
in the one case to Troas (Acts xvi. 1-8), in 
the other to Ephesus (Acts xviii. 23, xix. 1). 
LyCia is the name of that south-west- 
ern region of the peninsula of Asia Minor 
which is immediately opposite the island 
of Rhodes. The Lycians were incorporat- 
ed in the Persian Empire, and their ships 
were conspicuous in the great war against 
the Greeks (Herod, vii. 91, 92). After the 
death of Alexander the Great, Lycia was 
included in the Greek Seleucid kingdom, 
and was a part of the territory which the 
Romans forced Antiochus to cede. It was 
not till the reign of Claudius that Lycia be- 
came part of the Roman provincial system. 
At first it was combined with Pamphylia. 
Such seems to have been the condition of 
the district when St. Paul visited the 
Lycian towns of Patara (Acts xxi. 1), and 
Myra (Acts xxvii. 5). At a later period of 
the Roman empire Lycia was a separate 
province, with Myra for its capital. 

Xiydt'da, the Greek form of the name 
(Acts ix. 32, 35, 38), which appears in the 
Hebrew records as Lod, a town of Benja- 
min, founded bv Shamed or Shamer (1 
CUr. viii. 12 ; Ezr. ii. 33 ; Neh. vii. 37, xi. 
35). It is still called Lidd or Ludd, and 
stands in part of the great maritime plain 
which anciently bore the name of Sharon. 
It is 9 miles from Joppa, and is the first 
town on the northernmost of the two roads 
between that place and Jerusalem. The 
watercourse outside the town is said still 
to bear the name of Abi-Butrus (Peter;, 
in memory of the Apostle. It was de- 
•troyed by Vespasian, and was probably 



not rebuilt till the time of Ha Irian, whtt 
it received the name of Die spoils. VVhec 
Eusebius wrote (a. d. 320--330) Diospohg 
was a well-known and much-fioquented 
town. The modern town is, fci' a Mohaui 
medan place, busy and prosperous. 

Lyd'ia, a maritime province in the west 
of A.sia Minor, bounded by Mysia on the 
N., Phrygia on the E., and Caria on Iht S. 
The name occurs only in 1 Mace viii. 8 
(the rendermg of the A. V. in Ez. xxx. 5 
being for Ludim) ; it is there enumerated 
among the districts which the Romans took 
away from Antiochus the Great after tiie 
battle of Magnesia in b. c. 190, and trans- 
ferred to Eumenes II. king of Pergamus 
For the connection between Lydia and tht 
Lud and Ludim of the O. T., see Ludim. 
Lydia is included in the " Asia " of the N. T. 

Lyd'ia, the first European convert of 
St. Paul, and afterwards his hostess during 
his first stay at Philippi (Acts xvi. 14, 15, 
also 40). She was a Jewish proselyte at 
the time of the Apostle's coming; and it 
was at the Jewish Sabbath-worship by the 
side of a stream (ver. 13) that the preach- 
ing of the Gospel reached her heart. Her 
native place was Thyatira, in the province 
of Asia (ver. 14; Rev. ii. 18). Thyatira was 
famous for its dyeing-works ; and Lydia was 
connected with this trade, either as a seller 
of dye, or of dyed goods. We infer that 
she was a person of considerable wealth. 

Lysa'nias, mentioned by St. Luke in 
one of his chronological passages (iii. 1) 
as being tetrarch of Abilene (i. e. the 
district round Abila) in the 13th year of 
Tiberius, at the time when Herod Antipat 
was tetrarch of Galilee, and Herod Philip 
tetrarch of Ituraea and Trachonitis. 

Lys'ias, a nobleman of the blood-royal 
(1 Mace. iii. 32; 2 Mace. xi. 1), who wa*- 
intrusted by Antiochus Epiphanes (cir. 
B. c. 166) with the government of soutliern 
Syria, and the guardianship of his son 
Antiochus Eujiator (1 Mace. iii. 32; 2 
Mace. X. 11). He carried on the w?.r 
against Judas Maccabaeus. After the death 
of Antiochus Epiphanes (b. c. 16 i), Lysias 
assumed the government as guardian of 
his son, who was yet a child (1 ]\Iacc. vi. 
17). The war against the Jews was re- 
newed; and Lysias was besieging Jerusa- 
lem when he received tidings of the ap- 
proach of Philip, to whom Antiochus had 
transferred the guardianship of the prince 
(1 Mace. vi. 18; 2 Mace. xiii.). He de- 
feated Philip (b. c. 163), and was supported 
at Rome ; but in the next year, togethei 
with his ward, fell into tlie hands of De- 
metrius Soter, who put them both to deatl' 
(1 Mace. vii. 2-4; 2 Mace. xiv. 2). 

Lys'ias, Clau'dius, " chief captain of 
the band," that is, tribune of the Roman co- 
h( rt, who rescued St. Paul from the hands 
ol the infuriated mob at Jerui-aleni, aid 



LYSIMACHUS 



363 



MAASEIAB 



»ent him ander a guard to Felix, the gov- 
ernor or proconsul of Caesarea (Acts xxi. 
31, seq., xxiii. 26, xxiv. 7). 

Lysim'achus. 1. "A son of Ptole- 
raaeus of Jerusalem," the Greek translator 
of the book of Esther (comp. Esth. ix. 20). 
8. A brother of the high-priest Menelaus, 
i^ho was left by him as his deputy during 
his absence at the court of Antiochus. He 
fell a victim to the fury of the people (2 
Mace. iv. 29-42). 

Lys tra has two points of interest in 
connection respectively with St. Paul's first 
ind second missionary journeys, (1) as the 
place where divine honors were ofi'ered to 
him, and where he was presently stoned 
(Acts xiv.) ; (2) as the home of his chosen 
companion and fellow- missionary Timothe- 
U8 (Acts xvi. 1). Lystra was in the east- 
arn part of the great plain of Lycaonia; 
and its site may be identified with the ruins 
called Bin-hir- Kilisseh, at the base of a 
conical mountain of volcanic structure, 
"^.med the Karadagh. 



M. 



Ma'acah. 1. The mother of Absalom, 
also called Maachah (2 Sam. iii. 3). 2. 
Maacah, and (in Chr.) Maachah. A 
small kingdom in close proximity to Pales- 
tine, which appears to have lain outside 
Argob (Deut. iii. 14) and Bashan (Josh, 
xii. 5). These districts, probably answer- 
ing to the Lejah and JaulAn of modern 
Syria, occupied the space from the Jordan 
on the west to Salcah on the east and 
Mount Hermon on the north. Maacah 
must therefore be placed somewhere to 
the east of the Lejah. The Ammonite 
war was the only occasion on which the 
Maacathites came into contact with Israel, 
when their king assisted the Ammonites 
against Joab with a force which he led 
himself (2 Sam. x. 6, 8; 1 Chr. xix. 7). 

Ma'achah. 1. The daughter of Nahor 
by his concubine Reumah (Gen. xxii. 24). 
2. The father of Achish, who was king of 
Gath at the beginning of Solomon's reign 
(1 K. ii. 39). 3. The daughter, or more 
probably granddaughter, of Absalom, named 
after his mother ; the third and favorite wife 
of Rehoboam, and mother of Abijah (1 K. 
XV. 2; 2 Chr. xi. 20-22). The mother of 
Abijah is elsewhere called " Michaiah, the 
daughter of Uriel of Gibeah " (2 Chr. xiii. 
3). It is probable that " Michaiah " is the 
error of a transcriber, and that '* Maa- 
chah" is the true reading in all cases. Dur- 
«ng the reign of her grandson Asa she oc- 
cupied at the court of Judah the high 
position of "King's Mother" (comp. 1 K. 
a. 19), which has been compared with that 
01 the Sultana Valide in Turkey. It may 



be that at Abijah's death, after a short iDign 
of three years, Asa was left a minor, and 
Maachah acted as regent, like Athaliah 
under similar circumstances. If this con 
jecture be correct, it would serve to ex- 
plain tlie influence by which she promoted 
the practice of idolatrous worship. 4. The 
concubine of Caleb the son of Hezron (1 
Chr. ii. 48). 5. The daughter of Tahnai 
king of Geshur, and mother of Absalom ^1 
Chr. iii. 2) ; also called Maacah in A. V". 
of 2 Sam. iii. 3. 6. The wife of Machix 
the Manassite (1 Chr. vii. 15, 16). 7. The 
wife of Jehiel, father or founder of Gibeon 
(1 Chr. viii. 29, ix. 35). 8. The father of 
Hanan, one of the heroes of David's body- 
guard (1 Chr. xi. 43). 9. A Simeonite, 
father of Shephatiah, prince of his tribe in 
the reign of David (1 Chr. xxvii. 16). 

Maaeh'athi, and Maaeh'athites. 
The. Two words wliich denote the in- 
habitants of the small kingdom of Maa- 
chah (Deut. iii. 14; Josh. xii. 5, xiii. 11. 
13). Individual Maachathites were not 
unknown among the warriors of Israel (? 
Sam. xxiii. 34; Jer. xl. 8 ; 2 K. xxv. 23). 

Maada'i, one of the sons of Bani, wlif 
had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 34). 

. Maadi'ah, one of the priests, or fam 
ilies of priests, who returned with Zerub 
babel and Jeshua (Neh. xii. 5) ; elsewher* 
(ver. 17) called Moadiah. 

Maa'i, one of tlie Bene-Asaph who toot 
part In the solemn musical service by which 
the wall of Jerusalem was dedicated after 
it had been rebuilt by Nehemiah (Neh. xii. 
36.) 

Maal'eh-aerab'bim, the full form of 
the name (Josh, xv, 3) which in its other 
occurrences is given in the A. V. as "the 
ascent of, or the going up to, Akrabbim.'" 
[Akrabbim.] 

Ma'arath, one of the towns of Judah, 
in the district of the mountains (Josh. xv< 
58). The places which occur in company 
with it have been identified at a few miles 
to the north of Hebron, but Maarath has 
hitherto eluded observation. 

Maasei'ah. The name of four person* 
who had married foreign wives in the time 
of Ezra. 1. A descendant of Jeshua the 
priest (Ezr. x. 18). 2. A priest, of thesoni 
of Harim (Ezr. x. 21). 3. A priest, of the 
sons of Paslmr (Ezr. x. 22). 4. One of 
the laymen, a descendant of Pahath-Moab 
(Ezr. X. 30). 5. The father of Azariah, 
one of the priests from the oasis of the 
Jordan, who assisted Nehemiah in rebuild- 
ing the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 23). 
6. One of those who stood on the righl 
hand of Ezra when he read the law to the 
people (Neh. viii. 4). 7. A Levite who 
assisted on the same occasion (Neh. viii. 
7). 8. One of the heads of the people 
whose descendants signed tlie covenant 
with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 25). 9. Sjh o/ 



MAASIAI 



364 



MACCABEES, THE 



Banicfi and descendant of Pliarez, the son 
of Judah (Nell. xi. 5). 10. A Benjamite, 
ancestor of Sallu (Neh. xi. 7). 11. Two 
priests of this name are mentioned (Neh. 
iii. 41, 42) as taking part in the musical 
service which accompanied the dedication 
of the wall of Jerusalem under Ezra. One 
of them is probably the same as No. 6. 12. 
Father of Zepha»iah, who was a priest in 
the reign of Zedjkiah (Jer. xxi. 1, xxix. 
25, xxxvii. 3). 13. The father of Zede- 
kiah the false prophet (Jer. xxix. 21). 14. 
One of the Levites of the second rank, ap- 
pointed by David to sound " with psalteries 
on Alamoth" (1 Chr. xv. 18, 20). 15. 
The son of Adaiah, and one of the captains 
of hundreds in the reign of Joash king of 
Judah (2 Chr. xxiii. 1). 16. An officer 
of high rank in the reign of Uzziah (2 Chr. 
xxvi. 11). He was probably a Levite (comp. 
I Chr. xxiii. 4), and engaged in a semi- 
military capacity. 17. The " king's son," 
killed by Zichri the Ephraimitish hero in 
the invasion of Judah by Pekah king of 
Israel, during the reign of Ahaz (2 Chr. 
xxviii. 7). 18. The governor of Jerusa- 
lem in the reign of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxiv. 
8). 19. The son of Shallum, a Levite of 
high rank in the reign of Jehoiakim (Jer. 
XXXV. 4; comp. 1 Chr. ix. 19). 20. A 
priest; ancestor of Baruch and Seraiah, 
the sons of Neriah (Jer. xxxii. 12, li. 59). 

Maasi'ai, a priest who after the return 
from Babylon dwelt in Jerusalem (1 Chr. 
ix. 12). 

Ma'ath., son of Mattathias in the geneal- 
ogy of Jesus Christ (Luke iii. 26). 

JVEa'az, son of Ram, the first-born of 
Jerahmeel (1 Chr. ii. 27). 

Maazi'ah. 1. One of the priests who 
signed the covenant with Nehemiah CNeh. 
X. 8). 2. A priest in the reign of David, 
head of the twenty-fourth course (1 Chr. 
xxiv. 18). 

Maccabees, The. This title, which 
was originally the surname of Judas, one 
of the sons of Mattathias, was afterwards 
extended to the heroic family of which he 
was one of the noblest representatives. 
The original term Maccabi was probably 
formed from Makkdbdh, " a hammer," giv- 
ing a sense not unlike that in which Charles 
Martel derived a surname from his favorite 
weapon. Although the name Maccabees has 
gained tiie widest currency, that of As- 
wionaeans, or Hasinonaeans, is the proper 
Qame of the family, which is derived from 
Caishmon, great-grandfather of Mattathias. 
1. The causes of the Maccabae.an war are 
pointed out under Antiochcs IV. (1 Mace. 
V. 62). The standard cf independence was 
first raised by Mattathias, a priest of the 
course of Joiarib, which \i as the first of the 
twenty-four ccurses (1 Chr. xxiv. 7), and 
consequently of the noli lest blood. He 
•Njeoir. howe'jer, to have been already ad- 



van'ied in years when the rising was made, 
and he did not long survive the fafijjues 
of active service. He died b. c. 166, and 
" was buried in the sepulchre of his fathers 
at Modin." 2. Mattathias himself named 
Judas — apparently his third son — as his 
successor in directing the war of indepen- 
dence (1 Mace. ii. 66). The energy and 
skill of " THE MACCABEf;," as Judas is of- 
ten called in 2 Mace, fully justified Lis 
father's preference. After gaining several 
victories over the other generals of Anti- 
ochus, and defeating Lysias, whom Anti- 
ochus Epiphanes left in the government of 
the Palestinian provinces, Judas was able 
to occupy Jerusalem, except the "tower" 
(1 Mace. vi. 18, 19), and purified the 
Temple (1 Mace. iv. 36, 41-53) on the 25th 
of Cisleu, exactly three years after its prof- 
anation (1 Mace. i. 59). The accessior. 
of Demetrius brought with it fresh troubles 
to the patriot Jews. A large party of their 
countrymen, with Alcimus at their head, 
gained the ear of the king, and he sent 
Nicanor against Judas. Nicanor was de- 
feated, first at Capharsalama, and again in 
a decisive battle at Adasa, near to the 
glorious field of Bethhoron (b. c. 161) on the 
13th Adar (1 Mace. vii. 49 ; 2 Mace. xv. 
36), where he was slain. This victory was 
the greatest of Judas's successes, and practi 
cally decided the question of Jewish inde- 
pendence, but it was followed by an un- 
expected reverse. A new invasion under 
Bacchides took place. Judas was able 
only to gather a small force to meet the 
sudden danger. Of tliis a large part de- 
serted him on the eve of the battle ; but the 
courage of Judas was unshaken, and he fell 
at Eleasa, the Jewish Thermopylae, fight- 
ing at desperate odds against the invaders. 
His body was recovered by his brothers, 
and buried at Modin "in the sepulchre 
of his fathers " (b. c. 161). 3. After tlie 
death of Judas the patriotic party seems to 
have been for a short time wholly dis- 
organized, and it was only by the pressure 
of unparalleled sufierings tha* they were 
driven to renew the conflict. For tliis 
purpose they offered tlie command to Joka- 
THAN, surnamed i^pphus (the wary), the 
youngest son of Mattathias. After two or 
three campaigns Bacchides accepted terras 
which Jonathan proposed; and upon his 
departure Jonathan "judged tlie pe< pie at 
Michmash" (1 Mace. ix. 73), and gradually 
extended his power. The c»aim of Alex- 
ander Balas to the Syrian crown gave a 
new importance to Jonathan and his ad- 
herents. The success of Alexander led to 
the elevation of Jonathan, who xssumed 
the high-priestly office (1 Mace. x. 21); 
and not long after he placed the king under 
fresh obligations by the defeat of Apol- 
lonius, a general of the younger Denetrius 
(1 Mace. X."). After the death tvf Awix- 



MACCABEES, THE 



365 



MAt;CAbEES BOOKS OIT 



«nder, Jonathan attached himself *o Anti- 
ochus VI. He at last fell a victim to the 
treachery of Tryphon, who put him to 
death B. c. 144 (1 Mace. xi. 8-xii. 4). 4. 
As soon as Simon, the last remaining broth- 
er of the Maccabaean family, heard of the 
detention of Jonathan in Ftolemais by Try- 
phon, he placed himself at the head of the 
patriot party. He made overtures to De- 
metrius II. (b. c. 143), which were favor- 
ably received, and the independence of the 
Jews was at length formally recognized. 
The long struggle was now triumphantly 
ended, and it remained only to reap the 
fruits of victory. This Simon hastened to 
do. The prudence and wisdom for which 
he was already distinguished at the time of 
his father's death (1 Mace. ii. 65), gained 
for the Jews the active support of Rome (1 
Mace. XV. 16-21), in addition to the con- 
firmation of earlier treaties. After settling 
the external relations of the new state upon 
a sure basis, Simon regulates its internal 
administration. With two of his sons he 
was murdered at Ddk by Ptolemaeus, b. c. 
135 (1 Mace. xvi. 11-16). 5. The treason 
of Ptolemaeus failed in its object. Johan- 
nes Htrcanus, one of the sons of Simon, 
escaped from the plot by which his life was 
threatened, and at once assumed the govern- 
ment (b. c. 135). At first he was hard 
pressed by Antiochus Sidetes, and only 
able to preserve Jerusalem on condition of 
dismantling the fortifications and submitting 
to a tribute, b. c. 133. He reduced Idu- 
raaea, confirmed the alliance with Rome, 
and at length succeeded in destroying Sama- 
ria, the hated rival of Jerusalem, b. c. 109. 
The external splendor of his government 
was marred by the growth of internal divis- 
ions ; but John escaped the fate of all the 
older members of his family, and died in 
peace, b. c. 106-5. His eldest son Aristo- 
bulus I., who succeeded, was the first who 
assumed the kingly title, though Simon had 
enjoyed the fulness of the kingly power. 
The great outlines of the Maccabaean con- 
test, which are somewhat hidden in the 
annals thus briefly epitomized, admit of 
being traced with fair distinctness. The 
disputed succession to the Syrian throne 
(B.C. 163) was the political turning-point 
of the struggle, which may thus be divided 
into two great periods. During the first 
period (b. c. 168-153) the patriots main- 
tained their cause with varying success 
against the whole strength of Syria : during 
the second (b. c. 153-139) they were court- 
ed by rival factions, and their independence 
was acknowledged from time to time, though 
pkdges given in time of danger were often 
broken when the danger was over. The 
war, thus brought to a noble issue, if less 
famous is not less glorious than any of those 
in which a few brave men have successfully 
oaaintaiued the cause of freedom or religion 



against overpowering might. For it ic no" 
only in their victory over external dilB 
culties that the heroism of the Maccabees 
is conspicuous ; their real success was as 
much imperilled by internal divisions as by 
foreign force. The view of the Maccabaean 
war which regards it only as a civil and no< 
as a religious conflict, is essentially one- 
sided. If there were no other evidenct 
than the book of Daniel — whatever opinion 
be held as to the date of it — that alone 
would show how deeply the noblest hopes 
of the theocracy were centred in the success 
of the struggle. When the feelings of the 
nation were thus again turned with fresb 
power to their ancient faith, we might ex- 
pect that there would be a new creative 
epoch in the national literature ; or, if th< 
form of Hebrew composition was alreadj 
fixed by sacred types, a prophet or psalmis) 
would express the thoughts of the new ag( 
after the models of old time. Yet in par* 
at least the leaders of Maccabaean times fell 
that they were separated by a real chasm 
from the times of the kingdom or of th* 
exile. If they looked for a prophet in the 
future, they acknowledged that the spiii* 
of prophecy was not among them. Tlu' 
volume of the prophetic writings was coi > 
pleted, and, as far as appears, no out 
ventured to imitate its contents. But tht 
Hagiographa, though they were alrear*} 
long fixed as a definite collection, were not 
equally far removed from imitation. The 
apocalyptic visions of Daniel served as a 
pattern for the visions incorporated in tlie 
book of Enoch ; and it has been commonly 
supposed that the Psalter contains con) 
positions of the Maccabaean date. This 
supposition, which is at variance with the 
best evidence which can be obtained on the 
history of the Canon, can only be received 
upon the clearest internal proof; and it 
may well be questioned whether the hy- 
pothesis is not as much at variance with 
sound interpretation as with the history of 
the Canon. 

Maccabees, Books of. Four books 
which bear the common title of " Macca- 
bees" are found in some MSS. of the 
LXX. Two of these were included in 
the early current Latin versions of the 
Bible, and thence passed into the Vul- 
gate. As forming part of the Vulgate 
they were received as canonical by the 
council of Trent, and retained among the 
apocrypha by the reformed churches. The 
two other books obtained no such wide 
circulation, and have only a secondary 
connection with the Maccabaean lustory. 
1. The First Book op Maccabees con- 
tains a history of the patriotic struggle, 
from the first resistance of Mattathiaa tu 
the settled sovereignty and death of Simon, 
a period of thirty-three years (b. c. 168- 
135} The o];^ening chapter gives a short 



MACCABEES, BOOKS OF 



366 



MACEDONIA 



lumLjary of the conquests of Alexander tl e 
Great, and describes at greater length the 
oppression of Antic chuH Epiphanes. The 
great subject of the book begins with the 
enumeration of the Maccabaean family (ii. 
1-5), which is followed by an account of 
the part which the aged Mattathias took in 
rousing and guiding the spirit of his coun- 
trymen (ii. 6-70). The remainder of the 
narrative is occupied with the exploits of 
bis five sons. Each of the three divisions 
into trhich the main portion of the book 
thus naturally falls, is stamped with an 
individual character derived from its spe- 
cial hero. The great marks of trustwor- 
thiness are everywhere conspicuous. Vic- 
tory and failure and despondency are, on 
the whole, chroni jled with the same candor. 
There is no attempt to bring into open dis- 
play the working of Providence. The tes- 
timony of antiquity leaves no doubt but 
that the book was first written in Hebrew, 
[ts whole structure points to Palestine as 
the place of its composition. There is, 
however, considerable doubt as to its date. 
Perhaps we may place it between b. c. 120- 
100. The date and person of the Greek 
translator are wholly undetermined. 2. 
The Second Book or Maccabees. — The 
history of the Secoiid Book of the Macca- 
bees begins some years earlier than that of 
the First Book, and closes with the victory 
of Judas Maccabaeus over Nicanor. It 
ihus embraces a period of twenty years, 
from B. c. 180 (?) to b. c. 161. For the 
•ew vents noticed during the earlier years 
.♦. is the chief authority ; during the remain- 
ier of the time the narrative goes over the 
iRine ground as 1 Mace, but with very con- 
siderable differences. The first two chap- 
ters are taken up by two letters supposed 
to be addressed by the Palestinian to the 
Alexandrine Jews, and by a sketch of the 
author's plan, which proceeds without any 
perceptible break from the close of the sec- 
ond letter. The main narrative occupies 
the remainder of the book. This presents 
several natural divisions, which appear to 
coincide with the " five books " of Jason 
on which it was based. The first (c. iii.) 
contains the history of Heliodorus (cir. b. c. 
180). The second (iv.-vii.) gives varied 
details of the beginning and course of the 
great persecution (b. c. 175-167). The 
third (viii.-x. 9) follows the fortunes of Ju- 
das to the triumphant restoration of the 
Te/aple service (b. c. 166, 165). The 
fourt.i (x. 10-xiii.) includes the reign of 
Antiochus Eupator (b. c. 164-162). The 
fifth (xiv., XV.) records the treachery of 
Alcimus, the mission of Nicanor, and the 
crowning success of Judas (b. c. 162, 161). 
The writer himself distinctly indicates the 
source of his narrative — " the five books 
of Jason of Cyrene " (ii. 23), of wliicli he 
lesigred to furnish a short and agreeable 



epitomt for the benefit of those who woula 
be detei.'ed from studying the larger work. 
His own labor, which he describes in strong 
terms (ii. 26, 27; comp. xv. 38,39), was 
entirely confined to condensation and selec 
tion ; all investigation of detail he declare*" 
to be the peculiar duty of the original bis 
torian. Of Jason himself nothing more v 
known than may be gleaned from thi? men- 
tion of him. The district of Oyrene wan 
most closely united with that of Alexandria. 
In both the predominance of Greek litera- 
ture and the Greek language was absolute. 
The work of Jason must therefore have 
been composed in Greek ; and the style of 
the epitome proves beyond doubt that the 
Greek text is the original. It is scarcely 
less certain that the book was compiled a4 
Alexandria. — The Second Book of Mac- 
cabees is not nearly so trustworthy as the 
First. In the Second Book the ground- 
work of facts is true, but the dress in which 
the facts are presented is due in part at 
least to the narrator. It is not at all im- 
probable that the error with regard to the 
first campaign of Lysias arose from tie 
mode in which it was introduced by Jason 
as a prelude to the more important meas 
ures of Lysias in the reign of Antiochus 
Eupator. In other places (as very obvi- 
ously in xiii. 19, ff.) the compiler may have 
disregarded the historical dependence of 
events wliile selecting those which were 
best suited for the support of his theme. 
The latter half of the book (cc. viii.-xv.) 
is to be regarded not as a connected and 
complete history, but as a series of special 
incidents from the life of Judas, illustrating 
the providential interference of God in be- 
half of His people, true in substance, but 
embellished in form. 3. The Third Book 
OF the Maccabees contains the history of 
events which preceded the great Macca- 
baean struggle, beginning with b. c. 217. 
4. The Fourth Book op Maccabees con- 
tains a rhetorical narrative of the martyr- 
dom of Eleazar and of the " Maccabaean 
family," following in the main the 8am« 
outline as 2 Mace. 

Macedo'nia, the first part of Europe 
which received the Gospel directly from St. 
Paul, and an important scene of his subse- 
quent missionary labors and those of his 
companions. It was bounded by the range 
of Haemus or the Balkan northwards, by 
the chain of Pindus westwards, by the Cam- 
bunian hills southwards, by which it is sep- 
arated from Thessaly, and is divided on ih*- 
east from Thrace by a less definite moun- 
tain-boundary running southwards from 
Haemus. Of the space thus enclosed, two 
of the most remarkable physical features 
are two great plains, one watered by the 
Axius, which comes to the sea at the Ther- 
maic gulf, not far from Thessalonica ; th« 
other by the Strymon, wlAjh, a^er passing 



MACEDONIAN 



367 



MADON 



ttear Philippi, flows out below AiiJBhipoIis. 
Between the mouths of these two rivers a 
remarkable peninsula projects, dividing it- 
self into three points, on the farthest of 
which Mount Athos rises nearly into the 
repfion of perpetual snow. Across the neck 
of this peninsula St. Paul travelled more 
tlian once witli his companions. This gen- 
eral sketch sufficiently describes the Mace- 
donia which was ruled over by Philip and 
Alexander, and which the Romans con- 
quered from Perseus. At first the con- 
quered country was divided by Aemilius 
Paulus into four districts. This division 
was only temporary. The whole of Mace- 
donia, along with Thessaly and a large tract 
along the Adriatic, was made one province 
and centralized under the jurisdiction of a 
proconsul, who resided at Thessalonica. 
We have now reached the definition which 
corresponds with the usage of the term in 
the N. T. (Acts xvi. 9, 10, 12, &c.). Three 
Roman provinces, all very familiar to us in 
;he writings of St. Paul, divided the whole 
space between the basin of the Danube and 
Cape Matapan. The border town of II- 
LTRicuM was Lissus on the Adriatic. The 
boundary line of Achaia nearly coincided, 
except in the western portion, with that of 
tlie kingdom of modern Greece, and ran in 
Rh irregular line from the Acroceraunian 
promontory to the bay of Thermopylae and 
the north of Euboea. By subtracting these 
two provinces, we define Macedonia. The 
account of St. Paul's first journey through 
Macedonia (Acts xvi. 10-xvii. 15) is marked 
by copious detail and well-defined inci- 
dents. At the close of this journey he re- 
tvrned from Corinth to Syria by sea. On 
the nuxt occasion of visiting Europe, 
though he both went and returned through 
Macedonia (Acts xx. 1-6), the narrative is 
a very slight sketch, and the route is left 
ancertain, except as regards Philippi. The 
character of the Macedonian Christians is 
set before us in Scripture in a very favor- 
able light. The candor of the Bereans is 
highly commended (Acts xvii. 11) ; the 
Thessalonians were evidently objects of St. 
Paul's peculiar affection (1 Thess. ii. 8, 17- 
20, iii. 10) ; and the Philippians, besides 
their general freedom from blame, are 
noted as remarkable for their liberality and 
•eh-denial 'Phil. iv. 10, 14-19 ; see 2 Cor. 
ix. 2, xi. 9). 

Macedo nian occurs in A. V. only in 
Acts xxvii. 2; Esth. xvi. 10, 14. In the 
otliei cases (Acts xvi. 9, xix. 29, 2 Cor. ix. 
3, 4) our translators render it "of Mace- 
■ Icnia." 

Mach'banai, one of the lion-faced war- 
riors of Gad, who joined the fortunes of 
David when living in retreat at Ziklag (1 
Chr. xii. 13) 

Machbenah. Sheva, the father of 
li4.>chbeD<i, is named in the genealogical list 



of Judah as the offspring of Maachah, th« 

concubine of Caleb ben-Heiiron (1 Chr. ii. 
49). 

Ma' Chi, the father of Geuel the Gadite, 
who went with Caleb and Josliua to spy out 
the land of Canaan (Num. xiii. 15). 

Ma'Chir. 1. The eldest son (Josh. xvii. 
1) of the patriarch Manasseh by an Ara- 
mite or Syrian concubine (1 Chr. vii. 14). 
His children are commemorated as having 
been caressed by Joseph before his death 
(Gen. 1. 23). At the time of the conquest 
the family of Machir had become very pow- 
erful, and a large part of the country on 
the east of Jordan was subdued by them 
(Num. xxxii. 39; Deut iii. 15). So great 
was their power that the name of Machir 
occasionally supersedes that of Manasseh. 
2. The son of Ammiel, a powerful sheikh 
of one of the trans-Jordanic tribes, who 
rendered essential service to the cause of 
Saul and of David successively — in each 
case when they were in difficulty (2 Sam. 
i.:. 4, 5, xvii. 27-29). 

Ma'chirites, The, the descendants of 
Machir the father of Gilead (Num. xxvi. 29"^ 

Machnade'bai, one of the sons of Ba- 
ni who put away his foreign wife at Ezra's 
command (Ezr. x. 40). 

Machpelah. [Hebron.] 

Mad'ai (Gen. x. 2) is usually called tht- 
third son of Japhet, and the progenitor of , 
the Medes. But probably all that is in 
tended is, that the Medes, as well as t\\9 
Gomerites, Greeks, Tabareni, Moschi, &c., 
descended from Japhet. 

Ma'dian, Acts vii. 29. [MiDiAN.] 

M adman 'nah, one of the towns in tl:ie 
south district of Judah (Josh. xv. 31). In 
the time of Eusebius and Jerome, it was 
called MenoTs, and was not far from Gaza. 
The first stage southward from Gaza is now 
el-Minydy, which is perhaps the modern 
representative of Menofs, and therefore of 
Madmannah. 

Mad'men. a place in Moab, threatened 
with destruction in the denunciations of 
Jeremiah (xlviii. 2), but not elsewhere 
named, and of which nothing is ye' known. 

Madme'nah, one of the Benjji mite vil- 
lages north of Jerusalem, the inhabitants 
of which were frightened away by the ap- 
proach of Sennacherib along the northern 
road (Is. x. 31). 

Madness. In Scripture "madness" 
is recognized as a derangement, proceed- 
ing either from weakness and misdirection 
of intellect, or from ungovernable violence 
of passion. In one passage alone (John x. 
20) is madness expressly connected with 
demoniacal possession by the Jews in then 
cavil against our Lord; in none is it re- 
ferred to any physical causes. 

Ma'don, one of the principal cities of 
Canaan before the conquest, probably in 
the north. It«) king joined Ja^in and hie 



MAQBISH 



368 



MAGI 



confederates in their attempt against Josh- 
aa at the waters of Merora, and like the 
rest \*as killed (Josh. xi. 1, xii. 19). 

Mag'bish, a proper name in Ezr. ii. 30, 
but whether of a man or of a place is doubt- 
ful ; probably the latter, as all the names 
from Ezr. ii. 20 to 34, except Elam and Ha- 
rim, are names of plapes. 

Mag'dala. The name Magdala does 
not really exist in the Bible. It is found in 
the received Greek text and the A. V. of 
Matt. XV. 39 only ; but the chief MSS. and 
versions exhibit the name as " Magadan." 
Into the limits of Magadan Christ came by 
boat, over the lake of Gennesareth, after 
His miracle of feeding the four thousand 
an the mountain of the eastern side (Matt. 
XV. 39) ; and from thence, after a short en- 
counter with the Pharisees and Sadducees, 
He returned in the same boat to the oppo- 
site shore. In the present text of the p£^r- 
allel narrative of St. Mark (viii. 10) we 
find the " parts of Dalmanutha," on the 
western edge of the lake of Gennesareth. 
The Magdala, which conferred her name 
an " Mary the Magdal-ene," one of the 
numerous Migdols, i. e. towers, which stood 
in Palestine, was probably the place of that 
name which is mentioned in the Jerusalem 
Talmud as near Tiberias, and this again is 
as probably the modern el-Mejdel, a miser- 
able little Muslim village, on the water's- 
edge at the south-east corner of the plain 
of Gennesareth. By the Jews the word 
megaddeld is used to denote a person who 
platted or twisted hair, a practice then 
much in use amongst women of loose char- 
acter. Magdalum is mentioned as between 
Tiberias and Capernaum, as early as by 
WilUbald, a. d. 722. 

Mag'diel, one of the '• dukes " of Edom, 
descended from Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 43; 1 
CJir. i. 54). 

Magi (A. V. "wise men"). I. In the 
Hebrew text of the O. T. the word occurs 
but twice, and then only incidentally. In 
Jer. xxix. 3 and 13 we meet, among the 
Chaldaean officers sent by Nebuchadnezzar 
to Jerusalem, one with the name or title of 
Rab-mag. This word is interpreted as 
equivalent to chief of the Magi. Histori- 
cally the Magi are conspicuous chiefly as a 
Persian religious caste. Herodotus con- 
nects them with another people by reckon- 
ing them among the six tribes of the Medes 
(i. 101). They appear in his history of 
Astyages as interpreters of dreams (i. 120), 
the name having apparently lost its ethno- 
logical and acquired a caste significance. 
But as they appear in Jeremiah among the 
retinue of the Chaldaean king, we must 
suppose Nebuchadnezzar's conquests led 
him to gather round him the wise men and 
religious teachers of the nations which he 
subdued, and that thus the sacred tribe of 
the Me ies rose under his rule to favor 



and power. The Magi took their plac<»8 
among " the astrologers and star-gaa^rs and 
monthly prognosticators." It is with such 
men that we have to think of Daniel and 
his fellow-exiles as associated. The office 
which Daniel accepted (Dan. v. 11) \na8 
probably identical with that of the Rab-mag 
who first came before us. The name of the 
Magi does not meet us in the Brblical ac- 
count of the Medo-Persian kings. II. The 
word presented itself to the Gre?ks as coii- 
nected with a foreign system of divination, 
and it soon became a by-word for the t^ orst 
form of imposture. This is the. predomi- 
nant meaning of the word as it appears in 
the N. T. The noun and the verb derived 
from it are used by St. Luke in describing 
the impostor, who is therefore known dis- 
tinctively as Simon Magus (Acts viii. 9). 
Another of the same class (Bar-jesus) is 
described (Acts xiii. 8) as having, in his 
cognomen Elymas, a title which was equiv- 
alent to Magus. III. In one memorable 
instance, however, the word retains its bet- 
ter meaning. In the Gospel of St. Matthew 
(ii. 1-12) tlie Magi appear as "wise men" 
— properly Magians — who were guided 
by a star from "the East" to Jerusalem, 
where they suddenly appeared in the days 
of Herod the Great, inquiring for the new- 
born king of the Jews, whom they had come 
to worship. As to the country from which 
they came, opinions vary greatly ; but their 
following the guidance of a star seems to 
point to the banks of the Tigris and Eu- 
phrates, where astronomy was early culti- 
vated by the Chaldaeans. The religion of 
Zoroaster remaining pure from the grosser 
forms of idolatry preserved the hope of a 
great deliverer, who should reform the 
world, and establish a reign of universal 
peace. That some tradition, influenced 
possiby by the Jews of the dispersion, went 
so far as to make this deliverer a " king of 
the Jews," seems a fair inference from ti»e 
direct form of their inquiry for Him As 
to the sign which guided them, the chief 
difficulties have arisen from the attempt to 
find a natural explanation; for the plain 
narrative of St. Matthew evidently repre- 
sents it as a miracle vouchsafed for the oc 
casion. The ingenious conjecture of cer- 
tain astronomers that the appearance of the 
star was caused by a remarkable conjunc- 
tion of Jupiter and Saturn is now exploded. 
The approach of the two planets was not at 
all near enough for them to be mistaken for 
a single star ; nor could habitual observers 
of the heavens fail to recognize the j)Osition8 
of such well-known planets. Beside*, their 
" standing over the place wliere the young 
child was," so as to define the spot on the 
surface of the earth, is utterly inconceiv^^ 
ble. It only remains for us to be content 
with the obvious explanation that some new 
luminary, whether meteoric cr celestial. 



MJGIC 



369 



MAGIC 



wna made to appear, in a ii.anner distinct 
enough to the ey.is of practised astronomers, 
expressly to guide the sages on their way. 
Their arrival and inquiries threw Jerusa- 
lem into commotion. With his usual craft, 
Herad summoned the Sanhedrim, and learnt 
tliat the Messiah was to be born at Beth- 
lent m. Having inquired from the Magi 
tl)e time of the star's appearance, as a guide 
to that of the child's birth, he professed his 
desire to worship the newborn king, and 
sent them on to discover his abode. The 
star again guided them over the five miles 
friDi Jerusalem to Bethlehem, and at length 
stvtod still above the house where Jesus 
was. They paid Him their willing homage, 
and presented tl.eir costly gifts, the first- 
fruits of the wealth and wisdom of the Gen- 
tile world. By means of a dream, a form 
of divination whicli they were wont to follow 
willi implicit faith, they were warned by 
God not to return to Herod, and they de- 
parted into their own country by another 
route, perhaps by Hebron and round the 
southern end of the Dead Sea. According 
to a late tradition, the Magi are represented 
as three kings, named Gaspar, Melchior, 
and Belthazar, who take their place among 
the objects of Christian reverence, and are 
honored as the patron saints of travellers. 
Among other relics supplied to meet the 
demands of the market which the devotion 
ot Helena had created, the bodies of the 
Magi were discovered somewhere in the 
East, were brought to Constantinople, were 
thence transferred to Milan, and were in 
1162 finally deposited in the cathedral of 
Cologne, where the shrine of the Three 
Kings is shown as the greatest of its many 
treasures. 

Magic, Magicians. The magical arts 
spoken of in the Bible are those practised 
by the Egyptians, the Canaanites, and their 
neighbors, the Hebrews, the Chaldaeans, 
and probably the Greeks. With the lowest 
race magic is the chief part of religion. 
The Nigritians, or blacks of this race, sho v 
this in their extreme use of amulets an 
their worship of objects which have no other 
value in their eyes but as having a sup- 
posed magical character through the influ- 
ence of supernatural agents. With the 
Taratiians, or corresponding whites of the 
same great family, — we use the word 
whitf for a group of nations mainly yellow, 
in contradistin(jtion to black, — incanta- 
tdons and witchcraft occupy the same place, 
ahamanism characterizing their tribes in 
both hemispheres. The ancient Egyptians 
fhow their partly-Nigritian origin not alone 
in their physical characteristics and lan- 
guage, but in their religion. With the 
Shemites magic takes a lower place. Among 
many of the Shemite peoples there linger 
the remnants of a primitive ^etishism. Sa- 
Rred trees and stones are re v^erence-^ from 



an old superstition, of which they do not 
always know the meaning, derived from the 
nations whose place they have taken. Th« 
Hebrews had no magic of their own. it 
was so strictly forbidden by the Law that 
it could never afterwards have had any 
recognized existence, save in times of gen- 
eral heresy or apostasy, and the same wa» 
doubtless the case in the patriarchal ages. 
The magical practices which obtained 
among the Hebrews were therefore bor- 
rowed from the nations around. From the 
first entrance into the Land of Promise 
until the destruction of Jerusalem we havr 
constant glimpses of magic practised in 
secret, or resorted to, not alone by the 
common, but also by the great. The Tal- 
mud abounds in notices of contemporary 
magic among the Jews, showing that it 
survived idolatry notwithstanding their 
original connection, and was supposed to 
produce real effects. The Kur-an in like 
manner treats charms and incantations as 
capable of producing evil consequences 
when used against a man. It is a distinc- 
tive characteristic of the Bible that from 
first to last it warrants no such trust or 
dread. . In examining the mentions of magic 
in the Bible, we must keep in view the cu- 
rious inquiry whether there be any reality 
in the art. We would at the outset protest 
against the idea, once very prevalent, tha> 
the conviction that the seen and unseec 
worlds were often more manifestly in con- 
tact in the Biblical ages than now, necessi- 
tates a belief in the reality of the magic 
spoken of in the Scriptures. The theft, 
and carrying away of Laban's teraphjra by 
Rachel, seems to indicate the practice of 
magic in Padan-aram at this early time.. 
It appears that Laban attached great value ■ 
to these objects, from what he said as to. 
the theft and his determined search for- 
them (Gen. xxxi. 19, 30, 32-35). The- 
most important point is, that Laban calls- 
them his "gods" (ibid. 30,32), although, 
he was not without belief in the true God) 
(24, 49-53) ; for this makes it almost cei^ - 
tain that we have here not an indication of 
the worship of strange gods, but the first; 
notice of a superstition that afterwards ol)-- 
tained among those Israelites who addedl 
corrupt practices to the true religion.. 
The derivation of the name teraphim i&i 
extremely obscure. We should prefer, if' 
no other etymology be found, to suppose* 
that the name might mean "dancers" or- 
" causers of dancing," with reference eithei- 
to primitive nature--worship or its magi- 
cal rites of the character of shamanism, 
rather than that it signifies, as Gesenius- 
suggests, " givers of pleasant life." Thert 
is no description of these images ; but froin« 
the account of Michal's stratagem to de- 
ceive Saul's messengers, it is evident, if 
only one image be there meant, a* is verj' 



MAGIC 



370 



MAGIC 



pronaTile, that Ihey were at least sometimes 
of the size of a man, and perhaps in the 
head and shoulders, if not lower, of human 
sLape, or of a similar form (1 Sam. xix. 13 
-16). The worship or use of teraphim 
after the occupation of the Promised Land 
vannot be doubted to have been one of the 
corrupt practices of those Hebrews who 
leant to idolatry, but did not abandon their 
heli*. f in the God of Israel. The account of 
Micah's images in the Book of Judges, com- 
pared with a passage in Hosea (iii. 4, 5), 
shows our conclusion to be correct. We pass 
to the magical use of teraphim. By the Is- 
raelites they were consulted for oracular 
answers. This was apparently done by the 
Danites who asked Micah's Levite to in- 
quire as to the success of their spying ex- 
pedition (Judg. xviii. 5, 6). In later times 
this is distinctly stated of the Israelites 
where Zechariah says, " For the Teraphim 
have spoken vanity, and the diviners have 
seen a lie, and have told false dreams " (x. 
2'>. The only account of the act of divin- 
ing by teraphim is in a remarkable passage 
of Ezekiel relating to Nebuchadnezzar's 
advance against Jerusalem. " Also, thou 
son of man, appoint thee two ways, that 
the sword of the king of Babylon may 
come : both twain [two swordsj shall come 
iTorth out of one land : and choose thou a 
place, choose [it] at the head of the way 
to the city. Appoint a way, that the sword 
raa_^ come to Rabbath of the Ammonites, 
and to Judah in Jerusalem the defenced. 
"For the king of Babylon stood at the part- 
ing of the way, at the head of the two 
ways, to use divination ; he shuffled arrows, 
he consulted with teraphim, he looked in 
the liver. At his right hand was the divi- 
nation for Jerusalem" (xxi. 19-22). The 
mention together of consulting teraphim 
and looking into the liver, may not indicate 
that the victim was offered to teraphim and 
its liver than looked into, but may mean 
two separate acts of divining. Before 
speaking of the notices of the Egyptian 
magicians in Genesis and Exodus, there is 
one passage that may be examined out of 
the r?</ular order. Joseph, when his breth- 
ttn left after their second visit to buy corn, 
tetdered his steward to hide his silver cup 
in Benjamin's sack, and afterwards sent him 
after them, ordering him to claim it, thus : 
'* [Is] not this [it] in which my lord drink- 
eth, and whereby indeed he divineth ? " 
(Gen. xliv. 5). Two uses of cups or the like 
for magical purposes have obtained in the 
Sast from ancient times. In one use either 
the cup Itself bears engraved inscriptions, 
supposed to have a magical influence, or it 
.«i plain, and such inscriptions are written 
»n its Inner surface in ink. In both cases 
water poured into tlie cup is drunk by those 
wi>-hing to derive benefit, is, for instance, 
dai nure o' diseasos, fromthe inscriiJtions, 



which, if written, are dissolved This use. 
in both its forms, obtains among the Arab* 
in thf^ present day. In the other use the 
cup or bowl was of very secondary impor- 
tance. It was merely the receptacle foT 
water, in which, after the performance cf 
magical rites, a boy looked to see wluit 
the magician desired. This is precisely 
the same as the practice of the modern 
Egyptian magicians, where the difference 
that ink is employed and is poured into the 
palm of the boy's hand is merely accidental. 
As this latter use only is of the nature of 
divination, it is probable that to it Joseph 
referred. The magicians of Egypt are 
spoken of as a class in the histories of Jo- 
seph and Moses. When Pharaoh's officers 
were troubled by their dreams, being in 
prison they were at a loss for an interpre- 
ter. Before Joseph explained the dreams 
he disclaimed the power of interpreting 
save by the Divine aid, saying, " [Do] not 
interpretations [belong] to God? tell me 
[them], I pray you" (Gen. xl. 8). In like 
manner when Pharaoh had his two dreams 
we find that he had recourse to those who 
professed to interpret dreams. Joseph, be- 
ing sent for on the report of the chief of 
the cup-bearers, was told by Pharaoh that 
he had heard that he could interpret a 
dream. From the expectations of the 
Egyptians and Joseph's disavowals, we see 
that the interpretation of dreams way a 
branch of the knowledge to which the aa- 
cient Egyptian magicians pretended. We 
again hear of the magicians of Egypt in 
the narrative of the events before the Exo- 
dus. They were summoned by Pharaoh t« 
oppose Moses. The account of what they 
effected requires to be carefully examined, 
from its bearing on the question whether 
magic be an imposture. We read : " And 
the Lord spake unto Moses and unto Aaron, 
saying, When Pharaoh shall speak unto 
you, saying. Show a miracle for you : then 
thoushalt say unto Aaron, Take thy rod, and 
' dst [it] before Pharaoh, [and] it shall be- 
jonie a serpent." It is then related tiiat 
Aaron did thus, and afterwards : " Then 
Pharaoh also called the wise men and th€ 
enchanters : now they, the scribes of Egypt, 
did so by their secret arts : for they cast 
down every man his rod, and they became 
serpents, but Aaron's rod swallowed up 
their rods" (Ex. vii. 8-12). The reds 
were probably long staves like those rep- 
resented on the Egyptian monuments, not 
much less than the height of a man. If 
the word used mean here a serpent, the 
Egyptian magicians may have feigned a 
change : if it signify a crocodile, they touJd 
scarcely have done so. The nan.e« by 
which the magicians are designated are to 
be noted. That whi(;h we render " S';ribes '' 
seems here to have a general signification 
including: wise men and enchanters. Tb 



MAGIC 



371 



MAGIC 



last term is more definite in its meaning, 
denoting users of incantations. On the 
occasion of the fttst plague, the turning 
the rivers and waters of Egypt into blood, 
the oppositioi of the magicians again oc- 
curs. " And the scribes of Egypt did so 
by their secret arts " (vii. 22). When the 
leeond plague, that of frogs, Tvas sent, the 
magicians again made the same opposition 
(viii. 7 . Once more they appear in the 
history . The plague of lice came, and we 
read that when Aaron had worked the won- 
der the magicians opposed him : " And the 
scribes did so by their secret arts to bring 
forth the lice, but they could not : so there 
were lice upon man and upon beast. And 
the scribes said unto Pharaoh, This [is] 
the finger of God ; but Pharaoh's heart was 
hardened, and he hearkened not unto them, 
as the Lord had said" (viii. 18, 19, Heb. 
14, 15). After this we hear no more of 
the magicians. All we can gather from 
the narrative is, that the appearances pro- 
duced by them were sufficient to deceive 
Pharaoh on three occasions. — The Law 
contains very distinct prohibitions of all 
magical arts. Besides several passages 
condemnmg them, in one place there is a 
specification which is so full that it seems 
evident that its object is to include every 
kind of magical art. The Israelites are 
commanded in the place referred to not to 
learn the abominations of the peoples of 
the Promised Land. Then follows this 
prohibition: "There shall not be found 
with thee one who offereth his son or his 
daughter by fire, a practiser of divinations 
(kds&m kesdmim), a worker of hidden arts 
(me^dnen), an augurer {menachSsh), an 
enchanter (mecdsshiph) , or a fabricator of 
charms {chdMr chdber), or an inquirer by 
a familiar spirit {shdel db), or a wizard 
(yidde'dni), or a consulter of the dead 
(ddrSsh el hammHMm) ." It is added that 
these are abominations, and that on ac- 
«;ount of their practice the nations of Canaan 
were to be driven out (Deut. xviii. 9-14, 
3sp. 10, 11). The history of Balaam shows 
the belief of some ancient nations in the 
powers of soothsayers. When the Israel- 
ites had begun to conquer the Land of 
Promise, Balak the king of Moab and the 
elders of Midian, resorting to Pharaoh's 
•expedient, sent by messengers with "the 
rewards of divination in their hands " 
^Num. xxii. 7) for Balaam the diviner 
'Josh. xiii. 22), whose fame was known to 

hem though he dwelt in Aram. Baluk's 
im-ssage shows what he believed Balaam's 
powers to be (Num. xxii. 5, 6). We are 
tolrl, however, that Balaam, warned of God, 
first spid that he could not speak of him- 
self, and then by inspiration blessed those 
whom he had been sent for to curse. The 
account of Saul's consulting the witch of 

Rn ior is the fcrerao?t place in Scripture of 



those which refer to magic. The super- 
natural terror, with which it is full, cannot, 
however, be proved to be due to this art, 
for it has always been held by sober critics 
that the appearing of Samuel was permitted 
for the purpose of declaring the doom of 
Saul, and not that it was caused by the in- 
cantations of a sorceress. As, however, 
the narrative is allowed to be very difficult, 
we may look for a moment at the evidence 
of its authenticity. The details are strictly 
in accordance with the age ; there is a sim- 
plicity in the manners described tliat ia 
foreign to a later time. The circum- 
stances are agreeable with the rest of the 
history, and especially with all we know 
of Saul's character. Here, as ever, he is 
seen resolved to gain his ends without 
caring what wrong he does : he wishes to 
consult a prophet, and asks a witch to call 
up his shade. From the beginning to the 
end of this strange history we have no 
warrant for attributing supernatural ijower 
to magicians. Viewed reasonably, it refers 
to the question of apparitions of the dead 
as to which other places in the Bible leave 
no doubt. The connection with magic 
seems purely accidental. The witch is no 
more than a bystander after the first : she 
sees Samuel, and that is all. The appa- 
rition may have been a terrible fulfilment 
of Saul's desire, but this does not prove 
that the measures he used were of any 
power. We have examined the narrative 
very carefully, from its detail and its re 
markable character : the result leaves tlie 
main question unanswered. In the later 
days of the two kingdoms magical prac- 
tices of many kinds prevailed among the 
Hebrews, as we especially learn from the 
condemnation of them by the prophets. 
Every form of idolatry which the peo- 
ple had adopted in succession doubtless 
brought with it its magic, which seems al- 
ways to have remained with a strange tena- 
city that probably made it outlive the false 
worship with which it was connected. 
Ezekiel, as we should have expected, 
affords some remarkable details of the 
magic of his time, in the clear and forcible 
descriptions of his visions. From him we 
learn that fetishism was among the idol- 
atries which the Hebrews, in the latest days 
of the kingdom of Judah, had adopted 
from their neighbors, like the Romans in 
the age of general corruption that caused 
the decline of their empire (viii. 7-12). 
This idolatry was probably borrowed from 
Egypt, for the description perfectly an- 
swers to that of the dark sanctuaries of 
Egyptian temples, with the sacred animals 
portrayed upon their walls, and does not 
accord with the character of the Assyrian 
sculptures, where creeping things are not 
represented as objects of worship. With 
this low form of idolatry an equally low 



MAGOG 



872 



MAHANilM 



kind ol magic obtained, practised l>y proph- 
etesses, who for small rewards made amu- 
lets b^ which the people were deceived 
(xiii. 17 ad Jin.). The notice of Nebuchad- 
nezzar's divination by arrows, where it is 
said "he shuffled arrows " (xxi. 21), must 
refer to a practice the same as or similar to 
the kind of divination by arrows called El- 
Meysar, in use among the pagan Arabs, 
and forbidden in the Kur-dn. After the 
Captivity it is probable that the Jews grad- 
ually abandoned the practice of magic. In 
theN. T. we read very little of magic. 
Our Lord is not said to have been opposed 
by magicians, and the Apostles and other 
early teachers of the Gospel seem to have 
rarely encountered them. Philip the dea- 
con, when he preached at Samaria, found 
there Simon, a famous magician, commonly 
known as Simon Magus, who had had great 
power over the people ; but he is not said 
to have been able to work wonders, nor, 
had it been so, is it likely that he would 
have soon been admitted into the Church 
(viii. 9-24). Our examination of the vari- 
ous notices of magic in the Bible gives us 
this general result : They do not, as far as 
we can understand, once state positively 
that any but illusive results were produced 
by magical rites. They therefore afford no 
evidence that man can gain supernatural 
powers to use at his will. This conse- 
quence goes some way towards showing 
that we may conclude that tliere is no such 
thing as real magic ; for although it is dan- 
gerous to reason on negative evidence, yet 
in a case of this kind it is especially strong. 
[Divination; Magi.] 

Ma'gOg. In Gen. x. 2 Magog appears 
as the second son of Japheth in connection 
with Gomer (the Cimmerians) and Madai 
(the Medes) : in Ez. xxxviii. 2, xxxix. 1, 6, 
it appears as a country or people of which 
Gog was the prince, in conjunction with 
Meshech (the Moschici), Tubal (the Tiba- 
reni), and Rosh (the Eoxolani). In the 
latter of these senses there is evidently im- 
plied an etymological connection between 
Gog and Ma-gog, the Ma being regarded 
by Ezekiel as a prefix significant of a coun- 
try. In this case Gog contains the original 
element of the name, which may possibly 
have its origin in some Persian root. The 
notices of Magog would lead us to fix a 
northern locality : it is expressly stated by 
Ezekiel that he was to come up from " the 
sides of the north" (xxxix. 2), from a 
country adjacent to that of Togarmah or 
Armenia (xxxviii. 6), and not far from 
"the isles" or maritime regions of Europe 
("xxxix. 6). The people of Magog further ap- , 
pear as having a force of cavalry (xxxviii. ' 
15), and as armed with the bow (xxxix. 3). ' 
From the above data, we may conclude 
tliat Magog represents the important race 
of the Scythians. 



Ma'gar-mis'sabib, literally, "tenoT 
on every side ; " 1 he name givt n 6y Jere- 
miah to Pashur the priest, when ne smote 
him and put him in tlie stocks for proph- 
esying against the idolatry of Jerusalem 
(Jer. XX. 3). 

Mag'piash, one of the heads of the peo- 
ple who signed the covenant with Nehemiab 
(Neh. X. 20). The same as Magbish in 
Ezr. ii. 30. 

Ma'halah, one of the three children of 
Hammoleketh, the sister of Gilead (1 Chr 
vii. 18). 

Mahal'aleel. 1. The fourth in desceni 
from Adam, according to the Sethite gene- 
alogy, and son of Cainan (Gen. v. 12, 13, 
15-17; 1 Chr. i. 2). 2. A descendant of 
Perez, or Pharez, the son of Judah (Neh. 
xi. 4). 

Ma'halath, the daughter of Ishmael, 
and one of the wives of Esau (Gen. xxviii, 
9). 

Ma'halathL, one of the eighteen wives 
of king Rehoboam, apparently his first (3 
Chr. xi. 18 only). She was her husbands 
cousin, being the daughter of king David's 
son Jeriraoth. 

Ma'halath, the title of Ps. liii., an*" 
Ma'halath-lean'noth, the title of Pn 
Ixxxviii. The meaning of these words i« 
uncertain. The conjecture is, that Maha • 
lath is a guitar, and that Leannoth has 
reference to the character of the Psalm., 
and might be rendered " to humble, ot 
afflict," in which sense the root occurs in 
ver. 7. 

Ma'hali, Mahli, the son of Meran. 
His name occurs in the A. V. but once in 
this form (Ex. vi. 19). 

Mahana'im, a town on the east of the 
Jordan, signifying two hosts or two carnps, a 
name given to it by Jacob, because he there 
met " the angels of God " (Gen. xxxii. 1, 2). 
We next meet with it in the records of tlie 
conquest (Josh. xiii. 26 and 29). It was 
within the territory of Gad (Josh. xxi. 38, 
89), and therefore on the south side of the 
torrent Jabbok. The town with its "sub- 
urbs " was allotted to the service of the 
Merarite Levites (Josh. xxi. 39 ; 1 Chron. 
vi. 80). From some cause — the sanctitj 
of its original foundation, or the strength 
of its position — Mahanaim had become in 
the time of the monarchy a place of mark 
(2 Sam. ii. 9, 12, iv. 6). The same causes 
which led Abner to fix Ishbosheth's resi- 
dence at Mahanaim probably induced David 
to take refuge there when driven out of the 
western part of his kingdom by Absalom 
(2 Sam. xvii. 24; IK. ii. 8). Mahanaim 
was the seat of one of Solomon's commis- 
sariat officers (1 K. iv. 14) ; and it is al- 
luded to in the Song which bears his name 
(vi. 13). There is a place called Mdhruih 
among the villages of the east of Jordan, 
though its exact jposition is not certain. 



MAHANEH-DAN 



373 



MALACm 



Ma'haneh-dan (the "camp-of-Dan"), 
itie position of which is specified with great 
precibion, as " behind Kirjath-jearira " 
f'JuJg. xviii. 12), and as "between Zorah 
and Eshtaol " (xiii. 25). 

Mahar'ai (2 Sam. xxiii. 28 ; 1 Chr. xi. 
30, xxvii. 13), an inhabitant of Netophah in 
the tribe of Judah, and one of David's cap- 
tains. 

Ma'hath. 1. The son of Amasai, a 
Kohathite of the house of Korah (1 Chr. vi. 
35). 2. Also a Kohatliite, son of Amasai, 
in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 12). 
He was apparently the same who is men- 
tioned 2 Chr. xxxi. 13. 

Ma'havite, The, the designation of 
Eliel, one of the warriors of king David's 
guard, whose name is preserved in the cata- 
logue of 1 Chr. only (xi. 46). 

Mahaz'ioth, one of the 14 sons of He- 
man the Kohathite (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 30). 

Ma'her-sha'lal-hash-baz, i. e. has- 

ten-hooty, speed-spoil, whose name was 
given by Divine direction, to indicate that 
Damascus and Samaria were soon to be 
plundered by the king of Assyria (Is. viii. 
1-4). 

Mah'latl, the eldest of the five daughters 
of Zelophehad, the grandson of Manasseh 
'^Num. xxvii. 1-11). 

Mah li. 1. Son of Merari, the son of 
Levi, and ancestor of the family of the 
VlAiiLiTES (Num. iii. 20 ; 1 Chr. vi. 19, 29, 
ixiv. 23). 2. Son of MusM, and grand- 
son of Merari (1 Chr. vi. 47, xxiii. 23, xxiv. 
W). 

MaU'lon, the first husband of Ruth. 
ff< and his brother Chilion were sons of 
Elimelech and Naomi, and are described 
as " Ephrathites of Bethlehem-judah (Ruth 
i. 2, 5 ; iv. 9, 10; comp. 1 Sam. xvii. 12). 

Ma'hol, the father of Ethan the Ez- 
rahite, and Heman, Chalcol, and Darda, 
the four men most famous for wisdom next 
to Solomon himself (1 K. iv. 31), who in 1 
Chr. ii. 6 are the sons and immediate de- 
"jcendants of Zerah. 

Ma'kaz, a place, apparently a town, 
named once only (1 R. iv. 9), in the speci- 
ftcation of the jurisdiction of Solomon's 
commissariat officer, Ben-Dekar. Makaz 
has not been discovered. 

Makhe'loth, a place only mentioned 
in Num. xxxiii. 25 as that of a desert en- 
campment of the Israehtes. 

Makke'dah, a place memorable in the 
annals of the conquest of Canaan as the 
sceno of the execution by Joshua of the five 
confederate kings (Josh. x. 10-30). It un- 
ouestionably occurred in the afternoon of 
that tremendous day, which " was like no 
day before or after it." After the execution 
of the chiefs Joshua turns to the town itself. 
To force the walls, to put the king and all 
the iihal'itaJits to tiie sword Tver. 28), is to 



that indomitable energy, still fresh after tn« 
gigantic labors and excitements of the last 
twenty -four hours, the work of an hour or 
two. And now the evening has arrived, the 
sun is at last sinking, — the first sun that has 
set since the departure from Gilgal, — and 
the tragedy is terminated by cutting down 
the five bodies from the trees, and restoring 
them to the cave, which is then so blocked 
up with stones as henceforth never again to 
become refuge for friend or foe of Israel. 
The taking of Makkedah was the first in 
that series of sieges and destructions by 
which the Great Captain possessed himself 
of the main points of defence throughout 
this portion of the country. The catalogue 
of the cities of Judah in Joshua (xv. 41) 
place it in the maritime plain, but its site 
is uncertain. 

Mak'tesh., a place, evidently in Jeru- 
salem, the inhabitants of which are de- 
nounced by Zephaniah (i. 11). Ewald 
conjectures that it was the "I*hoenician 
quarter " of the city. The meaning of 
" Maktesh " is probably a deep hollow, lit- 
erally a " mortar." This the Targum idou- 
tifies with the torrent Kedron. 

Mal'achi (that is, the angel or messen- 
ger of Jehovah) is the last, and is theref'tre 
called " the seal " of the prophets, and bis 
prophecies constitute the closing book cf 
the canon. Of his personal history nothing 
is known. That Malachi was contemporary 
with Nehemiah is rendered probable by a 
comparison of ii. 8 with Neh. xiii. 15; li. 
10-16 with Neh. xiii. 23, &c. ; and iii. 7-12 
with Neh. xiii. 10, &c. That he prophesied 
after the times of Haggai and Zechariah is 
inferred from his omitting to mention the 
restoration of the Temple, and from no 
allusion being made to him by Ezra. The 
captivity was already a thing of the long 
past, and is not referred to. The existence 
of the Temple- service is presupposed in L 
10, iii. 1, 10. The Jewish nation had still 
a political chief (i. 8), distinguished by the 
same title as that borne by Nehemiah (Neh. 
xii. 26) . Hence we may conclude that Mal- 
achi delivered his prophecies after the sec- 
ond return of Nehemiah from Persia (Neh. 
xiii. 6), and subsequently to the 32d year 
of Artaxerxes Longimanus (b. c. 420). 
From the striking parallelism between the 
state of things indicated in Malachi's proph- 
ecies and that actually existing on Nehe- 
miah's return from the court of Art>jxerxe», 
it is on all accounts highly probable that 
the eflforts of the secular governor were on 
this occasion seconded by the preaching of 
"Jehovah's messenger," and that Malachi 
occupied the same position with regard to 
the reformation under Nehemiah, which 
Isaiah held in the time of Hezekiah, and 
Jeremiah in that of Josiah. The last chap- 
ter of camnical Jewish history is the kej 



MiLLCIlAM 



374 



MANAE]S 



fco iLc last c'liipter of its prophei/y. The 
whole propI)ecy naturally divides itself into 
tliree sections, in the first of which Jehovah 
is represented as the loving father and ruler 
of His people (i. 2-ii. 9) ; in the second, as 
ebe supreme God and Father of all (ii. 10- 
16) ; and in the third, as their righteous and 
flnal Judge (ii. 17-end). The prophecy of 
Malachi is alluded to in the N. T. (comp. 
Mark i. 2, ix. 11, 12; Luke i. 17; Rom. 
ix. 13). 

Marcham. 1. One of the heads of 
the fathers of Benjamin, and son of Shaha- 
raim by his wife Hodesh (1 Chr. viii. 9). 
S. The idol Molech, as some suppose (Zeph. 
i. 5). The word literally signifies "their 
king," as the margin of our version gives 
it, and is referred by Gesenius to an idol 
generally, as invested with regal honors by 
its worshippers. 

Malchi'ah. 1. A descendant of Ger- 
•hom, the son of Levi, and ancestor of 
Asaph the minstrel (1 Chr. vi. 40). 2. One 
of the sons of Parosh, who had married a 
foreign wife (Ezr. x. 25). 3- Enumerated 
among the sons of Harira, who lived in the 
time of Ezra (Ezr. x. 31). 4. Son of Re- 
ehab, and ruler of the circuit or environs 
of Bethhaccerem (Neh. iii. 14). 5. " The 
goldsmith's son," who assisted Nehemiah 
in rebuilding the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. 
iii. 31). 6. One of the priests w^ho stood 
at the left hand of Ezra when he read the 
law to the people in the street before the 
water-gate (Neh. viii. 4). 7. A priest, the 
father of Pashur = Malchijah 1 (Neh. xi. 
12; Jer. xxxviii. 1). 8. The son of Ham- 
melech (or " the king's son," as it is trans- 
lated in 1 K. xxii. 26 ; 2 Chr. xxviii. 7), into 
whose dungeon or cistern Jeremiah was 
cast (Jer. xxxviii. 6). It would seem that 
the title "king's son" was official, like that 
of " king's mother," and applied to one of 
the royal family, who exercised functions 
somewhat similar to those of Potiphar in 
the court of Pharaoh. 

Mal'chiel (Gen. xlvi. 17), the son of 
Beriah, the son of Asher, and ancestor of 
the family of theMALCHiELiTES (Num. xxvi. 
46). In 1 Chr. vii. 31 he is called the 
father, that is, founder, of Birzavith. 

Malchi'jah. 1. A priest, the father of 
Pashur (1 Chr. ix. 12) ; the same as Mal- 
CHiAH 7, and Melchiah. 2. A priest, chief 
of the fifth of the twenty-four courses ap- 
pointed by David (1 Chr. xxiv. 9). 3. A 
layman of the sons of Parosh, who put away 
hi^ foreign wife (Ezr. x. 25). 4. Son, that 
is, descendant, of Harim (Neh. iii. 11). 5. 
One of the priests who sealed the covenant 
with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 3). u. One of 
the priests who assisted in the solemn dedi- 
cation of the wall of Jerusalem under Ezra 
and Nehemiah (Neh. xii. 42). 

Malchi'ram, one of the sons of Jeco- 
oiah, 01 J/'hoiachin I'l !!)hr. iii. 18). 



Mal'chi-shu'a, one of the sons of kiag 
Saul (1 Sam. xiv. 49, xxxi. 2 ; 1 CJir. viii 
33, ix. 39). 

MaPcllTlS, the name of the servant of 
the high-priest whose right oar Peter cut 
off at the time of the Saviour's apprehen- 
sion in the garden (Matt. xxvi. 51 ; Mark 
xiv. 47; Luke xxii. 49-51 ; John xviii. 10). 
He was the personal servant of the high- 
priest, and not one of the bailifis or ajpari- 
tors of the Sanhedrim. It is noticeable 
that Luke the physician is the only one of 
the writers who mentions the act of healing. 

Mal'eleel, Mahalaleel, the son of 
Cainan (Luke iii. 37 ; Gen. v. 12, marg.). 

Mal'lothi, a Kohathite, one of the four- 
teen sons of Heman the singer (1 Chr. xxv. 
4, 26). 

Mallows (Job XXX. 4) . By the Hebrew 
word malluach we are no doubt to under- 
stand some species of Orache, and ir> all 
probability the Atriplex halimus of bota- 
nists. 

Malluch. 1. A Levite of the family 
I of Merari, and ancestor of Ethan the singev 
(1 Chr. vi. 44). 2. One of the sons of 
Bani (Ezr. x. 29), and, 3. One of the de- 
scendants of Harira (Ezr. x. 32), who had 
married foreign wives. 4. A priest or fam- 
ily of priests (Neh. x. 4), and, 5. One of 
the " heads " of the people who signed the 
covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 27). 6. 
One of the families of priests who returned 
with Zerubbabel (Neh. xii. 2) ; probably 
the same as No. 4. 

Mamai'as, apparently the same with 
Shemaiah in Ezr. viii. 16. • 

Mam'mon (Matt. vi. 24; Luke xvi. 9), 
a word which often occurs in the Chaldee 
Targums of Onkelos, and later writers, and 
in the Syriac Version, and which signifies 
" riches." It is used in St. Matthew as a 
personification of riches. 

Mam're, an ancient Amorite, who with 
his brothers, Eshcol and Aner was in alii 
ance with Abram (Gen. xiv. 13, 24), and 
under the shade of whose oak-grove the 
patriarch dwelt in the interval between his 
residence at Bethel and at Beersheba (xiii. 
18, xviii. 1). In the subsequent chapter* 
Mamre is a mere local appellation (xxiii. 
17, 19, xxv. 9, xlix. 30,* 1. 13). 

Man. Four Hebrew terms are ren- 
dered " man" in the A. V. 1. Adam, The 
name of the man created in the image of 
God. It appears to be derived from ddam, 
" he or it was red or ruddy," like Edora. 2. 
Ish, " man," " woman," " men." 3. Geber, 
" a man," from gdbar, "to be strong," 
generally with reference to his strength. 4. 
Meihim, " men," always masculine. Per- 
haps it may be derived from the root mUth. 
" he died." 

Man'aen is mentioned in Acts xiii. 1 at 
one of the teachers and prophets in the 
church at Antioch at the tim« of the appcini 



MANAHATH 



375 



MANASSEH 



uien< )f SauI and Barnabas as missionaries 
to iht heathen. He is said to have been 
br jught UTp .{avriQoq'og) with Herod, that is, 
Rf rod Antipas. Tliere are two interpreta- 
tions of oi i-i(joipi)g ; one, that it means edu- 
cated with another; and the second, that it 
denotes foster-brother, brought up at the 
same breast, so that Manaen's mother would 
have l-eeii also Herod's nurse. 

Man'ahath, a place named in 1 Chr. 
▼iii. 6 only, in connection with the geneal- 
ogies of the tribe of Benjamin. 

Man'abatll, one of the sons of Shobal, 
and descendant of Seir the Horite (Gen. 
iixxvi. 23; 1 Chr. i. 40). 

Mana'hethites, The. "Half the 
Manahethites " are named in the gencvilo- 
fies of Judah as descended from Shobal, 
ihe father of Kirjath-jearim (1 Chr. ii. 52), 
md half from Salma, the founder of Beth- 
'ehem (-^er. 54). 

Manas'seh, that is, forgetting, the eld- 
est son of Joseph, by his wife Asenath (Gen. 
fii. 51, xlvi. 20), so called by Joseph be- 
if.Q-,e " God hath-made-me-forget all my 
"oil and all my father's house." Both he 
^nd Ephraim were born before the cora- 
fiiencement of the famine. Whether the 
elder of the tw o sons was inferior in form 
•3T promise to the younger, or whether 
ihere was any external reason to justify tlie 
^ireference of Jacob, we are not told. 
[Fpiiriim.] The position of the tribe of 
Manasseh during the march to Canaan was 
with Ephraim and Benjamin on the west 
side of the sacred Tent. The chief of the 
tribe at the time of the census at Sinai was 
Gamaliel ben-Pedahzur, and its numbers 
were then 32,200 (Num. i. 10, 35, ii. 20, 21, 
vii. 54-59). In the division of the Prom- 
ised Land half of the tribe of Manasseh 
settled east of the Jordan, in the district 
embracing the hills of Gilead with their in- 
accessible heights and impassable ravines, 
and the almost impregnable tract of Argob 
(Josh. xiii. 29-33). Here they throve ex- 
ceedingly, pushing their way northward 
over the rich plains of JaulAn and Jednr to 
the foot of Mount Hermon (1 Chr. v. 23). 
But they gradually assimilated themselves 
to the old inhabitants of the country, and 
on them descended the punishment which 
was ordained to be the inevitable conse- 
quence ol such misdoing. They, first of 
all Israel, were carried away by Pul and 
Tiglath-Pileser, and settled in the Assyrian 
territories (1 Chr. v. 25, 26). The other 
half tribe settled to the west of the Jordan, 
nortli of Ephraim (Josh. xvii.). For fur- 
ther particulars see Ephraim. 

Manas'seh. 1. The thirteenth king 
of Judah, son of Hezekiah and Hephzibah 
[2 K. xxi 1), ascended the throne at the 
ago of 12. His accession was the signal 
for an entire change in the religious admin- 
istration of the kingdom. Idolatry was 



again established, and he consecrated idol- 
atrous altars in the Sanctuary itself (2 Chr. 
xxxiii. 4). Every faith was tolerated but 
tlie old faith of Israel This was aban- 
doned and proscribed. The aged Isniali. 
according to the old Jewish traditi^)n, was 
put to death. [Isaiah.] But the perse- 
cution did not stop there. It attacked tlte 
whole order of the true prophets, and tho.-e 
who followed them. Retribution came soc.c 
in the natural sequence of events. Tht 
Babylonian alliance, which the king haJ 
formed, bore the fruits which had been pre- 
dicted. The rebellion of Meroduch-Ba la- 
dan was crushed, and tlienthe wrath of the 
Assyrian king fell on those who had sup- 
ported him. Judaea was again overrun 
by the Assyrian armies, and this time the 
invasion was more successful than that of 
Sannacherib. The city apparently was 
taken. The king himself was made pris- 
oner and carried off to Babylon in th»i 22d 
year of his reign, according to a Jewi.Ui tra- 
dition. There his eyes were opened, and 
he repented, and his prayer was heart', and 
the Lord delivered him (2 Chr. xxiii. 12, 13). 
The period that followed is dwelt upon by 
the writer of 2 Chr. as one of a great change 
for the better. The coni|)assion or death of 
Esarhaddon led to his release, and he re- 
turned after some uncertain interval of time 
to Jerusalem. The old faith of Israel was no 
longer persecuted. Foreign idolatries were 
no longer thrust, in all their fo ulness, into the 
Sanctuary itself. The altar of the Lord 
was again restored, and peace-offerings and 
tliank-offerings sacrificed to Jehovah (2 
Chr. xxxiii. 15, 16). But beyond this the 
reformation did not go. The other facts 
known of Manasseh's reign connect them- 
selves with the state of the world round 
him. The Assyrian monarchy was totter- 
ing to its fall, and the king of Judah seems 
to have thought that it was still possible 
for him to rule as the head of a strong and 
independent kingdom. He fortified Jeru- 
salem (2 Chr. xxvii. 3), and put captains 
of war in all the fenced cities of Judah. 
There was, it must be remembered, a spe- 
cial reason. Egypt was become strong and 
aggressive under Psammitichus. About 
this time we find the thought of an Egyptian 
alliance again beginning to gain favor. The 
very name of Manasseh's son, Anion iden- 
tical in form and sound with that of the 
great sun-god of Egypt, is probablj an in- 
dicaticvn of the gladness with whicn the al 
liance of Psammitichus was welcomed. As» 
one of its consequences, it involved prjo- 
ably the supply ^f troops from Judah to 
serve in the armies of the Egyjtian ki.ig. 
If this was the close of Manasseh's reien, 
we can understand how it was that on his 
death he was buried as Ahaz had been, uu« 
with the burial of a king, in the sepulchres 
of the house of David, but in the garden oJ 



MANAS SE» 



376 



MANNA 



Ciza (2 K, xxi. 26), and that Jong after- 
wards, in spite of his repentance, the Jews 
held his name in abhorrence. He was suc- 
ceeded by his son Amon, b. o. 642. Little 
is added liy later tradition to the O. T. nar- 
rative of Manasseh's reign. The prayer 
that boars his name in the Apocrypha can- 
not be considered as iden'ical with that re- 
(iii'T td to in 2 Chr. xxxiii. The original is 
extant in Greek, and is probably the result 
of an attempt to work out the hint there 
supplied rather than the reproduction of an 
older do<;ument. 2. One of the descend- 
ants ) f Pahath-Moab, who in the days of 
Kzra had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 
30). 3. One of the laymen, of the family 
of Hashum, who put away his foreign wife 
at Ezra's command (Ezr. x. 33). 4. In the 
Hebrew text of Judg. xviii. 30 the name of 
the priest of the graven image of the Danites 
is given as "Jonathan, the son of Gershom, 
the son of Manasseh." 

Manas'^es. 1. Manasseh, king of 
Judah (Matt. i. 10), to whom the apocryphal 
prayer is attributed. 2. Manasseh, the son 
of Joseph (Rev. vii. 6). 

Manasses, The Prayer of. The 
repentance and restoration of Manasseh (2 
Chr. xxxiii. 12, ff.) furnished the subject 
of many legendary stories. " His prayer 
jnto his God" was still preserved "in the 
book of the kings of Israel " when the 
Chronicles were compiled (2 Chr. xxxiii. 
18), and, after this record was lost, the sub- 
ject was likely to attract the notice of later 
writers. " The Prayer of Manasseh," which 
is found in some MSS. of the LXX., is the 
work of one who has endeavored to express, 
not without true feeling, the thoughts of the 
repentant king. 

Manas'sites, The, that is, the members 
of the tribe of Manasseh. The word occurs 
but thrice in the A. V., viz. Deut. iv. 43; 
Judg. xii. 4 ; and 2 K. x. 33. 

Mandrakes (Heb. duddtm) are men- 
tioned in Gen. xxx. 14, 15, 16, and in Cant, 
vii. 13. From the former passage we learn 
that they were found in the fields of Meso- 
potamia, where Jacob and his wives were 
it one time living, and that the fruit was 
gathered "in the days of wheat-harvest," 
»'. «. in May. From Cant. vii. 13 we learn 
that the plant in question was strong-scent- 
ed, and that it grew in Palestine. The 
translation in the A. V. is probably correct. 
It has been objected that the mandrake is 
far from odoriferous, the whole plant being, 
ill European estimation at all events, very 
fetid. But, on the other hand, it is well 
known that the mandrakes are prized by 
the Arabs for their odor and that Orien- 
tals set an especial value on strongly-smell- 
ing things that to more delicate European 
se'ises are unpleasing. That the fruit was 
fit to be gathered at the time of wheat-har- 
"t'lat is clear from the testimony of several 



travellers. Schultze founa niandrakf p- 
pies on the 15th of May. Hasselquist •ny 
them at Nazareth early in May. Dr. Wh-jca- 
son found mandrakes ripe on the li-wei 




The Mandrake (Atropa Uandraoora). 



1 



ranges of Lebanon and Hermon towards 
the end of April. The mandrake {Atropa 
mandragora) is closely allied to the well- 
known deadly nightshade {A. belladonna), 
and belongs to the order Solanaceae. 
Ma'neh. [Weights and Measures.] 
Manger. This word occurs only in 
connection with the birth of Christ in Luke 
ii. 7, 12, 16. The original terra is (/iutvij. 
which is found but once besides in the N. T., 
viz. Luke xiii. 15, where it is rendered by 
" stall." The word in classical Greek un- 
doubtedly means a manger, crib, or feeding 
trough ; but according to Schleusner its 
real signification in the N. T. is the open 
court-yard, attached to the inn or khan, into 
which the cattle would be shut at night, and 
where the poorer travellers might unpack 
their animals and take up their lodging, 
when they were either by want of room ot 
want of means excluded from the house. 

Manna (Heb. mdn). The most impor- 
tant passages of the O. T. on this topic are 
the following : Ex. xvi. 14-36 ; Num. xi. 
7-9; Deut. viii. 3, 16; Josh. v. 12; Ps. 
Ixxviii. 24, 25 ; Wisd. xvi. 20, 21. From 
these passages we learn th?t the D»ann« 



MANNA 



377 



MANTLE 



ca,me every morning except the Sabbath, 
in the form of a small round seed resem- 
bling the hoar frost ; that it must be gath- 
ered early, before the sun became so hot as 
to melt it ; that it must be gathered every 
dfiy except the Sabbath ; that tlie attempt 
io lay aside for a succeeding day, except 
on Ih day immediately preceding the Sab- 
bath, failed by the substance becoming 
rorniy and offensive ; that it was prepared 
for food by grinding and baking; that its 
taste -was like fresh oil, and like wafers 
made with honey, equally agreeable to all 
palates ; that the whole nation subsisted 
apon it for forty years ; that it suddenly 
ceased when they first got the new corn 
of tlie land of Canaan ; and that it was al- 
ways regarded as a miraculous gift directly 
from God, and not as a product of nature. 
The natural products of the Arabian deserts 
and other Oriental regions, which bear the 
name of manna, have not the qualities or 




Tamarix OaBiea. 



w«*s ascribed to the manna of Scripture. 
The manna of Scripture we regard as 
irholly niraculous, and not in any respect 
a prodxiot of nature. The Hebrew word 



mdn by which this substance is alwayii 
designated in the Hobrew Scr.ptures, is 
the neuter interrogative pronoun (what?) ; 
and the name is derived from the inquiry 
{mdn hu, what is this?) which the He- 
brews made when they first saw it upon 
the ground. The substance now called 
manna in the Arabian desert through which 
the Israelites passed, is collected in the 
month of June from the iarfa or tamarisk 
shrub {Tamarix galltca). According to 
Burckhardt it drops from the thorns on the 
sticks and leaves with which the ground is 
covered, and must be gathered early in the 
day, or it will be melted by the sun. The 
Arabs cleanse and boil it, strain it through 
a cloth, and put it in leathern bottles ; and 
in this way it can be kept uninjured for 
several years. They use it like honey or 
butter with their unleavened bread, but 
never make it into cakes or eat it by it- 
self. The manna of European commerce 
comes mostly from Calabria and Sicily. Ji 
is gathered during the months of June arid 
July from some species of ash {Ornui 
JEuropaea and Ornus rotundifolid), from 
which it drops in consequence of a punc- 
ture by an insect resembling the locust, 
but distinguished from it by having a sting 
under its body. The substance is fluid at 
night, and resembles the dew, but in the 
morning it begins to harden. 

Mano'ah, the father of Samson; a 
Danite, native of the town of Zorah (Judg- 
xiii. 2). [Samson.] 

Manslayer. The cases of manslaugh- 
ter mentioned appear to be a sufficient 
example of the intention of the lawgiver. 
a. Death by a blow in a sudden quarrel 
(Num. XXXV. 22). h. Death by a stone or 
missile thrown at random {ih. 22, 23). e. 
By the blade of an axe flying from its han- 
dle (Deut. xix. 5). d. Whether the case 
of a person killed by falling from a roof 
unprovided with a parapet involved the 
guilt of manslaughter on the owner, is not 
clear; but the law seems intended to pre- 
vent the imputation of malice in any such 
case, by preventing as far as possible the 
occurrence of the fact itself (Deut. xxii- 
8). In all these and the like cases the 
manslayer was allowed to retire to a city 
of refuge. Besides these the following may 
be mentioned as cases of homicide, a. An 
animal, not known to be vicious, causing 
death to a human being, was to be put to 
death, and regarded as unclean. But if it 
was known to be vicious, the owner also 
was liable to fine, and even death (Ex. xxi. 
28, 31). 6. A thief overtaken at night in 
the act might lawfully be put to death, but 
if the sun had risen the act of killing him 
was to be regarded as murder (Ex. xxii. 
2,3). 

Mantle, the word employed in the A, 
V. to translate no less thap four Hebrew 



MAUCH 



378 



Mark 



terms, entirely distinct and independent 
both in derivation and meaning. 1. S'mt- 
oah. This word occurs but once, viz. 
Judg. iv. 18, where it denotes tlie thing 
*rith which Jael covered Sisera. 2. Meil. 
(Rendered "mantle" in i Sam. xv. 27, 
iXTiii. li ; Ezr. ix. 3, 5, &c.). This word is 
in other passages of the A. V. rendered 
"coat," "cloak," and "robe." 3. Ma'a- 
tdphdh (Is. iii. 22 only). Apparently some 
•rticle of a lady's dress. 4. Addereih (ren- 
dered " mantle " in 1 K. xix. 13, 19 ; 2 K. 
ii. 8, 13, 14 ; elsewhere " garment " and 
"robe"). By it, and it only, is denoted 
the cape oi wrapper which, with the ex- 
ception of a strip of skin or leather round 
his loins, formed, as we have every reason 
to believe, the sole garment of the prophet 
Elijah. It was probably of sheepskin, such 
as is worn b}' the modern dervishes. 

Ma'ocll, the father of Achish, king of 
Gath, with whom David took refuge (1 
Sam. xxvii. 2). 

Ma' on, one of the cities of the tribe of 
Judah, in the district of the mountains 
(Josh. XV. 55). Its interest for us Ues in 
its conriTjction with David (1 Sam. xxiii. 
24, 25). The name of Maon still exists in 
Main, a lofty conical hill, south of, and 
about 7 miles distant from, Hebron. 

Ma'onltes, The, a people mentioned 
in one of the addresses of Jehovah to the 
repentant Israelites (Judg. x. 12). The 
name agrees with that of a people residing 
in the desert far south of Palestine, else- 
where in the A. V. called Mehunim. The 
reading of the LXX. — " Midian " — is re- 
markable as being found in both the great 
MSS., and having on that account a strong 
claim to be considered as the reading of 
the ancient Hebrew text. 

Ma ra, the name which Naomi adopted 
hi the exclamation forced from her by the 
recognition of her fellow-citizens at Beth- 
lehem (Ruth i. 20), "Call me not Naomi 
(pleasant), but call me Mara (bitter), for 
Shaddai hath dealt-very-bitterly (hamir) 
with me." 

Ma'rah., that is, bitterness, a place which 
lay in the wilderness of Shur or Ethara, 
three days' journey distant (Ex. xv. 23, 24, 
Num. xxxiii. 8) from the place at which 
the Israelites crossed the Red Sea, and 
where was a spring of bitter water, sweet- 
ened subsequently by the casting in of a 
tree which "the Lord showed" to Moses. 
It has been suggested that Moses made use 
of the berries of the plant Ghurkud. Ilowa- 
rah, distant 16^ hours from Ayoun Mousa, 
has been by many identified with it, appar- 
ently biicause it is the bitterest water in the 
neighborhood. 

Mar'alah, one of the landmarks on the 
boundary of the tribe of Zebulun (Josh, 
lix. 11). 

Maranath'a, an expression used by St. 



Paul at the cc nclusion of his ITirst Epist t to 
the Corinthians (xvi. 22). It is a Grecisdd 
form of the Aramaic words mdran &ihA, 
" our Lord cometh." 

Marble. The Heb. sMsh, the generic 
term for marble, may probably be taken to 
mean almost any shining stone. The fso- 
called marble of Solomon's architectural 
works, which Josephus calls Xidoq A«uxo$, 
may thus have been limestone. There can 
be no douht that Herod, both in the Templt 
and elsewhere, employed Parian or other 
marble: The marble pillars and tesserae 
of various colors of the palace at Susa cam«- 
doubtless from Persia itself (Esth. i. 6). 

Marcheshvan. [Months.] 

Mar'cus, the Evangelist Mark (Col. iv 
10; Philem. 24; 1 Pet. v. 13). [Mark.] 

Mar'eshah, one of the cities of Judah 
in the district of the Shefelah or low coun- 
try (Josh. XV. 44). It was one of the cities 
fortified and garrisoned by Rehoboam after 
the rupture with the northern kingdom (2 
Chr. xi. 8). It is mentioned once or twice 
in the history of the Maccabaean struggles 
(1 Mace. V. 66; 2 Mace. xii. 35). About 
110 B. c. it was taken from the Idumaeans 
by John Hyrcanus. It was in ruins in the 
4th century, when Eusebius and Jerome 
describe it as in the second mile from Eleu- 
theropolis. S. S. W. of Beitjihrin — in all 
probability Eleutheropolis — and a little 
over a Roman mile therefrom, is a site 
called Marash, which is very possibly th? 
representative of the ancient Mareshah. 

Mark. Mark the Evangelist is prob- 
ably the same as " John whose surname 
was Mark" (Acts xii. 12, 25). John was 
the Jewish name, and Mark (Marcus), a 
name of frequent use among the Romans, 
was adopted afterwards, and gradually su- 
perseded the other. John Maik was the 
son of a certain Mary, who dwelt at Jeru- 
salem, and was therefore probably born in 
that city (Acts xii. 12). He was the cousin 
of Barnabas (Col. iv. 10). It was to Mary's 
house, as to a familiar haunt, that Peter 
came after his deliverance from prison 
(Acts xii. 12), and there found " many 
gathered together praying ; " and probably 
John Mark was converted by Peter from 
meeting him in his mother's house, for he 
speaks of "Marcus my son" (1 Pet. v. 
13). The theory that he was one of the 
seventy disciples is without any warrant. 
Another theory, that an event of the night 
of our Lord's betrayal, related by Mark 
alone, is one that befell himself, must nol 
be so promptly dismissed (Mark xiv. 51, 
52). The detail of facts is remarkably 
minute ; the name only is wanting. The 
most probable view is, that St. Mark sup- 
pressed his own name, whilst telling a story 
which he had the best means of knowing. 
Anxious to work for Christ, he went witl' 
Paul and Barnabas as theii " miuistei " os 



MARK, GOSPEL OF 



379 



MARK, GOSPEL OF 



their first journey ; but at Perga- he turned 
back (Acts xii 25, xiii. 13). On the second 
journey Paul would not accept him again 
as a companion, but Barnabas his kinsman 
iras more indulgent; and thus he became 
tie cause of the memorable *' sharp con- 
tention " between them (Acts xv. 36-40). 
Whatever was the cause of Mark's vacilla- 
tion, it did not separate him forever from 
?aul, for we find him by the side of that 
Apostle in his first imprisonment at Rome 
(Col. iv. 10; Philem. 24). In the former 
place a possible journey of Mark to Asia is 
spoken of. Somewhat later he is with Peter 
at Babylon (1 Pet. v. 13). On his return 
to Asia he seems to have been with Timothy 
at Ephesus when Paul wrote to him during 
his second imprisonment (2 Tim. iv. 11). — 
The relation of Mark to Peter is of great 
importance for our view of his Gospel. 
Ancient writers with one consent make the 
Evangelist the Interpreter of the Apostle 
Peter. Some explain this word to mean 
tliat the office of Mark was to translate into 
the Greek tongue the Aramaic discourses 
of the Apostle ; whilst others adopt the more 
probable view that Mark wrote a Gospel 
which conformed more exactly than the 
others to Peter's preaching, and thus " in- 
terpreted " it to the church at large. The 
report that Mark was the companion of 
Peter at Rome, is no doubt of great anti- 
quity. Sent on a mission to Egypt by Peter, 
Slark there founded the church of Alexan- 
dria, and preached in various places, then 
returned to Alexandria, of which church he 
was bishop, and suffered a martyr's death. 
But none of these later details rest on sound 
authority. 

Mark, Gospel of. The characteristics 
of this Gospel, the shortest of the four in- 
spired records, will appear from the discus- 
sion of the various questions that have been 
raised about it. I. Sources of this Gospel. — 
The tradition that it gives the teaching of 
Peter rather than of the rest of the Apostles, 
has been alluded to above. Moreover there 
are peculiarities in the Gospel which are 
best explained by the supposition that Peter 
in some way superintended its composition. 
Whilst Mark goes over tlie same ground 
for the most part as the other Evangelists, 
and especially Matthew, there are many 
facts thrown in which prove that we are 
listening to an independent witness. Thus 
the humble origin of Peter is made known 
through him (i. 16-20), and his connection 
with Capernaum (i. 29) ; he tells us that 
Levi was "the son of Alphaeus " (ii. 14), 
that Peter was the name given by our Lord 
to Simon (iii. 16), and Boanerges a sur- 
name added by Him to the names of two 
othen (iii. 17) ; he assumes the existence 
of another body of disciples wider than the 
Twelve (iii. 32, iv. 10, 36, viii. 34, xiv. 51, 
52") : w% :?we to him the name of Jairus (v. 



22) the word "carpenter" applied to oui 
Lord (vi. 3), the nation of the " Syrophoe- 
nician " woman (vii. 26) ; he; substitutes 
Dalmanutha for the " Magdala " of Matthew 
(viii. 10) ; he names Bartimaeus (x. 46) ; 
he alone mentions that our Lord would not 
suffer any man to carry any vessel through) 
the Temple (xi. 16),; and that Simon of 
Gyrene was the father of Alexander and 
Rufus (xv. 21). All these are tokens of an 
independent writer, different from Matthew 
and Luke, and in the absence of other tra- 
ditions it is natural to look to Peter. II. 
Relation of Mark to Matthew and LvJce. — 
The results of criticism as to the relation 
of the three Gospels are somewhat humili- 
ating. Up to this day three views are main- 
tained with equal ardor : (a) that Mark's 
Gospel is tlie original Gospel out of which 
the other two have been developed; (6; 
that it was a compilation from the other two, 
and therefore was written last ; and (c) that 
it was copied from that of Matthew, and 
forms a link of transition between the other 
two. It is obvious that they refute one an- 
other ; the same internal evidence suffice* 
to prove that Mark is the first, and the last 
and the intermediate. Let us return to th« 
facts, and, taught by these contradiction! 
what is the worth of " internal evidence,' 
let us carry our speculations no further than 
the facts. The Gospel of Mark contains 
scarcely any events that are not recited by 
the others. There are verbal coincidences 
with each of the others, and sometimes pe- 
culiar words from both meet together in the 
parallel place in Mark. On the other hand. 
there are unmistakable marks of indepen- 
dence. The hypothesis which best meets 
these facts is, that whilst the matter common 
to all three Evangelists, or to two of them, 
is derived from the oral teaching of the 
Apostles, which they had purposely reduced 
to a common form, our Evangelist writes a' 
an independent witness to the truth, and n' 
as a compiler ; and that the tradition tha 
the Gospel was written under the sanctioji 
of Peter, and its matter in son^ degree 
derived from him, is made probable by the 
evident traces of an eye-witness in many 
of the narratives. III. This Gospel writ- 
ten primarily for Gentiles. — The Evan- 
gelist scarcely refers to the O. T. in his 
own person. The word Law does not once 
occur. The genealogy of our Lord is like- 
wise omitted. Other matters interesting 
chiefly to the Jews are likewise omitted; 
such as the references to the O. T. and Law 
in Matt. xii. 5-7, the reflections on the 
request of the Scribes and Pharisees for a 
sign. Matt. xii. 38-45 ; the parable of the 
king's son, Matt. xxii. 1-14 ; and the awful 
denunciation of the Scribes and Pharisees 
in Matt, xxiii. Explanations are given in 
some places which Jews could not require; 
thus, Jordan is a *' river " TMark i. 6 



MARK, GOSPEL OF 



880 



MARRIAGE 



Matt. iA. 6) ; the Pharisees, &c., " used to 
fast" (Mark ii. 13; Matt. ix. 14), and other 
custc ins of theirs are described (Mark vii. 
)-4 ; Matt. xv. 1, 2) ; " the time of figs was 
yet," i. e. at the season of the Passover 
(Mark xi. 13 ; Matt. xxi. 19) ; the Saddu- 
'^ees' worst tenet is mentioned (Mark xii. 
18) ; the Mount of Olives is '* over against 
the temple " (Mark xiii. 3 ; Matt. xxiv. 3) ; 
et the Passover men eat *' unleavened 
bread" (Mark xiv. 1, 12; Matt. xxvi. 2, 
17), and explanations are given which Jews 
•^ould not need (Mark xv. 6, 16,, 42 ; Matt. 
xxvii. 15, 27, 57). From the general testi- 
mony ol these and other places, whatever 
may be objected to an inference from one or 
other amongst them, there is little doubt but 
that the Gospel was meant for use in the 
first instance amongst Gentiles. IV. Time 
when the Gospel was written. — This is un- 
certain. It is not likely that it dates before 
the reference to Mark in the Epistle to the 
Colossians (iv. 10), where he is only intro- 
duced as a relative of Barnabas, as if this 
were his greatest distinction; and this 
epistle was written about a. d. 62. On the 
other hand it was written before the de- 
struction of Jerusalem (xiii. 13, 24-30, 33, 
&c.). Probably, therefore, it was written 
between a. d. 63 and 70. V. Place where 
the Gospel was written. — The place is as 
uncertain as the time. Clement, Eusebius, 
Jerome, and Epiphanius, pronounce for 
Rome, and many moderns take the same 
view. Chrysostom thinks Alexandria ; but 
this ie. "'^t confirmed by other testimony. 
VI. Language. — The Gospel was written 
in Greek ; of this there can be no doubt if 
ancient testimony is to weigh. Baronius 
indeed, on the authority of an old Syriac 
translation, asserts that Latin was the ori- 
ginal language. VII. Genuineness of the 
Gospel. — All ancient testimony makes 
Mark the author of a certain Gospel, and 
that this is the Gospel which has come down 
to us, there is not the least historical ground 
for doubting. Owing to the very few sec- 
tions peculiar to Mark, evidence from pa- 
tristic quotation is somewhat difficult to pro- 
duce. Justin Martyr, however, quotes ch. 
Ix. 44, 46, 48, xii. 30, and iii. 17, and 
Irenaeus cites both the opening and closing 
orords (iii., x. 6) — an important testimony 
in any case, but doubly so from the doubt 
that has been cast on the closing verses 
(xvi. 9-19). With the exception of these 
few verses the genuineness of the Gospel is 
placed above the reach of reasonable doubt. 
VIII. Style and Diction. — The purpose 
of the Evangelist seems to be to place before 
us a vivid picture of the earthly acts of 
Jesus. The style is peculiarly suitable to 
itiis. Ho uses the present tense, instead of 
♦^^be narrative aorist, almost in every cliap- 
ter. Precise and minute details as to per- 
•ous, places, and numbers, ab und in the 



nanative. All these tend to give force and 
vividness to the picture of the human life 
of our Lord. On the other side, the facts 
are not very exactly arranged. Its concise- 
ness sometimes makes this Gospel more ob- 
scure than the others (i. 13, ix. 5, 6, iv. 10 
34). Many peculiarities of diction maj be 
noticed ; amongst them the folk wing : 1 . 
Hebrew (Aramaic) words are used, but ex- 
plained for Gentile readers (iii. 17, 22, v 
41, vii. 11, 34, ix. 43, x. 46, xiv. 36, xv. 22 
34). 2. Latin words are very frequent 

3. Unusual words or phrases are found here 

4. Diminutives are frequent. 5. The sub- 
stantive is often repeated instead of the gro- 
noun; as (to cite from ch. ii. only) ii. 16, 
18, 20, 22, 27, 28. 6. Negatives are accu- 
mulated for the sake of emphasis (vii. 12, 
ix. 8, xii. 34, xv. 5, i. 44). 7. Words are 
often added to adverbs for the sake of em- 
phasis (ii. 20, V. 5, vi. 25, also vii. 21, viii. 
4, X. 20, xiii. 29, xiv. 30, 43). 8. The same 
idea is often repeated under another ex- 
pression, as i. 42, ii. 25, viii. 15, xiv. 68, 
&c. 9. And sometimes the repetition is 
effected by means of the opposite, as in L 
22, 44, and many other places. 10. Some- 
times emphasis is given by simple reitera- 
tion, as in ii. 15, 19. 11. The elliptic 
use of iva, like that of nnoiq in classical 
writers, is found, v. 23. 12. The woii 
IrciQwrav is used twenty-five times in tldi 
Gospel. 13. Instead of oi;^,^o J 'Aiov A u«|^u»«i* 
of Matt. Mark has nv^fiui'Xi.jv noitiv, iii. 6, 
XV. 1, 14. There are many words peculiar 
to Mark. The diction of Mark presents the 
difficulty that whilst it abounds in Latin 
words, and in expressions that recall Latin 
equivalents, it is still much more ali'n to 
the Hebraistic diction of Matthew than to 
the purer style of Luke. IX. Contents of 
the Gospel. — Though this Gospel has little 
historical matter which is not shared with 
some other, it would be a great error to 
suppose that the voice of Mark could have 
been silenced without injury to the divine 
harmony. It is the history of the war of 
Jesus against sin and evil in the world dur- 
ing the time that He dwelt as a Man among 
men. Its motto might well be, as Lai^gt 
observes, those words of Peter: "How 
God anointed Jesus of Nazareth \«ith the 
Holy Ghost and with power; who went 
about doing good, and healing all that were 
oppressed of the devil; for God was wi*b 
Him " (Acts X. 38). 

Ma'roth, one of the towns of the west- 
ern lowland of Judah whose names are al- 
luded to or played upon by the prophet 
Micah (i. 12). 

Marriage. The topics which this sui)- 
ject presents to rur consideration in con- 
nection with Biblical literature may be ar- 
ranged under five heads : I . Its origin 
and history. — The institution of marriage 
dates from tlie time of man's original crea 



MAKRIAGE 



881 



MARRIAGE 



tion. No sooner was the formation of wo- 
man effected, than Adam recognized in that 
act the will of the Creator as to man's social 
condition. " Therefore shall a man leave 
his fither and his mother, and shall cleave 
unto his wife : and they shall be one 
flesh '' (ii. 24). From these words, coupled 
with the circumstances attendant on the 
formation of the first woman, we may 
evolve the following principles : (1) The 
mity of man and wife, as implied in her 
jeing formed out of man, and as expressed 
in the words " one flesh"; (2) the indis- 
solubleness of the marriage bond, except 
on the strongest grounds (comp. Matt. xix. 
9) ; (3) monogamy, as the original law of 
marriage ; (4) the social equality of man 
and wife ; (5) the subordination of the wife 
to the husband (1 Cor. xi. 8, 9 : 1 Tim. ii. 
13) ; and (6) the respective duties of man 
ind wife. In the patriarchal age Polygamy 
prevailed (Gen. xvi. 4, xxv. 1, 6, xxviii. 9, 
xxix. 23, 28 ; 1 Chr. vii. 14), but to a great 
extent divested of the degradation which in 
modern times attaches to that practice. Di- 
vorce also prevailed in the patriarchal age, 
though but one instance of it is recorded 
(Gen. xxi. 14). The Mosaic law aimed at 
mitigating rather than removing evils which 
were insepa^rable from the state of society 
in that day. Its enactments were directed, 

(1) to the discouragement of polygamy; 

(2) to obviate the injustice frequently con- 
sequent upon the exercise of the rights of 
a father or a master ; (3) to bring divorce 
under some restriction ; and (4) to enforce 
purity of life during the maintenance of 
the matrimonial bond. In the post-Baby- 
lonian period monogamy appears to have 
become more prevalent than at any previ- 
ous time : indeed we have no instance of 
polygamy during this period on record in 
the Bible, all the marriages noticed being 
with single wives (Tob. i. 9, ii. 11 ; Susan, 
vers. 29, 63 ; Matt, xviii. 25 ; Luke i. 5 ; 
Acts V. 1). The practice of polygamy nev- 
ertheless still existed ; Herod the Great had 
no less than nine wives at one time. The 
abuse of divorce continued unabated. Our 
Lord and His Apostles re-established the 
integrity and sanctity of the marriage-bond 
by the following measures : (1) by the 
confirmation of the original charter of 
marriage as the basis on which all regula- 
tions were to be framed (Matt. xix. 4, 5) ; 
^'*^ by the restriction of divorce to the case 
of fornication, and the prohibition of re- 
marriage in all persons divorced on improp- 
''T grounds (Matt. v. 32, xix. 9 ; Rom. vii. 
3; 1 Cor. vii. 10, 11) ; and (3) by the en- 
forcement of moral purity generally (Heb. 
xiii. 4, &c.), and especially by the formal 
condemnation of fornication, which appears 
to have been classed among acts morally 
indifferent by a certain party in the Church 
(Acts XV. 20). II. The conditions of legal 



marriagt are decided by tho pioljibitivinB 
which the law of any country imposes upon 
its citizens. In the Hebrew commonwealth 
these prohibitit/ns were of two kinds, ac- 
cording as they regulated n arriage (i.) be- 
tween an Israelite and a non-Israelite, and 
(ii.) between an Israelite and one of his 
own community. — (i.) The prohibitions 
relating to foreigners were based on that 
instinctive feeling of exclu&iveness, which 
forms one of the bonds of every socia 
body, and which prevails with peculiai 
strength in a rude state of society. The 
only distinct prohibition in the Mosaic law 
refers to the Canaanites, with whom the Is- 
raelites were not to marry, on the ground 
tliat it would lead them into idolatry (Ex. 
xxxiv. 16; Deut. vii. 3,4). But beyond 
this, the legal disabilities to which the 
Ammonites and Moabites were subjected 
(Deut. xxiii. 3), acted as a virtual bar to 
intermarriage with them, totally prevent- 
ing the marriage of Israelitish women with 
Moabites, but permitting that of Israelites 
with Moabite women, such as that of Mah- 
lon with Ruth. The prohibition against 
marriages with the Edomites or Egyptians 
was less stringent, as a male of those na- 
tions received the right of marriage on hie» 
admission to the full citizenship in the thir(? 
generation of proselytism (Deut. xxiii. 7- 
8). There were thus three grades of pro- 
hibition — total in regard to the Canaanites 
on either side ; total on the side of the 
males in regard of the Ammonites and 
Moabites ; and temporary on the side of 
the males in regard of the Edomites and 
Egyptians, marriages with females in the 
two latter instances being regarded as legal. 
The progeny of illegal marriages between 
Israelites and non-Israelites was described 
under a peculiar term, mamzir, (A. V. 
"bastard"; Deut. xxiii. 2). (ii.) The 
regulations relative to marriage between 
Israelites and Israelites was based on con- 
siderations of relationship. The most im- 
portant passage relating to these is con- 
tained in Lev. xviii. 6-18, wherein we have 
in the first place a general prohibition 
against marriages, between a man and the 
" flesh of his flesh," and in the second place 
special prohibitions against marriage with a 
mother, step-mother, sister, or half-sister, 
whether " born at home or abroad," grand- 
daughter, aunt, whether by consanguinity 
on either side, or by marriage on the fa- 
ther's side, daughter-in-law, brother's wife, 
step-daughter, wife's mother, step-grand 
daughter, or wife's sister durhig the lifetime 
of the wife. An exception is subsequently 
made (Deut. xxv. 5-9) in favor of marriage 
with a brother's wife in the ey ^nt of his har 
ing died childless. The law which regu 
lates this has been named the " Levirate," 
from the Latin levir, "brother-in-law.*' 
The first instance of this custom o«;urs in 



MARRIAGE 



38:^ 



MARRIAGE 



the patiiarrhal period, where Onan is called 
upon to marry his brother Er's widow (Gen. 
xxxviii. 8). Tlie Levirat'3 marriage was not 
peculiar to the Jews ; it has been found to 
exist in many Eas^torn countries, particular- 
ly in Arabia, and among the tribes of the 
Caucasus. III. The modes hy which mar- 
riage vas effected. — The customs of the' 
Hebrews and of Oriental nations in regard 
to marriage, differ in many respects from 
those with which we are familiar. In the 
first place, the choice of the bride devolved 
not on the bridegro )m himself, but on his 
relations or on a friend deputed by the 
bridegroom for this purpose. The consent 
of the maiden was sometimes asked (Gen. 
xxiv. 58) ; but this appears to have been 
subordinate to the previous consent of the 
father and the adult brothers (Gen. xxiv. 51, 
xxxiv. 11). Occasionally the whole busi- 
ness of selecting the wife was left in the 
hands of a friend. The selection of the bride 
was followed by the espousal, which was a 
formal proceeding, undertaken by a friend 
or legal representative on the part of the 
bridegroom, and by the parents on the part 
cf the bride; it was confirmed by oaths, 
and accompanied with presents to the bride. 
These presents were described by different 
terms, that to the bride by m^ohar (A. V. 
"dowiy"), and that to the relations by 
maitdn. Thus Shechem offers " never so 
much dowry and gift" (Gen. xxxiv. 12), 
:he former for the bride, the latter for the 
relations. It would undoubtedly be ex- 
pected that the mohar should be pro- 
portioned to the position of the bride, and 
that a poor man could not on that account 
afford to marry a rich wife (1 Sara, xviii. 
23). The act of betrothal was celebrated 
by a feast, and among the more modern 
Jews it is the custom in some parts for the 
bridegroom to place a ring on the bride's 
finger. Some writers have endeavored to 
prove that the rings noticed in the O. T. 
(Ex. XXXV. 22; Is. iii. 21) were nuptial 
rings, but there is not the slightest evidence 
of this. The ring was nevertheless re- 
garded among the Hebrews as a token of 
fidelity (Gen. xli. 42), and of adoption into 
% family (Luke xv. 22). Between the be- 
trothal and the marriage an interval elapsed, 
varying from a few days in the patriarchal 
age (Gen. xxiv. 55), to a full year for 
virgins and a month for widows in later 
dmes. During this period the bride-elect 
lived with her friends, and all commu- 
nication between herself and her future 
hiisband was carried on through the medium 
of a friend deputed for the purpose, termed 
tne " friend of the bridegroom " (John iii. 
29). She was now virtually regarded as 
the wife of her future husband. Hence 
faithlessness on her part was punishable 
with death (Deut. xxii. 23, 24), the husband 
lu,Ming, however, the option of " putting her 



away' (Matt. i. 19; Deut. xxiv. 1). Wfc 

now coiue to the wedding itself; and in this 
the most observable point is, that there 
were no definite religious ceremonies coji- 
nected with it. It is probable, indeed, that 
some formal ratification of the espousal 
with an oath took place, as implied in some 
allusions to marriage (Ez. xvi. 8 ; Mai. ii. 
14), particularly in the expression, " th€ 
covenant of her God" (Prov. ii. 17), as 
applied to tlie marriage bond, and that a 
blessing was pronounced (Gen. xxiv. 60; 
Ruth iv. 11, 12), sometimes by the parents 
(Tob. vii. 13). But the essence of the 
marriage ceremony consisted in the re- 
moval of the bride from her father's hjuse 
to that of the bridegroom or his father. 
The bridegroom prepared himself for tlie 
occasion by putting on a festive dress, and 
especially by placing on his head the hand- 
some turban described by the term pe€f 
(Is. Ixi. 10; A. V. "ornaments"), and a 
nuptial crown or garland (Cant. iii. 11) : 
he was redolent of myrrh and frankincense 
and " all powders of the merchant" (Cant, 
iii. 6). The bride prepared herself for the 
ceremony by taking a bath, generally on 
the day preceding the wedding. The 
notices of it in the Bible are so few as to 
have escaped general observation (Ruth iii 
3; Ez. xxiii. 40; Eph. v. 26, 27). Tht 
distinctive feature of the bride's a'-tire wa* 
the " veil " — a light robe of amp.'e dimen- 
sions, which covered not only the face but 
the whole person (Gen. xxiv. 65; comp. 
xxxviii. 14, 15). This was regarded as the 
symbol of her submission to her husband 
(1 Cor. xi. 10). She also wore a peculiar 
girdle, named kishshurim, the "attire"^ 
(A. v.), which no bride could forget (Jer. 
ii. 32) ; and her head was crowned with h 
chaplet, which was again so distinctive of 
the bride, that the Hebrew term calldh, 
" bride," originated from it. If the bride 
were a virgin, she wore her hair flowing. 
Her robes were white (Rev. xix. 8), and 
sometimes embroidered with gold thread 
(Ps. xlv. 13, 14), and covered with per- 
fumes (Ps. xlv. 8) : she was further decked 
out with jewels (Is. xlix. 18, Ixi. 10 ; Rct 
xxi. 2). When the fixed hour arrived, 
which was generally late in the evening, 
the bridegroom set forth from his house, 
attended by his groomsmen (A. V. *' com- 
panions," Judg. xiv. 11; "children of the 
bride-chamber," Matt. ix. 15), preceded by 
a band of musicians or singers (Gen. xxxi. 
27; Jer. vii. 34, xvi. 9; 1 Mace. ix. 39), 
and accompanied by persons bearing flam 
beaux (2 Esdr. x. 2; Matt. xxv. 7; com- 
pare Jer. xxv. 10; Rev. xviii. 23, "the 
light of a candle"). Having reached the 
house of the bride, who with her maidens 
anxiously expected his arrival (Matt. xxv. 
6), he Cf nducted the w\iole party back to 
his own or his father's house, with ot wv 



MARRIAGE 



383 



MARS' mix 



demonstration of gladness (Ps. xlv. 15). 
On their way back they were joined by a 
party of maidens, friends of the bride and 
bridesrroom, who were in waiting to catch 
tlie procession as it passed (Matt. xxv. 6). 
Tlie iniiabitanLs of the place pressed out 
into the streets to watch the procession 
(Cant. iii. 11). At the house a feast was 
prepared, to which all the friends and 
neighbors \»ere invited (Gen. xxix. 22 ; 
Matt. xxii. 1-10; Luke xiv. 8; John ii. 2), 
and the festivities were protracted for 
seven, or even fourteen days (Judg. xiv. 
12- Tob. viii. 19). The guests were pro- 
dd.'d by the host wHh fitting robes (Matt, 
xxn. 11), and the feast was enlivened with 
riddles (Judg. xiv. 12) auu other amuse- 
ments. The bridegroom now trtered into 
direct communication with the bride, and 
the joy of the friend was "fulfilled" at 
hearing the voice of the bridegroom (John 
iii. 29) conversing with her, which he re- 
garded as a satisfactory testimony of the 
success of his share in the work. The last 
act in the ceremonial was the conducting 
of the bride to the bridal chamber (Judg. 
iv. 1 ; Joel ii. 16), where a canopy was 
prepared (Ps. xix. 6; Joel ii. 16). The 
bride was still completely veiled, so that 
the deception practised on Jacob (Gen. 
xxix. 23) was very possible. A newly 
married man was exempt from military 
service, or from any public business which 
might draw him away from his home, for 
tho space of a year (Deut. xxiv. 5) ; a 
similar privilege was granted to him who 
was betrothed (Deut. xx. 7). IV. The 
sociil and domestic conditions of married 
life. - - We must in the first place take 
into account the position assigned to women 
generally in their social scale. There is 
abundant evidence that women, whether 
married or unmarried, went about with 
their faces unveiled (Gen. xii. 14, xxiv. 16, 
65, xxix. 11; 1 Sam. i. 13). Women not 
unfrequently held important offices. They 
took their part in matters of public interest 
(Ex. XV. 20; 1 Sam. xviii. 6, 7) : in short, 
they enjoyed as much freedom in ordinary 
life as the women of our own country. If 
such was her general position, it is certain 
that the wife must have exercised an im- 
portant influence in her own home. She 
appears to have taken her part in family 
affairs, and even to have enjoyed a con- 
siderable amount of independence (2 K. iv. 
8; Judg. iv. 18; 1 Sara. xxv. 14, &c.). 
In the N. T. the mutual relations of hus- 
band and wife are a subject of frequent 
exhortatir)n (Eph. v. 22, 33; Col. iii. 18, 
19; Tit. ii. 4, 5 ; 1 Pet. iii. 1-7). The 
duties of the wife in the Hebrew house- 
hold were multifarious : in addition to the 
general superintendence of the domestic 
arrangementB. such as cooking, from which 
i/en women of rank were not exempted 



(Gen. xviii. ^; 2 Sam. xiii. 8), and tlie 
distribution of food at meal times (ProT. 
xxxi. 15), the manufacture of the clothing 
and the various textures required in an 
Eastern establishment devolved upon h^.r 
(Prov. xxxi. 13, 21, 22), and if she were a 
model of activity and skill, she produced a 
surplus of fine linen shirts and girdles, 
which she sold, and so, like a well-freighted 
merchant-ship, brought in wealth to ner 
husband from afar (Prov. xxxi. 14, 24), 
The legal rights of the wife are noticed in 
Ex. xxi. 10, under the three heads of food, 
raiment, and duty of marriage or (conju- 
gal right. V. Tlie allegorical and typi- 
cal allusions to marriage have exclusive 
reference to one subject, viz., to exhibit the 
spiritual relationship between God and his 
people, "ipie earliest form, in which thfe 
image is implied, is in the expressions "to 
go a whoring," and " whoredom," as descrip- 
tive of the rupture of that relationship by 
acts of idolatry. These expressions have by 
some writers been taken in their primary 
and literal sense, as pointing to the licentious 
practices of idolaters. But this destroys 
the whole point of the comparison, and la 
opposed to the plain language of Scripture. 
The direct comparison with marriage is 
confined in the O. T. to the prophetic 
writings, unless we regard the Canticles as 
an allegorical work. In the N. T. the 
image of the bridegroom is transfrtred 
from Jehovah to Clirist (Matt. ix. 15 ; John 
iii. 29), and that of the bride to the Church 
(2 Cor. xi. 2 ; Rev. xix. 7, xxi. 2, 9, xxii. 
17), and the comparison thus established 
is converted by St. Paul into an illustration 
of the position and mutual duties of man 
and wife (Eph, v. 23-32). The breach of 
the union is, as before, described as for- 
nication or whoredom in reference to the 
mystical Babylon (Rev. xvii. 1, 2, 5). 

Mars' Hill, the Hill of Mars or A^e^, 
better known by the name of Areopagus, 
of which the Hill of Mars or Ares is 9 
translation. The Areopagus was a rocky 
height in Athens, opposite the western er:} 
of the Acropolis, from which it is separated 
only by an elevated valley. It rises grad- 
ually from the northern end, and termi- 
nates abruptly on the south, over against the 
Acropolis, at which point it is about fifty 
or sixty feet above the valley already men- 
tioned. According to tradition it was called 
the Hill of Mars (Ares), because this god 
was brought to trial here before the as- 
sembled gods by Neptune (Poseidon), on 
account of his murdering Halirrhothius, 
the son of the latter. The spot is memora* 
ble as the place of meeting of the Council 
of Areopagus, frequently called the Upper 
Council, to distinguish it from the Council 
of Five Hundred, which held its sittings in 
the valley below the hill. It existed as a 
criminal tribunal before the time of Solua 



MARSENA 



384 



MARY MAGDALENK 



and was the most ancient and venerable 
cf all the Athenian courts. It consisted 
of all persons who had held the office of 
Archon, and who were members of it for 
life, unless expelled for misconduct. It 
enjoyed a high reputation, not only in 
Athens, but throughout Greece. Before 
the time of Solon the court tried only 
cjases of wilful murder, wounding, poison, 
•nd arson ; but he gave it extensive powers 
of a ( ensorial and political nature. The 
Coumil continued to exist even under the 
Roman emperors. Its meetings were held 
on the south-eastern summit of the rock. 
There are still sixteen stone steps cut in the 
rock, leading up to the hill from the valley 
of the Agora below; and immediately 
above the steps is a bench of stones exca- 
vated in the rock, forming three^ides of a 
quadrangle, and facing the somh. Here 
the Areopagites sat as judges in the open 
Eir. On the eastern and western side is 
a raised block. The Areopagus possesses 
peculiar interest to the Christian, as the spot 
from which St. Paul delivered his mem- 
orable address to the men of Athens (Acts 
xvii. 22-31). It has been supposed by some 
commentators that St. Paul was brought 
before the Council of Areopagus ; but there 
is no trace in the narrative of any judicial 
proceedings. St. Paul " disputed daily " 
In the " market " or Agora (xvii. 17), which 
W9.S situated south of the Areopagus in the 
valley lying between this hill and those of 
the Acropolis, the Pnyx and the Museum. 
Attracting more and more attention, " cer- 
tain philosophers of the Epicureans and 
Stoics " brought him up from the valley, 
probably by the stone steps already men- 
tioned, to the Areopagus above, that they 
might listen to him more conveniently. 
Here the philosophers probably took their 
seats on the stone benches usually occu- 
pied by the members of the Council, while 
the multitude stood upon the steps and in 
the valley below. 

Mar'sena, one of the seven princes of 
Persia, " wise men which knew the times," 
irliich saw the king's face and sat first in 
the kingdom (Esth. i. 14). 

Martha, the sister of Lazarus and 
liary. [Lazarus.] The facts recorded 
m Luke x. and John xi. indicate a charac- 
ter devout after the customary Jewish type 
»f devotion, sharing in Messianic hopes and 
icoepting Jesus as the Christ. When she 
irst comes before us in Luke x. 38, as re- 
jeiving her Lord into her house, she loses 
the calmness of her spirit, is " cumbered 
with much serving," is " careful and trou- 
bled about many things." She needs the 
repruof, *• One thing is needful;" but her 
love, though imperfect in its form, is yet 
recognized as true, and she too, no less 
than Lazarin and Mary, has the distinction 
i>f being one whom Jesus loved (John xi. 3). 



Her position here, it may be noticed, is ob- 
viously that of the elder sister, the head and 
manager of the household. In the supper 
at Bethany (John xii. 2), the old character 
shows itself still, but it has been freed from 
evil. She is no longer " cumbered," no 
longer impatient. Activity has been calmed 
by trust. When other voices are raised 
against her sister's overflowing love, her** 
is not heard among them. 

Mary of Cleophas. So in 4. V., 
but accurately " of Clopas." In St, John'a 
Gospel we read that " there stood by the 
cross of Jesus His mother, and His mother's 
sister, Mary of Clopas, and Mary Magda- 
lene " (John xix. 25). The same group of 
women is described by St. Matthew as con- 
sisting of " Mary Magdalene, and Mary of 
James and Joses, and the mother of Zebe- 
dee's children " (Matt, xxvii. 56) ; and by 
St. Mark, as " Mary Magdalene, and Mary 
of James the Little and of Joses, and Sa- 
lome " (Mark xv. 40). From a comparison 
of these passages, it appears that Mary of 
Clopas, and Mary of James the Little and 
of Joses, are the same person, and that 
she was the sister of St. Mary the Virgin, 
Mary of Clopas was probably the elder ^ 
sister of the Lord's mother. It would seem ^m\ 
that she had married Clopas or Alphaeus ^' 
while her sister was still a girl. She had 
four sons, and at least three daughters. 
The names of the daughters are unknown 
to us : those of the sons are James, Joses, 
Jude, Simon, two of whom became enrolled 
among the twelve apostles [James], and a 
third [Simon], may have succeeded his 
brother in the charge of the Church of Je- 
rusalem. Of Joses and the daughters we 
know nothing. Mary herself is brought 
before us for the first time on the day of 
the Crucifixion — in the parallel passages 
already quoted from St. Matthew, St. 
Mark, and St. John. In the evening of 
the same day we find her sitting desolately 
at the tomb with Mary Magdalene (Matt, 
xxvii. 61; Mark xv. 47), and at the dawn 
of Easter morning she was again there 
with sweet spices, which she had prepared 
on the Friday night (Matt, xxviii. 1 ; Mark 
xvi. 1; Luke xxiii. 56), and was one of 
those who had " a vision of angels, which 
said that He was alive " (Luke xxiv. 23). 
These are all the glimpses that we have of 
her. Clopas or Alphaeus is not mentioned 
at all, except as designating Mary and 
James. It is probable that he was dead 
before the ministry of our Lord commenced. 
Joseph, the husband of St. Mary the Vir- 
gin, was likewise dead; and the two wid- 
owed sisters, as was natural both for com- 
fort and for protection, were in the custom 
of living together in one house. 

Mary Magdale'ne. Diflferent expla- 
nations have been given of this name ; but 
the most natural is, that she came from the 



MARY MAGDALEN £ 



885 MARY, SISTER OF LAZARUS 



cown of Maj'dala. She appears before us 
for tl)\j first time in Luke viii. 2, among the 
women who " ministered unto Him of their 
substance." All appear to have occupied a 
position of comparative wealth. With all 
the chief motive was that of gratitude for 
iheir deliverance from "evil spirits and in- 
firmities. " Of Mary it is said specially that 

' seven devils went out of her," and the 
number indicates, as in Matt, xii. 45, and 
tVe •• Ltgion " of the Gadarene demoniac 
f Mark v. 9), a possession of more than ordi- 
aary malignity. This life of ministration 
(uu»;t have brought Mary Magdalene into 
companionship of the closest nature with 
Salome the mother of James and John 
^^Mark xv. 40), and even also with Mary 
the mother of the Lord (John xix. 25). 
The women who thus devoted themselves 
are not prominent in the history : we have 
no record of their mode of life or abode, 
or hopes or fears, during the few momentous 
lays that preceded the crucifixion. They 

' itood afar off, beholding these things " 
(Luke xxiii. 49) during the closing hours 
of the Agony on the Cross. The same 
close association which drew them together 
there is seen afterwards. She remains by 
the cross till all is over, waits till the body 
is taken down, and wrapped in the linen 
L'iotli and placed in the garden-sepulchre 
af Joseph of Arimathea (Matt, xxvii. 61 ; 
Mark xv. 47; Luke xxiii. 55). The sab- 
bath that followed brought an enforced rest, 
but no sooner is the sunset over than she, 
with Salome and Mary the mother of 
James, " bought sweet spices that they 
might come and anoint" the body (Mark 
xvi. 1). The next morning accordingly, in 
the earliest dawn (Matt, xxviii. 1 ; Mark 
xvi 2) they come with Mary, the mother of 
Jan^es, to the sepulchre. Mary Magdalene 
had been to the tomb and had found it 
empty, had seen the " vision of angels " 
(Matt, xxviii. 5; Mark xvi. 5). She went 
with her cry of sorrow to Peter and John 
(John XX. 1, 2). But she returns there. 
She follows Petor and John, and remains 
when they go back. The one thought that 
fills her mind is still that the body is not 
there (John xx. 13). The utter stupor of 
her grief is shown in her want of power to 
recognize at first either the voice or the 
form of the Lord to whom she had minis- 
tered (John XX. 14, 15). At last her own 
name, uttered by her Lord, recalls her to 
consciousness; and then follows the cry of 
recognition, with the strongest word of 
reverence which a woman of Israel could 
US'?, " Rabboni," and the rush forward to 
cling to His feet. — (1) Mary Magdalene 
has become the type of a class of repentant 
sinners ; but there is no authority for iden- 
tifying her with the " sinner '' who anoints 
the feet of Jesus in Luke vii. 36-50. When 
Uie uiuue of Mary Magdalene appears in i 
25 



Luke viii. 3 there is not one word to con- 
nect it with the history that immediately 
precedes. Never, perhaps, has a figraeot 
so utterly baseless obtained so wide an ac- 
ceptance as that which we connect with the 
name of the "penitent Magdalene." It la 
to be regretted that the chapter-heading of 
the A. V. of Luke vii. should seem to give 
a quasi-authoritative sanction to a tradition 
so utterly uncertain, and that it should have 
been perpetuated in connection with a great 
work of mercy. (2) It has also been be- 
lieved that Mary Magdalene is the same a» 
the sister of Lazarus. But this supposition 
is still more startling. Not one single cir- 
cumstance, except that of love and rever- 
ence for their Master, is common. The 
epithet Magdalene, whatever may be its 
meaning, seems chosen for the expres-s 
purpose of distinguishing her from all other 
Marys. No one Evangelist gives the slight- 
est hint of identity. The Gospels record 
two anointings of our Saviour, one by tlie 
" sinner," in some city unnamed during our 
Lord's Galilean ministry (Luke vii.), the 
other at Bethany, by Mary, the sister of 
Lazarus, before the last entry into Jerusa- 
lem (Matt. xxvi. ; Mark xiv. ; John xii.). 
The only passage adduced in favor of the 
supposition that in these two narrations one 
woman is intended, is John xi. 2. But the 
words which we find there, " It was that 
Mary which anointed the Lord with oint- 
ment whose brother Lazarus was 

sick," evidently refer by anticipation to the 
history which was about to follow in ch. 
xii. Moreover there is not the slightest 
trace of the life of Mary of Bethany ever 
having been one of open and flagrant im- 
purity. 

Mary, Mother of Mark. The woman 
known by this description must have been 
among the earliest disciples. We learn 
from Col. iv. 10 that she was sister to Bar- 
nabas, and it would appear from Acts iv. 
37, xii. 12, that, while the brother gave up 
his land and brought the proceeds of the 
sale into the common treasury of the 
Church, the sister gave up her house to be 
used as one of its chief places of meeting. 
The fact that Peter goes to that house on 
his release from prison, indicates that there 
was some special intimacy (Acts xii. 12) 
between them, and this is confirmed by the- 
language which he uses towards Mark as 
bemg his "son" (1 Pet. v. 13). 

Mary, Sister of Lazarus. She and 
her sister Martha appear in Luke x. 40, as 
receiving Christ in their house. Mary sat 
listening eagerly for every word that fell 
from the Divine Teacher. She had chosen 
the good part, the life that has found its 
unity, the " one thing needful," in rising 
from the earthly to the heavenly, no longer 
distracted by the "many things" of earth. 
The same character shows itself in the his- 



MAR^ THE VIRGIN 



sm 



MARY THE VIRGIN 



toTj of John xi. Her grief is deeper, but 
less active. Her first tboug?it when she 
»ees the Teacher in wlioso power and love 
she had trusted, is ono of complaint. But 
the great joy and love which her brother's 
return to life calls up in her, pour them- 
selves out in )'irs:er measure than had been 
seen heior*^. The treasured alabaster-box 
of ointment is bro'ight forth at the final 
feast of Bethany, John xii. 3. [See fur- 
ther, Mary Magdalene.] 

Mary the Virgin, the mother of our 
Lord. There is no person perhaps in sa- 
cred or in profane literature around whom 
eo many legends have been grouped as the 
Virgm Mar-'-; and there are few whose au- 
thentic history is more concise. We are 
wholly ignorant of the name and occupa- 
tion of St. Mary's parents. She was, like 
Joseph, of the tribe of Judah, and of the 
lineage of David (Ps. cxxxii. 11; Luke i. 
32; Rom. i. 3). She had a sister, named, 
like herself, Mary (John xix. 25), and she 
was connected by marriage (Luke i. 36) 
with Elizabeth, who was of the tribe of 
Levi and of the lineage of Aaron. This is 
all that we know of her antecedents. Her 
betrothal to Joseph, and the circumstances 
connected with her becoming the mother 
of our Lord, are related elsewhere. [Jesus 
Christ.] From the time at which our 
liord's ministry commenced, St. Mary is 
withdrawn almost wholly from sight. Four 
times only is the veil removed. These four 
occasions are — 1. The marriage at Cana 
of Galilee (John ii.). 2. The attempt 
which she and his brethren made "to speak 
with him" (Matt. xii. 46; Mark iii. 21 and 
31; Luke viii. 19). 3. The Crucifixion. 
4. The days succeeding the Ascension 
(Acts i. 14). If to these we add two refer- 
ences to her, the first by her Nazarene fel- 
low-citizens (Matt. xiii. 54, 55 ; Mark yi. 
1-3), the second by a woman in the multi- 
tude (Luke xi. 27), we have specified 
every event known to us in her fife. It 
is noticeable that, on every occasion of 
our Lord's addressing her, or speaking of 
her, there is a sound of reproof in His 
words, with the exception of the last words 
spoken to her from the cross. 1. The 
marriage at Cana in Galilee took place in 
the three months which intervened between 
the baptism of Christ and the passover of 
.ne year 27. When Jesus was found by 
his mother and Joseph in the Temple in 
the year 8, we find him repudiating the 
name of "father" as applied to Joseph 
(Luke ii. 48, 49). Now, in like manner, 
at His first miracle which inaugurates His 
ministry. He solemnly withdraws himself 
fpjm the authority of His earthly mother. 
2. Capernaum (John ii. 12) and Nazareth 
(Matt. iv. 13, xiii. 54; Mark vi. 1) appear 
to have been tlie residence of St. Mary for 
a Ci^usidf^rable period. The next time that 



she is brought before us we find her at Ca 
pernaum. It is the autumn of the year 28. 
more than a year and a half afier the niir 
acle wrought at the marriage-feast in Cana. 
Mary was still living with her sister, and 
her nephews and nieces, James, Joses, Si- 
mon, Jude, and their three sisters (Matt, 
xiii. 55); and she and they heard cf the 
toils which he was undergoing, and they 
understood that He was denying himself 
every relaxation from his labors. Theif 
human affection conquered their faith. They 
therefore sent a message, begging him to 
allow them to speak to Him. Again he 
reproves. Again he refuses to admit any 
authority on the part of his relatives, oi 
any privilege on account of their relation- 
ship. 3. The next scene in St. Mary's life 
brings us to the foot of the cross. She was 
standing there with her sister Mary and 
Mary Magdalene, and Salome, and other 
women, having no doubt followed her Son 
as she was able throughout the terrible 
morning of Good Friday. It was about 
three o'clock in the afternoon, and he was 
about to give up His spirit. Standing neai 
the company of the women was St. John ; 
and, with almost His last words, Christ 
commended His mother to the care of him 
who had borne the name of the disciple 
whom Jesus loved. " Woman, behold thy 
son." And from that hour St. John assures 
us that he took her to his own abode. 4. A 
veil is drawn over her sorrow and over her 
joy which succeeded that sorrow. Medi- 
aeval imagination has supposed, but Scrip- 
ture does not state, that her Son appt ared 
to Mary after his resurrection from the 
dead. She was doubtless living at Jerusa- 
lem with John, cherished with the tender- 
ness which her tender soul would liave 
specially ne.^ded, and which undoubtedly 
she found pre-eminently in St. John. We M 
have no record of her presence at the As- ■! 
cension, or at the descent of the Holy Spirit 
on the day of Pentecost. What we do read 
of her is, that she remained steadfast in 
prayer in the upper room at Jerusalem with 
Mary Magdalene and Salome, and those 
known as the Lord's brothers and the apos- 
tles. This is the last view that we have of 
her. Holy Scripture leaves her engaged in 
prayer. From this point forwards we know 
nothing of her. It is probable that the rest 
of her life was spent in Jerusalem with St. 
John. According to one tradition the be- 
loved disciple would not leave Palestine 
until she had expired in his arms. Other 
traditions make her journey with St. John 
to Ephesus, and there die in extreme old 
age. The character of St. Mary is not 
drawn by any of the Evangelists, but some 
of its lineaments are incidentally manifested 
in the fragmentary record which is given i 
of her. It is clear from St. Luke's account, \ 
though without any such intimation w© j 



MAEY HIE VIRGIN 



387 



MAKY 



might rest assured of the fact, that her 
f outh had heen spent, in the study of the 
Holy Scriptures, and that she had set be- 
fore her the example of the holy women of 
the Old Testament as her model. This 
would appear from the Magnificat (Luke 1. 
4r6). Her faith and humility exhibit them- 
selves in her immediate surrender of her- 
self to the Divine will, though ignorant 
how that will should be accomplished (Luke 
I. dS^ ; her energy and earnestness, in her 
journey from Nazareth to Hebron (Luke i. 
39) ; her happy thankfulness, in her song 
of joy (Luke i. 48) ; her silent musing 
thoughtfulness, in her pondering o 'er the 
shepherd's visit (Luke ii. 19), and in her 
keeping her Son's words in her heart (Luke 
li. 51), though she could not fully under- 
stand their import. In a word, so far as 
St. Mary is portrayed to us in Scripture, 
she is, as we should have expected, the 
most tender, the most faithful, humble, pa- 
tient, and loving of women, but a woman 
still. We do not enter into the theological 
bearings of the worship of St. Mary; but 
we shall have left our task incomplete if we 
do not add a short historical sketch of the 
origin, progress, and present state of the 
devotion to her. What was its origin? 
Certainly not the Bible. There is not a 
word there from which it could be inferred , 
Dor in the Creeds ; nor in the Fathers of the 
first five centuries. Whence, then, did it 
arise ? There is not a shadow of doubt that 
the origin of the worship of St. Mary is to 
be found in the apocryphal legends of her 
birth and of her death. In these we may 
find the germ of what afterwards expanded 
into its present portentous proportions. 
Some of the legends of her birth are as 
early as the 2d or 3d century. They were 
the production of the Gnostics, and were 
unanimously and firmly rejected by the 
Church of the first five centuries as fabulous 
and heretical. Down to the time of the 
Nestorian controversy the cultus of the 
Blessed Virgin would appear to have been 
wholly external to the (3hurch, and to have 
been regarded as heretical. But the Nesto- 
rian controversies produced a great change 
of sentiment in men's minds. Nestorius 
had maintained, or at least it was the ten- 
dency of Nestorianism to maintain, not only 
that our Lord had two natures, the divine 
and the human (which was right), but also 
that he was two persons, in such sort that 
the child born of Mary was not divine, but 
merely an ordinary human being, until the 
divinity subsequently united itself to Him. 
This was condemned by the Council of 
Ephesms in the year 431 ; and the title 
©eoroxo?, loosely translated "Mother of 
God," was sanctioned The object of the 
Council and of the Anli-Nestorians was in 
ao sense t,* f Id hiiuor to tie mother, but 



to maintain the true doctrme with respect to 
the Son. Nevertheless, the result was to 
magnify the mother, and, after a time, at 
the expense of the Son. The legends too 
were no longer treated so roughly as before. 
The Gnostics were not now objects of 
dread. Nestorians, and afterwards Icono- 
clasts, were objects of hatred. From this 
time the worship of St. Mary grew apace. 
We learn the present state of the religious 
regard in which she is held throughout 
the south of Europe from St. Alfonso die* 
Liguori, whose every word is vouched im 
by the whole weight of his Church's author- 
ity. Thus in the worship of the Blessed 
Virgin there are two distinctly-marked pe- 
riods. The first is that which commences 
with the apostolic times, and brings us dowa 
to the close of the century in which thse 
Council of Ephesus was held, during which 
time the worship of St. Mary was wholly 
external to the Church, and was regarded 
by the Church as heretical, and confined 
to Gnostic and Collyridian heretics. The 
second period commences with the 6th cen- 
tury, when it began to spread within tlie 
Church ; and in spite of the shock given it 
by the Reformation, has continued to spread, 
and is spreading still. The legend of the 
Assumption of St. Mary first appears in an 
insertion (now recognized on all hands to be 
a forgery) in Eusebius' Chronicle, to the 
efi'ect that " in the year a. d. 48 Mary the 
Virgin was taken up into heaven, as some 
wrote that they had had it revealed to them." 
Thus the legend crept into the Church during 
the 6th and 7th centuries, and was finally 
ratified by the authority both of Rome and 
Constantinople. The sinlessness of St. 
Mary, which has issued in the dogma of the 
Immaculate Conception, was likewise of late 
origin. Down to the close of the 5th cen- 
tury the sentiment with respect to her was 
identical with that which is expressed by 
theologians of the Church of England. At 
this time the change of mind before referred 
to, as originated by the Nestorian contro- 
versies, was spreading within the Church: 
and it became more and more the general 
belief that St. Mary was preserved from 
actual sin by the grace of God. It became 
almost universal in the 12th century. It 
was maintained by St. Bernard that St. 
Mary was conceived in original sin, but that 
before her birth she was cleansed from it, 
like John the Baptist and Jeremiah. Tills 
was the sentiment of the 13th century. 
Early in the 14th century died J. Duns 
Scotus, and he is the first theologian or 
schoolman who threw out as a possibility 
the idea of an Immaculate Conception, 
which would exempt St. Mary from origi- 
nal as well as actual sin. This doctrine was 
aflirmed by the Papal decree of Dec. 8, 1854. 
Mary, a Roman Christ-an who Ls greeted 



I 



mas(:hil 



388 



MATTHEW, GOSPEL Ol 



by St. Paul in his Epistle to the Romans 
(xvi. 6) as having toiled hard for him. 

Mas'chil. The title of thirteen Psalms : 
xxxii.,xlii.,xllT., xlv., lii.-lv., Ixxiv., Ixxviii., 
Ixxxviii., Ixxxix., cxlii. Ewald regards Ps. 
xlvii. 7 (A. V. " sing ye praises with un- 
derstanding ; " Heb. maschil) as the key to 
the meaning of Maschil, which in his opin- 
ion is a musical term, denoting a melody 
requiring great skill in its execution. 

Mash, one of the sons of Aram (Gen. 
x. 23). In 1 Chr. i. 17 the name appears 
as Meshech. The name Mash is probably 
represented by the Mons Masius of classi- 
cal writers, a range which forms the north- 
ern boundary of Mesopotamia, between the 
Tigris and Euphrates. 

Ma'shal. The same as Misheal or 
Mishal (1 Chr. vi. 74). 

Mas'rekah, an ancient place, the native 
spot of Samlah, one of the old kings of the 
Edomites (Gen. xxxvi. 36; 1 Chr. i. 47). 

Mas'sa, a son of Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 
14; 1 Chr. i. 30). His descendants were 
not improbably the Masani, placed by Ptol- 
emy in the east of Arabia, near the borders 
of Babylonia. 

Mas'sah, i. e. " temptation," a name 
given to the spot, also called Meribah, 
where the Israelites tempted Jehovah (Ex. 
xvi. 7; Ps. xcv. 8, 9; Heb. iii. 8). 

Mastieh-tree occurs only in the Apoc- 
rypha (Susan, ver. 54), where the margin 
of the A. V. has lentisk. The fragrant resin 
known in the arts as " mastich," and which 
is obtained by incisions made in the trunk 
in the month of August, is the produce of 
this tree, whose scientific name is Pistachia 
leniiscus. It is used with us to strengthen 
the teeth and gums, and was so applied by 
the ancients, by whom it was much prized 
on this account, and for its many supposed 
medical virtues. 

Mathu'sala = Methuselah, the son 
of Enoch (Luke iii. 37). 

Ma'tred, a daughter of Mezahab, and 
mother of Mehetabel, who was wife of Ha- 
dar (or Hadad) of Pau, king of Edom (Gen. 
xxxvi. 39 ; 1 Chr. i. 60). 

Ma'tri, a family of the tribe of Benja- 
min, to which Saul the king of Isjael be- 
longed (1 Sam. X. 21). 

Mat'tan. 1. The priest of Baal slain 
before his altars in the idol temple at Jeru- 
salem (2 K. xi. 18; 2 Chr. xxiii. 17). He 
probably accompanied Athalia from Sama- 
-ia. 2. The father of Shephatiah (Jer. 
xx;xviii. 1). 

Mat'tanah, a station in the latter part 
of the wanderings of the Israelites (Num. 
xxi. 18, 19). It was probably situated to 
the S E. of the Dead Sea. 

Mat'tani'all. 1. The original name of 
Zedekiah king of Judah, which was changec 
when Nebuchadnezzar placed him on the 
throne (2 K. xxiv. 17). 2. A Levite 



singer of the sons of Asaph (l Chr. ix, 15) 
He is described as the son of Micah, Mieha 
(Neh. xi. 17), or Michaiah (Neh. xii. 3.5), 
and after the return from Babylon lived in 
the villages of the Netophathites (1 Chr. 
ix. 16) or Netophathi (Neh. xii. 28), which 
the singers had built in the neigliborliood 
of Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 29). As leader of 
the Temple choir after its restoration (Neh. 
xi. 17, xii. 8) in the time of Nehemiah, he 
took part in the musical service which ac- 
companied the dedication of the wall of 
Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 25, 35). We find him 
among the Levites of the second rank, 
" keepers of the thresholds," an office which 
fell to the singers (comp. 1 Chr. xv. 18, 
21). 3. A descendant of Asaph, and an- 
cestor of Jahaziel the Levite in the reign of 
Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xx. 14). 4. One of 
the sons of Elam (Ezr. x. 26). 5. One of 
the sons of Zattu (Ezr. x. 27). 6. A de- 
scendant of Pahath-Moab (Ezr. x. 30). 
And, 7. One of the sons of Bani (Ezr. 3^ 
37), who all put away their foreign wive* 
at Ezra's command. 8. A Levite, fathe? 
of Zaccur, and ancestor of Hanan the undei'- 
treasurer who had charge of the offeringa 
for the Levites in the time of Nehemiah 
(Neh. xiii. 13). 9. One of the fourteen 
sons of Heman, whose office it was to blow 
the horns in the Temple service as appoint- 
ed by David (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 16). 10. A 
descendant of Asaph, the Levite minstrel, 
who assisted in the purification of the Tem- 
ple in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 
13). 

Mattatlli'as. 1. The father of th« 
Maccabees (1 Mace. ii. 1, 14, 16, 17, 19, 
34, 27, 39, 45, 49, xiv. 29). 2. The son of 
Simon Maccabaeus who was treacherously 
murdered, together with his father and 
brother, in the fortress of Docus, by Ptole- 
meus the son of Abubus (1 Mace. xvi. 14). 
[Maccabees.] 

Mat'thew. Matthew the Apostle and 
Evangelist is the same as Levi (Luke v. 
27-29) the son of a certain Alphaeus (Mark 
ii. 14). His call to be an apostle is related 
by all three Evangelists in the same words, 
except that Matthew (ix. 9) gives the for- 
mer, and Mark (ii. 14) and Luke (v. 27) 
the latter name. The publicans, properly so 
called (publicani),weT(i persons who farmed 
the Roman taxes, and they were usually, 
in later times, Roman knights, and persons 
of wealth and credit. They employed un- 
der them inferior officers, natives of the 
province where the taxes were collected, 
called properly poriitores, to which class 
Mattliew no doubt belonged. The traditions 
respecting the later life of St. Matthew are 
various; but nothing wliatever is really 
known. 

Matthew, Gospel of. The Gospei 
which bears the name of St. Matthew was 
written by the Apostle, according to tbi 



MATTHEW, GOSPEL OF 



3«9 



MATTOCK 



testimony of all antiquity. I. Language in 
which it was first written. — Every early 
writer who mentions that St. Matthew wrote 
a Gospel at all says that he wrote in He- 
brew (that is, in the Syro-Chaldaic) and in 
Palestine in the first century. Moreover 
every early writer that has come down to 
t9 uses the Greek of St. Matthew, and this 
with the definite recognition that it is a 
translation ; hence we may be sure that the 
Greek copy belongs to the Apostolic age, 
having been thus authoritatively used from 
and up to that time. Thus the question is 
not the authority of the Greek translation, 
which comes from the time when the 
Churches enjoyed Apostolic guidance, but 
whether there was a Hebrew original from 
which it had been translated. The wit- 
nesses to the Hebrew original were men 
sufficiently competent to attest so simple a 
fact, especially seeing that they are relied 
on in what is far more important, — that 
St. Matthew wrote a Gospel at all. There 
is in fact no evidence whatsoever that 
St. Matthew wrote in Greek. II. Style 
and Diction. — 1. Matthew uses the ex- 
pression, " that it might be fulfilled which 
was spoken of the Lord by the prophet " 
(i. 22, ii. 15). In ii. 6, and in later passages 
of Matt, it is abbreviated (ii. 17, iii. 3, iv. 
14, viii. 17, xii. 17, xiii. 14, 35, xxi. 4, xxvi. 
56, xxvii. 9). 2. The reference to the 
Messiah under the name " Son of David," 
occurs in Matthew eight times ; and three 
times each in Mark and Luke. 3. Jeru- 
salem is called "the holy city," " the holy 
place" (iv. 5, xxiv. 15, xxvii. 55). 4. The 
expression awriXna rot) ai<ovog is used five 
times ; in the rest of the N. T. only once, 
in Ep. to Hebrews. 5. The phrase " king- 
dom of heaven," about thirty-three times ; 
other writers use "kingdom of God," which 
is found also in Matthew. 6. " Heavenly 
Father," used about'six times ; and " Father 
in heaven " about sixteen, and without ex- 
planation, point to the Jewish mode of 
speaking in this Gospel. III. Genuineness 
of the Gospel. The genuineness of the 
first two chapters of the Gospel has been 
questioned, but is established on satisfactory 
grounds. 1. All the old MSS. and versions 
contain them ; and they are quoted by the 
Fathers of the 2d and 3d centuries. 2. 
Their contents would naturally form part 
of a Gosppl intended primarily for the Jews. 
8. The commencement of ch. iii. is depen- 
dent on ii. 23 ; and in iv. 13 there is a refer- 
ence to ii. 23. 4. In constructions and 
expressions they are similar to the rest of 
the Gospel. IV. Time when and place 
where the Gospel was written. — Notliing 
can be said on this point with certainty. 
The most probable supposition is that it 
#as written between 50 and 60, and in Pal- 
eatiue. V. Purpose of the Gospel. — The 
Qospel itself t«3ll8 us ly plain internal evi- 



dence that it was written for Jewl&h oon* 
verts, to show them in Jesus of Nazareth 
the Messiah of the O. T. whom they ex- 
pected. Jewish converts over all the world 
seem to have been intended, and not mere- 
ly Jews in Palestine. It is pervaded by one 
principle, the fulfilment of the Law and of 
the Messianic prophecies in the person of 
Jesus. 

Matthi'as, the Apostle elected to fill 
the plaL.e of the traitor Judas (Acts i. 26). 
Ail beyond this that we know of him for 
certainty is, that he had been a constant 
attendant upon the Lord Jesus during the 
whole course of His ministry ; for such waa 
declared by St. Peter to be the necessary 
qualification of one who was to be a witness 
of the resurrection. It is said that he 
preached the Gospel and suffered martyr- 
dom i.. Ethiopia. 

Mattithi'ah. 1. A Levite, the first- 
born of Shallum the Korhite, who presided 
over the offerings made in the pans (1 Chr. 
ix. 31; corap. Lev. vi. 20 [12], &e.). 2. 
One of the Levites of the second rank under 
Asaph, appointed by David to minister be- 
fore the ark in the musical service (1 Chr. 
xvi. 5), "with harps upon Sheminith** 
(comp. 1 Chr. xv. 21), to lead the choir 
3. One of the family of Nebo, who had 
married a foreign wife in the days of Ezra 
(Ezr. X. 43). 4. Probably a priest, who 
stood at the right hand of Ezra when he read 
the law to the people (Ezr. viii. 4). 5. Tke 
same as 2, the Hebrew being in the length- 
ened form (1 Chr. xv. 18, 21). He was one 
of the six sons of Jeduthun (1 Chr. xxv. 3, 
21). 

Mattock (Is. vii. 25). The tool us**'^ 




EgyctMm Hoes. (From Wilklnion.) 

in Arabia for loosening the ground, de- 
scribed by Niebuhr, answers generally to 
our mattock or gnibbing-axe, t. e. a single* 



MAUI 



390 



MEAI/S 



beaded pickaxe, the sarcidus simplex, as 
«|>poH«>d to bicornis of Palladius. The an- 
cient Egyptian hoe was of wood, and an- 
swered for hoe, spade, and pick. 

Maul (i-e. a hammer ; a variation of mall, 
from malleus), a word employed by our 
translators to render the Hebrew term 
mSphits. The Hebrew and English alike 
occur in Pro v. xxv. 18 only. But a deriv- 
ative from the same root, and differing but 
slightly in form, viz. mappets, is found in 
4^er. li. 20, and is there translated by " bat- 
tle- axe." 

Mauz zim. The marginal note to the 
k. V. of Dan. xi. 38, *'the God oi forces," 
gives, as the equivalent of the last word, 
" Mauzzim, or gods protectors, or muni- 
tions." The Geneva version renders the 
Hebrew as a proper name both in Dan. xi. 
88 and 39, where the word occurs again 
(marg. of A. V. " munitions "). In the 
Greek version of Theodotion it is treated as 
A proper name, as well as in the Vulgate. 
Tliere can be little doubt that " Mauzzim " 
b to be taken in its literal sense of " for- 
tresses," just as in Dan. xi. 19, 39; "the 
fod of fortresses " being then the deity who 
presided over strongholds. But beyond 
this it is scarcely possible to coimect an 
appellation so general with any special ob- 
ject of idolatrous worship. Calvin suggest- 
ed that it denoted " money," the strongest 
of all powers. By others it has been sup- 
posed to be Mars. The opinion of Gese- 
nius is more probable, that " the god of 
fortresses" was Jupiter •Capitolinus, for 
whom Antiochus built a temple at Antioch 
(Liv. xli. 20). A suggestion made by Mr. 
Laird (iW/t. ii. 456, note) is worthy of being 
recorded. After describing Hera, the As- 
syrian Venus, as '* standing erect on a Hon, 
and crowned with a tower or mural coronet, 
wliich, we learn from Lucian, was peculiar 
to the Semitic figure of the goddess," he 
adds in a note, " May she be connected 
with the ' El Maozem,' the deity presiding 
over bulwarks and fortresses, the ' god of 
forces' of Dan. xi. 38?" 

Maz'zaroth. The margin of the A. V. 
ef Job xxxviii. 32 gives " the twelve signs " 
as the equivalent of" Mazzaroth," and this 
is in all probability its true meaning. 

Meadow. This word, so peculiarly 
English, is used in the A. V. to translate 
two wor Is whiuh are entirely distinct and 
independent of each other. 1. Gen. xli. 2 
and 18. Here the word in the original is 
ha-Achd. It appears to be an Egyptian 
term. Its use in Job viii. 11 (A. V. " flag") 
seems to show that it is not a "meadow," 
but some kind of reed or water-plant. But 
as during high inundations of the Nile — 
guch inundations as are the cause of fruitful 
Fears — the whole of the land on either side 
IS a marsh, and as the cultivation extends 
up to the Tery lip of the river, ii it not pos- 



sible that Achu may denote the herbage of 
the growing crops? 2. Judg. xx. 33 only: 
" the meadows of Gibeah." Here the word 
is Maareh, which occurs nowhere else with 
the same vowels attached to it. The sense 
is thus doubly uncertain. The most plau- 
sible interpretation is that of the Peshito- 
Syriac, which by a slight difference in the 
vowel-points makes the word wcaraA, "the 
cave." 

Me'ah, The Tower of, one of the 
towers of the wall of Jerusalem when re- 
built by Nehemiah (iii. 1, xii. 39), appears 
to have been situated somewhere at the 
north-east part of the city, outside of the 
walls of Zion. 

Meals. Our information on this subject 
is but scanty : the early Hebrews do not 
seem to have given special names to their 
several meals, for the terms rendered 
"dine " and " dinner" in the A. V. (Gen. 
xhii. 16 ; Prov. xv. 17) are in reality gen- 
eral expressions, which might more cor- 
rectly be rendered " eat " and " portion of 
food." In the N. T. we have the Greek 
terms oQiarov and Stinvov, which the A. V. 
renders respectively " dinner " and " sup- 
per " (Luke xiv. 12; John xxi. 12), bu! 
which are more properly "breakfast " and 
"dinner." There is some uncertainty as 
to the hours at which the meals were taken : 
the Egyptians undoubtedly took their prin- 
cipal meal at noon (Gen. xliii. 16) ; labor- 
ers took a light meal at that time (Ruth ii. 
14 ; corap. ver. 17) ; and occasionally that 
early hour was devoted to excess and revel- 
ling (1 K. XX. 16). It has been inferred 
from those passages (somewhat too hastily, 
we think) that the principal meal generally 
took place at noon : the Egyptians do indeed 
still make a substantial meal at that time ; 
but there are indications that the Jews 
rather followed the custom that prevails 
among the Bedouins, and made their prin- 
cipal meal after sunset, and a lighter meal 
at about 9 or 10 a. m. The posture at meal? 
varied at various periods : there is sufficient 
evidence that the old Hebrews were in the 
habit of sitting (Gen. xxvii. 19 ; Judg. xix. 
6; 1 Sam. xx. 5, 24; 1 K. xiii. 20), but it 
does not hence follow that they sat on 
chairs ; they may have squatted on the 
ground, as was the occasional, though not 
perhaps the general custom of the ancient 
Egyptians. The table was in this case bi»t 
slightly elevated above the ground, as is still 
the cjise in Egj-pt. As luxury increased, 
the practice of sitting was exchanged for 
that of reclining: the first intimation of 
this occurs in the prophecies of Amos (iii. 
12, vi. 4). The custom may have been 
borrowed in the first instance from the 
BabyloniaTis and Syrians, among whom it 
prevailed at an early period (Esth. i. 6, vii. 
8). In the time of our Saviour, reclining 
was the universal custom, as is implied in 



MEALS 



391 



M£ALi5 




6 7 

An Ancient Egyptian Dinner Party. 



(Wilkln»on.) 



? 



•J, 



w. r. Tablet with various dishes. 6, p. Tigs, d, e, q, and «, Bailrets of frrapes. Fig. 8 is taking a wing fVom • room 
Flf. 4 holda a joint of meat. Figa. 5 and 7 are eating fieli. Fig. 6 is about to drink water from an eartiien vessel. 



&te terms used for " sUfing at meat," as 
theA.V. incorrectly has it. The couch 
itself is only once mentioned (Mark vii. 4 ; 
A. V. " table "), but there can belittle doubt 
that the Roman tricliniuv/i had been intro- 
duced, and that the arrangements of the ta- 
bles resembled those described by classical 
writers. Generally speaking, only three per- 
sons reclined on each couch, but occasional- 
'y four, or even five. The couches were pro- 
vided with cushions, on which the left elbow 
rested in support of the upper part of the 
body, wlule the riglit arm remained free ; a 
room provided with these was described as 
ia-iow^ivov, lit. "spread" (Mark xiv. 15; 
A. V. " furnished "). As several guests re- 
clined on the same couch, each overlapped 
his neighbor, as it were, and rested his 
head on or near the breast of the one who 
lay behind him ; he was then said to " lean 
on the bosom " of his neighbor (John xiii. 
23, xxi. 20). The ordinary arrangement 
of the couches was in three sides of a 
tquare, tlie fourth being left open for the 
servants to bring up the dishes. Some 
doubt attends the question whether the fe- 
males took their meals along with the 
fHdles. The cases of Ruth amid the reap- 
ers (Ruth ii. 14), of Elkanah with his 
wives (1 Sam. i. 4), of Job's sons and 
daughters (Job i, 4), and the general inter- 
mixture of the sexes in daily life, make it 
more than probable that they did so join ; 
at the same time, as the duty of attending 
Dpon the guests devolved upon them (Luke 
X. 40), they probably took a somewhat 
irregular and briefer repast. Before com- 
mencing the meal the guests washed their 
^laniis. This custom was founded on nat- 
'vnX decoroio ot^t only was the band the 



substitute for our knife and fork, but the 
hands of all the guests were dipped into 
one and the same dish. Another prelimi- 
nary step was the grace or blessing, of 
which we have but one instance i:i the O. T. 
(1 Sam. ix. 13), and more than one pro- 
nounced by our Lord Himself in the N. T. 
(Matt. XV. 36; Luke ix. 16; John vi. 11). 
The mode of taking the food differed in no 
material point from the modern usages of 
the East ; generally there was a single dish, 
into which each guest dipped his hand 
(Matt. xxvi. 23) ; occasionally separate 
portions were served out to each (Gen. 
xliii. 34; Ruth ii. 14; 1 Sam. i. 4). A 
piece of bread was held between the thumb 
and two fingers of the right hand, and waa 
dipped either into a bowl of melted grease 
(in which case it was termed "a sop," 
John xiii. 26). or into the dish of meat, 
whence a piece was conveyed to the mouth 
between the layers of bread. At the con- 
clusion of the meal, grace was again said 
in conformity with Deut. viii. 10, and the 
hands were again washed. Thus far we 
have described the ordinary meal ; on state 
occasions more ceremony was used, and 
the meal was enlivened in va^ ous ways. 
Such occasions were numerous, in connec- 
tion partly with public, partly with private 
events. On these occasions a suri^jtuji^a 
repast was prepared ; the guests were r re-- 
viously invited (Esth. v. 8 ; Matt. xx;i. 3), 
and on the day of the feast a second iiivi- 
tation was issued to those that were bidden 
(Esth. vi. 14; Prov. ix. 3; Matt. xxii. £;. 
The visitors were received with a kiss 
(Tob. vii. 6 ; Luke vii. 45) ; water was pro- 
duced for 'iiera to wash *heir feet with 
(Luke vi' 44) ; the head, the beard, tlie 



ME A RAH 



392 



MEDES 



feet, and sometimes the cloth'^s, were per- 
fumed witli ointment (Ps. xxiii. 5 ; Am. vi. 
6; Luke vii. 38; John xii. 3) ; on special 
occasions robes were provided (Matt. xii. 
11) ; and the head was decorated with 
wreaths (Is. xxviii. 1; Wisd. ii. 7, 8; Jo- 
•erh. Ant. xix. 9, § 1). The regulation 
of the feast was under the superintendence 
of a sx/ecial officer (John ii. 8 ; A. V. " gov- 
*»rnor of the feast "), whose business it was 
fo tasce the food and the liquors before they 
were placed on the table, and to settle 
about the toasts and amusements ; he was 
generally one of the guests (Ecclus. xxxii. 
1, 2), and might therefore take part in the 
conversation. The places of the guests 
were settled according to their respective 
rank (Gen. xliii. 33 ; 1 Sam. ix. 22 ; Luke 
xiv. 8; Mark xii. 39; John xiii. 23); por- 
tions of food were placed before each (1 
Sam. i. 4; 2 Sam. vi. 19; 1 Clir. xvi. 3), 
the most honored guests receiving either 
larger (Gen. xliii. 34; comp. Herod, vi. 
67) or more choice (1 Sam. ix. 24) por- 
tions than the rest. The meal was enliv- 
ened with music, singing, and dancing (2 
Sam. xix. 35; Ps. Ixix. 12; Is. v. 12; Am. 
vi. 5), or with riddles (Judg. xiv. 12) ; 
and amid these entertainments the festival 
was prolonged for several days (Esth. 
i.3, 4) 

Mea rah., a place named in Josh. xiii. 4 
only. The word means in Hebrew a cave, 
and it is commonly assumed that the refer- 
ence is to some remarkable cavern in the 
neighborhood of Zidon. 
Measures. [Weights and Measures.] 
Meat. It does not appear that the word 
•* meat " is used in any one instance in the 
A. V. of either the O. or N. Testament, in 
the sense which it now almost exclusive- 
ly bears of animal food. The latter is de- 
noted uniformly by " flesh." The only 
possible exceptions to this assertion in the 
O. T. are — (<z.) Gen. xxvii. 4, &c., "sa- 
vory meat." (6.) lb. xiv. 23, "corn and 
bread and meat." The only real and in- 
convenient ambiguity caused by the change 
which has taken place in the meaning of 
the word i? in the case of the " meat-offer- 
ing." [SI' AT-OFFERING.] 

Meat-OJQTering. The word minchdh 
signifies originally a gift of any kind, and 
appears to be used generally of a gift from 
an inferior to a superior, whether God or 
.man. The law or ceremonial of the meat- 
oflering is described in Lev. ii. and vi. 14- 
"23. It was to be coniposed of fine flour, 
seasoned with salt, and mixed with oil and 
frankincense, but without leaven; and it 
was generally accompanied by a drink-of- 
ftring of wine. A portion of it, including 
all the frankincense, was to be burnt on the 
altar as "a memorial ;" the rest belonged 
to the priest; but the meat-offerings offered 
bj the prieats themselves were to be wholly 



burnt. Its meaning appears t be exatotlj 
expressed in the words of David (1 Chr. 
xxix. 10-14). It will be seen that thie 
meaning involves neither of the main ideas 
of sacrifice — the atonement for sin and 
self-dedication to God. It takes them for 
granted, and is based on them. According- 
ly, the meat-offering, properly so-calltd, 
seems always to have been a subsidiary of- 
fering, needing to be introduced by th.^ sin- 
offering, which represented the one idea, 
and forming an appendage to the burnt- 
offering which represented the other. The 
uaibloody offerings offered alorie did nol 
properly belong to the regular meat-offer- 
ing. They were usually substitutes foi 
other offerings (comp. Lev. v. 11 ; Num. v. 
15). [Meat.] 

Mebunnai. In this form appears, ic 
one passage only (2 Sara, xxiii. 27), tlie 
name of one of David's guard, who is else- 
where called SiBBECHAi (2 Sam. xxi. 18; 

1 Chr. XX. 4) or Sibbecai (1 Chr. xi. 29, 
xxvii. 11) in the A. V. The reading " Sib- 
bechai " is evidently the true one. 

Mech'erathite. The, that is, the na- 
tive or inhabitant of a place called Meche- 
rah (1 Chr. xi. 36). In the parallel list of 

2 Sam. xxiii. the name appears, with other 
variations, as " the Maachatliite" (ver. 34). 

Me'dad. [Eldad and Medad.] 

Me'dan, a son of Abraham and Kcturab 
(Gen. XXV. 2; 1 Chr. i. 32). It has been 
supposed, from tlie similarity of the name, 
that the tribe descended from Medan wai 
more closely allied to Midian than by mere 
blood-relation, and that it was the same as, 
or a portion of, the latter. There is, how- 
ever, no ground for this theory beyond it^ 
plausibility. 

Med'eba, a to fm on the eastern side of 
Jordan, first alluded to in Num. xxi. 30. 
Here it seems to denote the limit of the ter- 
ritory of Heshbon. It next occurs in the 
enumeration of the country divided amongst 
the trans-Jordanic tribes (Josh. xiii. 9), afl' 
giving its name to a district of level downs 
called "the Mishor of Medeba," or "the 
Mishor on Medeba." At the time of the 
conquest Medeba belonged to the Amor- 
ites, apparently one of the towns taken from 
Moab by them. In the time of Ahaz Me- 
deba was a sanctuary of Moab (Is. xv. 2). 
It has retained its name down to our own 
times, and lies 4 miles S. E. of Ileshhon^ 
on a rounded but rocky hill. 

Medes. Me'dia. Media lay north-wosi 
of Persia Proper, south and 'south-west of 
the Caspian, east of Armenia and Assyria- 
west and north-west of the great salt des- 
ert of Irani. Its greatest length was from 
nortli to south, and in this direction it ex- 
tended from the 32d to the 40th paraht^l, a 
distance of 550 miles. In width it r<^ached 
from about long. 45° to 53'^; but its aver- 
age breadth was not more than from 25o to 



MEDES 



393 



MEDES 



5U0 nines. The division of Media com- 
monly recognized by the Greeks and Ro- 
mans was that into Media Magna and Media 
Atropatene. 1. Media Atropatene corre- 
sponded nearly to the modern Azerhijan, 
being the tract situated between the Caspi- 
an and the mountains which run north from 
Zagros. 2. Media Magna hiy south and 
east of Atir.'patene. It contained great 
pa-'t of Kurdistan and Luristan, with all 
Ardelan and L'ok Ajemi. It is indicative ol 
she division, that there were two Ecbatanas 
— one, the northern, at Takht-i- Suleiman ; 
the other, the southern, at Ramadan, on 
the flanks of Mount Orontes — respective- 
ly the papitals of the two districts. [Ec- 
BATANA.] Next to the two Ecbatanas, the 
chief town in Media was undoubtedly Rha- 
ges, the Raga of the inscriptions. — It may 
be gathered from the mention of the Medes, 
by Moses, among the races descended from 
Japhet [Madai], that they were a nation 
of very high antiquity ; and it is in accord- 
ance with this view that we find a notice 
of them in the primitive Babylonian history 
of Berosus, who says that the Medes con- 
quered Babylon at a very remote period 
(cir. B. c. 2458), and that eight Median 
monarchs reigned there consecutively, over 
a spare of 224 years. The deepest obscu- 
rity hangs, however, over the whole history 
of the Medes from the time of their bearing 
sway in Babylonia (b. c. 2458-2234) to 
their first appearance in the cuneiform in- 
icriptions among the enemies of Assyria, 
about B. c. 880. They then inhabit a por- 
tion of the region which bore their name 
down to the Mohammedan conquest of Per- 
sia; but whether they were recent immi- 
grants into it, or had held it from a remote 
antiquity, is uncertain. However this was. 
It is certain that at first, and for a long 
Stiries of years, they were very inferior in 
I)3werto the great empire established upon 
their flank. Herodotus represents the de- 
cadence of Assyria as greatly accelerated by 
a formal revolt of the Medes, and places this 
revolt about b. c. 708. He gives a succes- 
sion of kings — Deioces, Phraortes, Cyax- 
ares, and Astyages. But the cuneiform 
records of Sargon, Sennacherib, and Esar- 
haddon clearly show that the Median king- 
dom did not commence so early as Herodo- 
tus imagined. These three princes, whose 
reigns cover the space extending from b. c. 
r20 to B. c. 660, all carried their arms deep 
nto Media, and found it, not under the 
dominion of a single powerful monarch, 
but under the rule of a vast number of 
petty chi^'ftains. It cannot have been till 
Dear the middle of the 7th century b. c. 
that th? Median kingdom was consolidated, 
and became formidable to its neighbors. 
Cyaxares, the third Median monarch, took 
Nineveh and conquered Assyria, b. c. 625. 
The limits of the Median Empire cannot 



be definitely fi<ed. From nortl. Jo soutli 
its extent was in no place great, since it 
was certainly confined between the Persian 
Gulf and the Euphrates on the one side, 
the Black and Caspian Seas on the other. 
From east to west it had, however, a wide 
expansion, since it reached from the Halys 
at least as far as the Caspian Gates, and 
possibly farther. It was separated from 
Babylonia either by the Tigris, or more 
probably by a line running about half way 
between that river and the Euphrates. Its 
greatest length may be reckoned at 1500 
miles from N. W. to S. E., and its average 
breadth at 400 or 450 miles. Its area would 
thus be about 600,000 square miles, or 
somewhat greater than that of modern 
Persia. With regard to the nature of the 
government established by the Medes over 
the conquered nations, we possess but lit- 
tle trustworthy evidence. Herodotus in 
one place compares, somewhat vaguely, 
the Median with the Persian system (i. 
134) ; but on the whole it is perhaps most 
probable that the Assyrian organizatioD 
was continued by the Medes, the subject- 
nations retaining their native monarch*, 
and merely acknowledging subjection by 
the payment of an annual tribute. The 
satrapal organization was apparently a 
Persian invention, begun by Cyrus, oon- 
tinued by Cambyses, his son, but first 
adopted as the regular go^'ernmental sys- 
tem by Darius Hystaspis. Of all the an- 
cient Oriental monarcliies the Median wa« 
the shortest in duration. It >fas over 
thrown by the Persians under Cyrus, b. c. 
558. After many partial engagements, a 
great battle was fought between the two 
armies, and the result was ilie complete 
defeat of the Medes, and the capture of 
their king, Astyages, by Cyrus. The treat- 
ment of the Medes by the victorious Per- 
sians was not that of an ordinary conquered 
nation. According to some writers (aa 
Herodotus and Xenophon) there was a close 
relationship between Cyrus and the last 
Median monarch, who was therefore natu- 
rally treated with more than common ten- 
derness. The two nations were closely 
akin ; they had the same Aryan or Iranic 
origin, the same early traditions, the same 
language, nearly the same religion, and ul- 
timately the same manners and customs, 
dress, and general mode of life. Medes 
were advanced to stations of high honor 
and importance under Cyrus and his suc- 
cessors. The original religion of the Medes 
must undoubtedly have been that simple 
creed which is placed before us in the 
earlier portions of the Zendavesta. Its 
peculiar characteristic was Dualism, the 
belief in the existence of two opposite 
principles of good and evil, nearly tf not 
quite on a par with one ar.other. Ormazd 
and Ahriman were botli self-ceused and 



MEDE8 



'6U 



MEDiCINE 



•elf-esistent, both indestru( tible, loth po- 
tent to work their will. Besides Oraiazd, 
the Aryans worshipped the Sun and Moon, 
under the names of Mitlu*a and Homa ; and 
they believed in the existence of numerous 
spirits or genii, some good, some bad, the 
subjects and ministers respectively of the 
two powers of Good and Evil. Their mi- 
rration brought them into contact with the 
Sre-worshippers of Armenia and Mount 
Zagros, >among whom Magism had been 
established from a remote antiquity. The 
result was either a combination of the two 
religious, or in some cases an actual con- | 
version of the conquerors to the faith and 
worship of the conquered. So far as can 
be gathered from the scanty materials in 
our possession, the latter was the case with 
the Medes. — The customs of the Medes 
nearly resembled those of their neighbors, 
the Armenians and the Persians ; but they 
were regarded as the inventors, their 
neighbors as the copyists. They were 
brave and warlike, excellent riders, and 
remarkably skilful with the bow. The 
flowing robe, so well known from the 
Persepolitan sculptures, was their native 
dr'^ss, and was certainly among the points 
foi which the Persians were beholden to 
them. References to the Medes. — The 
references to the Medes in the canonical 
Scriptures are not very numerous, but they 
are striking. We first hear of certain 
" cities of the Medes," in which the cap- 
tive Israelites were placed by " the king of 
Assyria " on the destruction of Samaria, 
B. c. 721 (2 K. xvii. 6, xviii. 11). This 
Implies the subjection of Media to Assyria 
at the time of Shalmaneser, or of Sargon, 
his successor, and accords very closely 
with the account given by the latter of cer- 
tain military colonies which he planted in 
the Median country. Soon afterwards 
Isaiah prophesies the part which the Medes 
shall take in the destruction of Babylon 
(Is. xiii. 17, xxi. 2) ; which is again still 
more distinctly declared by Jeremiah (li. 
11 and 28), who sufficiently indicates the 
independence of Media in his day (xxv. 25). 
Daniel relates the fact of the Medo-Persic 
conquest (v. 28, 31), giving an account of 
the reign of Darius the Mede, who appears 
to have been made viceroy by Cyrus (vi. 
1-28). In Ezra we have a mention of 
Achmetha (Ecbatana), ^Hhe palace in the 
province of the Medes," where the decree 
of Cyrus was found (vi. 2-5) — a notice 
which accords with the known facts that 
tlie Median capital was the seat of govern- 
ment under Cyrus, but a royal residence 
only, and net the seat of government under 
Darius Hysiaspis. Finally, in Esther, the 
high rank of Media under the Persian 
kings, yet at the same time its subordinate 
position, are marked by the frequent com- 
biuation of the two names in phrases of 



" the son of Aha»« 
the Medes " (Daa. 
(xi. 1), is thus da- 

to care for fo(/d. 



honor, t. ? precedency being in evfcry f>wwi 
assigned to the Persians. In the Apov^ry- 
pha the Medes occupy a more prominent 
place. The chief scene of one whole book 
(Tobit) is Media; and in another (Judith"^ 
a very striking portion of the narrative be 
longs to the same country. The mention 
of Rhages in both narratives as a Bledian 
town and region of importance is geograpl>- 
ically correct ; and it is historically trire 
that Phraortes suffered his overthrow ift 
the Rhagiau district. 

Me'dian. Darius, 
uerus, of the seed of 
ix. 1) or "the Mede" 
scribed in Dan. v. 31. 

Medicine. Next 
clothing, and shelter, the curing of hurts 
takes precedence even amongst savage na- 
tions. At a later period comes the treat- 
ment of sickness, and recognition of states 
of disease ; and these mark a nascent ci^ 
ilization. From the most ancient testi- 
monies, sacred and secular, Egypt, from 
whatever cause, .hough perhaps from ne- 
cessity, was foremost among the nations in 
this most human of studies purely physicaL 
Egypt was the earliest home of medical and 
other skill for the region of the Mediter- 
ranean basin, and every Egyptian mummy 
of the more expensive and elaborate sort 
involved a process of anatomy. Still we 
have no trace of any philosophical or n»- 
tional system of Egyptian origin ; and med- 
icine in Egypt was a mere art or profes- 
sion. Of science the Asclepiadae of Greece 
were the true originators. Hippocrates, 
who wrote a book on " Ancient Medicine," 
and who seems to have had many oppor- 
tunities of access to foreign sources, gives 
no prominence to Egypt. Compared with 
the wild countries around them, at any 
rate, the Egyptians must have seemed in<- 
calculably advanced. Representations of 
early Egyptian surgery apparently occur 
on some of the monuments of Beni-Ha»- 
san. Flint knives used for embalming have 
been recovered — the " Ethiopic stone" of 
Herodotus (ii. 86; comp. Ex. iv. 25) was 
probably either black flint or agate; and 
those who have assisted at the opening of 
a mummy have noticed that the teeth ex- 
hibited a dentistry not inferior in execution 
to the work of the best modern experts. 
This confirms the statement of Herodotu« 
that every part of the body was studied oy 
a distinct practitioner. Pliny (vii. 57) as- 
serts that the Egyptians claimed the uiven- 
tion of the healing art, and (xxvi. 1) thinkb 
them subject to many diseases. Their 
" many medicines " are mentioned (Jet. 
xlvi. 11). Athothmes II., king of th*? 
country, is said to have written on the sub- 
ject of anatomy. The various recipes 
known to have been beneficial wer^ record- 
ed, with their peculiar cases, in the m« 



MEDICINE 



395 



MEDICINE 



I 



Uioirs of pby« ic, inscribed among the laws, 
and deposited in the principal temples of 
the place (Wilkinson, iii. 396, 397). The 
reputation of its practitioners in historical 
times was such that both Cyrus and Darius 
sent to Egypt for physicians or surgeons. 
Of midwifery we have a distinct notice (Ex. 
i. 15), and of women as its practitioners, 
which fact may also be verified from the 
sculptures. The physicians had salaries 
fiwm tlie public treasury, and treated al- 
ways according to established precedents, 
or deviated from these at their peril, in case 
of a fatal termination ; if, however, the pa- 
tient died under accredited treatment no 
blame was attached. The Egyptians who 
lived in the corn-growing region are said by 
Herodotus (li. 77) to have been specially 
attontive to health. The scrupulous atten- 
tion paid to the dead was favorable to the 
health of the living. But, to pursue to 
later times this merely general question, it 
■ppears that the Ptolemies themselves prac- 
tised dissection, and that, at a period when 
Jewish intercourse with Egypt was com- 
plete and reciprocal, there existed in Alex- 
andria a great zeal for anatomical study. 
In comparing the growth of medicine in the 
rest of the ancient world, the high rank of 
its practitioners — princes and heroes — 
settles at once the question as to the esteem 
in which it was held in the Homeric and 
pre-Homeric period. The practice of physic 
was not among the Jews a privilege of 
tlie priesthood. Any one might practise it, 
and this publicity must have kept it pure. 
Nay, there was no Scriptural bar to its 
practice by resident aliens. We read of 
'* physicians," " healing," &c., in Ex. xxi. 
19; 2 K. viii. 29; 2 Chr. xvi. 12; Jerem. 
viii. 22. At the same time the greater lei- 
sure of the Levites and their other advan- 
tages would make tliem the students of the 
nation, as a rule, in all science, and their 
constant residence in cities would give them 
the opportunity, if carried out in fact, of a 
far wider field of observation. The reign 
of peace of Solomon's days must have 
opened, especially with renewed Egyptian 
intercourse, new facilities for the study. He 
himself seems to have included in his fa- 
vorite natural history some knowledge of 
the medicinal uses of the creatures. His 
works show him conversant with the notion 
of remedial treatment (Prov. iii. 8, vi. 15, xii. 
18, xvii. 22, XX. 30, xxix. 1 ; Eccies. iii. 3) ; 
and one passage indicates considerable 
knowledge of anatomy. The statement that 
king Asa (2 Chr. xvi. 12) " sought not to Je- 
hovah hut to the physicians," may seem to 
countenance the notion that a rivalry of actu- 
al worship, based on some medical fancies, 
nad been set up. The captivity at Baby- 
Ion brought the Jews in contact with a 
aew sphere of thought. We know too little 
of the precise state of medicine in Babylon, 



Susa, and iLe " cities of the Medea,'* to de 
termine the direction in which the impulse 
so derived would have led the exiles. The 
book of Ecclesiasticus shows the increased 
regard given to the distinct study of raedi- 
cine, by the repeated mention of physicians, 
&c., which it contains, and which, ai prob- 
ably belonging to the period of the Ptole' 
mies, it might be expected to show. Rank 
and honor are said to be the portion of the 
physician, and his oflBice to be from the 
Lord (xxxviii. 1, 3, 12). The repeated al- 
lusions to sickness in vii. 35, xxx. 17, xxxi. 
22, xxxvii. 30, xxxviii. 9, coupled with th« 
former recognition of merit, have caused 
some to suppose that this author was hin>- 
self a physician. In Wisd. xvi. 12, plaister 
is spoken of; anointing, as a means of 
healing, in Tob. vi. 8. To bring down tht' 
subject to the period of the N. T., St 
Luke, " the beloved physician," who prao 
tised at Antioch whilst the body was hia 
care, could hardly have failed to be con- 
versant with all the leading opinions cur- 
rent down to his own time. The medicine 
and surgery of St. Luke were probably 
not inferior to those commonly in demand 
among educated Asiatic Greeks, and mu#* 
have been, as regards their basis, Greek, 
and not Jewish. Before proceeding to the 
examination of diseases in detail, it may 
be well to observe that the question of 
identity between any ancient malady known 
by description, and any modern one known 
by experience, is often doubtful. Some 
diseases, just as some plants and some ani- 
mals will exist almost anywhere ; others can 
only be produced within narrow limits de- 
pending on the conditions of climate, habit, 
&c. Eruptive diseases of the acute kind 
are more prevalent in the East than in 
colder climes. They also run their course 
more rapidly. Disease of various kinds is 
commonly regarded as a divine inflictioii, 
or denounced as a penalty for transgres- 
sion; "the evil diseases of Egypt" are 
especially so characterized; so the emerods 
of the Philistines (1 Sam. v. 6) ; the severe 
dysentery (2 Chr. xxi. 15, 19) of Jehoram, 
which was also epidemic; so the sudden 
deaths of Er, Onan, the Egyptian first- 
born, Nabal, Bathsheba's son, and Jero- 
boam's are ascribed to the action of Jeho- 
vah immediately, or through a prophet. 
Pestilence (Hab. iii. 5) attends His path, 
and is innoxious to those whom he sheliera 
(Ps. xci. 3-10). It is by Jeremiah, Ezekiel, 
and Amos associated (as historically in 2 
Sam. xxiv. 13) with "the sword" and 
*' famine." The sicknesses of the widow's 
son of Zarephath, of Ahaziah, Benhadad, 
the leprosy of Uzziah, the boil of HezekiaL, 
are also noticed as diseases sent by Jeho- 
vah, or in which He interposed. In 2 Sam. 
iii. 29, disease is invoked as a curse, and in 
Solomon's prayer, 1 E. Tiii. 37 (tfomp. 9 



MEDICINE 



896 



MEDICmE 



I'hr. XX. 9), anticipated as a chastisement. 
Satanic agency appears also as procuring 
disease (Job ii. 7; Luke xiii. 11, 16). 
Diseases are also mentioned as ordinary 
calamities. Among special diseases named 
in the O. T. are, ophthalmia (Gen. xxix. 
17), wliich is perhaps more common in 
Syria and Egypt than anywhere else in the 
world ; especially in the fig season, the 
juico of the newly- ripe fruit having tLa 
power of giving it. It may occasion par- 
tial or total blindness (2 K. vi. 18). The 
eye-salve (Rev. iii. 18) was a remedy 
common to Orientals, Greeks, and Romans. 
Several diseases are mentioned, the names 
of which are derived from various words, 
signifying to burn or to be hot (Lev. xxvi. 
16; Deut. xxviii. 22). The "burning 
boil," or " of a boil " (Lev. xiii. 23) is 
merely marked by the notion of an effect 
resembling that of fire, like our "carbun- 
cle ; " it may possibly find an equivalent 
in the Damascus boil of the present 
time. The diseases rendered " scab " and 
*• scurvy " in Lev. xxi. 20, xxii. 22, Deut. 
xxviii. 27, may oe almost any skin disease. 
Some of these may be said to approach the 
type of leprosy. The " botch (shechtn) 
of Egypt " (Deut. xxviii. 27) is so vague a 
term as to yield a most uncertain sense ; 
the plague as known by its attendant Jwio, 
has been suggested. It is possible that the 
Elephantiasis Graecorum may be intended. 
The same word is used to express the 
'* boil " of Hezekiah. In Deut. xxviii. 35, 
.9 mentioned a disease attacking the " knees 
hnd legs," consisting in a " sore botch which 
cannot be healed," but extended, in the se- 
quel of the verse, from the " sole of the foot 
to the top of the head." The latter part of 
the quotation would certainly accord with 
Elephantiasis Graecorum. The Elephanti- 
asis Graecorum is what now passes under 
the name of " leprosy" — the lepers, e. g. 
of the huts near the Zion gate of modern 
Jerusalem are elephantiasiacs. [Leprosy.] 
The disease of king Antiochus (2 Mace, 
ix. 5-10, &c.) is that of a boil breeding 
worms. There is some doubt whether this 
disease be not allied to phthiriasis, in which 
lice are bred, and cause ulcers. In Deut. 
xxviii. 65, it is possible that a palpitation 
of the heart is intended to be spoken of 
(comp. Gen. xlv. 26) . In Mark xi. 17 (comp. 
Luke ix. 38) we have an apparent case of 
epilepsy. The expression of Ex. ix. 10, a 
"bcil" flourisliing, or ebullient with blaina, 
may perhays be a disease analogous to 
phlegmonous erysipelas, or even common 
erysipelas. The " withered hand " of Jero- 
boam (IK. xiii. 4-6), and of the man, 
Matt. xii. 13-13 (comp. Luke vi. 10), ^is 
8U(ih an eftect as is known to follow from 
one obliteration of the main artery cf any 
•nember, or from paialysis of the principal 
aerve, either through disease or tl»*''mgh 



injury. The case of the widow's SvitN 
restored by Elisha (2 K. iv. 19) was pioba- 
bly one of sunstroke. The disease of Asa 
"in his feet" which attacked him in his 
old age (1 K. xv. 23; 2 Chr. xvi. 12), ano 
became exceeding great, may have been 
either oedema, swelling, or podagra, gout 
The disease of Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. iv. 
33) may be viewed as a species of the 
melancholy known as Lycanthropia. Per- 
sons so affected wander like wolves in sep- 
ulchres by night, and imitate the howling 
of a wolf or a dog. Here sliould be noticed 
the mental malady of Saul. His melan- 
choly seems to have had its origin in his 
sin. Music, which soothed him for a while, 
has entered largely into the milder modem 
treatment of lunacy. The palsy meets us 
in the N. T. only, and in features too famil- 
iar to need special remark. Gangrene, or 
mortification in its various forms, is a to- 
tally different disorder from the " canker" 
of the A. V. in 2 Tim. ii. 17. Both gan- 
grene and cancer were common in all the 
countries familiar to the Scriptural writers, 
and neither differs from the modern disease 
of the same name. The bite or sting of 
venomous beasts can hardly be treated as a 
disease; but in connection with the " fiery 
(i. e. venomous) serpents " of Num. xxi. 6, 
and the deliverance from death of those 
bitten, it deserves a notice. The brazen 
figure was symbolical only. It was custom- 
ary to consecrate the image of the aflliction 
either in its cause or in its effect, as in tlwj 
goldon emerods, golden mice, of 1 Sam. vL 
4, 8, and in the ex-votos common in Egypt, 
even before the Exodus ; and these may be 
compared with this setting up of the brazen 
serpent. The scorpion and centipede are 
natives of the Levant (Rev. ix. 5, 10), and, 
with a large variety of serpents, swarm 
there. The disease of old age has acquired 
a place in Biblical nosology chiefly owing 
to the elegant allegory into which " The 
Preacher " throws the successive tokens of 
the ravage of time on man (Eccl. xii.) 
The course of decline is marked in meta» 
phor by the darkening of the great lights 
of nature, and che ensuing period of life is 
compared to the broken w- gather of the 
wet season, setting in when summer is 
gone, when after every shower fresh clouds 
are in the sky, as contrasted with tlit 
showers of other seasons, which pass away 
into clearness. The "keepers of thie 
house " are perhaps the ribs which 8upi>ort 
the frame, or the arms and shoulders wliich 
enwrap and protect it. The " strong men " 
are its supporters, the lower limbs " bowing 
themselves " under the weight they once so 
lightly bore. The "grinding " hardly needs 
to be explained of the teeth, now become 
" few." The " lookers from the windows" 
are the pupils of the eyes, now " darkened." 
Tho "do^rs shut" repres'^at the dolnessol 



MEDICINE 



397 



MEGlDjJO 



cbone other senses which are the portals of 
knowledge. The "rising up at the voice 
of a bird " portrays the light, soon-fleeting, 
easily-broken slumber of the aged man; or 
possibly, and more literally, actual waking 
in the early morning, when first the cock 
crows, may be intended. The "daughters 
of music brought low," suggest the 

" biR manly voice 
Now turned again to childish treble ; " 

and also, as illustrated by Barzillai, the 
failure in the discernment and the utterance 
of musical notes. The fears of old age are 
next noticed: "They shall be afraid of 
that which is high ; " an obscure expression, 
perhaps, for what are popularly called 
" nervous " terrors, exaggerating and mag- 
nifying every object of alarm. " Fear in 
the way " is at first less obvious ; but we 
observe that nothing unnerves and agitates 
an old person more than the prospect of a 
long journey. Thus regarded, it becomes 
a fine and subtile touch in the description 
of decrepitude. All readiness to haste is 
arrested and a numb despondency succeeds. 
The "flourishing" of "the almond-tree" 
is still more obscure ; but we observe this 
tree in Palestine blossoming when others 
show no sign of vegetation, and when it is 
dead winter all around — no ill type, per- 
haps, of the old man who has survived his 
own contemporaries and many of his juniors. 
Youthful lusts die out, and their organs, 
of which " the grasshopper " is perhaps a 
figure, are relaxed. The "silver cord" 
may be that of nervous sensation, or mo- 
tion, or even the spinal marrow itself. 
Perhaps some incapacity of retention may 
be signified by the " golden bowl broken ; " 
the " pitcher broken at the well," suggests 
some vital supply stopping at the usual 
source — derangement perhaps of the di- 
gestion or of the respiration; the "wheel 
shivered at the cistern," conveys, through 
the image of the water-lifting process fa- 
miliar in irrigation, the notion of the blood, 
pumped as it were, through the vessels, 
and fertilizing the whole system; for " the 
blood is the life." This careful register of 
the tokens of decline might lead us to ex- 
pect great care for the preservation of 
health and strength; and this indeed is 
found to mark the Mosaic system, in the 
regulations concerning diet, the "divers 
washings," and the pollution imputed to a 
"^rpse — nay, even in circumcision itself. 
These served not only the ceremonial pur- 
pose of imparting self-oonsciousness to the 
H(jbrew, and keeping him distinct from 
alien admixture, but had a sanitary aspect 
of rare wisdom, when we regard the coun- 
try, the climate, and the age. Among 
fturgical instruments or pieces of apparatus 
the following only are alluded to in Scrip- 
ture. A cutting instrument, supposed a 
^ tllAip-stone " (Ex. iv. 25). The " knife " , 



ot Josh. V. i was probably a inoit rcQneti 
instrument for the same purpose. An 
" awl " is mentioned (Ex. xxi. 6) as used 
to bore through the ear of the bondman 
who refused release, and is supposed to 
have been a surgical instrument. The 
" roller to bind " of Ez. xxx. 21 was for a 
broken limb, as still used. A scraper, for 
which the "potsherd" of Job was a sub- 
stitute (Job ii. 8). Ex. xxx. 23-25 is a 
prescription in form. An occasional trace 
occurs of some chemical knowledge, e. g. 
the calcination of the gold by Moses ; the 
effect of " vinegar upon natrum " (Ex. 
xxxii. 20; Prov. xxv. 20; comp. Jer. ii. 
22) ; the mention of " the apothecary '' 
(Ex. xxx. 35; Eccles. x. 1), and of the 
merchant in " powders " (Cant. iii. 6), 
shows that a distinct and important branch 
of trade was set up in these wares, in 
which, as at a modern druggist's, articlet 
of luxury, &c., are combined with the 
remedies of sickness. Among the mont 
favorite of external remedies has alwajs 
been the bath. There were special oc- 
casions on which the bath was ceremoniaFy 
enjoined. The Pharisees and Essen< a 
aimed at scrupulous strictness of all such 
rules (Matt. xv. 2 ; Mark vii. 5 ; Lul:e 
xi. 38). River-bathing was common, but 
houses soon began to include a bath-room 
(Lev. XV. 13; 2 K. V. 10; 2 Sam. xi. 2; 
Susanna 15). 

Megid'do was in a very marked position 
on the southern rim of the plain of Ea- 
draelon, on the frontier-line of the ter- 
ritories of the tribes of Issachar and 
Manasseh, and commanding one of those 
passes from the north into the hill-country 
which were of such critical importance on 
various occasions in the history of Judaea 
(Judith iv. 7). The first mention occurs in 
Josh. xii. 21, where Megiddo appears a<s 
the city of one of the kings whom Joshua 
defeated on the west of the Jordan. The 
song of Deborah brings the place vividly 
before us, as the scene of the great conflict 
between Sisera and Barak. The chariot's 
of Sisera were gathered " unto the river of 
KisHON " ( Judg. iv. 13) ; Barak went down 
with his men "from Mount Tabor" into 
the plain (iv. 14) ; " then fought the kinga 
of Canaan in Taanach by the waters of 
Megiddo" (v. 19). The chief historical 
interest of Megiddo is 'loncentrated in 
Josiah's death. When Pharaoh-Necho 
came from Egypt against the kmg of 
Assyria, Josiah joined the latter, and was 
slain at Megiddo (2 K. xxiii. 29), and his 
body wan carried from thence to Jerusalem 
(ib. 30). The story is told in the Chronicles 
in more detail (2 Chr. xxxv. 22-24). There 
the fatal action is said to have taken place 
" in the valley of Megiddo." This calamity 
made a deep and permanent impression on 
the Jews. Thus, in ttie languatre of tb« 



MTEGIDDON 



398 



MELCHIZEDEK 



prophets (Zech. xii. 11), "themour ling of 
Uadadriinmoii in the valley of Megiddon " 
becomes a poetical expression for the 
deepest and most despairing grief; as in 
the Apocalypse (Rev. xvi. 16) Armaged- 
don, in continuance of the same imagery, 
is presented as the scene of terrible and 
final conflict. Megiddo is the modern el- 
Lejj'dn, which is undoubtedly the Legio of 
Eusebius and Jerome. There is a copious 
■tream flowing down the gorge, and turn- 
ing some mills before joining the Kishon. 
Here are probably the "waters of Megid- 
do " of Judg. V. 19. 

Megid'don, The Valley of. The 
extended form of the preceding name. It 
occurs only in Zech. xii. 11. 

Mehet'abeel. Another and less cor- 
rect form of Mehetabel. The ancestor 
of Shemaiah the prophet who was hired 
against Nehemiah by Tobiah and Sanballat 
(Neh. vi. 10). 

Mehet abel, the daughter of Hatred, 
and wife of Hadad, or Hadar, the eighth 
and last-mentioned king of Edom (Gen. 
xxxvi. 39). 

Mehi'da, a family of Nethinim, the de- 
scendants of Mehida, returned from Baby- 
lon with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 52 ; Neh. vii. 
54). 

jVte'hir, the son of Chelub, the brother 
of Shuah (1 Chr. iv. 11). 

Mehol'athite, The, a word occurring 
once only (1 Sam. xviii. 19). It no doubt 
denotes that Adriel belonged to a place 
called Meholah, but whether that was Abel- 
Mehol^ih, afterwards the native place of 
Elisha, or another, is uncertain. 

Mehlljael, the son of Irad, and fourth 
in descent from Cain (Gen. iv. 18). 

Mehu'man, one of the seven eunuchs 
(A. V. *' chamberlains ") of Ahasuerus 
(Esth. i. 10). 

Mehu nim, Ezr. ii. 60. Elsewhere 
called Mehunims and Meunim. 

Mehu'nims, The, a people against 
whom king Uzziah waged a successful war 
(2 Chr. xxvi. 7). Although so different in 
its English dress, yet the name is in the 
original merely the plural of Maon [Maon]. 
Another notice of the Mehunims in the 
reign of Hezekiah (cir. b. c. 726-697) is 
found in 1 Chr. iv. 41. Here they are 
spoken of as a pastoral people, either 
themselves Hamites, or in alliance with 
Hamites, quiet and peaceable, dwelling in 
tents. Here, however, the A. V. treats the 
word as an ordinary noun, and renders it 
" habitations." A third notice of the Me- 
hunim, corroborative of those already men- 
tioned, is found in the narrative of 2 Chr. 
XX. There is every reason to believe that 
in ver. 1 " the Ammonites " should be read 
as " the Maonites," who in that case are 
the " men of Mount Seir " mentioned later 
in the naiTative (ver. 10, 22). In all these 



passages, including the last, the LXX rei> 
der the name by of JMstvaToi — the Minae« 
ans — a nation of Arabia renowned foi 
their traffic in spices, who are named by 
Strabo, Ptolemy, and other ancient geogra- 
phers, and whose seat is now ascertained to 
have been the S. W. portion of the great 
Arabian peninsula, the west^^rn half of the 
modern Hadraraaut. The latest appear- 
ance of the name Mehunims in the Bible 
is in the lists of those who returned from 
the Captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 50, 
A. V. "Mehunim;" Neh. vii. 52, A. V. 
** Meunim "). 

Me-jar'kon, a town in the territory of 
Dan (Josh. xix. 46 only) ; named next in 
order to Gathrimmon, and in the neighl)op- 
hood of Joppa or Japho. 

Mek'onah, one of the towns which 
were re-inhabited after the captivity by the 
men of Judah (Neh. xi. 28). 

Melati'ah, a Gibeonite, who assisted in 
rebuilding the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. 
iii. 7). 

Mel'chi. 1. The son of Janna, and an- 
cestor of Joseph in the genealogy of Jesua 
Christ (Luke iii. 24). 2. The son of Addi 
in the same genealogy (Luke iii. 21). 

Melchi'ah, a priest, the father of Pashui 
(Jer. xxi. 1). 

Melchis'edeo, the form of the name 
Melchizeixek adopted in the A. V. of the 
New Testament (Heb. v., vi., vii.). 

Mel'chi-shu'a, a son of Saul (1 Sam. 
xiv. 49, xxxi. 2). Elsewhere correctly given 
Malchishua. 

Melchiz'edek, king of Salem and priest 
of the Most High God, who met Abram in 
the valley of Shaveh, which is the king's 
valley, brought out bread and wine, blessed 
Abram, and received tithes from him (Gen. 
xiv. 18-20). The other places in which 
Melchizedek is mentioned are Ps. ex. 4, 
where Messiah is described as a priest for- 
ever, " after the order of Melchizedek," 
and Heb. v., vi., vii., where these two pas- 
sages of the O. T. are quoted, and the 
typical relation of Melchizedek to our Lord 
is stated at great length. There is some- 
thing surprising and mysterious in the first 
appearance of Melchizedek, and in the sub- 
sequent reference to him. Bearing a title 
which Jews in after ages would recognize 
as designating their own sovereign, bearing 
gifts which recall to Christians the Lord's 
Supper, this Canaanite crosses for a mo- 
ment the path of Abram, and is unhesitat- 
ingly recognized as a person of higher 
spiritual rank than the friend of God. Dis- 
appearing as suddenly as he came in, he ia 
lost to the sacred writings for a thousand 
years. The faith of early ages ventured to 
invest his person with superstitious awe. 
Jewish tradition pronounces Melchizedek 
to be a survivor of the Deluge the patri- 
arch ShBui. The way in which he is men 



II 



MELEA 



899 



MELO^iS 



tioned in Genesis would rather lead to the 
inference that Melchizedek was of one 
blood with the children of Ham, among 
wliom he lived, chief (like the King of 
Sodom) of a settled Canaanitish tribe. And 
ftfi Balaam was a prophet, so Melchizedek 
was a priest among the corrupted heathen, 
not self-appointed, but constituted by a spe- 
cial gift from God, and recognized as such 
by Him. The " order of Melcliizedek," in 
I's ex. 4, is explained to mean " manner" 
^= likeness in official dignity = a king and 
priest. The relation between Melchizedek 
and Christ as type and antitype is made in 
the Ep. to the Hebrews to consist in the 
f&Uowing particulars. Each was a priest, 
(1) not of the Levitical tribe; (2) superior 
to Abraliam ; (3) whose beginning and end 
are unknown ; (4) who is not only a priest, 
but also a king of righteousness and peace. 
— A fruitful source of discussion has been 
found in the site of Salem. [Salem.] 

Mele'a. The son of Menan, and an- 
cestor of Joseph in the genealogy of Jesus 
Christ (Luke iii. 31). 

Me'lech. The second son of Micah, 
the son of Merib-baal or Mephibosheth (1 
Chr. viii. 35, ix. 41). 

Mel'icu. The same aa Malluch 6 
(Neh. xii. 14; comp. ver. 2). 

Mel'ita the modem Malta. This island 
tias an illustrious place in Scripture, as the 
ijcene of that sliipwreck of St. Paul which 
is described in such minute detail in the 
A.zli of the Apostles (Acts xxvii.). The 
wreck probably happened at the place tra- 
ditionally known as St. Paul's Bay. (1.) 
We take St. Paul's ship in the condition in 
which we find her about a day after leaving 
Fair Havens, i. e. when she was under the 
lee of Clauda (Acts xxvii. 16), laid-to on 
the starboard tack, and strengthened with 
" undergirders," the boat being just taken 
on board, and the gale blowing hard from, 
the E. N. E. (2.) Assuming (what every 
practised sailor would allow) that the ship's 
direction of drift would be about W. by N., 
and her rate of drift about a mile and a 
half an hour, we come at once to the con- 
clusion, by measuring the distance on a 
chart, that she would be brought to the 
coast of Malta on the thirteenth day (see 
«^er. 27). (3.) A ship drifting in this di- 
rection to the place traditionally known as 
St. Paul's Bay would come to that spot on 
tl e (!oast witliout touching any other part 
i>f the island previously. The coast, in fact, 
trends from this bay to the S. E. (4.) On 
Koura Point, which is the south-easterly 
\'Xfremiry of the bay, there must infallibly 
have been breakers, with the wind blowing 
Lon-i the N. E. Now the alarm was cer- 
tainly caused by breakers, for it took place 
in the night (ver. 27), and it does not ap- 
pear that the passengers were at first aware 
oi tflti danger which became sensible to the 



quick ear of the " sailors. (5.) Yet tlie 
vessel did not strike : and this corresponds 
with the position of the point, which would 
be some httle distance on the port side, or 
to the left of the vessel. (6.) Off this 
point of the coast the soundings are 20 
fathoms (ver. 28), and a little farther, in 
the direction of the supposed drift, tliey 
are 15 fathoms (ib.). (7.) Though the 
danger was imminent, we shall find from 
examining the chart that there would still 
be time to anchor (ver. 29) before striking 
on the rocks ahead. (8.) With bad hold- 
ing ground there would have been great 
risk of the ship dragging her anchors. 
The bottom of St. Paul's Bay is remark- 
ably tenacious. (9.) The other geological 
characteristics of the place are in harmony 
with the narrative, which describes the 
creek as having in one place a sandy or 
muddy beach (ver. 39), and which states 
that the bow of the ship was held fast in 
the shore, while the stern was exposed to 
the action of the waves (ver. 41). (10.) 
Another point of local detail is of consid- 
erable interest — viz. that as the ship took 
the ground, the place was observed to be 
dt6aXuonoi, i. e. a C( unection was noticed 
between two apparently separate pieces of 
water. We shall see, on looking at a chart, 
that this would be the case. (11.) Malta 
is in the track of ships between Alexandria 
and Puteoli : and this corresponds with the 
fact that the " Castor and Pollux," an Alex- 
andrian vessel, which ultimately conveyed 
St. Paul to Italy, had wintered in the island 
(Acts xxviii. 11). (12.) Finally, the course 
pursued in this conclusion of the voyage, 
first to Syracuse, and then to Rhegium, 
contributes a last link to the chain of argu- 
ments by which we prove that Melita is 
Malta. The question has been set at rest 
forever by Mr. Smith of Jordan Hill, ir, 
his Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul^ 
the first published work in which it was 
thoroughly investigated from a sailor'? 
point of view. As regards the condition 
of the island of Melita, when St. Paul was 
there, it was a dependency of the Roman 
province ot Sicilv- Its chief officer (under 
the governor of Sicily) appears from in- 
scriptions to have had the title of nowroi 
AltAiTa'iMv, or Primus Melitensiicm, and this 
is the very phrase which St. Luke uses 
(xxviii. 7). Melita, from its position in 
the Mediterranean, and the excellence of 
its harbors, has always been importani 
both in commerce and war. It was a set* 
tlement of the Phoenicians at an early pe- 
riod, and their language, in a corrupted 
form, continued to be spoken there in St. 
Paul's day. 

Melons (Heb. ahattichira) are men- 
tioned only in Num. xi. 6. By the Hebrew 
word we are probably to understand botli 
the Melon (Cvcumis melo) and the wat*^? 



MELZAR 



400 



MENELAUS 



Melon {Cucurbita citrullus). The water- 
melon, which is now extensively cultivated 
in all hot countri*^s, is a fruit not unlike the 
common melon, but the leaves are deeply 
lobed and gashed, the flesh is pink or 
white, and contains a large quantity of cold 
watery juice without much flavor : the seeds 
Are black. 

Mel'zar. The A. V. is wrong in regard- 
ing Melzar as a proper name ; it is rather 
Ml ofl&cial title, as is implied in the addition 
of the article in each case where the name 
occurs (Dan, i. 11, 16) ; the marginal read- 
ing, '* the steward," is therefore more cor- 
rect. 

Mem'phis, a city of ancient Egypt, 
aituated on the western bank of the Nile, in 
latitude 30° 6' N. It is mentioned by 
Isaiah (xix. 13), Jeremiah (ii. 16, xlvi. 14, 
19), and Ezekiel (xxx. 13, 16), under the 
name of Noph ; and by Hosea (ix. 6) un- 
der the name of Moph in Hebrew, and 
Memphis in our English version. Though 
some regard Thebes as the more ancient 
city, the monuments of Memphis are ol 
higher antiquity than those of Tliebes. 
Herodotus dates its foundation from Menes, 
the first king of Egypt. The city is said 
to have had a circumference of about 19 
miles. The temple of Apis was one of the 
most noted structures of Memphis. It 
stood opposite the southern portico of the 
temple of Ptah; and Psammetichus, who 
built that gateway, also erected in front of 
the sanctuary of Apis a magnificent colon- 
nade, supported by colossal statues or Osi- 
ride pilars, such as may still be seen at the 
temple of Medeenet Habou at Thebes (He- 
rod, ii. 153). Through this colonnade the 
Apis was led with great pomp upon state oc- 
casions. At Memphis was the reputed bu- 
rial-place of Isis ; it had also a temple to 
that " myriad-named " divinity. Memphis 
had also its Serapeium, which probably stood 
in the western quarter of the city. The 
sacred cubit and other symbols used in 
measuring the rise of th*^ Nile, were de- 
posited in the temple of Se.'apis. The Ne- 
cropolis, adjacent to Memphis, was on a 
scale of grandeur corresponding with the 
city itself. The " city of the pyramids " is 
a title of Memphis in the hieroglyphics upon 
the monuments. Memphis long held its 
place as a capital ; and for centuries a 
Memphite dynasty ruled over all Egypt. 
Lepaius, Bunsen, and Brugsch, agree in 
regarding the 3d, 4th, 6th, 7th, and 8th 
dynasties of the Old Empire as Memphite, 
reaching through a period of about 1000 
years. The city's overthrow was distinctly 
predicted by the Hebrew prophets (Is. xix. 
13; Jer. xlvi. 19). The latest of these 
predictions was uttered nearly 600 years be- 
fore Christ, and half a century before the 
invasion of Egypt by Cambyses (cir. b. c. 
625). Herodotus informs us that Camby- 



ses, enraged at the opposition he encsuL 
tered at Memphis, committed many cuth 
rages upon the city. The city never re* 
covered from the blow inflicted by Cam 
byses. The rise of Alexandria hastened 
its decline. The Caliph conquercrs found- 
ed Fost^t (Old Cairo) upon the opposite 
bank of the Nile, a few miles nortlj of 
Memphis, and brought materials from the 
old city to build their new capital (a. d. 
638). At length so complete was the nin 
of Memphis, that for a long time its very 
site was lost. Recent explorations hat^e 
brought to light many of its antiquities. 

MeiQTl'can. One of the seven princeu 
of Persia in the reign of Ahasuerus, who 
" saw the king's face," and sat first in the 
kingdom (Esth. i. 14, 16, 21). They were 
" wise men who knew the times " (skilled 
in the planets, according to Aben Ezra), 
and appear to have formed a council o* 
state ; Josephus says that one of their of- 
fices was that of interpreting the laws {Ant. 
xi. 6, § 1). 

Men'ahem, son of Gadi, who slew the 
usurper Shallum, and seized the vacant 
throne of Israel, b. c. 772. His reign, 
which lasted ten years, is briefly recorded 
in 2 K. XV. 14-22. It has been inferred 
from the expression in verse 14, " I'rom 
Tirzah," that Menahem was a general un- 
der Zechariah stationed at Tirzah, and that 
he brought up his troops to Samaria, anci 
avenged the murder of his master by Shal- 
lum. He maintained the calf-worship of 
Jeroboam. The contemporary prophets, 
Hosea and Amos, have left a melancholy 
picture of the ungodliness, demoralization, 
and feebleness of Israel. In the brief his- 
tory of Menahem, his ferocious treatment 
of Tiphsah occupies a conspicuous place. 
But the most remarkable event in his reign 
is the first appearance of a hostile force of 
Assyrians on the north-east frontier of Is- 
rael. King Pul, however, withdrew, hav- 
ing been converted from an enemy into aL 
ally by a timely gift of 1000 talents of 
silver. 

Me'nan. The son of Mattatha, one oi 
the ancestors of Joseph in the genealogy 
of Jesus Christ (Luke iii. 31). 

Me ne (lit. '* numbered "). The first 
word of the mysterious inscription w ritten 
upon the wall of Belshazzar's palace, iu 
which Daniel read the doom of the kin^ 
and his dynasty (Dan. v. 25, 26). 

Menela'US, a usurping high -priest who 
obtained the office from Antiochus Epiph- 
anes (about b. c. 172) by a large bribe (2 
Mace. iv. 23-26), and drove out Jason, who 
had obtained it not long before by sim- 
ilar means. He met with a violent death 
at the hands of Antiochus Eupator (cir. 
B. c. 163), which seemed in a peculiar 
manner a providential pnnishment of hi» 
sacrilege (xiii. 3, 4). According; to Josa- 



MENI 



4U1 



MEPlxIBOSHETH 



yUai he was a younger brother of Jason 
and Onias, and, like Jason, changed his 
proper name Onias for a Greek name. In 
2 Maccabees, on the other hand, he is 
called a brother of Simon the Benjamite 
^2 Mace. iv. 23). 

Me'ni. The last clause of Is. Ixv. 11 
IS rendered in the A. V. " and that furnish 
tLo drink-offering unto that number," the 
marginal reading for the last word being 
'' Meni." That the word so rendered is a 
proper name, and also the proper name of 
an object of idolatrous worship cultivated 
by the Jews in Babylon, is a supposition 
whicli there seems no reason to question, 
as it is in accordance with the context, and 
has every probability to recommend it. 
But the identification of Meni with any 
known heathen god is still uncertain. 

Meon'enim, The Plain of, an oak, 
or terebinth, or other great tree — for the 
trmslation of the Hebrew Elon by "plain" 
is most probably incorrect. [Plain.] It 
is mentioned — at least under this name — 
only in Judg. ix. 37. The meaning of 
Meonenim, if interpreted as a Hebrew word, 
is enchanters or " observers of times," as 
it is elsewhere rendered (Deut. xviii. 10, 
14; in Mic. v. 12 it is "soothsayers"). 
This connection of the name with magical 
arts has led to the suggestion that the tree 
in q^jestion is identical with that beneath 
which Jacob hid the foreign idols and amu- 
lets of his household, before going into the 
presence of God at the consecrated ground 
of Bethel (Gen. xxxv. 4). But the infer- 
ence seems hardly a sound one, for meo- 
nenim does not mean " enchsintments," but 
" enchante?'5 ; " nor is there any ground for 
connecting it in any way with amulets or 
images ; and there is the positive reason 
against the identification that while this 
tree seems to have been at a distance from 
the town of Shechem, that of Jacob was in 
it, or in very close proximity to it. It is 
perhaps possible that Meonenim may have 
originally been Maonim, that is, Maonites 
or Mehunim ; a tribe or nation of non-Is- 
rp elites elsewhere mentioned. 

Meonotha'i. One of the sons of 0th- 
il. thi! younger brother of Caleb (1 Chr. 
ly. U). 

Meplia'ath, a city of the Reubenites, 
.e of the towns dependent on Heshbon 
'Tosh. xiii. IS), ving in ^,he district of the 
Slishor (conip. 17, and Jcr. xlviii. 21, A. 
V. "plain"), which pr'vbably answered to 
:lie iuodern Belka. It 'vas one of the cities 
iJ lotted with their sub'*rbs to the Merarite 
Lovites (Josh. xxi. 37; 1 Chr. vi. 79). Its 
siie i^ i.'ncertain. 

Mepliib'oshetb., the name borne by 
two members of tlie family of Saul — his 
»on and his grandson. 1. Saul's son by 
llizpih the daughter of Aiah, his concu- 
bire '2 **am. xxi. 8). He and his brother 
26 



Armoni were among the seven victims who 
were surrendered by David to the Gibcon- 
ites, and by them crucified in sacrifice to 
Jehovah, to avert a famine from which the 
country was sufi'ering. 2. The son of 
Jonathan, grandson of Saul, and nephew 
of the preceding. His life seems to have 
been, from beginning to end, one of trial 
and discomfort. The name of his mothei 
is unknown. When his father and grand- 
father were slain on Gilboa he was an in- 
fant but five years old. He was then liv- 
ing under the charge of his nurse, probably 
at Gibeah, the regular residence of Saul. 
The tidings that the army was destroyed, 
the king and his sons slain, and that the 
Philistines were sweeping all before them, 
reached the royal household. The nurse 
fled, carrying the child on her shoulder. 
But in her panic and hurry she stumbled, 
and Mephibosheth was precipitated to the 
ground with such force as to deprive him 
for life of the use of both feet (2 Sam. iv. 
4). After the accident which thus embit- 
tered his whole existence, Mephibosheth 
was carried with the rest of his family be- 
yond the Jordan to the mountains of Gil- 
ead, where he found a refuge in the house 
of Machir ben-Ammiel, a powerful Gaditt 
or Manassite sheikh at Lo-debar, not far 
from Mahanaim, which during the reign of 
his uncle Ishbosheth was the headquarters 
of his family. By Machir he was brought 
up, there he married, and there he was liv- 
ing at a later period, when David, having 
completed the subjugation of the adversa- 
ries of Israel on every side, heard of his 
existence from Ziba. David invited him 
to Jerusalem, and there treated him and 
his son Micha with the greatest kindness. 
From this time forward he resided at Jeru- 
salem. Of Mepliibosheth's behavior dur- 
ing the rebellion of Absalom we possess 
two accounts — his own (2 Sam. xix. 24- 
30), and that of Ziba (xvi. 1-4). They are 
naturally at variance with each other. In 
consequence of the story of Ziba, he was 
rewarded b^ the possessions of his master. 
Mepliiboyheth's story — which, however, he 
had not the opportunity of telling until 
several days later when he met David re- 
turning to his ki jdom at the western 
bank of Jordan — was very different from 
Ziba's. That David did not disbelieve it 
is shown by his revoking the judgment he 
had previously given. That he did not 
entirely reverse his decision, but allowed 
Ziba to retain possession of half the lands 
of Mephibosheth, is probably due partly to 
weariness at the whole transaction, ba; 
mainly to the conciliatory frame of mina 
in which he was at that moment. " Shall 
there any man be put to death this day ? " 
is the key-note of the whole \ 'oceeding. 
The writer is aware that this is not the view 
generally taken of Mephiboehetl '6 conduct. 



MERAB 



402 



MEREMOTH 



ana in particular the opposite side has been 
Qiaiiitained with mueli cogency and ingenu- 
ity by the late Professor Blunt in his Unde- 
»%gned Coincidences. But when the cir- 
cumstances on botli sides are weighed, 
there seems to be no escape from the con- 
clusion come to above. 

Md'rab, the eldest daughter of king 
Saul (1 Sam. xiv. 49). In accordance 
with the promise which he made before the 
engagement with Goliath (xvii. 25), Saul 
betrothed Merab to David (xviii. 17). 
Before the marriage Merab's younger sis- 
ter Michal had displayed her attachment 
for David, and Merab was then married to 
Adriel the Meholathite, to whom she bore 
five sons (2 Sam. xxi. 8). 

Merai'ah. A priest in the days of 
Joiakim, the son of Jeshua, and represen- 
tative of the priestly family of Seraiah 
(Neh. xii. 12). 

Mera'ioth. 1. A descendant of Eleazar 
the son of Aaron, and head of a priestly 
house (1 Chr. vi. 6, 7, 52). It is appar- 
ently another Meraioth who comes in be- 
tween Zadok and Ahitub in the genealogy 
of Azariah (1 Chr. ix. 11 ; Neh. xi. 11), 
unless the names Ahitub and Meraioth are 
transposed, which is not improbable. 2. 
The head of one of the houses of priests, 
which in the time of Joiakim the son of 
Jeshua was represented by Helkai CNeh. 
xii. 15). 

Mer'ari, third son of Levi, and head of 
the third great division of the Levites, the 
Merarites. He was born before the de- 
scent of Jacob into Egypt, and was one of 
the seventy who accompanied Jacob thither 
(Gen. xlvi. 8, 11). At the time of the Ex- 
odus, and the numbering in the wilderness, 
the Merarites consisted of two families, 
the Mahlites and the Mushites, Mahli and 
Mushi being either the two sons, or the son 
and grandson, of Merari (1 Chr. vi. 19, 47). 
Tlieir chief at that time was Zuriel. Their 
charge was the boards, bars, pillars, sock- 
ets, pins, and cords of the tabernacle and 
the court, and all the tools connected with 
setting them up. Owing to the heavy 
nature of the materials which they had to 
carry, four wagons and eight oxen were 
assigned to them ; and in the march both \ 
they and the Gershonites followed imm^- ! 
diately after the standard of Judah, and 
before that of Reuben, that they might set 
up the tabernacle against the arrival of the 
Koliathites (Num. iii. 20, 33-37, iv. 29-33, 
42-45, vii. 8, x. 17, 21). In the division | 
of tlie land by Joshua, the Merarites had 
twelve cities assigned to them, out of Reu- 
ben, Gfv^. and Zebulun, of which one was 
Ramoth-Gilead, a city of refuge, and in 
later times a frequent subject of war between 
Israel and Syria (Josh. xxi. 7, 34-40; 1 
Chr. vi. 63, 77-81). In the days of Heze- 
kiab th(; Merarite'* ^ere still flourishing (2 



Chr. x>ix. 12, 15). After the T^tpfJik from 
captivity Shemaiah represents the aous of 
Merari, in 1 Chr. ix. 14, Neh. xi. Lli. There 
were also at that time sons of Jtduthuu 
under Ob^idi.ih or Abda, the sm of Sbena- 
aiah (1 Chr. ix. IG ; Neh. xi. 17). 

Meratha'im, Tlie Lane! of, that is. 
" of double rebellion," alluding to the coun- 
try of the Chaldeans, and to Ihe double cap- 
tivity which it had inflicted on the nation 
of Israel (Jer. 1. 21). 

Mercu'rius, properly Hermes, the 
Greek deity, whom the Romans identified 
with their Mercury, the god of commerce 
and bargains. Hermes was the son of Zeus 
(Jupiter) and Maia the daughter of Atlas, 
and is constantly represented as the com- 
panion of his father in his wanderings upon 
earth. The episode of Baucis and Philemon 
(Ovid, Metam. viii. 620-724) appears to 
have formed part of the folk-lore of Asia 
Minor, aud strikingly illustrates the read- 
iness with which the simple people of Lys- 
tra recognized in Barnabas and Paul the 
gods who, according to their wont, had come 
down in the likeness of men (Acts xiv. 11) 
They called Paul " Mercurius, because he 
was the chief speaker ; " identifying in him, 
as they supposed, by this characteristic the 
herald of the gods and of Jupiter, the elo- 
quent orator, inventor of letters, music, and 
the arts. 

Mercy-seat (Ex. xxv. 17, xxxvii. 6, 
Heb. ix. 5). This appears to have been 
merely the lid of the Ark of the Covenant, 
not another surface aflSxed thereto. It wai 
that whereon the blood of the yearly atone- 
ment was sprinkled by the high-priest ; and 
in this relation it is doubtful whether the 
sense of the word in the Heb. is based on 
the material fact of its " covering " the Ark, 
or derived from this notion of its reference 
to the "covering" (t. e. atonement) of sin. 

Me'red. This name occurs in a frag- 
mentary genealogy in 1 Chr. iv. 17, 18, as 
that of one of the sons of Ezra. Tradition 
identifies him with Caleb and Moses. 

Mer'emoth. 1. Son of Uriah, or Uri- 
jah, the priest, of the family of Koz or 
Hakkoz, the head of the seventh course of 
priests as established by David. In Ezr. 
viii. 33, Meremoth is appointed to weigh 
and register the gold and silver vessels few;- 
longing to the Temple. In the rebuilding 
of the wall of Jerusalem under Nehemiah 
we find Meremoth taking an active part, 
working between Meshullam and the sons 
of Hassenaah who restored the fish-gate 
(Neh. iii. '4), and himself restoring the por- 
tion of the Temple w^all on which abutted 
the house of the high -priest Eliashib (Neh. 
iii. 21). 2. A layman of the sons of Bani, 
who had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 
36). 3. A priest, or more probably a fam- 
ily of priests, who sealed the cov^enant with 
Nehemiah ''Neh. x. S'J. 



MTilES 



403 



MESUA 



Me'res, one of the sc^en omnsellors 
»f Ahasuerus, king )f Persia, " wise men 
•rhich knew the times " (Esth. i. 14). 

Mer'ibah. In Ex. xvii. 7 we read, " he 
calh.'d the name of the i)lace Massah and 
.Meribah," where the people murmured, and 
ihe reck was smitten [For the situation 
sev P.^piiiDiM.] The name is also given 
to Kadesh (Num. xx. 13, 24, xxvii. 14 ; 
-Dcut. xxii. 51, " Meribah-kadesh), because 
there also the people, when in want of 
ir liter, strove with God. 

Merib-ba'al, son of Jonathan the son 
of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 34, ix. 40), doubtless 
tlie same person wlio in the narrative of 2 
Simuel is called Mephibosheth. 

Mero'dacll is mentioned once only in 
Scripture, namely, in Jer. 1. 2, and was 
really identical with the famous Babylonian 
Bel or Belus, the word being probably at 
first a mere epithet of the god, which by 
degrees superseded his proper appella- 
tion. 

Mero'dach-baradan is mentioned as 

king of Babylon in the days of Hezekiah, 
both in the second book of Kings (xx. 12) 
and in Isaiah (xxxix. 1). In the former 
place he is called Berodach-Baladan. The 
orthography " Merodach " is, however, to 
be preferred. The name of Merodach- 
Baladan has been recognized in the Assyr- 
ian inscriptions. It appears there were two 
reigns of this king, the first from b. c. 721 
to B. c. 709, when he was deposed ; and the 
second, after his recovery of the throne in 
B. c. 702, which lasted only half a year. 
There is some doubt as to the time at which 
he sent his ambassadors to Hezekiah, for the 
purpose of inquiring as to the astronom- 
ical marvel of which Judaea had been the 
scene (2 Chr. xxxii. 31), but it appears to 
;iave been b. c. 713. The real object of the 
mission was most likely to effect a league 
between Babylon, Judaea, and Egypt (Is. 
XX. 5, 6), in order to check the growing 
power of the Assyrians. The league, how- 
ever, though designed, does not seem to 
liave taken effect. Sargon sent expeditions 
both into Syria and Babylonia — seized the 
stronghold of Ashdod in the one, and com- 
pletely defeated Merodach-Baladan in the 
other. That monarch sought safety in 
flight, and lived for eight years in exile. At 
last he found an opportunity to return. In 
B. c. 703 or 702, Babylonia was plunged in 
anarchy — the Assyrian yoke was thrown 
oflT, and various native leaders struggled for 
the mastery. Unde^ these circumstances 
the exiled monarch s3emsto have returned, 
anil recovered his throne. Merodach- 
Ualalan liad obtained a body of troops from 
his ally, the king of Susiana; but Sen- 
aacherib defe7*;ed the combined army in a 
pitched bittla Merodach-Baladan fled to 
•' tlie islands at the mouth of the Eu}»hrates." 
flfc lost his r''C'OAered cr >wn aftfr wparing 



it for about six months, and sp«nt the re- 
mainder of his days in exile and obscurity, 

Me'rom, The Waters of, a plac« 
memora le in the history of the conquest of 
Palestine. Here, after Josliua had gained 
possession of the southern portions of 
the country, a confederacy of the northerjt 
chiefs assembled under the leadership of 
Jabin, king of Hazor (Josh. xi. 5), and hers 
they were encountered by Joshua, and cont- 
pletely routed (ver. 7). It is a remaiktilifl 
fact that though by common consent th* 
" waters of Merom" are identified with tl'Hh 
lake through which the Jordan runs be- 
tween Banias and the Sea of Galilee — the 
Bohr el-HMeh of the modern Arabs —yet 
that identity cannot be proved by any anr 
cient record. In form the lake is not far 
from a triangle, the base being at the ncrtbi 
and the apex at the south. It measures 
about 3 miles in each direction. The water 
is clear and sweet; it is covered in part* 
by a broad-leaved plant, and abounds in 
water-fowl. 

Meron'othite, The, that is, the na- 
tive of a place called probably Meronoth^ 
of which, however, no further traces have 
yet been discovered. Two Meronothites ar» 
named in the Bible — 1. Jehdeiah (1 Ch> 
xxvii. 30) ; and 2. Jadon (Neh. iii. 7). 

Me'roz, a place mentioned only in the 
Song of Deborah and Barak in Judg. v. 
23, and there denounced because its inhab- 
itants had refused to take any part in tlie 
struggle with Sisera. Meroz must hav* 
been in the neighborhood of the Kishon 
but its real position is not known : possibly 
it was destroyed in obedience to the curse, 

Me'sech, Me'shech, a son of Japheth 
(Gen. X. 2 ; 1 Chr. i. 5), and the progenitor 
of a race frequently noticed in Scripture in 
connection with Tubal, Magog, and other 
northern nations. They appear as allies of 
Gog (Ez. xxxviji. 2, 3, xxxix. 1), and as 
supplying the Tyrians with copper and 
slaves (Ez. xxvii. 13) ; in Ps. cxx. 5, they 
are noticed as one of the remotest, and at 
the same time rudest nations of the world. 
Both the name and the associations are in 
favor of the identification of Meshech with 
the Moschi, a people on the borders of Col- 
chis and Armenia. 

Me'sha. 1. The name of one of tlie 
geographical limits of the Joktanites when 
they first settled in Arabia (Gen. x. 30), 
probably in north-western Yemen. 2. The 
king of Moab in the reigns of Ahab and his 
sons Ahaziah and Jehoram, kings of Israel 
(2 K. iii. 4), and tributary to thf: first. 
When Ahab had fallen in battle at R imoth- 
Gilead, Mesha seized the oj)portunity af- 
forded by the confusion consequent upon 
til is disaster, and the feeble reign of Ahaziah, 
to shake off' the yoke of Israel and free him- 
self from the burdensome trilute of "a 
hundred thousand wethers and a hu idrod 



MESHACH 



404 



MESHCJLLAM 



inousand rams with their wool." Wh. n 
Jelioram succeeded to the throne of Israel, 
one of his first acts was to secure the as- 
sistance of Jehoshaphat, his father's ally, in 
reducing the Moabites to their former con- 
dition of tributaries. The united armies 
of tli(; two kings marched, by a circuitous 
route, round the Dead Sea, and were joined 
by the forces of the king of Edom. The 
Moabites were defeated, and the king took 
refuge in his last stronghold, and defended 
himself witli the energy of despair. With 
700 fighting men he made a vigorous at- 
tempt to cut his way through the beleaguer- 
ing army, and when beaten back, he with- 
■ drew to the wall of his city, and there, in 
sight of the allied host, offered his first- 
born son, his successor in the kingdom, as a 
burnt-offering to Chemosh, the ruthless lire- 
god of Moab. ITis bloody sacrifice had so 
far the desired effect that the besiegers re- 
tired from him to their own land. 3. The 
eldest son of Caleb the son of Hezron by 
liis wife Azubah, as Kimehi conjectures (1 
Chr. ii. 42). 4. A Benjamite, son of Sha- 
haraim, by his wife Hodesh, who bare him 
in the land of Moab (1 Chr. viii. 9). 

Me'shach. The name given to Mishael, 
one of the companions of Daniel, and like 
him of the blood-royal of Judah, who with 
three others was chosen from among the 
captives to be taught "tlie learning and 
the tongue of the Chaldeans " (Dan. i. 4), 
so that tliey might be qualified to " stand 
before " king Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. i. 5) 
as his personal attendants and advisers 
(i. 20). But, notwithstanding their Chal- 
dean education, these three young Hebrews 
were strongly attached to the religion of 
their fathers ; and their refusal to join in 
the worship of the image on the plain of 
Dura gave a handle of accusation to the 
Chaldeans. The rage of the king, the 
swift sentence of condemnation passed 
upon the three offenders, their miraculous 
preservation from the fiery furnace heated 
eeven times hotter than usual, the king's 
acknowledgment of the God of Shadrach, 
Sleshach, and Abednego, with their restora- 
tion to ofll-e, are written in the 3d chapter 
of Daniel and there the history leaves 
t lem. 

Moshelemi'ah. A Korhite, son of 
Kore, of the sons of Asaph, who with his 
seven sons and his brethren, "sons of 
might," were porters or gate-keepers of the 
house of Jehovah in the reign of David 
(1 Chr. ix. 21, xxvi. 1, 2, 9). 

Meshez'abeel. 1. Ancestor of Me- 
shullam, who assisted Neliemiah in rebuild- 
ing the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 4). 2. 
One of the "heads of the people," proba- 
bly a family, who sealed the covenant with 
Nehemiah (Neh. x. 21). 3. The father of 
P thahiah, and descendant of Zerah the son 
•1 Judah CNeh. xi. 24). 



Meshil lemith. The son »f Inime*. 
a priest, and ancestor of A mashai oi 
Maasiai, according to Noli. xi. 13, and of 
Pashur and Adaiah, according to 1 Clir 
ix. 12. 

Meshil'lomolh. 1. An Ephraimit* 
ancestor of Berecliiah, one of the chid 
of the tribe in the reign of Pekah (2 Chr 
xxviii. 12). 2. Neh. xi. 13. The same aj 
Meshillemith. 

MeshulTam. 1. Ancebtor of Shaphar 
the scribe (2 K. xxii. 3). 2. The son of 
Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 19). 3. A Gadite, 
one of the chief men of the tribe, who dwelt 
in Bashan at the time tlie genealogies were 
recorded in the reign of Jotham king of 
Judah (1 Chr. v. 13). 4. A Benjamite, of 
the sons of Elpaal (1 Chr. viii. 17). 5. A 
Benjamite, the son of Hodaviah or Joel, 
and father of Sallu (1 Chr. ix. 7; Neh. xi. 
7). 6. A Benjamite, son of Shephathiah 
who lived at Jerusalem after the captivitv 
(1 Chr. ix. 8). 7. The same as Shallui* 
who was high-priest probably in the reig< 
of Amon, and father of Hilkiah (1 Chr. h 
11; Neh. xi. 11). 8. A priest, son o'' 
Meshillemith, or Meshillemoth, the • &o»« 
of Immer, and ancestor of Maasiai ot 
Amashai (1 Chr. ix. 12; comp. Neh. x:. 
13). 9. A Kohathite, or family of Kc 
hathite Levites, in the reign of Josiah (4 
Chr. xxxiv. 12). 10. One of tlie " heads '" 
(A. V. " chief men ") sent by Ezra to Iddo, 
" the head," to gather together the Levites 
to join the caravan about to return to Jeru- 
salem (Ezr. viii. 16). 11. A chief man i"j 
the time of Ezra, probably a Levite; wlo 
assisted Jonathan and Jahaziah in abol- 
ishing the marriages which some of the 
people had contracted with foreign wives 
(Ezr. X. 15). 12. One of the descendants 
of Bani, who had married a foreign wife 
and put her away (Ezr. x. 29). 1-3. (Neli. 
iii. 30, vi. 18). The son of Berechiah, 
who assisted in rebuilding the wall of Jeru- 
salem (Neh. iii. 4), as well as the Temple 
wall, adjoining which he had his "cham- 
ber" (Neh. iii. 30). He was probably a 
priest, and his daughter was married to 
Johanan the son of Tobiah the Ammonite 
(Neh. vi. 18). 14. The son of Besodeiah : 
he assisted Jehoiada the son of Paseah in 
restoring the old gate of Jerusalem (Neh. 
iii. 6). 15. One of those who stood at the 
left hand of Ezra when he read the law 
to the people (Neh. viii. 4). 16. A priest, 
or family of priests, vr ho sealed the cove- 
nant with Nehemiah (Neh, x. 7). 17. 
One of the heads of the people who sealed 
the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 20). 
18. A priest in tlie days of Joiakira the 
son of Jeshua, and representative of the 
house of Ezra (Neh. xii. 13). 19. Like- 
wise a priest at the same time as the pre- 
ceding, and head of the priesrly fomily of 
GinD«-tlio'» Nl'Ii. xii. J<". ). 20. A famiN 



MESHUIXEMETB 



40f) 



MESSIAH 



ji porters, descendants of Mtshullam 
(Neh. xii. 25), wlio is also called Mesliel- 
emiah (1 Chr. xxvi. 1), Sheleniiali (1 Chr. 
xxvi. 14), and Shallum (Neh. vii. 45). 21. 
One of the princes of Judah at the dedica- 
tion of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 
33). 

Meshul lemeth. The daughter of 
Haruz of Jotbali, wife of Manasseh king 
of Judah, and motlicr of his successor 
Anion (2 K. xxi. 19). 

Mea'obaite, The. a title which occurs 
»*nly once, and then attaclicd to the name 
of Jasiel (1 Chr. xi. 47.) The word re- 
ta'.Ts Htrong traces of Zobah, one of the 
petty Arainite kingdoms. Bat on this it 
is impossible to pronounce with any cer- 
tainty. 

Mesopota'mia is the ordinary Greek 
rendering of the tiebrew AraT/i- Naharaim, 
or " Syria of the two rivers." If we look 
to the signification of the name, we must 
'egard Mesopotamia as the entire country 
between the two rivers — the Tigris and 
the Euphrates. This is a tract nearly 700 
miles long, and from 20 to 250 miles broad, 
extending in a south-easterly direction from 
Telek (lat. 38° 23', long. 39° 18') to Knrnah 
(lat. 31°, long. 47° 30'). The Arabian 
geographers term it " the Island," a name 
which is almost literally correct, since a 
few miles only intervene between the source 
of the Tigris and the Euphrates at Telek, 
But the region which bears tlie name of 
Mesopotamia, par excellence, both in Scrip- 
ture and in the classical writers, is the 
Qortli-western portion of this tract, or the 
country between the great bend of the 
Euphrates (lat. 35° to 37° 30') and the up- 
p 2r Tigris. We first hear of Mesopotamia 
in Scripture as the country where Nahor 
avid his family settled after quitting Ur of 
the Chaldees (Gen. xxiv. 10). Here lived 
Bothuel and Laban ; and hither Abraham 
sent his servant, to fetch Isaac a wife "of 
his own kindred" (ib. ver. 38). Hither 
too, a century later, came Jacob on the 
same errand ; and hence he returned with 
his two wives after an absence of 21 years. 
After this we have no mention of Mesopo- 
tamia, till the close of the wanderings in 
the wilderness (Deut. xxiii. 4). About 
half a century later, we find, for the first 
and last time, Mesopotamia the seat of a 
powerful monarchy (Judg. iii.). Finally, 
the children of Ammoa, having provoked a 
war with David, " sent a thousand talents 
of silver to hire them chariots and horse- 
n;en out of Mesopotamia, and out of Syria- 
Maacl\ah, and out of Zobah'" (1 Chr. xix. 
6). According to the Assyrian inscriptions 
VI(;soi)otamia was inhabited in the early 
rimt§ of the empire (b. c. 1200-1 100) by a 
vast number of petty tribes, each under its 
own prince, and nil quite independent of 
^ue UMTih^.r. Hii' Ajisyriau monaichs con- 



tended with these chiefs at gnsat advantage, 
and by the time of Jehu (b. c. 880) had 
fully establislied their dominion over them. 
On tlie destruction of the Assyrian cfnpire, 
Mesopotamia seems to have been divided 
between the Medes and the Babylonians. 
The conquests of Cyrus brought it wholly 
under the Persian yoke ; and thus it con- 
tinued to the time of Alexander. 

Messi'ah.. This word {Mashtacri), 
which answers to the word Christ (Xoinr6$) 
in the N. T., means anointed, and is appli- 
cable in its first sense to any one anointed 
with the holy oil. It is applied to the liigli- 
priest in Lev. iv. 3, 5, 16. The kings of 
Israel were called anointed, from the mode 
of their consecration (1 Sam. ii. 10, 35, xii. 
3, 5, &c.). This word also refers to tlie 
expected Prince of the chosen people whc 
was to corapleie God's purposes for them 
and to redeem them, and of whose coming 
the prophets of the old covenant in all timt 
spoke. It is twice used in the N. T. of Je- 
sus (John i. 41, iv. 25, A. V. "Messias"); 
but the Greek equivalent, the Christ, is 
constantly applied, at first with the article 
as a title, exactly the Anointed One, but 
later without the article, as a proper name, 
Jesus Christ, The present article contains 
a brief survey of the expectation of a Mes- 
siah among the Jews. The earliest gleam 
of the Gospel is found in the account of 
the fall (Gen. iii. 15). Many interpreters 
would understand by the seed of tlie woman 
the Messiah only ; but it is easier to think 
with Calvin that mankind, after they are 
gathered into one army by Jesus the Chris* 
the Head of the Church, are to acliieve a 
victory over evil. The blessings in store 
for the children of Shem are remarkably 
indicated in the words of Noah, " Bless^ 
be Jehovah the God of Shem " (Gen. ix. 
26). Next follows the promise to Abraham, 
wherein the blessings to Shem are turned 
into the narrower channel of one family 
(Gen. xii. 2, 3). The promise is still in- 
definite ; but it tends to the undoing of the 
curse of Adam, by a blessing to all the 
earth tlirough the seed of Abraham, a* 
death had come on the whole earth thrcugL 
Adam. A great step is made in Gen. xlix 
10, " The sceptre shall not depart from Ju 
dah, nor a lawgiver from between liis feet, 
until Sliiloh come ; and unto him shall tlie 
gathering of the people b».." This is the 
first case in which the promises distinctly 
centre in one person. The next passage 
usually quoted is the prophecy of Balaam 
(Num. xxiv. 17-19). The star points in- 
deed to the glory, as the sceptre denotes 
the power of a king. But it is doubtful 
whether the prophecy is not fulfilled in Da- 
vid (2 Sam. viii. 2, 14) ; and thougli David 
is himself a type of Christ, the direct Mes- 
sianic application of tliis place is by no 
means certain. The prophecy of Tv^oie* 



MESSIAH 



40t) 



METAJ^S 



iDuut. xviii 18) claims attention. Does 
Qiis rel.ur to the Messiah? The reference 
to Moses in John v. 45-47, " He wrote of 
me," seems to point to tliis passage. The 
passages in the Pentateuch which relate to 
" the Angel of the Lord " have been thought 
bv many to bear reference to the Messiah. 
The second period of Messianic prophecy 
vould include the time of David. Passages 
m the Psalms are numerous which are ap- 
plied to the Messiah in the N. T. ; such as 
Vs. ii., xvi., xxii., xl., ex. The advance in 
clearness in this period is great. The name 
of Anointed, i. e. King, comes in, and the 
Messiah is to come of the lineage of David. 
He is described in His exaltation, with His 
great kingdom that shall be spiritual rather 
than temporal, Ps. ii., xxi., xl., ex. In 
other places He is seen in suffering and 
humiliation, Ps. xxii., xvi., xl. After the 
time of David the predictions of the Mes- 
siah ceased for a time ; until those prophets 
trose whose works we possess in the canon 
©f Scripture. The Messiah is a King and 
Ruler of David's house, who should come 
lo reform and restore the Jewisl nation and 

?urify the church, as in Is. xi., xl.-lxvi. 
'he blessings of the restoration, however, 
will not be confined to Jews ; the heathen 
•re made to share them fully (Is. ii., Ixvi.). 
The passage of Micah v. 2 (comp. Matt. ii. 
6) left no doubt in the mind of the Sanhe- 
Irira as to the birthplace of the Messiah. 
The lineage of David is again alluded to in 
Zechariah xii. 10-14. The time of the sec- 
OT\d Temple is fixed by Haggai ii. 9 for 
Messiah's coming; and the coming of the 
Forerunner and of the Anointed are clearly 
revealed in Mai. iii. 1, iv. 5, 6. The fourth 
period after the close of the canon of the 
0. T. is known to us in a great measure 
from allusions in the N. T. to the expecta- 
tion of the Jews. The Pharisees and those 
of the Jews who expected Messiah at all, 
looked for a temporal prince only. The 
Apostles themselves were infected with this 
opinion till after the Resurrection, Matt. 
XX. 20, 21 ; Luke xxiv. 21 ; Acts i. 6. Gleams 
of a purer faith appear, Luke ii. 30, xxiii. 
42 ; John iv. 25. On the other hand there 
was a sceptical school which had discarded 
tlie expectation altogether. The expecta- 
tion of a golden age that should return upon 
the earth was common in heathen nations. 
This hope the Jews also shared ; but with 
them it was associated with the coming of 
a particular Person, the Messiah. It has 
b?en asserted that in Him the Jews looked 
for ir earthly king, and that the existence 
of the hope of a Messiah may thus be ac- 
counted for on natural grounds, and with- 
out a divine revelation. But the prophe- 
cd(!s refute this : they hold out not a Prophet 
only, but a King and a Priest, whose busi- 
oess it sliould be to set the people free from 
<in. and to teach them the wajrs of God, as 



in Ps. xxii., xl., ex.; Is. ii., xi., liii. in 
these and other places too the power ol tlie 
coming One reaches beyond the Jews anJ 
embraces all the Gentiles, which is contrary 
to the exclusive notions cf JudaiKm. A 
fair consideration of all tla' passages will 
convince that the growth of the Me^rsiftnir 
idea in the prophecies is owirg to revela- 
tion from God. 

Messi'as, the Greek form of Me<»sia?3 
(John i. 41; iv. 25). 

Metals. The Hebrews, in common vr ith 
other ancient nations, were acquainted with 
nearly all the metals known to modern met- 
allurgy, whether as the products of their 
own soil or the results of intercourse with 
foreigners. One of the earliest geographi- 
cal definitions is that which describes the 
country of Havilah as the land which 
abounded in gold, and the gold of which 
was good (Gen. ii. 11, 12). The first artist 
in metals was a Cainite, Tubal Cain, the 
son of Lamech, the forger or sharpener of 
every instrument of copper (A. V. '' brass ") 
and iron (Gen. iv. 22). " Abram was very 
rich in cattle, in silvery and in gold " (Gen. 
xiii. 2) ; silver, as will be shown hereafter, 
being the medium of commerce, while gold 
existed in the shape of ornaments, during 
the patriarchal ages. Tin is first mentioned 
among the spoils of the Midianites which 
were taken when Balaam was slain (Num. 
xxxi. 22), and lead is used to heighten the 
imagery of Moses' triumphal song (Ex. xv. 
10). Whether the ancient Hebrews were 
acquainted with steel, properly so called, is 
uncertain; the words so rendered in the 
A. V. (2 Sara. xxii. 35; Job xx. 24; Ps. 
xviii. 34 ; Jer. xv. 12) are in all other pas- 
sages translated brass, and would be mort 
correctly copper. The " northern iron " of 
Jer. XV. 12 is believed by commentators to 
be iron hardened and tempered by some 
peculiar process, so as more nearly to cor- 
respond to what we call steel [Steel] ; and 
tlie '* flaming torches " of Nah. ii. 3 are 
probably the flashing steel scythes of the 
war-chariots which should come againsi 
Nineveh. Besides the simple metals, it is 
supposed that the Hebrews used the mix- 
ture of copper and tin known as bron^vr 
We have no indications of gold streams or 
mines in Palestine. The Hebrews obtained 
their principal supply from the south of 
Arabia, and the commerce of the Persian 
Gulf. It was probably brought in form of 
ingots (Josh. vii. 21 ; A. V. '* wedge," lit 
" tongue ")• The great abundance of gold 
in early times is indicated by its entering 
into the composition of every article of or- 
nament and almost all of domestic use. 
Among the spoils of the Midianites taken 
by the Israelites in their bloodless victory 
when Balaam was slain, were ear-rings and 
jewels to the amount of 16,750 shekels of 
gold (Num. xxxi. i8-64'», equal in value t^i 



Mi.ri.t!.0-AMMAH 



407 



MiCAU 



iiDrt than 30,000Z. oi English money. 
1700 shekels of gold (worth more than 
3000^) in nose jewels (A. V. "ear-rings") 
alone were taken by Gideon's army from 
Mie slaughtered Midianites (Judg. viii. 26). 
These numbers, though large, are not in- 
credibly great, when we consider that the 
ijouij^ry )f the Midianites was at that time 
rich iu j.'o]d streams which have been since 
exhausted, and that like the Malays of the 
tres'c'nt day, and the Peruvians of the time 
jf Pizarro, they carried most of their wealth 
about them. But the amount of treasure 
accumulated by David from spoils taken in 
war, is so enormous, that we are tempted 
to conclude the numbers exaggerated. 
Though gold was thus common, silver 
appears to have been the ordinary medium 
of commerce. The first commercial trans- 
action of which we possess the details was 
the purchase of Ephron's field by Abraham 
for 400 shekels of silver (Gen. xxiii. 16). 
The accumulation of wealth in the reign of 
Solomon was so great tliat silver was but 
little esteemed ; "the king made silver to 
he in Jerusalem as stones " (1 K. x. 21, 27). 
With the treasures wliich were brought out 
af Egypt, not only the ornaments but the 
ordinary metal-work of the tabernacle were 
made. Brass, or more properly copper, 
was a native product of Palestine, " a land 
whose stones are iron, and out of whose 
hills thou mayest dig coj523cr " (Deut. viii. 
9: Job xxviii. 2). It was so plentiful in 
tlie days of Solomon that the quantity em- 
ployed in the Temple could not be estimated, 
it was so great (1 K. vii. il*). There is 
strong reason to believe that brass, a mix- 
ture of copper and zinc, was unknown to 
the ancients. To the latter metal no allu- 
sion is found. But tin was well known, 
and from the difficulty which attends the 
toughening pure copper so as to render it 
fit for hammering, it is probable that the 
mode of deoxidizing copper by the admix- 
ture of small quantities of tin had been 
early discovered. Arms (2 Sam. xxi. 16 ; 
Job XX. 24 ; Ps. xviii. 34) and armor (1 
Sam. xvii. 5, 6, 38) were made of this 
tr.?tHl, which was capable of being so 
•rrought as to admit of a keen and hard 
edge. The Egyptians employed it in cut- 
ttng the hardest granite. Iron, like copper, 
wna found in the hills of Palestine. Iron- 
aiines are still worked by the inhabitants 
of Kefr Hun eh in the S. of the valley Za- 
hardni. 

Me theg-ara'mah, a place which Da- 
vid tuok from the Pliilistines, apparently in 
his last war with them (2 Sam. viii. 1). 
Ammali may be taken as meaning " mother- 
oit> " or " metropolis " (corap. 2 Sam. xx. 
iJ), and Methegrha-Ammal) "the bridle of 
the mother-city" — viz. of Gath, the chief 
t^wn of the Philistines. 

Methu'sael thesonofMe'miael. fourth 



in descent from Cain, and father of Lamecb 
(Gen. iv. 18). 

Methu'selah, the «on of Encch, sixth 
in descent from Seth, and father of Lamecb 
(Gen. V. 25-27). 

Meu nim, Neh. vii. 62. Elsewhere given 
in A. V. as Mehunim and Mehunuis. 

Meu'zal, Ez. xxvii. 19, marg. [Uzal.] 

Mez'ahab. The father of Matred and 
grandfather of Mehetabei, who was wife of 
Hadar or Hadad, the last-named king of 
Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 39 ; 1 Chr. i. 50). Uis 
name, which, if it be Hebrew, signifies 
" waters of gold," has given rise to mucb 
speculation. 

Mi'amin. 1. A layman of Israel of 
t\je sons of Parosh, who had married a for- 
eign wife and put her away at the bidding 
of Ezra (Ezr. x. 25). 2. A priest or family 
of priests wlio went up from Babylon with 
Zerubbabel (Neh. xii. 5). 

Mib'har. " Mibhar the son of Hag- 
geri " is the name of one of David's heroes 
in the list given in 1 Chr. xi. The verse 
(38) in which it occurs appears to be cor- 
rupt, for in the corresponding catalogue of 
2 Sam. xxiii. 36 we find, instead of " Mib- 
har the son of Haggeri," "of Zobah, Bani 
the Gadite." 

Mib'sara. 1. A son of Ishmael (Gen. 
XXV. 13; 1 Chr. i. 29), not elsewhere me.- 
tioned. The signification of his name has 
led some to propose an identification of the 
tribe sprung from him with some one of 
the Abrahamic tribes settled in Arabia Aro- 
matifera. 2. A son of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 
25), perhaps named after the Ishmaolite 
Mibsam. 

Mib'zar. One of the phylarchs or 
"dukes" of Edom (1 Chr. i. 53) or Esau 
(Gen. xxxvi. 43) after the death of Ha4ad 
or Hadar. 

Mi'call (the same nane as Micaiah; 
[Micaiah]. 1. An Israelite ^rhose familiar 
story is preserved in the xviith and xviiitb 
chapters of Judges. From this interesting 
narrative we see (1.) how completely some 
of the most solemn and characteristic en- 
actments of the Law had become a dead 
letter. Micah was evidently a devout be- 
liever in Jehovah. His one anxiety is to 
enjoy the favor of Jehovah (xvii. 13) ; the 
formula of blessing used by his mother and 
his priest invokes the same awful na ne 
(xvii. 2, xviii. 6) ; and yet so couipletfh 
ignorant is he of the Law of Jeho/ah, tlai 
the mode which he adopts of honoiing Ilia- 
is to make a molten and graven image, tera 
phim or images of domestic gods, and t( 
set up an unauthorized priesthood, first ir 
his own family (xvii. 5), and then in tap, 
person of a Levite not of the priestly 11 n« 
(ver. 12). (2.) The story also throws a 
liglit on the condition of the Levites. Here 
we have a Levite belonging to Bethleiicm- 
Judah. a town not aUotied *o bis tribe 



MICAH 



4U8 



MiCAB 



next wandering forth to take up his abode 
wherever he could find a residence ; then 
undertaking the charge of Micah's idol- 
chapel; and lastly, carrying off the prop- 
erty of his master and benefactor, and 
becoming the first priest to another system 
of false worship. But the transaction be- 
comes still more remarkable when we con- 
sider, (3.) that this was no obscure or ordi- 
nary Levite. He belonged to the chief 
family in the tribe, nay, we may say to the 
chief family of the nation, for though not 
himself a priest, he was closely allied to the 
priestly house, and was the grandson of no 
less A person than the great Moses himself. 
(4.) The narrative gives us a most vivid 
idea of the terrible anarchy in which the 
country was placed, when " there was no 
king in Israel, and every man did what was 
right in his own eyes," and shows how ur- 
gently necessary a central authority had 
become. A body of six hundred men com- 
pletely armed, besides the train of their 
families and cattle, traverses the length and 
breadth of the land, not on any mission for 
the ruler or the nation, as on later occasions 
(2 Sam. ii. 12, &c., xx. 7, 14), but simply 
for their private ends. Entirely disregarding 
the rights of private property, they burst in 
wherever they please along their route, and 
plundering the valuables and carrying off 
persons, reply to all remonstrances by taunts 
and threats. As to the date of these interest- 
ing events, the narrative gives us no direct 
information ; but we may at least infer that it 
was also before the time of Samson, because 
in this narrative (xviii. 12) we meet with 
the origin of the name Mahaneh-dan, a place 
which already bore that name in Samson's 
childhood (xiii. 25). 2. The sixth in order of 
the minor prophets. To distinguish him from 
Micaiah the son of Imlah, the contempo- 
rary of Elijah, he is called the Morasthite, 
that is, a native of Moresheth, or some place 
of similar name, wMch Jerome and Euse- 
bius call Morasthi and identify with a small 
village near Eleutheropolis to the east, 
where formerly the prophet's tomb was 
shown, though in the days of Jerome it had 
been succeeded by a church. It is stated 
in tlie superscription to his prophecies 
that Micah exercised the prophetical office 
during the reigns of Jotham, Ahaz, and 
Hezekiah, kings of Judah, giving thus a 
maximum limit of 59 years (b. c. 756-697), 
from the accession of Jotham to the death 
of Hezekiah, and a minimum limit of 16 
years (b. c. 742-726), from the death of 
Jotham to the accession of Hezekiah. In 
either case he would be contemporary with 
Hosea and Amos during part of their min- 
istry in Israel, and with Isaiah in Judah. 
With respect to one of his prophecies (iii. 
12) it is flistinctly assigned to the reign of 
Hezekiali (Jer. xxvi 18), and was probably 
delivered before the groat passover which 



inaugurated the reformation '*j Judah. Ac 
cording to the most probable arrangement, 
ch. i. was delivered in the contemporary 
reigns of 7otham king of Judah and of 
Pekah king of Israel; ii. 1-iv. 8, in those 
of Ahaz, Pekah, and Hosea; iii. 12 bemg 
assigned to the last year of Ahaz, and th< 
remainder of the book to the reign of Heze- 
kiah. But, at whatever time the several 
prophecies were first delivered, they appeal 
in their present form as an organic whole, 
marked by a certain regularity of develop- 
ment. Three sections, omitting the super- 
scription, are introduced by the same phrase, 
" hear ye," and represent three natural 
divisions of the prophecy — i., ii., iii.-v., 
vi.-vii. — each commencing with rebukes 
and threatenings and closing with a promise. 
The first section opens with a magnificent 
description of the coming of Jehovah to 
judgment for the sins and idolatries of Israel 
and Judah (i. 2-4), and the senience pro- 
nounced upon Samaria (5-9) by the Judgt- 
Ilimself. The prophet sees the danger which 
threatens his country, and traces m imagina 
tion the devastating march of the Assyrian 
conquerors (i. 8-16). The impending pun- 
ishment suggests its cause, and the prophet 
denounces a woe upon the people generally 
for the corruption and violence which were 
rife among them, and upon the false proph- 
ets who led them astray by pandering to 
their appetites and luxury (ii. 1-11). The 
sentence of captivity is passed upon them 
(10), but is followed instantly by a promise 
of restoration and triumphant return (ii. 12, 
13). The second section is addressed es- 
pecially to the princes and heads of the 
people ; their avarice and rapacity are re- 
buked in strong terms. But the threatening 
is again succeeded by a promise of restora- 
tion, and in the glories of the Messianic 
kingdom the prophet loses sight of the deso- 
lation which should befall his country. The 
predictions in this section form the climax 
of the book, and Ewald arranges them in 
four strophes, consisting of from seven to 
eight verses each (iv. 1-8, iv. 9-v. 2, v. 3- 
9, V. 10-15), with the exception of the last, 
wliich is shorter. In the last section (vi., 
vii.) Jehovah, by a bold poetical figure, is 
represented as holding a controversy with 
His people, pleading with them in justifica- 
tion of His conduct towards them and the 
reasonableness of His requirements. The 
dialogue form in which chap. vi. is cast 
renders the picture very dramatic and strik- 
ing. The wliole concludes with a triumplial 
song of joy at the great deliverance, like that 
from Egypt, which Jehovah will achieve, and 
a full acknowledgment of His mercy auH 
faithfulness to His pror "ses (16-20). The 
last verse is reproduced in the song of 
Zacharias (Luke i. 72, 73) The pn. Jic- 
tions uttered by Micah relate to the inva- 
sions i>f Shalmaneser (i. 6-8; 2 K. x ii 



MiCAiJi^ti 



4U9 



MICTIA lAH 



I; 6) and Seunacherib (i. 9-16 ; 2 K. xviii. 
13), the destruction of Jerusalem (iii. 12, 
?ii. 13), the captivity in Babylon (iv. 10). 
the return (iv. 1-8, vii. 11), the establish- 
meDt of a theocratic kingdom in Jerusalem 
(iv. 8), and the Ruler who should spring 
from Bethlehem (v. 2). The destruction 
of Assyria and Babylon is supposed to be 
referred to in v. 5, 6, vii. 8, 10. It is re- 
ar ariabli that the prophecies commence 
pith the last words recorded of the proph- 
et's aamesake, Micaiah the son of Imlah, 
•* H Jarken, O people, every one of you " 
(1 K. xxii. 28). The style of Micah has 
been jompared with that of Hosea and 
Isaiah. His diction is vigorous and forcible, 
sometimes obscure from the abruptness of 
its transitions, but varied and rich in figures 
derived from the pastoral (i. 8, ii. 12, v. 4, 
6, 7, 8, vii. 14) and rural life of the lowland 
country (i. 6, iii. 12, iv. 3, 12, 13, vi. 15), 
whose vines and olives and fig-trees were 
celebrated (1 Chr. xxvii. 27, 28), and sup- 
ply the prophet with so many striking allu- 
sions (i. 6, iv. 3, 4, vi. 15, vii. 1, 4), as to 
suggest that, like Amos, he may have been 
either a herdsman or a vine-dresser, who 
had heard the howling of the jackals (i. 8, 
A. V. " dragons ") as he watched his flocks 
or liis vines by night, and had seen the lions 
slaughtering the sheep (v. 8) . The language 
af Micah is quoted in Matt. ii. 5, 6, and his 
prophecies are alluded to in Matt. x. 35, 
36 ; Mark xiii. 12 ; Luke xii. 53 ; John vii. 
42. 3. A descendant of Joel the Reuben- 
ite (1 Chr. v. 6). 4. The son of Merib- 
baal, or Mephibosheth, the son of Jonathan 
(1 Chr. viii. 34, 35, ix. 40, 41). 5. A 
Kohathite Levite, eldest son of Uzziel the 
brother of Amram (1 Chr. xxiii. 20). 6. 
The father of Abdon, a man of high station 
In the reign of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxiv. 20). 

Mioa'iall, the same name as Micah, both 
meaning the same thing. "Who like Je- 
hovah ? " — Micaiah, the son of Imlah, was 
a prophet of Samaria, who, in the last year 
of the reign of Ahab, king of Israel, pre- 
dicted his defeat and death, b. c. 897 (1 K. 
txii. 1-35 ; 2 Chr. xviii.). 

Mi'cha. 1. The son of Mephibosheth 
(2 Sam. ix. 12). 2. A Levite, or family 
of Levites, who signed the covenant with 
Nehemiah (Neh. x. 11). 3. The father of 
Mattaniah, a Gershonite Levite and de- 
scendant of Asaph (Neh. xi. 17, 22). 4. A 
Simeonite, father of Ozias, one of the three 
gOTcrnors of the city of Bethulia in the time 
of Judith (Jud. vi. 15). 

Mi'chael. 1. An Asherite, father of 
Sethur, one of the twelve spies (Num. xiii. 
13). 2. The son of Abihail, one of the 
Gadites who settled in the land of Bashan 
(1 Chr. V. 13). 3. Another Gadite, ances- 
tor of Abihail (1 Chr. v. 14). 4. A Ger- 
ihoniti Levite, ancestor of Asaph (1 Chr. 
▼i. 40). 5. One of the five sons of Izra- 



hiah of the tribe of Issachar (1 Chr vii. 3/ 
6. A Benjamite of the sons of Beriah (I 
Chr. viii. 16). 7. One of the captains of 
the " thousands " of Manasseh who joinetl 
David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 20). 8. The 
father or ancestor of Omri, chief of the 
tribe of Issachar in the reign of David (1 
Chr. xxvii. 18). 9. One of the sons ol 
Jehosiiaphat who were murdered by theii 
elder brother Jehoram (2 Chr. xxi. 2, 4), 
10. The father or ancestor of Zebadiah of 
the sons of Shepliatiah (Ezr. viii. 8). 11 
" One," or " the first of the chief princes " 
or archangels (Dan. x. 13 ; comp. Jude 9), 
described in Dan, x. 21 as the " prince " 
of Israel, and in xii. 1 as " the great prince 
which standeth" in time of conllict '* for 
the children of thy people." All these pas- 
sages in the O. T. belong to that late period 
of its revelation, when, to the general 
declaration of the angelic oflBlce, was added 
the division of that office into parts, and 
the assignment of them to individual angels. 
As Gabriel represents the ministration of 
the angels towards man, so Michael is the 
type and leader of their strife, in God's 
name and His strength, against the power 
of Satan. In the O. T. therefore he is the 
guardian of the Jewish people in their an- 
tagonism to godless power and heathenism 
In the N. T. (see Rev. xii. 7) he figlits ir 
heaven against tlie dragon — " that old sei 
pent called the Devil and Satan, which de- 
ceiveth the whole world ; " and so takes part 
in that struggle, which is the work of the 
Church on earth. There remains one pas- 
sage (Jude 9; comp. 2 Pet. ii. 11) in which 
we are told tliat " Michael the archangel 
when contending with the devil he disputed 
about the body of Moses, durst not bring 
against him a railing accusation, but said. 
The Lord rebuke thee." The allusion seems 
to be to a Jewish legend attached to Deut. 
xxxiv. 6. 

Mi'Cliall, eldest son of Uzziel, the son 
of Koliath (1 Chr. xxiv. 24, 25), elsewhere 
(1 Chr. xxiii. 20) called Micah. 

Micha'iah. 1. The father of Achbor, 
a man of high rank in the reign of Josiah 
(2 K. xxii. 12). He is the same as Micah 
the father of Abdon (2 Chr. xxxiv. 20.) 2. 
The son of Zaccur, a descendant of Asapb 
(Neh. xii. 35). He is the same as Micab 
the son of Zichri (1 Chr. ix. 15) and Micha 
the son of Zabdi (Neh. xi. 17). 3- One of 
the priests at the dedication of the wall of 
Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 41). 4. The daugh- 
ter of Uriel of Gibeah, wife of Rehoboara, 
and mother of Abijah king of JuJah (2 Chr, 
xiii. 2). [Maachah, 3.] 5. One of the 
princes of Jehoshaphat whom he sent to 
teach the law of Jehovah in the cities of 
Judah (2 Chr. xvii. 7). 6. The son of 
Geraariah. He is only mentioned on cn« 
occasion. After Baruch had read, in pul> 
lie, prophecies of Jenmi'vh annou icii f im* 



MKJHAL 



410 



AiL)L>iN 



mil lent ealftrnities, Michaiah wont and de- 
clared them to all the princes assembled in 
king Jehoiakim's house; and the princes 
fortiiwith i>ent for Baruch lo read the proph- 
ecies to thera (Jer. xxxvi. 11-14). 

Mi'chal, the younger of Saul's two 
daughters (1 Sam. xir. 49). The king had 
pro^josed to bestow on David his eldest 
ddXif^hter Merab ; but before the marriage 
could be arranged an unexpected turn was 
jfiven to the matter by the behavior of 
Michal, who fell violently in love with the 
young hero. The marriage with her elder 
sister was at once put aside. Saul eagerly 
caught at the opportunity which the change 
afforded him of exposing his rival to the risk 
of death. Tlie price fixed on Michal's hand 
was no less than the slaughter of a hundred 
Philistines. David by a brilliant feat doubled 
the tale of victims, and Michal became his 
wife. Sh'jitly afterwards she saved David 
from the aiflassins whom her father had sent 
to take hiblife (1 Sam. xix. 11-17). Saul's 
rage may be imagined : his fury was such 
that Mj j)"a1 was obliged to fabricate a story 
of David's having attempted to kill her. 
This WAS the last time she saw her husband 
for a any years ; and when the rupture be- 
tweea Saul and David had become open 
and incurable, she was married to another 
man, Phalti or Phaltiel of Gallim (1 Sam. 
XXV. 44). After the death of her father 
an^I brothers at Gilboa, David compelled 
her new husband to surrender Michal to 
him (2 Sam. iii. 13-16). It is on the road 
leading up from the Jordan valley to the 
Mount of Olives that we first encounter her 
with her husband, Michal under the joint 
escort of David's messengers and Abner's 
twenty men, en route to David at Hebron, 
&he submissive Phaltiel behind, bewailing 
the wife thus torn from him. It was at least 
fourteen years since David and she had 
parted at Gibeah, since she had watched 
him disappear down the cord into the dark- 
ness and had perilled her own life for his 
Against the rage of her insane father. That 
David's love for his absent wife had under- 
gone no change in the interval seems cer- 
tain from the eagerness with which he re- 
claims her as soon as the opportunity is 
afforded him. The meeting took place at 
Hebron. How Michal comported herself 
in the altered circumstances of David's 
household we are not told ; but it is plain 
from the subsequent occurrences that some- 
thing had happened to alter the relations 
of herself and David. It was the day of 
David's greatest triumph, when he brought 
the ark of Jehovah from its temporary rest- 
ing-place to its home in the newly-acquired 
city. Michal watched the procession ap- 
proach from the window of her apartment; 
the motions of her husband shocked her as 
an dignified and indecent ; *♦ she despised him 
in her heart." After the exertions of the 



long day were over, the king jeas ^ec<iv^■^d 
by his wife with a bitter taunt David's i*e> 
tori was a tremendous one, conveyed Id 
words which once spoken couid never be 
recalled. All intercourse between her and 
David ceased from that date (2 Sam. vL 
20-23). Her name appears (2 Sam. xxi. 
8) as the mother of five of the grandchil 
dren of Saul. But it is probably more cor 
rect to substitute Merab for Michal in tlup 
place. 

Mich'mas, a variation, probably a later 
form, of the name Michmash (Ezr. ii. 27 ; 
Neh. vii. 31). 

Mich'iuash, a town which is known to 
us almost solely by its connection with the 
Philistine war of Saul and Jonathan (1 
Sam. xiii., xiv.). It has been identified 
with great probability in a village which 
still bears the name of Atukhmas, about 7 
miles north of Jerusalem. The place wu> 
thus situated in the very middle of the tribe 
of Benjamin. In the invasion of Sen- 
nacherib in the reign of Hezekiah, it ib 
mentioned by Isaiah (x. 28). After the 
captivity the men of the place returned 
(Ezr. ii. 27 ; Neh. vii. 31). At a later date 
it became the residence of Jonathan Mac- 
cabaeus, and the seat of his government 
(1 Mace. ix. 73). In the time of Eusebiua 
and Jerome it was "a very large village 
retaining its ancient name, and lying near 
Raraah in the district of Aelia (Jerusar 
lem) at 9 miles* distance therefrom." Im- 
mediately below the village the great wadj 
spreads out to a considerable width — per- 
haps half a mile ; and its bed is broken uj 
into an intricate mass of hummocks and 
mounds, some two of which, before the tor- 
rents of 3000 winters had reduced and 
rounded their forms, were probably the 
two " teeth of cliff" — the Bozez and Seneh 
of Jonathan's adventure. Right opposite is 
Jeha (Geba) on a curiously terraced hill. 

Mich'methah, a place which formed 
one of the landmarks of the boundary of 
the territories of Ephraim and Manasseh on 
the western side of Jordan (Josh. xvii. 7).. 
The position of the place must be some- 
where on the east of and not far distant 
from Shechem. 

Mich'ri, ancestor of Elah, one of fat- 
heads of the fathers of Benjamin (1 Chr. 
ix. 8) after the captivity. 

Mich' tain. This word occurs in the 
titles of six Psalms (xvi., Ivi.-lx.), all of 
which are ascribed to David. The marginal 
reading of our A. V. is " a golden Psalm," 
while in the Geneva version it is descriljed 
as " a certain tune." From the position 
which it occupies in the title we may inter 
that michtam is a term ajiplied to th>^se 
Psalms to denote their musical character, 
but beyond this everything is obscure. 

Mid'cLin, a city of Judah (Josh. xv. 61 y, 
one of tlie six ^pocified as situated iu xXxe 



MIDiAN 



411 



MIGI OL 



flistrict of " the raidbar " (A. V. " wilder- 
ness"). 

Mid'ian, a son of Abraham and Keturah 
(Gon. XXV. 2 ; 1 Chr. i. 32) ; progenitor of 
the Midianites, or Arabians dwelling prin- 
cipally in the desert north of the peninsula 
of Arabia. Southwards they extended 
along the eastern shore of the Gulf of 
Eyleh (^Sinus Aelaniticus)', and north- 
wards they stretched along the eastern 
troutier of Palestine. Midian is first men- 
taonad, as a people, when Moses fled, hav- 
iiig killed the Egyptian, to the " land of 
Midian " (Ex. ii. 15), and married a daugh- 
ter of a priest of Midian (21). The "land 
of Midian," or the portion of it specially 
referred to, was probably the peninsula of 
Sinai. The next occurrence of the name 
of this people in the sacred history marks 
their northern settlement on the border of 
the Promised Land, " on this side Jordan 
[by] Jericho " in the plains of Moab (Num. 
xxii. 1-4). It was " on this side Jordan " 
that the chief doings of the Midianites with 
the Israelites took place. The influence 
of the Midianites on the Israelites was 
clearly most evil, and directly tended to 
lead thera om the injunctions of Moses. 
The events at Shittim occasioned the in- 
junction to vex Midian and smite them. 
Twelve thousand men, a thousand from 
'iach tribe, went up to this war, a war in 
which all the males of the enemy were slain. 
4.fter a lapse of some years, the Midianites 
appear again as the enemies of the Israelites. 
They had recovered from the devastation of 
the former war, probably by the arrival of 
fresh colonists from the desert tracts over 
which their tribes wandered ; and they now 
were sufficiently powerful to become the 
oppressors of the children of Israel. Allied 
with the Araalekites and the Bene-Kedem, 
they drove them to make dens in the moun- 
tains and caves and strongholds, and wasted 
their crops even to Gaza, on the Mediter- 
ranean coast, in the land of Simeon. The 
Midianites had oppressed Israel for seven 
years, but wore finally defeated with great 
slaughter by Gideon. [Gideon.] The 
Midianites are described as true Arabs — 
now Bedawees, or "people of the des- 
ert; " anon pastoral, or settled Arabs — the 
" flock " of Jethro ; the cattle and flocks of 
Midian, in the later days of Moses ; their 
camels without number, as the sand of tlie 
tea-side for multitude when they oppressed 
Israel in the days of the Judges — all agree 
witli such a description. Like Arabs, who 
are predominantly a nomadic people, they 
seem to have partially settled in the land 
of Moab. The only glimpse of their habits 
is found in the vigorous picture of the camp 
in the valley of Jezreel (Judg. vii. 13). 
The spoil taken in both the war of Moses 
and that of Gideon is remarkable. The 
^Id, silver, brar' 8, iron, tin, and lead (Num. 



I xxxi. 22), the "jewels of gold, chains, and 
bracelets, rings, earri'ngs, and tablets " (50) 
taken by Moses, is efcpecially noteworthy ; 
and it is confirmed by the booty taken by 
Gideon (Judg. viii. 21, 24-26). We have 
here a wealthy Arab nation, living by plun- 
der, delighting in finery ; and, where fori.yi 
were impossible, carrying on the tra^c 
southwards into Arabia, the land of gold — . 
if not naturally, by trade — and across tc 
Chaldaea, or into the rich plains of Eg3'pt. 

Midwife. Parturition in the East is 
usually easy. The office of a midwife is 
thus, hi many eastern countries, in little 
use, but is performed, when necessary, by 
relatives. 

Mig'dal-el, one of the fortified town? 
of the possession of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 
38 only), possibly deriving its name from 
some ancient tower — the "tower of El, 
or God." 

Mig'dal-gad, a city of Judah (Josh. 
XV. 37) in the district of the Shefelah, or 
maritime lowland. 

Mig'dol, the name of one or two places 
on the eastern frontier of Egypt, cognate 
to Migdal, which appears properly to sig^ 
nify a military watch-tower, or a shepherd's 
lookout. 1. A Migdol is mentioned in the 
account of the Exodus (Ex. xiv. 2 ; Num 
xxxiii. 7, 8). We suppose that the positio?j 
of the encampment was before or at Pih&- 
hiroth, behind which was Migdol, and on ttiB 
other hand Baal-zephon and the sea, these 
places being near together. The place of 
the encampment and of the passage of 
the sea we believe to have been not far 
from the Persepolitan monument, which is 
made in Linant's map the site of the Sera- 
peum. 2. A Migdol is spoken of by Jere- 
miah and Ezekiel. The latter prophet men- 
tions it as a boundary-town, evidently on the 
eastern border, corresponding to Seveneh, 
Syene, on the southern (xxix. 10, xxx. 6). 
In the prophecy of Jeremiah the Jews. in 
Egypt are spoken of as dwelling at Migdol, 
Tahpanhes, and Noph, and in the country 
of Pathros (xliv. 1) ; and in that foretell- 
ing, apparently, an invasion of Egypt by 
Nebuchadnezzar, Migdol, Noph, and Talv- 
panhes are again mentioned together (xlvi. 
14). It seems plain, from its being spoken 
of with Memphis, and from Jews dwelling 
there, that this Migdol was an important 
town, and not a mere fort, or even military 
settlement. After this time there is no 
notice of any place of this name in Egypt, 
excepting of Magdolus, by Hecataeus of 
Miletus, and in the Itinerary of Antoninus^ 
in which Magdolo is placed twelve Roman 
miles to the southward of Pelusium, in the 
route from the Serapeum to that town. 
This latter place most probably represents 
the Migdol mentioned by Jeremiah and 
Ezekiel. Its position on the route to Pales- 
tine would make it both strategically impor- 



MIGB J^ 



412 



MILL 



lanc and populous, neither of which would 
be the case with a i )wn in the position of 
the Migdol of the I'entateuch. 

Mig'ron, a town or a spot — for there i;j 
nothing to indicate which — in the neigh- 
borhood of Saul's city, Gibeah, on the very 
e»1gfi of the district belonging to it (1 Sam. 
XI v^. 2). Migron is also mentioned in the 
list of the places disturbed by Sennache- 
rib's approach to Jerusalem (Is. x. 28). 
But here its position seems a little farther 
Qorth tlian that indicated in the former pas- 
sage. In Hebrew, Migron m?y mean a 
"precipice," and it is not impossible, there- 
fore, that two places of the same name are 
intended. 

Mi'jamiu. 1. The chief of the sixth 
of the 24 courses of priests established by 
David (1 Chr, xxiv. 9). 2. A family of 
priests who signed the covenant with Nehe- 
miah; probably the descendants of the 
preceding (Neh. x. 7). 

Mik'loth. 1. One of the sons of Jehiel, 
the father or prince of Gibeon, by his wife 
Maachah (1 Chr. viii. 32, ix. 37, 38). 2. 
The leader of the second division of David's 
army (1 Chr. xxvii. 4). 

Mikuei'ah. One of the Levites of the 
second rank, gatekeepers of the ark, ap- 
pointed by David to play in the Temple 
band " with harps upon Sheminith " (1 Chr. 
XV. 18, 21). 

Milala'i. Probably a Gershonite Levite 
of the sons of Asaph, who assisted at the 
dedication of the walls of Jerusalem (Neh. 
xii. 36). 

Mil'cah. 1. Daughter of Haran and 
wife of her uncle Nahor, Abraham's brother, 
to whom she bore eight children (Gen. xi. 
29, xxii. 20, 23, xxiv. 15, 24, 47), 2. The 
fourth daughter of Zelophehad (Num. xxvi. 
33, xxvii. 1, xxxvi. 11; Josh. xvii. 3). 

Mil'coni. The "abomination" of the 
children of Ammon, elsewhere called Mo- 
ULCu (1 K. xi. 7, &c.) and Malcham (Zeph. 
i 5, marg. "their king"), of the latter of 
vhich it is probably a dialectical variation. 

Mile, a Roman measure of length, equal 
to 1618 English yards. It is only once 
noticed in the Bible (Matt. v. 41), the usual 
method of reckoning both in the N. T. and 
to Josephus being by the stadium. The 
mile of the Jews is said to have been of 
two kinds, long or short, dependent on the 
length of the pace, which varied in differ- 
ent parts, the long pace being douV^le the 
length of the short one. 

Mile'tus (Acts XX. 15, 17, less correctly 
called MiLETUM in 2 Tiii^ iv. 20). In the 
context of Acts xx. 6, we have the geograph- 
ical relations of Miletus brought out as dis- 
tinctly as if it were St. Luke's purpose to 
»tate them. In the first place it lay on the 
coast to the S. of Ephesus. Next, it was 
a day's sail from Trogylliura (ver. 15). 
Moreo ei, to those who are sailing from the 



north, it is in the direct line for Cos AU 
these details corre spond with the geograph- 
ical facts of the case. The site of Miletus 
has now receded ten miles from the coast, 
and even in the Apostle's time it must liave 
lost its strictly maritime position. The 
passage in the Second Epistle to Timothy, 
where Miletus is mentioned, presents a 
very serious difficulty to the theory that 
there was only one Roman imprisonment 
As to the history of Miletus itself, it wa^ 
far more famous five hundred years before 
St. Paul's day, than it ever became after- 
wards. In early times it was the most 
flourishing city of the Ionian Greeks. Id 
the natural order of events, it was absorbed 
in the Persian empire. After a brief peri- 
od of spirited independence, it received a 
blow from which it never recovered, in thf 
siege conducted by Alexander, when on hie 
Eastern campaign. But still it held, eveo 
through the Roman period, the rank of a 
second-rate trading town, and Sirabo men- 
tions its four harbors. At this time it was 
politically in the province of Asia, though 
Caria was the old ethnological name of 
the district in which it was situated. 

Milk. As an article of diet, milk holds 
a more important position in Eastern coun- 
tries than with us. It is not a mere adjunct 
in cookery, or restricted to the use of the 
young, although it is naturally the <3harac- 
teristic food of childhood, both from its 
simple and nutritive qualities (1 Pet. ii. 2), 
and particularly as contrasted with meal 
(1 Cor. iii. 2; Heb. v. 12): but beyond 
this it is regarded as substantial food 
adapted alike to all ages and classes. Not 
only the milk of cows, but of sheep (Deut. 
xxxii. 14), of camels (Gen. xxxii. 15), and 
of goats (Prov. xxvii. 27) was used; the 
latter appears to have been most highly 
prized. Milk was used sometimes in its 
natural state, and sometimes in a sour, 
coagulated state : the former was named 
chdldh, and the latter chema. In the A. V. 
the latter is rendered " butter," but tliere 
can be no question that in every case (ex- 
:;ept perhaps Prov. xxx. 33) the terra refers 
cO a preparation of milk wf 11 known in East- 
ern countries under the name of lehen. 
Tlie method now pursued n its preparation 
is to boil the milk over a slow fire, adding 
to it a small piece of old leben or som^" 
otiier acid in order to make it coagulate. 
The refreshing draught which Jael offered 
" in a lordly dish " to Sisera (Judg. v. 
25) was lehen. Leben is still extensively 
used in the East : at certain seasons of the 
year the poor almost live upon it, while XXie 
upper classes eat it with salad or meat. 
It is otill offered in hospitality to the pjjss- 
ing stranger, exactly as of old in Abra- 
ham's tent (Gen. x iii. 8). 

Mill. The mills of the ancient Hebrewi 
probabl r differed but little from those »^ 



MILLfin 



413 



MINES 



present m use in the East. These consist 
of two circular stones, about 18 inches or 
I wo feet in diain^ter, the h)wer of which is 
fixed, and has its upper surface slightly 
convex, fitting into a corresponding con- 
cavity h the upper stone. The latter has 
a hole in it, through which the grain passes, 
immediately above a pivot or shaft which 
rises from the centre of the lower stone, 
and about which the upper stone is tui'ned 
by means of .an upright handle fixed near 
the edge. It is worked by women, some- 
times singly and sometimes two together, 
who are usually seated on the bare groTund 
(Is. xlvii. 1, 2) "facing each other,- both 
have hold of the handle by which the upper 
is turned round on the ' nether ' millstone. 
The one whose right hand is disengaged 
throws in the grain as occasion requires 
through the hole in the upper stone. It is 
not correct to say that one pushes it half 
round, and then the other seizes the han- 
dle. This would be slow work, and would 
give a spasmodic motion to the stone. Both 
retain their hold, and pull to or push from, 
as men do with the whip or crosscut saw. 
The proverb of our Saviour (Matt. xxiv. 
41) is true to life, for women only grind. I 
cannot recall an instance in which men 
were at the mill.'' (Thomson, The Land and 
the Book, c. 34.) The labor is very hard, 
and the task of grinding in consequence per- 
formed only by the lowest servants (Ex. 
xi. 5) and captives (Judg. xvi. 21 ; Job 
xxxi. 10; Is. xlvii. 1, 2; Lam. v. 13). So 
essential were millstones for daily domes- 
tic use, that they were forbidden to be taken 
in pledge (Deut. xxiv. 6), in order that a 
man's family might not be deprived of the 
means of preparing their food. The hand- 
mills of the ancient Egyptians appear to 
have been of the same character. "They 
had also a large mill on a very similar prin- 
ciple ; but the stones were of far greater 
power and dimensions ; and this could only 
have been turned by cattle or asses, like 
those of the ancient Komans, and of the 
modern Cairenes " (Wilkinson). It was 
the millstone of a mill of this kind, driven 
by an ass, which is alluded to in Matt, xviii. 
6. With the movable upper millstone of 
the hand-mill the woman of Thebez broke 
4bimelech's skull (Judg. ix. 53). 

Millet (lleb. ddchan) occurs only in 
Ez. iv. 1^. Dr. Royle maintains that the 
true dukhun of Arab authors is the Pani- 
eum wdliaceiim,, which is universally culti- 
vated in tiie East. It is probable that both 
the Sorghum vulgare and the Panicum 
mtliacevm, were used by the ancient He- 
brews and Egyptians, and that the Heb. 
ddchan may denote either of these plants. 

Mil'lo, a place in ancient Jerusalem. 
Both name and place seem to have been al- 
ready in existence when the city was taken 
from the Jebusites by David (2 Sam. v. 9; 



1 Chr. XI. 8). its repair or restoratiojj vea* 
one of the great works for which Solomon 
raised his " levy" (1 K. ix. 15, 24, xi. 27); 
and it formed a prominent part of the forti- 
fications by which Hezekiah prepared foi 
tlie approach of the Assyrians (2 Chr. 
xxxii. 5). The last passage seems to sboTW 
that " the Millo " was part of the " city of 
David," that is, of Zion (comp. 2 K. xii. 
20). If "Millo" be taken as a Hebrew 
word, it would be derived from a root which 
has the force of "filling;" but the only 
ray of light which we can obtain as to the 
meaning of the word is from the LXX. 
Their rendering in every case (excepting 
only 2 Chr. xxxii. 5) is v axQa, a word 
which they employ nowhere else in the O. T. 
Now ij axQa means "the citadel," and it la 
remarkable that it is the word used with un- 
varying persistence throughout the Books 
of Maccabees for the fortress on Mount 
Zion. It is therefore perhaps not too much 
to assume that the word Millo was employ^,d 
in the Hebrew original of 1 Maccabees. 

MilTo, The House of. 1. Apparently 
a family or clan, mentioned in Judg. ix. 6, 
20, only, in connection with the men or lonis 
of Shechem. 2. The " house of Millo thit 
goeth down to Silla " was the spot at which 
king Joash was murdered by his slaves (2 
K. xii. 20). There is nothing to lead us to 
suppose that the murder was not committed 
in Jerusalem, and in that case the spo> 
must be connected Avith the ancient Millo 
(see preceding article). 

Mines, Mining. " Surely there is a 
source for the silver, and a place for the 
gold which they refine. Iron is taken out 
of the soil, and stone man melts (for) cop- 
per. He hath put an end to darkness, and 
to all perfection (t. e. most thoroughly) : 
he searcheth the stone of thick darkness 
and of the shadow of death. He hath sunk 
a shaft far from the wanderer; they thai 
are forgotten of the foot are suspended, 
away from man they waver to and fro (As 
for) the earth, from her cometh forth bread, 
yet her nethermost parts are upturned as 
(by) fire. The place of sapphire (are) hei 
stones, and dust of gold is his. A tracV 
which the bird of prey hath not known, noi 
the eye of the falcon glared upon ; which 
the sons of pride {i. e. wild l)easts) have 
not trodden, nor the ro.iring lion gone 
over; in the flint, man hath tluust his liand, 
he hath overturned mountains from the 
root; in the rocks he hath cleft channels, 
and every rare thing hath his eye seen : the 
streams hath he bound that they weep not, 
and that which is hid he bringeth fortli tc 
light" (Job xxviii. 1-11). Such is tht 
highly poetical description given by tht 
author of the book of Job of the operations 
of mining as known in his day, the only 
record of the kind which we inherit from 
the ancient Hebrews. It may be fairly in- 



MINES 



414 



MINES 



lerred from the descriptiot th>t a distinc- 
tion is made between gold obtained in the 
manner indicated, and that which is found 
in the natural state in the alluvial soil, 
among the debris washed down by the tor- 
rents. This appears to be implied in the 
expression " the gold tliey refine," which 
presupposes a process by which the pure 
gold is extracted from the ore, and sepa- 
rated irom the silver or copper with which 
it may have been mixed. What is said of 
gold may be equally applied to silver. In 
the Wady Maghlrah, "the valley of the 
Cave," are still traces of the Egyptian 
colony of miners who settled there for the 
purpose of extracting copper from the free- 
stone rocks, and left their hieroglyphic in- 
scriptions upon the face of the cliff. The 
ancient furnaces are still to be seen, and on 
the coast of the Red Sea are found the piers 
and wharves whence the miners shipped 
their metal in the harbor of Abu Zelimeh. 
The copper-mines of Phaeno in Idumaea, 
according to Jerome, were between Zoar 
and Petra ; in the persecution of Diocletian 
the Christians were condemned to work 
them. The goM-niines of Egypt in the 
Bisharee desert, the principal station of 
which was Eshuranib, about three days' 
j'^urney beyond Wady Allaga, have been 
diacovered within the last few years by M. 
Linant and Mr. Bonomi. According to the 
account given by Diodorus Siculus (iii. 
12-14), the mines were worked by gangs of 
convicts and captives in fetters, who were 
kept day and night to their task by the 
«olaiers set to guard them. The harder 
rock was split by the application of fire, but 
the softer was broken up with picks and 
chisels. The miners were quite naked, 
their bodies being painted according to the 
color of the rock they were working, and in 
order to see in the dark passages of the 
mine they carried lamps upon their heads. 
The stone as it fell was carried off by boys ; 
it was then pounded in stone mortars with 
iron pestles by those who were over 30 
years of age till it was reduced to the size 
of a lentil. The women and old men after- 
wards ground it in mills to a fine powder. 
The final process of separating the gold 
from the pounded stone was intrusted to 
the engineers who superintended the work. 
They spread tliis powder upon a broad 
•lightly -inclined table, and rubbed it gently 
»ith the h^ind, pouring water upon it from 
time to time so as to carry away all the 
earthy matter, le iving the lieavier particles 
ap9n the board. This was repeated several 
times ; at first with the hand and afterwards 
with fine sponges gently pressed upon the 
earthy substance, till notliing but the gold 
was left. It was then collected by other i 
workmen, and placed in earthen (rucibles i 
with a mixture of lead and salt in certain j 
u/oportions, together with a little tin and j 



some barley bran. The cTTicibles wen 
covered and carefully closed with clay, and 
in this condition baked in a furnace for five 
days and nights without intermission. Of 
the three methods which have been em- 
ployed for refining gold and silver, 1. by 
exposing the fused metal to a curren; of 
air ; 2. by keeping the alloy in a state of 
fusion and throwing nitre upon it; an 13. 
by mixing the alloy with lead, exposing the 
whole to fusion upon a vessel, of bone-ashes 
or earth, and blowing uf>on it with bellowi 
or other blast : the latter appears mosi 
nearly to coincide with the desci'iption of 
Diodorus. To this process, known as the 
cupelling process, there seems to be a refer- 
ence in Ps. xii. 6 ; Jer. vi. 28-30 ; Ez. xxii. 
18-22. The chief supply of silver in the 
ancient world appears to have been brought 
from Spain. A strong proof of the ac- 
quaintance possessed by the ancient He- 
brews with the manipulation of metals is 
found by some in the destruction of the 
golden calf in the desert by Moses. "And 
he took the calf which they had made, anc* 
burnt it in fire, and ground it to powder, and 
strewed it upon the water, and made the 
children of Israel drink" (Ex. xxxii. 20). 
As the highly malleable character of gold 
would render an operation like that which 
is described in the text almost impossible, 
an explanation has been sought in the sup- 
position that we have here an indication 
that Moses was a proficient in the procese 
known in modern times as calcination. The 
whole difficulty appears to have arisen from 
a desire to find too much in the text. The 
main object of the destruction of the calf 
was to prove its worthlessness and to throw 
contempt upon idolatry ; and all this might 
have been done without any refined chemi- 
cal process like that referred to. How far 
the ancient Hebrews were acquainted with 
the processes at present in use for extract 
ing copper from the ore it is impossible to 
assert, as there are no references in Scrip- 
ture to anything of the kind, except in tht^ 
passage of Job already quoted. The Egyp- 
tians evidently possessed the art of working 
bronze in great perfection at a very early 
time, and much of the knowledge of metals 
which the Israelites had must iiave been 
acquired during their residence among 
them. Of tin there appears to have been 
no trace in Palestine. The hills of Pales- 
tine are rich in iron, and the mines are still 
worked there, though in a very simple, rude 
manner, like that of the ancient Saraothra- 
cians : of the method employed by the Egyp- 
tians and Hebrews we have no certain infor- 
mation. It may have been similar to that in 
use throughout the whole of India from 
very early times, which is thus described 
by Dr. Ure : — " The furnace or bloomary 
in which the ore is smelted is from four to 
five feet high; it is somewhpt pf p*--8hape<t 



linNGLED PEOPLE 



415 



MINSTREL 



Deing about five feet ■« ide at bottom a..d one 
foot at top. It is built entirely of clay. . . . 
There is an opening in front about a foot or 
more in height, which is built up with clay 
at the commencement and broken down at 
the end of each smelting operation. The 
bellows are usually made of goat's skin. . . . 
The bamboo nozzles of the bellows are in- 
serted into tubes of clay, which pass into 
the furnace. . . . The furnace is filled with 
charcoal, and a lighted coal being intro- 
duced before the nozzles, the mass in the 
interior is soon kindled. As soon as this is 
accomplished, a small portion of the ore, 
previously moistened with water to prevent 
it from running through the charcoal, but 
without any flux whatever, is laid on the 
top of the coals and covered with charcoal 
to fill up the furnace. In this manner ore 
and fuel are supplied, and the bellows are 
urged for three or four hours. When the 
process is stopped and the temporary wall 
in front broken down, the bloom is removed 
with a pair of tongs from the bottom of the 
furnace." It has seemed necessary to give 
this account of a very ancient method of 
iron-smelting, because, from the difiiculties 
which attend if, and the intense heat which 
is required to separate the metal from the 
ore, it has bten asserted that the allusions 
to iron and iron manufacture in the Old 
Testament are anachronisms. But if it 
were possible among the ancient Indians in 
a very primitive state of civilization, it 
might have been known to the Hebrews, 
who may have acquired their knowledge by 
working as slaves in the iron furnaces of 
Egypt (comp. Deut. iv. 20). 

Mingled People. This phrase, like 
that of " the mixed multitude," which the 
Hebrew closely resembles, is applied in Jer. 
XXV. 20, and Ez. xxx. 5, to denote the mis- 
cellaneous foreign population of Egypt and 
its frontier-tribes, including every one, says 
Jerome, who was not a native Egyptian, 
but was resident there. It is difficult to 
attach to it any precise meaning, or to iden- 
tify with the mingled people any race of 
which we have knowledge. " The kings of 
the mingled people that dwell in the desert," 
are the same apparently as the tributary 
kings (A. V. "kings of Arabia") who 
brought presents to Solomon (1 K. x. 15) ; 
the Hebrew in the two cases is identical. 
The "mingled people" in the midst of 
Babylon (Jer. 1. 37), were probably the 
foreign soldiers or mercenary troops, who 
lived among the native population. 

Mini'amin. 1. A Levite in the reign 
of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 15). 2. The 
game as Miamin 2 and Muamin 2 (Neh. 
xu. 17). 3. One of the priests at the dedica- 
tion of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 41). 

Minister. This term is used in the A. 
V. to describe various officials of a religious 
%bd civil churacter. In the O. T. it answers 



to the Hebrew meshdrith, which is a; plied 

(1) to an attendant upon a person oi iiigb 
rank (Ex. xxiv. 13 ; Josh. i. 1 ; 2 K. iv 43) ; 

(2) to the attaches of a royal court (1 K. x. 
5 ; 2 Chr. xxii. 8 ; comp. P?. civ. 4), where, 
it may be observed, they are distinguished 
from the " servants " or officials of highei 
rank ; (3) to the Priests and Levites (Is. ixL 
6; Ez. xliv. 11; Joel i. 9, 13; Ezr. viii. 17; 
Neh. X. 36). In the N. T. we have three 
terms, each with its distinctive meaning — 
JsiTovQyo?, i',i7jQtrtjg^ and Stuxuvog, The 
first answers most nearly to the Hebrew 
meshdreth, and is usually employed in the 
LXX. as its equivalent. It betokens a sub- 
ordinate public administrator (Rom. xiii. 6, 
XV. 16 ; Heb. viii. 2). In all these instances 
the original and special meaning of the 
word, as used by the Athenians of one who 
performs certain gratuitous public services, 
is preserved. The second term, vntjQtirjg, 
differs from the two others in that it con- 
tains the idea of actual and personal attend- 
ance upon a superior. Thus it is used of 
the attendant in the synagogue, the chazan 
of the Talmudists (Luke iv. 20), whose duty 
it was to open and close the building, to 
produce and replace the books employed in 
the service, and generally to wait on the 
officiating priest or teacher. The idea of 
personal attendance coviiQS, ^vovarnQnily for- 
ward in Luke i. 2 ; Acts xxvi. 16. In all 
these cases the etymological sense of the 
word {vno fQfTijc, literally a ^^ sub-router," 
one who rows under command of the steers- 
man) comes out. The third term, diuxovog, 
is the one usually employed in relation to 
the ministry of the Gospel : its application is 
twofold, in a general sense to indicate min- 
isters of any order, whether superior or in- 
ferior, and in a special sense to indicate an 
order of inferior ministers. [Deacon.] 

Min'ni, a country mentioned in connec 
tion with Ararat and Ashchenaz (Jer. li 
27). It has been already noticed as a por- 
tion of Armenia. [Armenia.] 

Min'nith., a place on the east of the 
Jordan, named as the point to which Jeph- 
thah's slaughter of the Ammonites extend- 
ed (Judg. xi. 33.) A site bearing the name 
Menjah, is marked in Van de Velde's Map, 
at 7 Roman miles east of Heshbon. The 
"wheat of Minnith" is mentioned in Ez. 
xxvii. 17, as being supplied by Judah and 
Israel to Tyre ; but there is nothing to indi- 
cate that the same place is intended, and 
indeed the word is thought by some not to 
be a proper name. 

Minstrel. The Hebrew word in 2 K 
iii. 15 properly signifies a player upon a 
stringed instrument like the harp or kinnoi 
[Harp], whatever its precise character 
may have been, on which David played be- 
fore Saul (1 Sam. xvi. 16, xviii. 10, xiv. 9). 
and which the harlots of the great cities 
used to carry with them as they walked, to 



MINT 



416 



MIRACLES 



attract notice (Is. xxiii. 16). The passage 
in which it occurs has given rise to much 
conjecture; Elisha, upon being consulted 
by Jehoram as to the issue of the war with 
Moab, at first indignantly refuses to answer, 
and is only induced to do so by the presence 
of Jehosiiaphat. He calls for a harper, 
epparently a camp follower; "and it came 
t) pass as the harper harped that the hand 
c f Jehovah was on him." Other instances 
af the sauie divine influence or impulse 
connected with music, are seen in the case 
of Saul and the young prophets in 1 Sam. 
s. 5, 6, 10. 11. In the present passage the 
reason of Elisha's appeal is variously ex- 
jf'iained. According to Keil, " Elisha calls 
t*3r a minstrel, in order to gather in nis 
t"!ioughts by the soft tones of music from 
the impression of the outer world, and by 
repressing the life of self and of the world, 
t.) be transferred into the state of internal 
vision, by which his spirit would be pre- 
pared to receive the divine revelation." 
The " minstrels" in Matt. ix. 23, were the 
Qute-players who were employed as profes- 
sional mourners, to whom frequent allusion 
if made (Eccl. xii. 5 ; 2 Chr. xxxv. 25 ; Jer. 
it. 17-20). 

Mint occurs only in Matt, xxiii. 23, and 
buke xi. 42, as one of those herbs, the tithe 
(if which the Jews were most scrupulously 
isxact in paying. The horse mint (M. Syl- 
■jestris) is common in Syria. 

Miph'kad, The Gate, one of the gates 
>f Jerusalem at the time of the rebuilding 
)f the wall after the return from captivity 
^Neh. iii. 31). It was probably not in the 
wall of Jerusalem proper, but in that of the 
eiiy of David, or Zion, and somewhere 
near to the junction of the two on the 
'lorth side. 

Miracles. The word " miracle " is 
che ordinary translation, in our Authorized 
English Version, of the Greek word Se- 
meion {oij/iieiov), which signifies "a sign." 
The habitual use of the terra " miracle " 
has tended to fix attention too much on the 
physical strangeness of the facts thus de- 
scribed, and to divert attention from what 
iniy be called their signdlity. A miracle 
maj be defined to be a plain and manifest 
exercise by a man, or by God at the call of 
a man, of those powers which belong only 
to the Creator and Lord of nature ; and 
this for the declared object of attesting 
that a divine mission is given to that man. 
It is not, therefore, the wonder, the excep- 
ion to common experience, that constitutes 
.he mirxcle, as is assumed both in tlie 
jiopular use trf the word, and by most ob- 
jectors against miracles. No phenomenon 
in nature, however unusual, no event in the 
course of God's providence, however unex- 
pected, is a miracle unless it can be traced 
to the agency of man (including prayer 
under the term agency), and unless it be 



put fbrth as a proof of divine mission, 
Prodigies and special providences are not 
miracles. On the other hand, it is a mere 
petitio principii, to argue against all mira- 
cles, on the ground that if we could see the 
secret manner of God's working, we might 
find them to be consistent with soniehij:hei 
law unknown to our experience. For h if 
not so much the violation of law, hs the 
manifest application of it to a special oc ( a 
sion, that attests the immediate power of 
God. The peculiar improbability of Mira- 
cles is resolved by Hume, in his famoui 
Essay, into the circumstance that they 
are " contrary to experience." This ex- 
pression is, as has often been pointed out, 
strictly speaking, incorrect. In strictness, 
that only can be said to be contrary to ex- 
perience, which is contradicted by the im- 
mediate perceptions of persons present at 
the time when the fact is alleged to have 
occurred. But the terms "contrary to 
experience" are used for " contrary to the 
analogy of our experience ; " and it must 
be admitted that, in this latter, less strict 
sense, miracles are contrary to general ex- 
perience, so far as their mere physical 
circumstances, visible to us, are concerned. 
This should not only be admitted, but 
strongly insisted upon, by the maintenance 
of miracles, because it is an essential ele- 
ment of their signal character. And this 
leads us to notice one grand difference be- 
tween Divine Miracles and other alleged 
facts that seem to vary from the ordinary 
course of nature. It is manifest that there 
is an essential diff'erence between alleging 
a case in which, all the real antecedents or 
causes being similar to those which we have 
daily opportunities of observing, a conse- 
quence is said to have ensued quite diff*erent 
from that which general experience finds 
to be uniformly conjoined with them, and 
alleging a case in which there is supposed 
and indicated by all the circumstances, the 
intervention of an invisible antecedent, or 
cause, which we know to exist, and to be 
adequate to the production of such result; 
for the special operation of wliich, in this 
case, we can assign probable reasons, and 
also for its not generally operating in a 
similar manner. This latter is the case of 
the Scripture miracles. Even if we do not 
regard the existence of God, in the proper 
sense of that term, as proved by the course 
of nature, still if we admit His existence to 
be in any degree probable, or even possible, 
the occurrence of miracles will not be in- 
credible. For it is surely going too far to 
say, that, because the ordinary course of 
nature leaves us in doubt whether the 
author of it be able or unable to alter it, or 
of such a character as to be disposed to 
alter it for some great purpose, it is there- 
fore incredible that he should ever have 
actually altered it. It vrill be proper tr 



MIRACIJfiS 



417 



MIRACLES 



say a ifew \»ords here up(»n some popular 
forms of expression which tend greatly to 
increase, in many minds, the natural preju- 
dice figainst miracles. One of these is the 
usual description of a miracle, as, " a viola- 
hon of the laws of nature." This meta- 
phorical expression suggests directly the 
idea of .iatural agents breaking, of their 
own accord, some rule which has the au- 
thority and sanctity of a law to them. 
Such a fig ire can only be applicable to the 
ease of a supposed causeless and arbitrary 
variation from the uniform ord^r of se- 
quence in natural things, and is wholly in- 
applicable to a change in that order caused 
}y God himft^cjlf. The word " law," when 
applied to material things, ought only to be 
understood as denoting a number of ob- 
served and aueicipated sequences of phe- 
nomena, taking place with such a resem- 
blance or analogy to eacli other as if a 
rule had been laid down, which those 
phenom ;na were constantly observing. But 
the rule, in this case, is nothing different 
from the actual order itself; and there is 
no cause of these sequences but the will 
of God choosing to produce those phenom- 
ena, and choosing to produce them in a 
certain order. Again, the term " nature " 
suggests to many persons the idea of a 
^reat system of things endowed with powers 
and forces of its own — a sort of machine, 
iL't a-going originally by a first cause, but 
joiitinuing its motions of itself. Hence 
ire are apt to imagine that a change in the 
motion or operation of any part of it by 
•od, would produce the same disturbance 
MI ihe other parts, as such a change would 
be likely to produce in them, if made by 
as, or any other natural agent. But if the 
mouons and operations of material things 
be produced really by the divine will, then 
His choosing to change, for a special pur- 
pose, the ordinary motion of one part, does 
not necessarily, or probably, infer His 
choosing to change the ordinary motions 
of other parts in a way hot at all requisite 
for the accomplishment of that special pur- 
pose. It is as easy for Him to continue 
the ordinary course of the rest, with the 
change of one part, as of all the phenomena 
without anv chansre at all. Thus, though 
the stoppage of the motion of the earth in 
tht; ordinary course of nature would be 
attended with terrible convulsions, the 
stoppage of the earth miraculously, for a 
special purpose to be served by that only, 
rould not of itself be followed by any 
sach consequences. From the same con- 
ception of nature, as a machine, we are apt 
to think of interferences with the ordinary 
no arse of nature as implying some imper- 
fe :tion in it. But it is manifest that this 
is a false analogy ; for the reason why 
aiacliines are made is, to save us trouble; 
iml, tlierefore, they aro more perfect in 
27 



proportion as they answer this purpose. 
But no one can seriously imagine that the 
universe is a machine for the purpose of 
saving trouble to the Almiglity. Agaia, 
when miracles are described as " inter- 
ferences with the laws of nature," this 
description makes them appear improbable 
to many minds, from their not sufficiently 
considering that the laws of nature inter- 
fere with one another ; and that we cannot 
get rid of " interferences " upon any hypoth- 
esis consistent with experience. Further- 
more, whatever ends may be contemplat*^ 
by the Deity for the laws of nature in 
reference to the rest of the universe, — in 
which question we have as little informa- 
tion as interest, — we know that, in respect 
of us, they answer discernible moral ends 
— that they place us, practically, undej 
government, conducted in the way of re- 
wards and punishments, — a government of 
which the tendency is to encourage virtue 
and repress vice, — and to form in us a 
certain character by discipline ; which char- 
acter our moral nature compels us to con- 
sider as the highest and worthiest object 
which we can pursue. Since, therefore, 
the laws of nature have, in reference to us, 
moral purposes to answer, which, as far as 
we can judge, they have not to serve in 
other respects, it seems not incredible that 
these peculiar purposes should occasionallj 
require modifications of those laws in rela- 
tion to us, which are not necessary in 
relation to other parts of the universe. 
After all deductions and abatements have 
been made, however, it must be allowed 
that a certain antecedent improbability 
must always attach to miracles, considered 
as events varying from the ordinary ex- 
perience of mankind as known to us ; be- 
cause likelihood, ver similitude, or resem- 
blance to what we know to have occurred, 
is, by the constitution of our minds, the 
very ground of probability; and, though 
we can perceive reasons, from the moral 
character of God, for thinking it likely thai 
He may have wrought miracles, yet we 
know too little of His ultimate designs, and 
of the best mode of accomplishing them, to 
argue confidently from His character to His 
acts, except where the connection between 
the character and the acts is demonstrably 
indissoluble, as in the case of acts rendered 
necessary by the attributes of veracity and 
justice. But, in order to form a fair judg- 
ment, we must take in all the ci^cumstaiices 
of the case, and, amongst the rest, tlie tesit- 
mony on which the miracle is reported to 
us. Our belief, indeed, in human testimony 
seems to rest upon the same sort of in- 
stinct on which our belief in the testimony 
(as it may be called) of nature is built, and 
is to be checked, modified, and confirmed 
by a process of experience similar to thai, 
which is applied in the other case. Tb«^ 



MIKAiJLEfcj 



418 



Miracles 



'jircumstanees of our condition force us 
daily to make 'joutinual observations upon 
the phenomena of human testimony; and 
It is a matter upon which we can make 
•uch experiments with peculiar advantage, 
because every mail carries within his own 
breast the whole sum of the ultimate mo- 
tives which can 'nfluence human testimony. 
Ilf ncp arises the aptitude of human testi- 
mony for overcoming, and more than over- 
coming, almost any antecedent improbabil- 
ity in the thing reported. So manifest, 
ind'^'pd, is this inherent power of testimony 
tooveroome antecedent improbabilities, that 
Hume is obliged to allow that testimony 
may be so circumstanced as to require us 
to believe, in some cases, the occurrence 
of things quite at variance with general 
experience ; but he pretends to show that 
testimony to such facts when connected with 
religion can never be so circumstanced. 
Over and above the direct testimony of 
human witnesses to the Bible-miracles, we 
have also what may be called the indirect 
testimony of events confirming the former, 
and raising a distinct presumption that 
some such miracles must have been wrought. 
Thus, for example, we know, by a copious 
induction, that in no nation of the ancient 
world, and in no nation of the modern 
world unacquainted with the Jewish or 
Christian revelation, has the knowledge 
)f the one true God as the Creator and 
Governor of the world, and the public wor- 
ship of Him, been kept up by the mere 
light of nature, or formed the groundwork 
of such religions as men have devised for 
themselves. Yet we do find that, in the 
Jewish people, though no way distinguished 
above others by mental power or high 
civilization, and with as strong natural ten- 
dencies to idolatry as others, this knowl- 
edge and worship were kept up from a very 
early period of their history, and, accord- 
ing to their uniform historical tradition, 
kept up by revelation attested by undeni- 
able miracles. Again, the existence of the 
Christian religion, as the belief of the most 
considerable and intelligent part of the 
world, is an undisputed fact ; and it is also 
certain that this religion originated (as far 
H8 human means are concerned) with a 
handful of Jewish peasants, who went 
about preaching, on the very spot where 
Jesus was crucified, that He had risen 
from the dead, and had been seen by, and 
had conversed with them, and afterwards 
ascended into heaven. Tliis miracle, at- 
tested by them as eye-witnesses, was the 
very ground and foundation v)f the religion 
which xi ey preached, and it was plainly 
one so circumstanced that, if it had been 
fa'se, it could easily have been proved to be 
false. Yet, though the preachers of it were 
everj where j»ersecuted, they had gathered, 
bef^f ». fhoy ^died, -large churches in the 



country where the facts were best kncwn, 
and through Asia Minor, Greece, Egypt, 
and Italy; and these churches, notwith- 
standing the severest persecutions, went on 
increasing, till, in about 300 years after, 
this religion — i. e. a religion which taught 
the worship of a Jewish peasant who had 
been ignominiously executed as a mal<^ 
factor — became the established religion 
of the Roman empire, and has ever since 
continued to be the prevailing religion of 
the civilized world. It is manifest that, if 
the miraculous facts of Christianity did not 
really occur, the stories about them must 
have originated either in fraud or in fancy. 
The coarse explanation of them by the hy- 
pothesis of unlimited fraud, has been gen- 
erally abandoned in modern times : but, in 
Germany especially, many persons of great 
acuteness have long labored to account for 
them by referring them to fancy. In the 
case of the Old Testament Miracles, in or- 
der fully to understand their evidential 
character, we must consider the general 
nature and design of the dispensation with 
which they were connected. The general 
design of that dispensation appears to have 
been to keep up in one particular race a 
knowledge of the one true God, and of the 
promise of a Messiah in whom "all the 
families of the earth " should be " blessed *' 
And in order to this end, it appears to 
have been necessary that, for sume time, 
God should have assumed the character of 
the local tutelary Deity and Prince of that 
particular people. And from this peculiai 
relation in which He stood to the Jewish 
people resulted the necessity of frequent 
miracles, to manifest and make seusiblj 
perceptible His actual presence among 
and government over them. The mira- 
cles, therefo/'>. of the Old Testament are 
to be regarded as evidential of the theo- 
cratic government ; and this again is to be 
conceived of as subordinate to the further 
purpose of preparing the way for Christian- 
ity, by keeping up in the world a knowl- 
edge of the true God and of His promise 
of a Redeemer. With respect to the char- 
acter of the Old Testament miracles, we 
must also remember that the whole strm*- 
ture of the Jewish economy had reference 
to the peculiar exigency of the circum- 
stances of a people imperfectly civilized, and 
is so distinctly described in the New Testa- 
ment, as dealing with men according to th« 
" hardness of their hearts," and being a 
system of " weak and beggarly elements," 
and a rudimentary instruction for "cliil- 
dren " who were in the condition of "slaves." 
— The New Testament Miracles do not seem 
to have been generally denied by the op- 
ponents of Christianity. They appear to 
have preferred adopting the expedient of 
ascribing them to art, magic, and the pow- 
er of evil spirits. W'^ know that in \mc 



kiRACLES 



419 



MIRROtt 



iiif Cftn^es, in the Gospel narrative, the cure 
oi the man born blind and the Resurrec- 
tion, the Jewish priests were unable to 
pretend such a solution, and were driven to 
maintain unsuccessfully a charge of fraud. 
The circumstances of the Christian mira- 
cles are utterly unlike those of any pre- 
tended instances of magical wonders. This 
diflference consists in, (1.) The greatness, 
number, completeness, and publicity of the 
Quracles. (2.) The natural beneficial ten- 
dency of the doctrine they attested. (3.) 
The connection of them with a whole 
scheme of revelation extending from the 
first origin of the human race to the time 
of Christ. This evasion of the force of the 
Christian miracles, by referring them to 
khe power of evil spirits, has seldom been 
seriously recurred to in modern times ; but 
the English infidels of the last century em- 
ployed it as a kind of argumentum ad hom- 
inem, to tease and embarrass their oppo- 
nents, contending that, as the Bible speaks 
of " lying wonders " of Antichrist, and re- 
lates a long contest of apparent miracles 
between Moses and the Egyptian magicians. 
Christians could not, on their own princi- 
ples, have any certainty that miracles were 
not wrought by evil spirits. The Ecclesias- 
tical Miracles are not delivered to us by 
inspired historians ; nor do they seem to 
''orra any part of the same series of events 
as the miracles of the New Testament. 
The miracles of the New Testament (set- 
ting aside those wrought by Christ Hira- 
•elf) appear to have been worked by a 
power conferred upon particular persons 
according to a regular law, in virtue of 
which that power was ordinarily transmit- 
ted from one person to another, and the 
only persons privileged thus to transmit 
Aat power were the Apostles. The only 
exceptions to this rule were, (1.) the Apos- 
tles themselves, and (2.) the family of 
Cornelius, who were the first-fruits of the 
Gentiles. In all other cases, miraculous 
gifts were conferred only by the laying on 
of the Apostles' hands. By this arrange- 
ment, it is evident that a provision was 
made for the total ceasing of that miracu- 
lous dispensation within a limited period : 
because, on the death of the last of the 
4pusties, the ordinary channels would be 
111 stopped through which such gifts were 
transmitted in the Church. One passage 
has, indeed, been appealed to as seeming 
to indicate the permanent residence of 
aiiiaculous powers in the Christian Church 
nirough all ages, Mark xvi. 17, 18. But — 
(1.) That passage itself is of doulitful au- 
thc 'ity, since we know that it was omitted 
in most of the Greek MSS. which Eusebius 
was able to examine in the 4th century; 
and it is still wanting in some of the most 
important that remahi to u.?. (2.) It does 
not le essarily imp y more than a promise 



that such miraculous powers should exliibll 
themselves among the immediate converts 
of the Apostles. And (3.) this latter in- 
terpretation is supported by what foil own 
— " And they went forth, and preached 
everywhere, the Lord working with then*, 
and confirwAng the word with the accom- 
panying signs." Moreover, the ecclesias- 
tical miracles are improbable, (1.) as vary- 
ing from the analogy of nature; (2.) ai? 
varying from the analogy of the Siiripture 
miracles; (3.) as resembling those legen- 
dary stories which are the known product 
of the credulity or imposture of mankind. 

Mir'iam, the sister of Moses, was the 
eldest of that sacred family ; and she first 
appears, probably as a young girl, watch- 
ing her infant brother's cradle in the Nile 
(Ex. ii. 4), and suggesting her mother as a 
nurse (ib. 7). The independent and high 
position given by her superiority of age she 
never lost. " The sister of Aaron " is her 
Biblical distinction (Ex. xv. 20). In Num. 
xii. 1 she is placed before Aaron; and in 
Mic. vi. 4 reckoned as amongst the Three 
Deliverers. She is the first personage in 
that household to whom the prophetic gifts 
are directly ascribed — " Miriam the proph- 
etess " is her acknowledged title (Ex. xv. 
20). The prophetic power showed it- 
self in her under the same form as that 
which it assumed in the days of Samuel 
and David, — poetry, accompanied with 
music and processions (Ex. xv. 1-19). She 
took the lead, with Aaron, in the complaint 
against Moses for his marriage with a Cush- 
ite. "Hath Jehovah spoken by Moses? 
Hath He not also spoken by us ? " (Num. 
xii. 1, 2.) A stern rebuke was adminis- 
tered in front of the sacred Tent to both 
Aaron and Miriam. But the punishment 
fell on Miriam, as the chief offender. The 
hateful Egyptian leprosy, of which ior a 
moment the sign had been seen on the hand 
of her younger brother, broke out over the 
whole person of the proud prophetess. 
How grand was her position, and how heavy 
the blow, is implied in the cry of anguish 
which goes up from both her brothers. 
And it is not less evident in the silent grief 
of the nation (Num. xii. 10-15). This 
stroke, and its removal, which took place 
at Hazeroth, form the last public event of 
Miriam's life. She died towards the close 
of the wanderings at Kadesh, and was 
buried there (Num. xx. 1). Her tomb was 
shown near Petra in the days of Jerome. 
According to Josephus, she was married to 
the famous Hur, and, through him, was 
grandmother of the architect Bezaleel. 

Mir'ma. A Benjamite, ** chief of the 
fathers," son of Shaharaim by his wife 
Hodesh; born in the land of Moab (1 Chr. 
viii. 10). 

Mirror. Two Hebrew words in Ex. 
xxxviii. 8, and Job xxxvii. 18, are rendered 



MISGAB 



420 



MIXED MULTITULB 



•* looking-glass " in the A. V., but from the 
context evidently denote a mirror of pol- 
ished metal. The Hebrew women on com- 
ing out of Egypt probably brought with 
them mirrors like those which were used by 
the Egyptians, and were made of a mixed 
metal, chiefly copper, wrought with admi- 
rable skill, and susceptible of a bright lus- 
tre. The metal of which the mirrors were 
composed, being liable to rust and tarnish, 
required to be constantly kept bright (Wisd. 
vii. 26; Ecclus. xii. 11). The obscure im- 
age produced by a tarnished or imperfect 
mirror, appears to be alluded to in 1 Cor. 
xiii. 12. 

Mis'gab, a place in Moab named in 
company with Nebo and Kibiathaim in the 
denunciation of Jeremiah (xlviii. 1). It 
appears to be mentioned also in Is. xxv. 12, 
though there rendered in the A. V. " high 
fort." It is possibly identical with Mizpeh 
OF Moab, named only in 1 Sam. xxiii. 3. 

Mish'ael. 1. One of the sons of Uz- 
ziel, the uncle of Aaron and Moses (Ex. 
vi. 22). When Nadab and Abihu were 
struck dead for offering strange fire, Mish- 
ael and his brother Elzaphan, at the com- 
mand of Moses, removed their bodies from 
fcbe sanctuary, and buried them without the 
camp, their loose-fitting tunics serving for 
winding-sheets (Lev. x. 4, 5). 2. One of 
those who stood at Ezra's left hand when 
he read the law to the people (Neh. viii. 4). 
[Meshach.] 

Mi'shal, and Mi'sheal, one of the 
towns in the territory of Asher (Josh, 
xix. 26), allotted to the Gershonite Levites 
(xxi. 30:). 

liflQ'sllftm. A Benjamite, son of Elpaal. 
and descendant of Shaharaim (1 Chr. viii. 
12). 

Mish'ma. 1. A son of Ishmael and 
brother of Mibsam (Gen. xxv. 14 ; 1 Chr. 
i. 30). The Masamani of Ptolemy may 
represent the tribe of Mishma. 2. A son 
of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 25), brother of Mib- 
sam. These brothers were perhaps named 
after the older brothers, Mishma and Mib- 
sam. 

Mishman'nah. The fourth of the 
twelve lion-faced Gadites who joined David 
at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 10). 

Mish'raites, The, the fourth of the 
four "families of Kirjath-jearim," i. c. col- 
onies proceeding therefrom and founding 
towns (1 Chr. ii. 53). 

Mis'per-eth. One of those who re- 
turned with Zerubbabel and Jeshua from 
Babylon (Neh. vii. 7). 

Mis'rephoth-ma'im, a place in north- 
ern Palestine, in close connection with 
Zidon-rabbah, i. e. Sidon (Josh. xi. 8, xiii. 
6). Taken as Hebrew, the literal meaning 
of the name is " burnings of waters," and 
accordingly it is taken by the old interpret- 
ers to mean •' warm waters," whether nat- 



ural, — 1. e. hot baths or springs-— or ar 

tificial, I. e. salt, glass, or smelting works. 

I Dr. ThoiQson treats Misrephoth-maim as 

I identical with a collection of springs called 

I Ain-Musheirifeh, on the sea shore close 

i under the Ras en-Nakhura ; but this ha« 

I the disadvantage of being very far from 

I Sidon. May it not rather be the place with 

which we are familiar in the later history a* 

Zarephath ? 

Mite, a coin current in Palestine in the 
time of our Lord (Mark xii. 41-44 ; Luke 
xxi. 1-4). It seems in Palestine to have 
been the smallest piece of money, being 
the half of the farthing, which was a coin 
of very low value. From St. Mark's ex- 
planation, '* two mites, which make a far- 
thing" (ver. 42), it may perhaps be inferred 
that the farthing was the commoner coin. 
In the Graeco-Roman coinage of Palestine, 
the two smallest coins, of which the assa- 
rion is the more common, seem to corri^- 
spond to the farthing and the mite, tie 
larger weighing about twice as much as tl « 
smaller. 

Mith'cah, the name of an unknown 
desert encampment of the Israelites, meai - 
ing, perhaps, "place of sweetness" (Num. 
xxxiii. 28, 29). 

Mith'nite, The, the designation of 
Joshaphat, one of David's guard in the 
catalogue of 1 Chr. xi. (ver. 43). 

Mith'redath. 1. The treasurer of Cy- 
rus king of Persia, to whom the king gave 
the vessels of the Temple, to be by hin3 
transferred to the hands of Sheshbazzai 
f Ezr. i. 8). 2. A Persian oflicer stationed 
at Samaria, in the reign of Artaxerxep, oi 
Smerdis the Magian (Ezr. iv. 7). 

Mitre. [Crown.] 

Mityle'ne, the chief town of Lesoos, 
and situated on the east coast of the island. 
Mitylene is the intermediate place where 
St. Paul stopped for the night between 
Assos and Chios (Acts xx. 14, 15). The 
town itself was celebrated in Roman times 
for the beauty of its buildings. In St. 
Paul's day it had the privileges of a free 
city. 

Mixed Multitude. When the Israel- 
ites journeyed from Rameses to Succotlu 
the first stage of the Exodus from Egypt, 
there went up with them " a mixed multi- 
tude" (Ex. xii. 38; Num. xi. 4). They 
were probably the offspring of marriagei 
contracted between the Israelites and th« 
Egyptians ; and the term may also include 
all those who were not of pure Israelits 
blood. In Exodus and Numbers it probar 
bly denoted the miscellaneous hangers-on 
of the Hebrew camp, whether they were 
the issue of spurious marriagee with Egyx)- 
tians, or were themselves Egyptians, or be- 
longing to other nations. The same hap- 
pened on the return from Babylon, and in 
Neh. xiii. 3 Tcomp. 23 -30' a slight elev \m 



MIZAR 



421 



MIZKAIM 



gnen by whioh the meaning of the ** mixed 
maltituie" may be more definitely ascer- 
tained. 

Mi'zar, The Hill, a mounjtain appar- 
ently m the northern part of trans-Jordanic 
Palestine, fr^m which the author of Psalm 
Klii. utters his pathetic appeal (ver. 6). 

Miz'pah, and Miz'peh, "a watch-tow- 
er," the name of several places in Pales- 
tine. 1. The earliest of all, in order of the 
oarrative, is the heap of stones piled up by 
Jacob and Laban (Gen. xxxi. 48) on Mount 
Gilead (ver. 25), to serve both as a witness 
to the covenant then entered into, and also 
as a landmark of the boundary between 
them (ver. 52). This heap received a name 
from each of the two chief actors in the 
transaction — Galeed and Jegar Saha- 
DUTHA. But it had also a third, viz. Miz- 
PAH, which it seems from the terms of the 
oarrative to have derived from neither par- 
ty, but to have possessed already. The 
uame remained attached to the ancient 
meeting-place of Jacob and Laban, and the 
spot where their conference had been held 
became a sanctuary of Jeliovah, and a 
place for solemn conclave and deliberation 
in times of difficulty long after. On this 
Qatural *' watch-tower" did the children of 
Israel assemble for the choice of a leader 
to resist ^.he children of Ammon (Judg. x. 
17) ; ani when the outlawed Jephthah had 
been prevailed on to leave his exile and 
take the head of his people, his first act 
was to go to "the Mizpah," and on that 
consecrated ground utter all his words 
"l>€fore. Jehovah." At Mizpah he seems 
to have henceforward resided; there the 
fatal meeting took place with his daughter 
on his return from the war (xi. 34), and we 
can hardly doubt that on the altar of that 
sanctuary the father's terrible vow was con- 
summated. It seems most probable that the 
" Mizpeli-Gilead " which is mentioned here, 
and here only, is the same as the ham-Miz- 
pah of the other parts of the narrative ; and 
both are probably identical with the Ra- 
MATH-MizpEH and Ramoth-Gilead, so fa- 
mous in the later history. Mizpah still re- 
tained its name in the days of the Macca- 
bees, by whom it was besieged and taken 
with the other cities of Gilead (1 Mace. v. 
35). 2. A second Mizpeh, on the east 
of Jordan, was the Mizpeii-Mgab, where 
the king of that nation was living when 
David committed his parents to his care 
(1 Sara. xxii. 3). 3. A third was The 
T/And of Mizpeh, or more accurately "of 
Mizpah," the residence of the Hivites who 
joined the northern confederacy against 
Israel, headed by Jabin king of Hazor 
(Josh. xi. 3). No otl)?r mention is found 
of this district in the Bible, unless it be iden- 
tical with — 4. The Valley of Mizpeh, to 
which the discomfited hosts of the same 
eonffderaci we**? cha=ed bv Joshua (xi. 8), 



perhaps identical with the great country ol 
Coele-Syria. 5. Mispeh, a city of Judah 
(Josh. XV. 38), in the district of the Shefe- 
lah or maritime lowland. 6. Mizpeh, in 
Joshua and Samuel ; eisewhere Mizpah, a 
"city" of Benjamin, named in the list of 
the allotment between Beeroth and Che- 
phira, and in apparent proximity to Ramah 
and Gibeon (Josh, xviii. 2G). Its connec- 
tion with the two last-named towns is also 
implied in the later history (1 K. xv. 22 ; 2 
Chr. xvi. 6 ; Neh. iii. 7). It was one of the 
places fortified by Asa against the incur- 
sions of the kings of the northern Israel (1 
K. XV. 22 ; 2 Chr. xvi. 6 ; Jer. xli. 9) ; and 
after the destruction of Jerusalem it became 
the residence of the superintendent ap 
pointed by the king of Babylon (Jer. xl. 7, 
&c.), and the scene of his murder and of 
the romantic incidents connected with the 
name of Ishmael the son of Nethaniah. 
But Mizpah was more than this. In the 
earlier periods of the history of Israel, at 
the first foundation of the monarchy, it was 
one of the three holy cities which Samuel 
visited in turn as judge of the people (vii. 
6, 16), the other two being Bethel and Gil- 
gal. But, unlike Bethel and Gilgal, no 
record is preserved of the cause or origin 
of a sanctity so abruptly announced, and 
yet so fully asserted. With the conquest 
of Jerusalem and the establishment there 
of the Ark, the sanctity of Mizpah, or at 
least its reputation, seems to have declined. 
We hear of no religious act in connection 
with it till that aflecting assembly called 
together thither, as to the ancient sanctuary 
of their forefathers, by Judas Maccabaeus, 
" when the Israelites assembled themselves 
together and came to Massepha over against 
Jerusalem ; for in Maspha was there afore- 
time a place of prayer for Israel" (1 Mace, 
iii. 46). The expression "over against," 
no less than the circumstances of the story, 
seems to require that from Mizpah the City 
or the Temple was visible. These condi- 
tions are satisfied by the position of Scopus, 
the broad ridge which forms the continua- 
tion of the Mount of Olives to the north 
and east, from which the traveller gaint^ 
like Titus, his first view, and takes his lait 
farewell, of the domes, walls, and towew 
of the Holy City. 

Miz'par. Properly Mispar, as in the 
A. V. of 1611 and the Geneva version; the 
same as Mispereth (Ezr. ii. 2). 

Miz'peh. [Mizpah.] 

Miz'raim, the usual name of Egypt in 
the O. T., the dual of Mazor, which is less 
frequently employed. It is probably de- 
rived from the Arabic word Mizr, which 
signifies " red earth or mud." Mizraim 
first occurs in the account of the Ha,mite8 
'A Gen. X., where we read, " And the sons 
of Ham ; Cush, and Mizraim, and Phut, and 
Canaan" (ver. 6; cvmp. 1 Chr. i. S"*. Id 



MlZZAJl 



422 



MOAB 



ttm use ot the name Mizraim for Egypt there 
can be no doubt that the dual indicates the 
two regions (Upper and Lower Egypt) into 
which the country has always been divided 
by nature as well as by its inhabitants. 

Miz'zah. Son of Reuel and grandson 
of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 13, 17; 1 Chr. i. 37). 

Mna'son is honorably mentioned in 
Scripture, like Gains, Lydia, and others, as 
one of the hosts of the Apostle Paul (Acts 
xxi. 16). It is most likely that his resi- 
dBnce at this time was not Caesarea, but 
Jerusalem. He was a Cyprian by birth, and 
may have been a friend of Barnabas (Acts 
»r. 36), and possibly brought to the knowl- 
edge of Christianity by him. 

Mo'ab, Mo abites. Moab was the son 
of Lot's eldest danghter, the progenitor of 
the Moabites, and the elder brother of Ben- 
Ammi, the progenitor of the Ammonites 
(Gen. xix. 37). Zoar was the cradle of the 
race of Lot. From this centre the brother- 
tribes spread themselves. The Moabites 
first inhabited the rich highlands which 
crown the eastern side of the chasm of the 
Dead Sea, extending as far north as the 
mountain of Gilead, from which country 
they expelled the Emims, the original in- 
habitants (Dent. ii. 11). But they them- 
selves were afterwards driven southwards 
by the warlike Amorites, who had crossed 
the Jordan, and were confined to the coun- 
try south of the river Anion, which formed 
their northern boundary (Num. xxi. 13 ; 
Judg. xi. 18). The territory occupied by 
Moab at the period of its greatest extent, 
before the invasion of the Amorites, divided 
itself naturally into three distinct and inde- 
pendent portions. Each of these portions 
appears to have had its name, by which it is 
almost invariably designated. (1) The en- 
closed corner or canton south of the Arnon 
vas the " field of Moab " (Ruth i. 1, 2, 6, 
fee). (2) The more open rolling country 
north of the Arnon, opposite Jericho, and 
up to the hills of Gilead, was the " land of 
Moab" (Deut. i. 5, xxxii. 49, &c.). (3) 
The sunk district in the tropical depths of 
the Jordan valley, taking its name from 
that of the great valley itself — the Arabah 
— was the Arboth-Moab, the dry regions 
— iu the A. V. very incorrectly rendered 
the " plains of Moab " (Num. xxii. 1, &c.). 
The Israelites, in entering the Promised 
Land, did not pass through the Moabites (1 
Judg. xi. 18), but conquered the Amorites, 
who occupied the country from which the 
Moabites had been so lately expelled. Af- 
ter the conquest of Canaan the relations of 
Moab witli Israel were of a mixed charac- 
ter. Wit!i the tribe of Benjamin, whose 
possessions at their eastern end were sepa- 
rated from those of Moab only by the Jor- 
dan, they had at least one severe struggle. 
In union with tlieir kindre<f , the Ammonites 
(Judg. iii. 12-30). The feid continued 



with true Oriental pertinacity to the tira<» 
of Saul. Of his slaughter of the Ammon- 
ites we have full details in 1 Sam. xJ., and 
amongst his other conquests Moab is espe- 
cially mentioned (1 Sam. xiv. 47). But 
while such were their relations to the tribe 
of Benjamin, the story of Ruth, on the oth-ei 
hand, testifies to the existence of a friendlj 
intercourse between Moab and Bethlehem^ 
one of the towns of Judah. By his descent 
from Ruth, David may be said to have had 
Moabite blood in his veins. The relatioa- 
ship was suflScient to warrant' his visiting 
the land, and committing his parents to the 
protection of the king of Moab, when hard 
pressed by Saul (1 Sam. xxii. 3, 4). But 
here all friendly relations stop forever. The 
next time the name is mentioned is in the 
account of David's war, who made them 
tributary (2 Sam. viii. 2; 1 Chr. xviii. 2). 
So signal a vengeance can only Lave been 
occasioned by some act of perfidy or insult, 
like that which brought down a similar 
treatment on the Ammonites (2 Sam. x.) 
It has been conjectured that the king of 
Moab betrayed the trust which David re- 
posed in him, and either himself killed Jesse 
and his wife, or surrendered them to Saul. 
It must have been a considerable time be- 
fore Moab recovered from so severe a blow. 
At the disruption of the kingdom, Moat 
seems to have fallen to the northern realm. 
At the death of Ahab, eighty years later, 
we find Moab paying him the enormous 
tribute, apparently annual, of 100,000 rams, 
and the same number of wethers, with their 
fleeces. It is not surprising that the Moab- 
ites should have seized the moment of 
Ahab's death to throw off so burdensome a 
yoke (1 K. i. 1, iii. 4) ; but it is surprising, 
that notwithstanding such a drain on their 
resources, they were ready to incur the risk 
and expense of a war with a state in every 
respect far their superior. Their first step, 
after asserting their independence, was to 
attack the kingdom of Judah (2 Chr. xx.). 
The army was a huge heterogeneous horde 
of ill-assorted elements, and the expedition 
contained within itself the elements of itis 
own destruction. As a natural consequenc* 
of the late events, Israel, Judah, and Edom, 
united in an attack on Moab. The three 
confederate armies approached not as usual 
by the north, but round the southern end 
of the Dead Sea, through the parched val- 
leys of Upper Edom. As the host came 
near, the king of Moab, doubtless the same 
Mesha who threw off the yoke of Ahab, as- 
sembled the whole of his people on tht 
boundary of his territory. Here they re- 
mained all night on the watch. With the 
approach of morning the sun rose suddenly 
above the horizon of the rolling plain, and 
shone with a blood-red glare on a mul- 
titude of pools in the bed of the wad.»^ I 
their feet. To them the coaclusioa wai ir 



MOADIAH 



423 



*MOLECn 



evitable. flie army had, like their own on 
the late occasion, fallen out in the night; 
thtae red pools were the blood of the slain ; 
those who were not killed had fled, and 
uothing stood between them and the pillage 
of the camp. The cry " Moab to the spoil ! " 
•WiW raised. Down the slopes they ruslied 
in headlong disorder. Then occurred one 
of those scenes of carnage which can hap- 
pen but once or twice in the existence of a 
aation. The Moabites fled back in confu- 
§ion, followed and cut down at every step 
by their enemies. Far inwards did the pur- 
suit reach, among the cities and farms and 
orchards of that rich district ; nor when the 
slaughter was over was the horrid work of 
destruction done. At last the struggle col- 
lected itself at KiR-HARASETH. Here Mesha 
took refuge with his family, and with the 
remnants of his army. The heights around 
were covered with slingers, who discharged 
cheir volleys of stones on the town. At 
length the annoyance could be borne no 
ilonger. Then Mesha, collecting round him 
a forlorn hope of 700 of his best warriors, 
made a desperate sally, with the intention 
of cutting his way through to his special foe 
the king of Edom. But the enemy were 
too strong for him, and he was driven back. 
And then came a fitting crown to a tragedy 
already so terrible. An awful spectacle 
amazed and horrified the besiegers. The 
ki ig and his eldest son, the heir to the 
dii one, mounted the wall, and, in the sight 
of the tluusands who covered the sides of 
tbst vast amphitheatre, the father killed and 
bai nt his cliild as a propitiatory sacrifice to 
the cruel gods of his country. Isaiah (xv., 
Kvi., XXV. 10-12) predicts the utter annihi- 
lation of Moab; and they are frequently 
denounced by the subsequent prophets. For 
the religion of the Moabites see Chemosh, 
MoLECH, Peor. 

Moadi'ah. A priest, or family of priests, 
w^ho returned with Zerubbabel. The chief 
of the house in the time of Joiakira the son 
of Jeshua was Piltai (Neh. xii. 17). Else- 
where (Neh. xii. 5) called Maadiah. 

Mo'din, a place not mentioned in either 
Old or New Testament, though rendered 
immortal by its connection with the history 
of the Jews in the interval between the two. 
It was the native city of the Maccabaean 
family (1 Mace. xiii. 25), and as a necessary 
consequence contained their ancestral sep- 
ttlchre (ii. 70, ix. 19, xiii. 25-30). At Modin 
tlie Maccabaean armies encamped on the 
eres of two ol their most memorable vic- 
i«)ries — that of Judas over Antiochus Eu- 
pator (2 Mace. xiii. 14), and that of Simon 
over Cendebeus (1 Mace. xvi. 4), the last 
battle of the veteran chief before his assas- 
sination. The only indication of the posi- 
tion of the place to be gathered from the 
above notices is cvmtained in the last, from 
«rluc^ we may ii fei that it was i ?ar " the 



plain," I. e. the great maritime loifvland ol 
Pliilistia (ver. 6). By Eusebius and Jerome 
it is specified as near Diospolis, V. e. Lydda; 
while the notice in the Mishna states that ii 
was 1 (Roman) mile from Jerusalem. At 
the same time the description of the monu- 
ment seems to imply that the spot was so 
lofty as to be visible from the sea, and so 
near that even the details of the sculpturf 
were discernible therefrom. All these con- 
ditions, excepting the last, are tolerably 
fulfilled in either of the two sites called 
Latr'An and Kubdb. The mediaeval and 
modern tradition places Modin at Soba, an 
eminence south of Kurietel-enab ; but this 
being not more than 7 miles from Jerusalem, 
while it is as much as 25 from Lydda and 30 
from the sea, and also far removed from the 
plain of Philistia, is at variance with every 
one of the conditions implied in the records. 

Mol'adab., a city of Judah, one of those 
which lay in the district of " the south,** 
next to Edom (Josh. xv. 26, xix. 2). In 
the latter tribe it remained at any rate till 
the reign of David (1 Chr. iv. 28), but by 
the time of the captivity it seems to have 
come back into the hands of Judah, by 
whom it was reinhabited after the captivity 
(Neh. xi. 26). Intlie Onomasiicon a place 
named Malatha is spoken of as in the interior 
of Daroma ; and further it is mentioned as 
4 miles from Arad and 20 from Hebron. It 
may be placed at el-Milh, which is about 4 
English miles from Tell Arad, 17 or 18 from 
Hebron, and 9 or 10 due eastof Beersheba. 

Mole. 1. Tinshemeth (Lev. xi. 30). It 
is probable that the animals mentioned with 
the tinshemeth in the above passaj,^* denote 
different kinds of lizards ; perhaps, there- 
fore, the chameleon may be the animal in- 
tended. 2. Chephdr pSroth is rendered 
" moles " in Is. ii. 

Mo'lech. The fire-god Molech was the 
tutelary deity of the children of Ammon, 
and essentially identical with the Moabitish 
Chemosh. Fire-gods appear to have beeo 
common to all the Canaanite, Syrian, and 
Arab tribes, who worshipped the destructive 
element under an outward symbol, with the 
most inhuman rites. Among these were 
human sacrifices, purifications and ordeals 
by fire, devoting of the first-born, mutila- 
tion, and vows of perpetual celibacy a id 
virginity. The root of the word Molech is 
the same as that of melee or "king." Flie 
first direct historical allusion to Mol ch- 
worship is 1 I t le description of SoIo)H(»u'b 
idolatry in his old age (1 K. xi. 7). Two 
verses before, the same deity is called Mil- 
COM. Most of the Jewish interpreteis say 
that in the worship of Molech the ehihhen 
were not burnt, but made to pass between 
two burning pyres, as a purificatory riti^. 
But the allusions to the actual slt*ughterare 
too phiin to be mistaken. Compare Deut 
xii. 31 ; Ps. cvi, 37, 38 ; Jer. vii. 3L xix. S 



MULJ 



424 



MONEY 



Ez. xvi 20, 21, xxiii. 37. The worship of 
Molech is evidently alluded to, though not 
expressly mentioned, in connection with 
star-worship and the worship of Baal in 2 
K. xvii. 16, 17, xxi. 5, 6, which seems to 
show that Molech, the flame-g^od, and Baal, 
the sun-god, were worshipped Jrith the same 
rites. According to Jewish tradition, the 
image of Molech was of brass, hollow with- 
in, and was situated without Jerusalem. 
Kimchi (on 2 K. xxiii. 10) describes it as 
" est within seven chapels, and whoso of- 
fered fine flour, they open to him one of 
thc-m ; (whoso offered) turtle-doves oryoung 
pigeons, they open to him two ; a lamb, they 
open to him three ; a ram, they open to him 
four ; a calf, they open to him five ; an ox, 
they open to him six ; and so whoever of- 
fered his son, they open to him seven. And 
his face was (that) of a calf, and his hands 
stretched forth like a man who opens his 
hands to receive (something) of his neigh- 
bor. And they kindled it with fire, and 
the priests took the babe and put it into the 
hands of Molech, and the babe gave up the 
ghost." " The tabernacle of Moloch " men- 
tioned in Acts vii. 43, was more probably a 
shrine or ark in which the figure of the god 
was carried in processions. Many instances 
of human sacrifices are found in ancient 
writers, which may be compared with the 
description in the Old Testament of the 
manlier in which Molech was worshipped. 
The Carthaginians, according to Augustine, 
offered children to Saturn. Among the 
Rhodians a man was offered to Kronos 
on the 6th July. According to Manetho, 
Amosis abolished the same practice in 
Egypt at HeliopoHs, sacred to Juno. San- 
choniatho related that the Phoenicians, on 
the occasion of any great calamity, sacri- 
ficed to Saturn one of their relatives. Dio- 
<5orus Siculus (xx. 14) records that the Car- 
thaginians, when besieged by Agathocles, 
tyrant of Sicily, offered in public sacrifice 
to Saturn 200 of their noblest children, 
while others voluntarily devoted themselves 
to the number of 300. His description of 
the statue of the god differs but slightly 
from that of Molech, which has been quoted. 
Molech, «' the king," was the lord and mas- 
ter of the Ammonites; their country was 
his possession (Jer. xlix. 1), as Moab was 
the heritage of Chemosh; the princes of 
the land were the princes of Malcham (Jer. 
xlix. 3; Am. i. 15). His priests were men 
of rank (Jer. xlix. 3), taking precedence 
of the princes. The priests of Molech, like 
those of other idols, were called Chemarim 
2 K. xxiii. 5; Hos. x. 5; Zeph. i. 4). 
Mo'li. Mahli, the son of Merari (1 
Eedr. viii. 47; comp. Ezr. viii. 18). 

Mo'] id, the son of Abishur by his wife 
Abihail, and descendant of Jerahmeel (1 
3hr. ii. 29). 
Moloch, the same &» Molech. 



Money I. Uncoined Monet. 1. ITn- 

coined Money in general. — It is welj 
known that ancient nations that wc re with- 
out a coinage weighed the precious metals, 
a practice represented on the Egyptian 
monuments, on which gold and silver are 
shown to have been kept in the form of 
rings. We have no certain record of tht 
use of ring-money or other uncoined money 
in antiquity excepting among the Egy^^tiana 
It can scarcely be doubted that the Assyr- 
ians and Babylonians adopted, if they did 
not originate, this custom. 2. Tke An- 
tiquity of Coined Money. — Respecting the 
origin of coinage there are two accounts 
seemingly at variance; some saying tliat 
Phidon king of Argos first struck money, 
and according to Ephorus, in Aegina ; but 
Herodotus ascribing its invention to the 
Lydians. The former statement probably 
refers to the origin of the coinage of Euro- 
pean Greece, the ktter to that of Asiatic 
Greece. On the whole it seems reasonable 
to carry up Greek coinage to the 8th cen- 
tury B. c. Purely Asiatic coinage cannot 
be taken up to so early a date. The more 
archaic Persian coins seem to be of the time 
of Darius Hystaspis, or possibly Cyrus, and 
certainly not much older ; and there is no 
Asiatic money, not of Greek cities, that can 
be reasonably assigned to an earlier period. 
3. Notices of Uncoined Money in the O. T, 
—We have no evidence of the use of coined 
money before the return from the Babylo- 
nian captivity; but silver was used foi 
money, in quantities determined by weight, 
at least as early as the time of Abraham ; 
and its earliest mention is in the generic 
sense of the price paid for a slavj i^Gen. 
xvii. 13) . The 1000 pieces of silver i>aid b> 




Egyptian weighing Rliijrs for Money. 



Abimelech to Abraham (Gen. xx. 16), anJ 
the 20 pieces of silver for which Joseph wai> 
sold to the Ishmeelites (Gen. xxxvii. 2S} 
were probably rings such as we see on the 
Egyptian monuments in the act of boing 



MONEY 



425 



MONEY-CHANGERS 



«»eiglied- In the first recorded transaction 
of commerce, the cave of Machpelah is pur- 
chased by Abraham for 400 shekels of sil- 
ver, and it was this just weight that was 
recognized as current with the merchant 
("money" is not in the original: Gen. 
xxixi- 15, 16). The shekel weight of sih-er 
ir;i8 the unit of value through th^ whole 
»^e of Hebrew history, down to the Baby- 
loninn captivity. In only one place is there 
% mention of so many shekels of gold as a 
iiim of money (1 Chr. xxi. 25), and even 
here, in the older parallel passage, silver 
anly is mentioned (2 Sam. xxiv. 9). In the 
transaction between Naaman and Gehazi, 
tlie "six thousand of gold" (2 K. v. 5, 
rhere pieces is not in the original) probably 
denotes shekels, like the " six hundred of 
ftOld " in 1 K. X. 16. II. Coined Money. 
1. The Principal Monetary Systems of 
Antiquity. — The earliest Greek coins, by 
♦/hich we here intend those struck in the 
Age before the Persian war, are of three 
talents or standards : the Attic, the Aegine- 
tan, and the Macedonian or earlier Phoe- 
nician. The oldest coins of Athens, of 
A.egina, and of Macedon and Thrace, we 
fthould select as typical respectively of these 
standards ; obtaining as the weight of the 
Attic draohm about 67*5 grains troy ; of the 
Aeginetan, about 96 ; and of the Macedo- 
nian, about 58, or 116, if its drachm be 
what is now generally held to be the di- 
drachm. 2. Coined Money mentioned in 
the Bible. — After the Captivity we have the 
sarliest mention of coined money, in allu- 
iion, as might have been expected, to the 
Persian coinage, the gold Daric (A. V. 
iram : Ezra ii. 69, viii. 27 ; Neh. vii. 70, 
71, 72). [Daric] No native Jewish coin- 
age appears to have existed till Antiochus 
VII. Si^etes granted Simon Maccabaeus 
the license to coin money (b. c. 140) ; and 
it is now generally agreed that the oldest 
Jewish silver coins belong to this period. 
Tliey are shekels and half-shekels of the 
v^eight of 220 and 110 grains. With this 




' the series is continued, almost without in- 
terruption, to the end of the Asmonaean 
house. Most of them are marked as the 
half or quarter (doubtless of the shekel)^ 
their average weight being 235i and 132 
I grains ; and there is a third piece of about 
I 82 grains, which seems to be the sixth of a 
shekel. The abundant money of Berod the 
Great, which is of a thoroughly Greek char- 
acter, and of copper only, seems to have 
been a continuation of the copper coinage 
of the Maccabees, with some adaptation to 
the Roman standard. In the money of the 
New Testament we see the native copper 
coinage side by side with the Graeco-Romau 
copper, silver, and gold. An interesting 
illustration occurs in our Lord's first com- 
mission to the Apostles. St. Matthew (x. 
9), with comprehensive generality, mentions 
all the three metals, "Provide neither ^foZci, 
nor silver, nor brass, in your girdles." St. 
Mark (vi. 8) names only the copper (/aA- 
xov), which formed the common native cur- 
rency. St. Luke (ix. 3) uses the general 
word for money (aQy^Qiov). — The coins 
mentioned by the Evangelists, and first 
those of silver, are the following : — The 
stater is spoken of in the account of the 
miracle of the tribute-money. The receiv- 
ers of didrachms demanded the tribute, but 
St. Peter found in the fish a stater, which 
he paid for our Lord and himself (Matt. 
xvii. 24-27). The stater was therefore a 
tetradrachm ; and it is noteworthy that at 
this period almost the only Greek Imperial 
silver coin in the East was a tetradrachm, 
the didrachm being probably unknown, o? 
very little coined. The didrachm is men- 
tioned as a money of account in the passage 
above cited, as the equivalent of the He- 
brew shekel. The denarius, or Roman 
penny, as well as the Greek drachm, then 
of about the same weight, are spoken of m 
current coins (Matt. xxii. 15-21 ; Luke xx. 
19-25). Of copper coins the farthing and 
its half, the mite, are spoken of, and these 
prcbably formed the chief native currency. 
The proper Jewish series closes with the 
money of the famous Barkobab, who headed 
the revolt in the time of Hadrian. His 
most important coins are shekels, of which 
we here engrave one. 



^K"lO'^ -pTZJ' " Shekel of Israel." Vase, above irhich 
K (Yearl.] R. n'tDlD Gb'i:i"l"'» "Jerusalem the 
holy." Branch bearing three flowert. AB. 

silver there was associated a copper coin- 
age, some pieces of which have been sup- 
posed to reach as high as Judas Macca- 
baeus ; but probably none are really older 
thaik John liyrcanus (b. c. 135), from \» hom 




Money-changers (Matt. xii. 12 ; Mark 
xi. 15; John ii. 1>). According to Ft 



MONTH 



426 



MOOT^ 



cxx. 13-16, every Israelite who had reached 
or passed the age of twenty must pay into 
the sacred treasury, wlienever the nation 
was numbered, a half shekel as an offering 
to Jehovah. The money-changers whom 
Clirist, for their impiety, avarice, and fraud- 
ulent dealing, expelled from the Temple, 
•rere the dealers who supplied half-shekels, 
for such a premium as they might be able 
to exact, to the Jews from all parts of the 
irorld, who assembled at Jerusalem during 
the great festivals, and were required to 
paj their tribute or ransom money in the 
Uebrew coin. 

Month. The terms for *' month" and 
'* moon " have the same close connection 
in the Hebrew language as in our own. 
The most importaut point in connection 
with tlie month of the Hebrews is its lengtli, 
and the mode by which it was calculated. 
The difficulties attending this inquiry are 
considerable in consequence of the scanti- 
ness of the data. Though it may fairly be 
presumed from the terms used that the 
month originally corresponded to a luna- 
tion, nj reliance can be placed on the mere 
verbal argument to prove the exact length 
of the month in historical times. From the 
time of the institution of the Mosaic law 
lownwards the month was a lunar one. 
Che cycle of religious feasts commencing 
<rith the Passover, depended not simply on 
tlie month, but on the moon ; the 14th of 
A-bib was coincident with the full moon; 
and the new moons themselves were the 
occasions of regular festivals (Num. x. 10, 
txviii. 11-14). The commencement of tlie 
month was generally decided by observa- 
tion of the new moon. The usual number 
of months in a year was twelve, as implied 
in 1 K. iv. 7 ; 1 Chr. xxvii. 1-15 ; but inas- 
much as the Hebrew months coincided 
with the seasons, it follows as a matter of 
course tha'. an additional month must have 
been ingert<?d about every third year, which 
would hfing the number up to thirteen. 
No noti' e, however, is taken of this month 
in the Lible. In the modern Jewish cal- 
endar the intercalary month is introduced 
•even times in every 19 years. The usual 
method of designating the months was by 
their numerical order, e. g. " the second 
month " (Gen. vii. 11), '< the fourth month " 
(2 K. XXV. 3) ; and this was generally re- 
tained even when the names were given, 
s, g. "in the month Zif, which is the second 
month" (1 K. vi. 1), " in the third month, 
that is, the month Sivan " (Esth. viii. 9). 
An exception occurs, however, in regard to 
Abib in the early portion of the Bible (Ex. 
xiii. 4, xxiii. 15; Deut. xvi. 1), which is 
always mentioned by name alone. The 
practice of the writers of the post- Babylo- 
nian period in this respect varied; Ezra, 
Esther, and Zechariah specify both the 
aames and the numerical order ; Nehemiah 



only the fcriuer; Daniel ar.vl Haggal 3q1j 
the latter. The names of tht months be- 
long to two distinct periods ; in the first 
place we have those peculiar to the period 
of Jewish independence, of which four 
only, even including Abib, which we hardly 
regard as a proper name, are mentioned, 
viz. : Abib, in which the Passover fell (E:x 
xiii. 4, xxiii. 15, xxxiv. 18; Deut. xvi. 1>, 
and which was established as the first 
month in commemoration of the Exodus 
(Ex. xii. 2) ; Zif, the second month (IK. 
vi. 1, 37) ; Bui, the eighth (1 K. vi. 38) ; 
and Ethanim, the seventh (IK. viii. 2). 
In the second place we have the names 
which prevailed subsequently to the Baby- 
lonish Captivity; of these the following 
seven appear in the Bible : — Nisan, the 
first, in which the Passover was held (Neh. 
ii. 1 ; Esth. iii. 7) ; Sivan, the third (Esth. 
viii. 9 ; Bar. i. 8) ; Elul, the sixth (Neh. vi 
15 ; 1 Mace. xiv. 27) ; Chisleu, the ninth 
(Neh. i. 1 ; Zech. vii. 1 ; 1 Mace. i. 54) ; 
Tebeth, the tenth (Esth. ii. 16) ; Sebat, tlw» 
eleventh (Zech. i. 7; 1 Mace. xvi. 14); 
and Adar, the twelfth (Esth. iii. 7, viii. 12 ; 
2 Mace. XV. 36). The names of the re- 
maining five occur in the Talmud and other 
works ; they were, lyar, the second (Tar- 
gum, 2 Chr. XXX. 2) ; Tammuz, the fourth, 
Ab, the fifth ; Tisri, the seventh ; and Mar- 
cheshvan, the eighth. The name of the 
intercalary month was Veadar, i. e. the 
additional Adar. — Subsequently to thfi 
establishment of the Syro-Macedonian Em- 
pire, the use of the Macedonian calendar 
was gradually adopted for purposes of lit- 
erature or intercommunication with other 
countries. The only instance in which the 
Macedonian names appear in the Bible is 
in 2 Mace. xi. 30, 33, 38, where we have 
notice of Xanthicus in combination with 
another named Dioscorinthius (ver. 21), 
which does not appear in the Macedonian 
calendar. It is most probable that tht 
author of 2 Mace, or a copyist was familial 
with the Cretan calendar, which contained 
a month named Dioscurus, holding the 
same place in the calendar as the Macedo 
nian Dystrus, i. e. immediately before Xan- 
thicus, and that he substituted one for the 
other. — The identification of the Jewish 
months with our own cannot be effected 
with precision on account of the variations 
that must inevitably exist between the lunar 
and the solar month. Nisan (or Abib) an- 
swers to March ; Zif or lyar to May ; Si- 
van to June ; Tammuz to July ; Ab to 
August; Elul to September; Ethanim or 
Tisri to October ; Bui or Marciieshvan to 
November ; Chisleu to December ; Tebeth 
to January; Sebat to February; and Adar 
to March. 

Moon. The mcon held an importani 
place in the kingdom of nature, as known 
to the Hebrews. In the nistory of th« 



MOON, NEW 



427 



MORDEC Al 



creatijn (Geu. i. 14-16), it appears simul- 
taneously with the sun. Conjointly with 
the sun, it was appointed "for signs and 
for seasons, and for days and years ; " 
though in this respect it exercised a more 
important influence, if by the "seasons" 
we understand the great religious festivals 
of the Jews, as is particularly stated in Ps. 
civ. 19, and more at length in Ecclus. xliii. 
6, 7. Besides this, it had its special office 
in the distribution of light; it was appoint- 
ed "to rule over the night," as the sun 
over the day, and thus the appearance of 
the two founts of light served " to divide 
between the day and between the night." 
The inferiority of its light is occasionally 
noticed, as in Gen. i. 16; in Cant. vi. 10; 
and in Is. xxx. 26. The coldness of the 
night-dews is prejudicial to the health, and 
particularly to the eyes, of those who are 
exposed to it, and the idea expressed in Ps. 
cxxi. 6 may have reference to the general 
or the particular evil eflfect. The worship 
of the moon was extensively practised by 
tlie nations of the East, and under a varie- 
ty of aspects. In Egypt it was honored 
ander the form of Isis, and was one of the 
only two deities which commanded the rev- 
erence of all the Egyptians. In Syria it 
was represented by that one of the Ashta- 
roth, surnamed "Karnaim," from the horns 
of the crescent moon by which she was 
distinguished- There are indications of a 
very early introduction into the countries 
adjacent to Palestine of a species of wor- 
ship distinct from any that we have hither- 
to noticed, viz. of the direct homage of 
the heavenly bodies, sun, moon, and stars, 
which is the characteristic of Sabianism. 
The first notice we have of this is in Job 
[xxxi. 26 27), and it is observable that the 
warning of Moses (Deut. iv. 19) is directed 
against this nature-worship, rather than 
against the form of moon-worship, which 
tlie Israelites must have witnessed in Egypt. 
At a later period, however, the worship of 
the moon in its grosser form of idol-wor- 
ship was introduced from Syria. In the 
figurative language of Scripture, the moon 
is frequently noticed as presaging events 
of the greatest importance through the 
U mporary or permanent withdrawal of its 
light (Is. xiii. 10 ; Joel ii. 31 ; Matt. xxiv. 
29; Mark xiii. 24). 
Moon, JTew. [New Moon.] 
Morasthite, The, that is, the native of 
A place nam's d Moresueth. It occurs twice 
(Jer. xxvi. IB; Mic. i. 1), each time as the 
description of the prophet Micah. 

Mor'de'.ViA, the deliverer, undev Divine 
Providence., of the Jews from the destruc- 
tion plotted against them by Haman the 
chief minif.t'3r of Xerxes ; the institutor of 
the feast of Purim. The incidents of his 
history are too well known to need to be 
irelt upon. [Estheb.] It will be more i 



useful to poin out his place in sacred, pro 
fane, and rabuinical historj respectively 
Three things are predicated of Mordecai in 
the Book of Esther : (1) that he lived m 
Shushan ; (2) that his name was Mordecai, 
son of Jair, son of Shimei, son of Kish the 
Benjamite who was taken captive with Je- 
hoiacliin ; (3) that he brought up Esther. 
This genealogy does then fix with great eei> 
tainty the age of Mordecai. He was great 
grandson of a contemporary of Jolioiachin- 
Now four generations cover 120 years — 
and 120 years from b. c. 599 bring us to B. 
c. 479, i. e. to the 6th year of the reign of 
Xerxes. It is probable that the Mordecai 
mentioned in Ezr. ii. 2 ; Neh. vii. 7, as one 
of tlie leaders of the captives who returned 
from time to time from Babylon to Judaea, 
was the same as Mordecai of the ■ Book 
of Esther. As regards his place in profane 
history, the domestic annals of the reign 
of Xerxes are so scanty, that it would not 
surprise us to find no mention of Mordecai. 
But there is a person named by Cteaias. 
who probably saw the very chronicles of 
the kings of Media and Persia referred U 
in Esth. X. 2, whose name and charactei 
present some points of resemblance with 
Mordecai, viz. Matacas, or Natacas, whom 
he describes as Xerxes' chief favorite, and 
tlie most powerful of them all. He relate? 
of him, that when Xerxes, after his return 
from Greece, had commissioned Megabyzus 
to go and plunder the temple of Apollo al 
Delphi, upon his refusal, he sent Matacas 
tlie eunuch, to insult the god, and to plun- 
der his property, which Matacas did, and 
returned to Xerxes. The known hatred of 
Xerxes to idol- worship makes his selec- 
tion of a Jew for his prime minister verj' 
probable, and there are strong points of 
resemblance in what is thus related of Mat- 
acas, and what we know from Scripture of 
Mordecai. Again, that Mordecai was, 
what Matacas is related to have been, a 
eunuch, seems not improbable from his 
having neither wife nor child, from his 
bringing up his cousin Esther in his own 
house, from his situation in the king's gate, 
from his access to the court of the women, 
and from his being raised to the highest 
post of power by the king, which we know 
from Persian history was so often the case 
with the king's eunuchs. If we suppose 
the original form of the name to have been 
Matacai, it would easily in the Chaldee or- 
thography become Morde.'ai. As regards 
his place in Rabbinical esiimation, Morde- 
cai, as is natural, stands very high. Th» 
interpolations in the Greek book of I ather 
are one indication of his popularity with his 
countrymen. The Targum (of late date) 
shows that this increased rather than di- 
minished with the lapse of centuries. It is 
said of Mordecai that he knew the seventy 
languagei, i. e- the langiuges of al) *Ji» 



M(mBii 



428 



MORTAJR 



oations mentioned in Gen. x., which the 
Jeym ^ount as seventy nations, and that his 
age exceeded 400 years. He is continually 
designated by the appellation " the Just." 
Benjamin of Tudela places the tomb of 
Mordecai and Esther at Hamadan, or Ecbat- 
ana. Others, however, place the tomb of 
Mordecai in Susa. 

Mo'reh. 1. The Plain, or Plaivs (or, 
as it should rather be rendered, the Oak 
or Oaks), op Moreh. The Oak of Moreh 
uras the first recorded halting-place of 
Abram after his entrance into the land of 
Canaan (Gen. xii. 6). It was at the '* place 
of Shechem" (xii. 6), close to t)ie moun- 
tams of Ebal and Gerizim (Deut. xi. 30). 
There is reason for believing that this place, 
the scene of so important an occurrence in 
Abram's early residence in Canaan, may 
have been also that of one even more im- 
portant, the crisis of his later life, the of- 
fering of Isaac, on a mountain in " the 
land of Moriah." Whether the iaks of 
Moreh had any connection with — 2. The 
Hill of Moreh, at the foot of which the 
Midianites and Amalekites were encamped 
before Gideon's attack upon them (Judg. 
vu. 1), seems, to say the least, most uncer- 
tain. But a comparison of Judg. vi. 33 
witli vii. 1 makes it evident that it lay in 
the valley of Jezreel, rather on the north 
side of the valley, and north also of the 
eminence on which Gideon's little band of 
heroes was clustered. These conditions 
are most accurately fulfilled if we assume 
Jebel ed-Duhy, the ** Little Hermon " of 
the modern travellers, to be Moreh, the 
Ain-Jalood to be the spring of Harod, and 
Gideon's position to have been on the north- 
east slope of Jebel FukHa (Mount Gilboa), 
between the village of Nuris and the last- 
mentioned spring. 

Mor'esheth-gath,, a place named by 
the prophet Micah only (Mic. i. 14), in 
company with Lachish, Achzib, Mareshah, 
tnd other towns of the lowland district of 
Judah. Micah was himself the native of 
a place called Moresheth. Eusebius and 
Jerome, in the Ottomasticon, describe Mo- 
rasthi as a mod^^rate-sized village near 
Eleutheropoiis, to the east. 

Hori'ah. 1. The Land of Moriah. 
On " one of the mountains " in this district 
took place the sacrifice of Isaac (Gen. xxii. 
2). What the name of the mountain was 
we are not told ; but it was a conspicuous 
one, visible from " afar off" (ver. 4). Nor 
does the narrative afford any data for ascer- 
taining its position. It is most natural to 
take the *'land of Moriah" as the same 
district with that in which the " Oak (A. 
V. ' plain ') of Moreh " was situated, and 
not as thai which contains Jerusalem, as 
the modern trj iition, which wouid id<^ntify 
the Moriah of len xxii. and that of 2 Chr. 
ill. 1, afSrncs. 2 Mount Moriah. The 



name ascribed, in 2 Chr. iii. 1 only, to the 
eminence on which Solomon built the Tem- 
ple ; *' where He appeared to David his 
fatl IT, in a place which David prepared in 
the threshing-floor of Araunah the Jebu- 
site." From the mention of Araunah, the 
inference is natural that the " appearance" 
alluded to occurred at the time of the pur- 
chase of the threshing-floor by David, and 
his erection thereon of the altar (2 Sam. 
xxiv. ; 1 Chr. xxi.). But it will be ob- 
served that nothing is said in the narratives 
of that event of any " appearance " of Je- 
hovah. A tradition which first appears in 
a definite shape in Josephus, and is now 
almost universally accepted, asserts that 
the " Mount Moriah " of the Chronicles is 
identical with the " mountain " in " the land 
of Moriah " of Genesis, and that the spot 
on which Jehovah appeared to David, and 
on which the Temple was built, was the 
very spot of the sacrifice of Isaac. But 
the single occurrence of the name in this 
one passage of Chronicles is surely not 
enough to establish a coincidence, which if 
we consider it, is little short of miraculous. 
Except in the case of Salem — and that is 
by no means ascertained — the name of 
Abraham does not appear once in connec- 
tion with Jerusalem or the later royal or 
ecclesiastical glories of Israel. Jerusalem 
lies out of the path of the patriarchs, and 
has no part in the history of Israel till the 
establishment of the monarchy. But in 
addition to this, Jerusalem is incompatible 
with the circumstances of the narrative of 
Gen. xxii. To name only two instances — 
(1.) The Temple mount cannot be spoken 
of as a conspicuous eminence. It is not 
visible till the traveller is close upon it at 
the southern edge of the valley of Hinnom, 
from whence he looks down upon it as on a 
lower eminence. (2.) If Salem was Jeru- 
salem, then the trial of Abraham's faith, 
instead of taking place in the lonely and 
desolate spot implied by the narrative, 
where not even fire was to be obtained, and 
where no help but that of the Almighty was 
nigh, actually took place under the very 
walls of the city of Melchizedek. But, 
while there is no trace excert in the single 
passage quoted of Moriah being attached ■ 
to any part of Jerusalem — on the other j 
hand, in the slightly different form of Mo- ' 
REH, it did exist attached to the town and 
the neighborlicod of Shechem, the spot of 
Abram's first residence in Palestine. 

Mortar. The simplest and probably 
most ancient method of preparing corn for 
food was by pounding it between two stones. 
The Israelites in the desert appear to have 
possessed mortars and handmills among 
their necessary domestic utensils. When 
the manna fell they gathered it, and either 
ground it in the mill or poutded it m the 
mortar till it was fit for use ;.Num. vi 8). 



MORTER 



429 



M0SE8 



So Ir the present day stone mortars are 
ased by the Arabs to pound wheat for their 
aational dish kihby. Another word occur- 
ring in Prov. xxvii. 22, probably denotes a 
mortar of a larger kind in which corn was 
pounded. *' Though thou bray the fool in 
the mcrtar among the bruised corn with the 
pestle, yet will not his folly depart from 
him," Corn may be separated from its 
husk and all its good properties preserved 
by such an operation, but the fool's folly is 
so essential a part of himself that no anal- 
ogous process can remove it from him. 
Such seems the natural interpretation of 
this remarkable proverb. The language is 
intentionally exaggerated, and there is no 
necessity for supposing an allusion to a 
mode of punishment by which criminals 
were put to death by being pounded in a 
mortar. A custom of this kind existed 
among the Turks, but there is no distinct 
trace of it among the Hebrews. Such, 
however, is supposed to be the reference in 
the proverb by Mr. Roberts, who illustrates 
it from his Indian experience. 

Morter (Gen. xi. 3 ; E^. i. 14 ; Lev. xiv. 
42, 45; Is. xli. 25; Ex xiii. 10, 11, 14, 15, 
xxii. 28; Nah. iii. 14). The various com- 
pacting substances used in Oriental build- 
ings appear to be — 1. bitumen, as in the 
Babylonian structures ; 2. common mud or 
moistened clay ; 3. a very firm cement com- 
pounded of sand, ashes, and lime, in the 
proportions respectively of 1, 2, 3, well 
pounded, sometimes mixed and sometimes 
coated with oil, so as to form a surface al- 
most impenetrable to wet or the weather. 
In Assyrian and also Egyptian brick build- 
ings, stubble or straw, as hair or wool among 
ourselves, was added to increase the te- 
nacity. 

Mo'serah, Deut. x. 6, apparently the 
same as Moseroth, Num. xxxiii. 30, its 
plural form, the name of a place near Mount 
Hor. 

Mo'ses (Heb. ^<Js7itffc= "drawn"), the 
legislator of the Jewish people, and in a 
certain sense the founder of the Jewish 
religion. His birth and education. The 
immediate pedigree of Moses is as fol- 
lows : — 

Levi 



Qenhon 



CoL 



Kohath 

Amram ^ Jochebed 
\ 



Meraii 



Hn •■ Miriam Aaron » Elisheba MoBEB « Zipporah 



IVadab Abiha Eleazar Ithamar Gershom Eliezer 



Phineas 



Jonathan 



The fact that he was of the tribe of Levi 
ao doubt contributed to the selection of 
that tribe as the sacred caste. The story 
of his birth i» thoroughly Egyptian in its 



scene. The beauty of tho new-oom baba 
induced the mother to make extraordmary 
efforts for its preser^ ation from the general 
destruction of the male children of Israel. 
For three months the child was concealed 
in the house. Then his mother placed him 
in a small boat or basket of papyrus, closed 
against the water by bitumen. This was 
placed among the aquatic vegetation by the 
side of one of the canals of the Nile. The 
mother departed as if unable to bear the 
sight. The sister lingered to watch her 
brother's fate. The Egyptian princess came 
down, after the Homeric simplicity of thi» 
age, to bathe in the sacred river. Her at 
tendant slaves followed her. She saw the 
basket in the flags, and despatched divera 
after it. The divers, or one of the female 
slaves, brought it. It was opened, and the 
cry of the child moved the princess to com- 
passion. She determined to rear it as her 
own. The sister was at hand to recom- 
mend a Hebrew nurse. The child wm 
brought up as the princess's son, and the 
memory of the incident was long cherished 
in the name given to the foundling of thw 
water's side — whether according to its He- 
brew or Egyptian form. Its Hebrew foriTf 
is Mdsheh, from Mdshdh, " to draw out"-- 
" because I have drawn him out of tl<f 
water." But this is probably the Hebre* 
form given to a foreign word. In Copti;, 
mo = water, and ushe = saved. This is tl le 
explanation given by Josephus. The child 
was adopted by the princess. From thi« 
time for many years Moses must be coa- 
sidered as an Egyptian. In the Pentateuch 
this period is a blank, but in the N. T. ho 
is represented as " educated in all the wis- 
dom of the Egyptians," and as " mighty in 
words and deeds " (Acts vii. 22). But the 
time at last arrived when he was resolved 
to reclaim his nationality (Heb. xi. 24-26). 
Seeing an Israelite suffering the bastina- 
do from an Egyptian, and thinking that 
they were alone, he slew the Egyptian, and 
buried the corpse in the sand. The fire of 
patriotism which thus turned him into a 
deliverer from the oppressors, turns him 
into the peace-maker of the oppressed. It 
is characteristic of the faithfulness of tho 
Jewish records that his flight is there occa 
sioned rather by the malignity of his coun 
trymen than by the enmity of the Egyptians 
He fled into Midian. Beyond the fact that 
it was in or near the peninsula of Sinai, its 
precise situation is unknown. There wae 
a famous well (" the well," Ex. ii. 15) sur- 
rounded by tanks for the watering of the 
flocks of the Bedouin herdsmen. By this 
well the fugitive seated himself, and watched 
the gathering of the sheep. There were 
the Arabian shepherds, and thero were also 
seven maidens, whom the shepherds rudely 
drove away from the water. The chivat 
rous spirit which had already broken fortb 



MOSEb 



430 



MOJ=ES 



in benalf of his oppressed countrymen, 
broke forth again in behalf of the distressed 
maidens. They returned unusually soon to 
their father, and told hirn of their adven- 
ture. Moses, who up to this time had been 
'* an Egj-ptian " (Ex. ii. 19), now became 
for forty yeais (Acts vii. 30), an Arabian. 
He marriad Zipporali, daughter of his host, 
to whom he also became the slave and 
ihepherd (Ex. ii. 21, iii. 1). But the chief 
effect of this stay in Arabia is on Moses 
himself. It was in the seclusion and sim- 
pUeity of liis shepherd-life that he received 
his call as a prophet. The traditional scene 
of this great event is in the valley of Shoayh, 
or Hobab, on the N. side of Jehel MAsa. 
The original indications are too slight to 
enable us tc fix the spot with any certainty. 
It was at " the back of the wilderness " 
at Horeb (Ex. iii. 1), '* the mountain of 
God." Upon the mountain was a well- 
known acacia, the thorn-tree of the des- 
ert, spreading out its tangled branches 
thick set with white thorn, over the rocky 
ground. It was this tree which became the 
jymbol of the Divine Presence; a flame 
.>f fire in the midst of it, in which the dry 
branches would naturally have crackled 
And burnt in a moment, but which played 
nround it without consuming it. The rocky 
jjround at once became " holy," and the 
nbepherd's sandal was to be taken off no 
less than on the threshold of a palace or a 
•exnple. The call or revelation was two- 
fold — 1. The declaration of the Sacred 
Name expresses the eternal self-existence 
jf the One God. 2. The mission was given 
CO Moses to deliver his people. The two 
iigns are characteristic — the one of his 
past Egyptian life — the other of his active 
ihepherd life. In the rush of leprosy into 
his hand is the link between him and the 
people whom the Egyptians called a nation 
of lepers. In the transformation of his 
shepherd's staff is the glorification of the 
simple pastoral life, of which that staff was 
the symbol, into the great career which lay 
before it. He returns to Egypt from his 
exile. His Arabian wife and her two infant 
ions are with him. She is seated with them 
9n the ass. He apparently walks by their 
•ide with his shepherd's staff. On the 
journey back to Egypt a mysterious in- 
cidgnt occurred in the family. The most 
probable explanation seems to be, that at 
the caravanserai either Moses or Gershom 
iras struck with what seemed to be a mortal 
illness. In some way this illness was con- 
nected by Zipporah with the fact that her 
«on had not been circumcised. She in- 
stantly performed the rite, and threw the 
aharp instrument, stained with the fresh 
blood, at the feet of her husband, exclaim- 
ing in tne agony of a mother's anxiety for 
the life of her child— "A bloody husband 
diou art, to cause the death of my son." 



Then, when the recovery from the illnest 
took place, she exclaims again, " A bloody 
husband still thou art, but not so as to cause 
the child's death, but only to bring about his 
circumcision." It would seem to liave been 
in consequence of this event, whatever it 
was, that the wife and her children were 
sent back to Jethro, and remained with him 
till Moses joined them at Rephidim (^Ex. 
xviii. 2-6). After this parting he advanced 
into the desert, and at the same spot m here 
he had had his vision encountered Aaron 
(Ex. iv. 27). From that meeting and co- 
operation we have the first distinct indi- 
cation of his personal appearance and 
character. But beyond the slight glance at 
his infantine beauty, no hint of this grand 
personality is given in the Bible. What i& 
described is rather the reverse. The only 
point there brought out is a singular and 
unlooked-for infirmity. " I am slow of 
speech and of a slow tongue." In the solu- 
tion of this difficulty which Moses offers, 
we read both the disinterestedness, which is 
the most distinct trait of his personal 
character, and the future relation of the 
two brothers. Aaron spoke and acted foi 
Moses, and was the permanent inheritor of 
the sacred staff of power. But Moses was 
the inspiring soul behind. The history of 
Moses henceforth is the history of Israel foi 
forty years. It is important to trace hii: 
relation to his immediate circle of followers. 
In the Exodus, he takes the decisive lead 
on the night of the flight. Up to that point 
he and Aaron appear almost on an equality. 
But after that, Moses is usually mentioned 
alone. Aaron still held the second place. 
Another, nearly equal to Aaron, is Hur- of 
the tribe of Judah. Miriam always held 
the independent position to which her age 
entitled her. Her part was to supply the 
voice and song to her brother's prophetic 
power. But Moses is incontestably the 
chief personage of the history, in a sense in 
which no one else is described before or 
since. He was led into a closer com- 
munion with the invisible world than was 
vouchsafed to any other in the O. T. There 
are two main characters in which ho ap- 
pears — as a Leader and as a Prophet, (f? ) 
As a Leader, his life divides itself into the 
three epochs — of the march to Sinai; the 
march from Sinai to Kadesh ; and the con- 
quest of the Trans-Jordanic kingdoms. Of 
his natural gifts in this capacity, we have 
but few means of judging. The two main 
difficulties which he encountered were tlie 
reluctance ot the people to submit to his 
guidance, and the impracticable nature of 
the country which they had to traverse. 
The incidents with which his name was 
especially connected both in the sacred nar- 
rative, and in the Jewish, Arabian, and 
heathen traditions, were those of supj lying 
water, rhen most wanted. In the Pen- 



MOSES 



481 



AfCS£S 



eatench these supplies of trater take place 
%t Marah, at Horeb, at Kadesh, and in the 
land of Moab. Of the three first of these 
incidents, traditional sites, bearing his 
name, are shown in the desert at the 
present day, though most of them are re- 
jected by modern travellers. The route 
through t]ie wilderness is described as hav- 
ing be»>n made under his guidance. The 
particular spot of the encampment is fixed 
by the cloudy pillar. But the direction of 
the people first to the Red Sea, and then 
to Mount Sinai, is communicated through 
Moses, or given by him. On approaching 
Palestine the office of the leader becomes 
blended with that of the general or the con- 
queror. By Moses the spies were sent to 
explore the country. Against his advice 
took place the first disastrous battle at 
Hormah. To his guidance is ascribed th« 
circuitous route by which the nation ap- 
proached Palestine from the east, and to his 
generalship the two successful campaigns 
in which Sihon and Og were defeated. 
The narrative is told so shortly, that we 
are in danger of forgetting that at this last 
stage of his life Moses must have been as 
much a conqueror and victorious soldier as 
Joshua. (6.) His character as a Prophet 
is, from the nature of the case, more dis- 
tinctly brought out. He is the first as he 
is the greatest example of a prophet in the 
O. T. Xn a certain sense, he appears as 
the centre of a prophetic circle, now for 
the first time named. His brother and 
sister were both endowed with prophetic 
gifts. The seventy elders, and Eldad and 
Medad also, all "prophesied" (Num. xi. 
i? -27). But Moses rose high above all 
these. With him the Divine revelations 
were made, "mouth to moutli, even ap- 
parently, and not in dark speeches, and tlie 
similitude of Jehovah shall he behold" 
(Num. xii. 8). Of the especial modes of this 
more direct communication, four great ex- 
amples are given, corresponding to four 
critical epochs in his historical career. (1.) 
The appearance of the Divine presence in 
the flaming acacia-tree has been already 
noticed. No form is described. " The 
Angel," or " Messenger," is spoken of as 
being "in the flame" (Ex. iii. 2-6). (2.) 
In the giving of the Law from Mount Sinai, 
the outward form of the revelation was a 
thi<;k darkness as of a thunder-cloud, out 
of which proceeded a voice (Ex. xix. 19, 
XX. 21). The revelation on this occasion 
w&B especially of the Name of Jehovah. 
On two occasions he is described as having 
penetrated within the darkness, and re- 
aiained there successively, for two periods 
af forty days, of which the second was spent 
in absolute seclusion and fasting (Ex. xxiv. 
18, xxxiv. 28). (3.) It was nearly at the 
close of those communications in the moun- 
uuij of Sinai that an especial revelation 



was made to him personally. In the de- 
spondency produced by the apostasy of the 
molten calf, he besought Jehovah to show 
him " His glory." The Divine answer an- 
nounced that an actual vision of God was 
impossible. " Thou canst not see my face; 
for there shall no man see my face and live.*^ 
He was commanded to hew two blocks of 
stone, like those which he had destroyed. 
He was to come absolutely alone. He took 
his place on a well-known or prominent 
rock (" the rock ") (xxxiii. 21). The cloud 
passed by (xxxiv. 5, xxxiii. 22), A voice 
proclaimed the two immutable attributes 
of God, Justice and Love — in words which 
became part of the religious creed of Israel 
and of the world (xxxiv. 6, 7). (4.) The 
fourth mode of Divine manifestation was 
that which is described as commencing at 
this juncture, and which continued with 
more or less continuity through the rest of 
his career. Immediately after the catas 
trophe of the worship of the calf, and ap- 
parently in consequence of it, Moses re 
moved the chief tent outside the camp, and 
invested it with a sacred character under 
the name of " the Tent or Tabernacle of the 
congregation" (xxxiii. 7). This tent be- 
came henceforth the chief scene of his com- 
munications with God. It was during theso 
communications that a peculiarity is men- 
tioned which apparently had not been seen 
before. It was on his final descent from 
Mount Sinai, after his second long se»:lu 
sion, that a splendor shone on his face, as 
if from the glory of the Divine Presence. 
There is another form of the prophetic gift, 
in which Moses more nearly resembles the 
later prophets. It is clear that the pro- 
phetical office, as represented in the history 
of Moses, included the poetical form ol 
composition which characterizes the Jewish 
prophecy generally. These poetical utter- 
ances, whether connected with Moses bj 
ascription or by actual authorship, enter so 
largely into the full Biblical conception of 
his character, that they must be here men- 
tioned. 1. " The song which Moses an«^ 
the children of Israel sung " (after the pas- 
sage of the Red Sea, Ex. xv. 1-19). 2. A 
fragment of a war-song against Amalok 
(Ex. xvii. 16). 3. A ti.:gment of a lyrical 
burst of indignation (Ex. xxxii. 18). 4. 
Probably, either from him or his immediate 
prophetic followers, the fragments of war- 
songs in Num. xxi. 14, 15, 27-30, preserved 
in the " book of the wars of Jehovah," Num 
xxi. 14 ; and the address to the well, xxi. 
16, 17, 18. 5. The Song of Moses (Deut 
xxxii. 1-43), setting forth the greatness ano 
the failings of Israel. 6. The blessing of 
Mjses on the tribes (Deut. xxxiii. 1-29), 
7. The 90th Psalm, "A prayer of Moses, 
the man of God." The title, like all the 
titles of the Psalms, is of loubtful authority, 
and the Psalm has of^en been referred to • 



MOSES 



482 



MOSES 



later author. How far the gradual devel- 
opment of these revelations or prophetic 
utterances had any connection with his own 
character and history, the materials are not 
Buch as to justify any decisive judgment. 
His Egyptian education must, on the one 
band, have supplied him with much of the 
ritual of the Israelite worship. The coin- 
cidences between the arrangements of the 
priesthood, the dress, the sacrifices, the ark, 
mtbe two countries, are decisive. On the 
other hand, the proclamation of the Unity 
of God implies distinct antagonism, almost 
a conscious recoil against the Egyptian sys- 
tem. And the absence of the doctrine of a 
future state proves at least a remarkable 
independence of the Egyptian theology, in 
which that great doctrine held so promi- 
nent a place. The prophetic office of Moses 
can only be fully considered in connection 
with his whole character and appearance 
(Hos. xii. 13). He was in a sense peculiar 
to himself the founder and representative 
of his people. And In accordance with this 
complete identification of himself with his 
nation is the only strong personal trait 
which we are able to gather from his his- 
tory (Num. xii. 3). The word " meek " is 
hardly an adequate reading of the Hebrew 
cerm, which should be rather "much en- 
during." It represents what we should now 
designate by the word " disinterested." All 
that is told of him indicates a withdrawal 
of himself, a preference of the cause of his 
Qation to his own interests, which makes 
him the most complete example of Jewish 
patriotism. In exact conformity with his 
life is the account of his end. The Book 
of Deuteronomy describes, and is, the long 
last farewell of the prophet to his people. 
It takes place on the first day of the 
eleventh month of the fortieth year of the 
wanderings, in the plains of Moab (Dent. i. 
8, 5). He is described as 120 years of age, 
but with his sight and his freshness of 
strength unabated (Deut. xxxiv. 7). The 
address from ch. i. to ch. xxx. contains the 
recapitulation of the Law. Jostma is then 
appointed his successor. The Law is writ- 
ten out, and ordered to be deposited in the 
Ark (ch. xxxi.). The song and the blessing 
of the tribes conclude the farewell (ch. 
xxxii., xxxiii.). And then comes the mys- 
terious close. As if to carry out to the las% 
the idea that the prophet was to live, not for 
limself, but for his people, he is told that 
!ie is to see the good land beyond the Jor- 
dan, but not to possess it himself. The sin 
for which this penalty was imposed on the 
prophet is difficult to ascertain clearly. He 
ascends a mountain in the range which rises 
above the Jordan valley. The mountain 
tract was known by the general name of 
THF PiSGAH. Its summits apparently were 
ded.cated to different divinities (Num. xxiii. 
14 J . On one of these, consecrated t* Nebo, 



Moses took his stand, and surveyed the foui 
great masses of Palestine west of the Jordan 
— so far as it could be discerned from thai 
height. The view has passed into a prov- 
erb for all nations. " So Moses the ser- 
vant of Jehovah died there in the land of 
Moab, according to the word of Jehovah, 
and He buried him in a * ravine ' in the lac i 
of Moab, * before ' Beth-peor — but no meo 
knoweth of his sepulchre unto this day. . . . 
And the children of Israel wept for Most a 
in the plains of Moab thirty days " (Deut. 
xxxiv. 5, 8). This is all that is said in the 
sacred record. Jewish, Arabian, and Chris- 
tian traditions have labored to fill up the 
detail. His grave, though studiously con- 
cealed in the sacred narrative, is shown by 
the Mussulmans on the west (and therefore 
the wrong) side of the Jordan, between the 
Dead Sea and St. Saba. In the O. T. the 
name of Moses does not occur so frequent- 
ly, after the close of the Pentateuch, as 
might be expected. In the Psalms and the 
Prophets, however, he is frequently named 
as the chief of the prophets. In the N. T. 
he is referred to partly as the representative 
of the Law — as in the numerous passages 
cited above — and in the vision of the 
Transfiguration, where he appears side by 
side with Elijah. As the author of the Law 
he is contrasted with Christ, the Author 
of the Gospel : " The Law was given by 
Moses" (John i. 17). The ambigmty and 
transitory nature of his glory are set against 
the permanence and clearness of Christian- 
ity (2 Cor. iii. 13-18), and his mediatorial 
character against the unbroken communica- 
tion of God in Christ (Gal. iii. 19). His " ser- 
vice " of God is contrasted with Christ's son- 
ship (Heb. iii. 5, 6). But he is also spoken of 
as a likeness of Christ ; and as this is a point 
of view which has been almost lost in the 
Church, compared with the more familiar 
comparisons of Christ to Adam, David, 
Joshua, and yet has as firm a basis in fact 
as any of them, it may be well to draw it 
out in detail. 1. Moses is, as it would 
seem, the only character of the O. T. to 
whom Christ expressly likens Himself : 
"Moses wrote of me" (John v. 46). It 
suggests three main points of likeness : 
(a.) Christ was, like Moses, the great 
Prophet of the people — the last, as Moses 
was the first. (5.) Christ, like Moses, is 
a Lawgiver : ** Him shall ye hear." (e.) 
Christ, like Moses, was a Prophet out of 
the midst of the nation, '* from their breth- 
ren." As Moses was the entire represen- 
tative of his people, feeling for them more 
than for himself, absorbed in their inter- 
ests, hopes, and fears, so, with reverence 
be it said, was Christ. 2. In Heb. iii. 1-19, 
xii. 24-29, Acts vii. 37, Christ is described, 
though more obscurely, as the Moses of 
the new dispensation — as the Apostle, ox 
Messenger, or Mediator, of (.'od to the peo* 



MOTH 



433 



MOURNING 



pie - as the C jiitroller and Leader of the 
aock or household of God. 3. The details 
•j1 their lives are sometimes, though not 
'^fttn, compared (Acts vii. 24-28, 35;. In 
Jude 9 is an allusion to an altercation be- 
tween Michael and Satan over the body of 
Moses. It probably refers to a lost apoc- 
ryphal book, mentioned by Origen, called 
the '' Ascension, or Assumption of Moses." 
— Kespectmg the books of Moses, see Pen- 

t\ TErCH. 

Moth. By the Hebrew word we are 
certainly to understand some species of 
cl.)thej:-moth (tinea). Reference to the 
destructive habits of the clothes-moth is 
made in Job iv. 19, xiii. 28; Ps. xxxix. 11, 
fcc. In Job xxvii. 18, "He buildeth his 
house as a moth," it is clear that allusion is 
made either to the well-known case of the 
Tinea pellionella, or some allied species, 
or else to the leaf-building larvae of some 
other member of the Lepidoptera. The 
clothes-motlis belong to the group Tineina, 
order Lepidoptera. 

Mother. The superiority of the He- 
brew over all contemporaneous systems of 
legislation and of morals is strongly shown 
in the higher estimation of the mother in 
the Jewish family, as contrasted with mod- 
ern Oriental, as well as ancient Oriental 
and classical usage. The king's mother, 
as appears in the case of Bathsheba, was 
treated with especial honor (1 K. ii. 19 ; 
Ex. XX. 12 ; Lev. xix. 3 ; Deut. v. 16, xxi. 
18, 21 ; Prov. x. 1, xv. 20, xvii. 25, xxix. 
15. xxxi. 1, 30). 

Mount (I^. xxix. 3; Jer. vi. 6, &c.). 
[Siege.] 

Mount. Mountain. The Hebrew word 
har, like tlie English " mountain," is em- 
ployed botli for single eminences more or 
less isolated, such as Sinai, Gerizim, Ebal, 
Zion, and Olivet, and for ranges, such as 
Lebanon. It is also applied to a mountain- 
ous country or district. The frequent oc- 
currence throughout the Scriptures of per- 
sonification of the natural features of the 
country is very remarkable. The follow- 
ing are all the words used with this object 
in relation to mountains or hills : 1. Head, 
Rdsh, Gen. viii. 5; Ex. xix. 20; Deut. 
xxxiv. 1; 1 K. xviii. 42; (A. V. "top"). 
2. Ears, Azndthy Aznoth-Tabor, Josh, 
xix. 34 ; possibly in allusion to some pro- 
jection on the top of the mountain. 3. 
Shoulder, CdthSph. Deut. xxxiii. 12 ; 
Josh. XV. 8, and xviii. 16 ("side"). 4. 
Side, Tsad. Used in reference to a moun- 
tain in 1 Sam. xxiii. 26 ; 2 Sam. xiii. 34. 
5. Loins of Flanks, Cisldth. Chisloth- 
Tabor, Josh. xix. 12. It occurs also in the 
name of a village, probably situated on this 
part of the mountain, Ha-Cesulloth, i. e. 
the "loins" (Josh. xix. 18). 6. Rib, 
Tsild. Only used once, in speaking of the 
Mourt of OUves, 2 Sam. xvi. 13, and thrre 
28 



translated " side." 7. Back, Shecem. Fob- 
sibly the root of the name of the town She* 
chem, which may be derived from its situa- 
tion, as it were on the back of Gerizim. 8. 
Thigh, Jarcdh. Applied to Mount Ephra 
im, Judg. xix. 1, 18 ; and to Lebanon, 2 
K. xix, 23; Is. xxxvii. 24. Used also for 
the " sides " of a cave, 1 Sam. xxiv. 3. 9. 
The word translated " covert " in 1 Sara. 
XXV. 20 is Sether, from sdihar, "to liide," 
and probably refers to the shrubbery or 
thicket through which Abigail's path lay. 
In this passage " hill" should be " moun- 
tain." The Chaldee tiir is the name still 
given to the Mount of Olives,, the Jcbel lU 
Tiir. 

Mountain of the Ammorites, sptf- 
cifically mentioned Deut. i. 19, 20 (comp. 
44). It seems to be the range which rises 
abruptly from the plateau of et- Tih, run- 
ning from a little S. of W. to the N. of E., 
and of which the extremities are the Jebel 
Araif en-Nakah westward, and Jehel elr 
Mukrah eastward, and from which line the 
country continues mountainous all the way 
to Hebron. 

Mourning. The numerous list of 
words employed m Scripture to express 
the various actions which are characteris- 
tic of mourning, shows in a great degree 
tiie nature of the Jewish customs in this 
respect. They appear to have consi^teJ 
chiefly in the following particulars : 1. 
Beating the breast or other parts of the 
body. 2. Weeping and screaming in an 
excessive degree. 3. Wearing sad-colore(» 
garments. 4. Songs of lamentation. 5. 
Funeral feasts. 6. Employment of per- 
sons, especially women, to lament. (1.) 
One marked feature of Oriental mourning 
is what may be called its studied publicity, 
and the careful observance of the pre- 
scribed ceremonies (Gen. xxiii. 2; Job r. 
20, ii. 8; Is. xv. 3, &c.). (2.) Among the 
particular forms observed the following 
may be mentioned : a. Rending the clothes 
(Gen. xxxvii. 29, 34, xliv. 13, &c.). h. 
Dressing in sackcloth (Gen. xxxvii. 34; 
2 Sam. iii. 31, xxi. 10, &c.). c. Ashes, 
dust, or earth sprinkled on tne person (2 
Sam. xiii. 19, xv. 32, &c.). d. Black or 
sad-colored garments (2 Sam. xiv. 2 ; Jer. 
viii. 21, &c.). e. Removal of ornaments 
or neglect of person (Deut. xxi. 12, 13. 
&c.). /. Shaving the head, plucking out 
the hair of the head or beard (Lev. x. 6 ; 
2 Sam. xix. 24, &c.). g. Laying bare som^ 
part of the body (Is. xx. 2, xlvii. 2, &c.). 
h. Fasting or abstinence in meat and drink 
(2 Sam. i. 12, iii. 35, xii. 16, 22, &c.). t. 
In the same direction may be mentioned 
diminution in offerings to God, and prohi- 
bition to partake in sacrificial food (Lev. 
vii. 20; Deut. xxvi. 14). k. Covering the 
" upper lip," i. e. the lower part of the face. 
and sometimes the head, in token of sileno«> 



MOUKNING 



434 



MULE 



t^JLov. xiii. 45; 2 Sam. xv. 30, xix. 4). I. 
Cutting the flesh (Jer. xvi. 6, 7, xli, 5). 
Beating the body (Ez. xxi. 12; Jer. xxxi. 
19). w. Employment of persons hired for 
tlie purpose oi mourning (Eccl. xii. 5 ; Jer. 
ix. 17; Am. v. 16; Matt. ix. 23). n. Akin 
to this usage the custom for friends or pass- 
ers-by to join in the lamentations of be- 
reaved or afflicted persons (Gen. 1. 3 ; Judg. 
xi. 40; Job ii. 11, xxx. 25, &c.). o. The 
sitting or lying posture in silence indicative 
of grief (Gen. xxiii. 3; Judg. xx. 26, &c.). 
p. Mourning feast and cup of consolation 
(Jer. XVI. 7, 8). The period of mourning 
varied. In the case of Jacob it was seventy 
days (Gen. 1. 3) ; of Aaron (Num. xx. 29) 
and Moses (Deut. xxxiv. 8), thirty. A fur- 
ther period of seven days in Jacob's case. 
Gen. 1. 10. Seven days for Saul, which 
may have been an abridged period in time 
cf national danger, 1 Sam. xxxi. 13. (3.) 
In the last place we may mention — a. The 
idolatrous "mourning for Tammuz," Ez. 
viii. 14, as indicating identity of practice 
in certain cases among Jews and heathens ; 
aaid the custom in later days of oflferings 
of food at graves, Ecclus. xxx. 18. b. The 
prohibition, both to the high-priest and to 
Nazarites, against going into mourning even 
for a father or mother, Lev. xxi. 10, 11; 
Num. vi. 7. The inferior priests were lim- 
ited to the cases of their near relatives, 
Lev. xxi. 1, 2, 4. c. The food eaten dur- 
ing the time of mourning was regarded as 
•mpure, Deut. xxvi. 14; Jer. xvi. 5, 7; Ez. 
<xiv. 17; Hos. ix. 4. — With the practices 
abov'e mentioned. Oriental and other cus- 
toms, ancient and modern, in great meas- 
ure agree. Arab men are silent in grief, 
but the women scream, tear their hair, 
hands, and face, and throw earth or sand 
on their heads. Both Mohammedans and 
Christians in Egypt hire wailing women, 
and wail at stated times. Burckhardt says 
the women of Atbara in Nubia shave their 
h*^,ads on the death of their nearest rela- 
tives — a custom prevalent also among sev- 
eral of the peasant tribes of Upper Egypt. 
He also mentions wailing women, and a 
man in distress besmearing his face with 
dirt and dust in token of grief. In the 
Arabian Nights are frequent allusions to 
similar practices. They also mention ten 
days and forty days as periods of mourn- 
ing. Lane, speaking of the modern Egyp- 
tians, says, "After death the women of the 
family raise cries of lamentation called wel- 
weleh or wilwdl, uttering the most piercing 
shrieks , and calling upon the name of the 
deceased, ' O, my master ! O, my resource 1 
O, my misfortune! O, my glory I' (see Jer. 
xxii. 18). The females of the neighborhood 
come to join with them in this conclamation : 
generally, also, the family send for two or 
more nedddbehs, or public wailing women. 
Each brings a taratnurine, and beating them 



they exclaim, 'Alas for him!' The Icmale 
relatives, domestics, and friends, with theii 
hair dishevelled, and sometimes with rem 
clothes, beating their faces, cry in like man- 
ner, ' Alas for him ! ' These make no al- 
teration in dress, but women, in some erases, 
dye their shirts, head-veils, and handker- 
chiefs of a dark-blue color. They visit the 
tombs at stated periods " {Mod, Eg. iii. 1 52, 
171, 195). 

Mouse occurs in Lev. xi. 29 ; 1 Sam. vi. 
4, 5 ; Is. Ixvi. 17. The Hebrew word is in 
all probability generic, and is not intended 
to denote any particular species of mouse* 
The original word denotes a field-ravager, 
and may therefore comprehend any destruc- 
tive rodent. It is probable, however, that 
in 1 Sam. vi. 5, " the mice that mar the 
land" may include and more particularly 
refer to the short-tailed field-mice {arvicola 
agrestis, Flem.), which cause great destru* 
tion to the corn-lands of Syria. 

Mowing. As the great heat of the cli- 
mate in Palestine and other similarly situ- 
ated countries soon dries up the herbage 
itself, hay-making in our sense of the term 
is not in use. The term " hay," therefore, 
in Prov. xxvii. 25 and Is. xv. 6, is incorrect. 
The "king's mowings" (Am. vii. 1), i. e. 
mown grass (Ps. Ixxii. 6), may perhaps re- 
fer to some royal right of early pasturage 
for the use of the cavalry. 

Mo'za. I. Son of Caleb the son of Hez- 
ron (1 Chr. ii. 46). 2. Son of Zirari, and 
descendant of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 30, 37, ix. 
42, 43). 

Mo'zah, one of the cities in the allot 
ment of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 26) only 
named between hac-Cephirah and Rekem 
No trace of any name resembling Mozain 
has hitherto been discovered. 

Mulberry-trees (Heb. becdim) oecui 
only in 2 Sam. v. 23 and 24, and 1 Chr. 
xiv. 14. We are quite unable to determine 
what kind of tree is denoted by the Hebrew 
word. RosenmUller follows the LXX. of ] 
Chr. xiv. 14, and believes " pear-trees " are 
signified. As to the claim of the mulberry- 
tree to represent the becdim of Scripture, 
it is difficult to see any foundation for such 
an interpretation. The explanation given 
by Royle, that some poplar is signified, is 
untenable ; for the Hebrew bdcd and the 
Arabic baka are clearly distinct both in 
form and signification, as is evident from 
the difference of the second radical letter in 
each word. Though there is no evidence to 
show that the mulberry-tree occurs in the 
Hebrew Bible, yet the fruit of this tree i» 
mentioned in 1 Mace. vi. 34. 

Mule. It is an interesting fact that w« 
do not read of mules till the time of DaAnd, 
just at the time when the Israelites were 
becoming well acquainted with horses. After 
this time horses and mules are in Scripture 
often mentioned together. In So/ooton » 



MUITIM 



435 



MUSIC 



nine it is possible that mules from Eg3rpt 
nccasiimally accompanied the horses which 
we kn jw the king of Israe.'. obtained from 
that country; forthougli the mule is not of 
frequent occurrence in the monuments of 
Egypt, yet it is not easy to believe that the 
Egyptians were not well acquainted with 
tliis animal. It would appear that kings 
and great men only rode on mules. We 
do not read of mules at all in the N. T. ; 
perhaps therefore they had ceased to be 
imported. Mules are mentioned in Gen. 
xxxvi. 24 : " This was that Anah that found 
the mules in the wilderness as he fed the 
asses of Zibeon his father : " but the A. V. 
is certainly incorrect ; and the Hebrew word 
yimim, here translated "mules," probably 
means " warm springs," as tlie Vulg. has it. 

Mup'pim, a Benjaniite, and one of the 
fourteen descendants of Rachel who be- 
longed to the original colony of the sons 
of Jacob in Egypt (Gen. xlvi. 21). In 
Num. xxvi. 39 the name is written Shu- 
pham. In 1 Chr. vii. 12, 15, it is Shuppim 
(the same as xxvi. 16), and viii. 5 Sliephu- 
phan. Hence it is probable tliat Muppira 
is a corruption of the text, and that Shu- 
pham is the true form. 

Murder. The principle on which the 
act of taking the life of a iiuman being was 
regarded by the Almighty as a capital of- 
fence is stated on its highest ground as an 
outrage on the likeness of God in man, to 
be punished even when caused by an ani- 
mal (Gen. ix. 5, 6; see al«o John viii. 44; 
1 John iii. 12, 15). The Law of Moses, 
while it protected the accidental homicide, 
defined with additional strictness the crime 
of murder. It prohibited compensation or 
reprieve of the murderer, or his protection 
if he took refuge in the refuge city, or even 
at the altar of Jehovah (Ex. xxi. 12, 14 ; 
Lev. xxiv. 17, 21 ; IK. ii. 5, 6, 31). If an 
animal known to be vicious caused the death 
of any one, not only was the animal de- 
stroyed, but the owner also, if he had taken 
00 steps to restrain it, was held guilty of 
murder (Ex. xxi. 29, 31). The duty of 
executing punishment on the murderer is 
in the Law expressly laid on the " revenger 
of blood;" but the question of guilt was to 
be previously decided by the Levitical tri- 
bunal. In regal times the duty of execu- 
tion of justice on a murderer seems to have 
been assumed to some extent by the sover- 
eign, as well as the privilege of pardon (2 
Sam. xiii. 39, xiv. 7, 11; 1 K. ii. 34). It 
was lawful to kill a burglar taken at night 
in the act, but unlavrful to do so after sun- 
rise (Ex. xxii. 2, 3). 

Mu'sbi, the son of Merari the son of 
Kohath (Ex. vi. 19; Num. iii. 20; 1 Chr. 
^^i. 19, 47, xxiii. 21, 23, xxiv. 26, 30). 

Music. The inventor of musical in- 
struments, like the first poet and the first 
ftirger of n etaU, was a Cainite. We learn 



from Gen. iv. that Jubal the sou of Lamech 
was " the father of all such as handle the 
harp and organ," that is, of all players upon 
stringed and wind instruments. The first 
mention of music in the times after the 
Deluge is in the narrative of Laban's inter 
view with Jacob (Gen. xxxi. 27). So that, 
in whatever way it was preserved, the prao* 
tice of music existed in the upland coun- 
try of Syria ; and of the three possible kinds 
of musical instruments, two were known 
and employed to accompany the song. The 
three kinds are alluded to in Job xxi. 12, 
On the banks of the Red Sea Moses and 
the children of Israel sang their triumphal 
song of deliverance from the hosts of 
Egypt; and Miriam, in celebration of the 
same event, exercised one of her functions 
as a prophetess by leading a procession of 
the women of the camp, chanting in chorus 
the burden to the song of Moses, " Sing 
ye to Jehovah, for He hath triumphed glo- 
riously; the horse and his rider hath He 
thrown into the sea." The triumphal hymn 
of Moses had unquestionably a religious 
character about it ; but the employment of 
music in religious service, though idola- 
trous, is more distinctly marked in the fes- 
tivities which attended the erection of the 
golden calf. The silver trumpets made by 
the metal workers of the tabernacle, which 
were used to direct the movements of the 
camp, point to music of a very simple kind 
(Num. X. 1-10). The song of Deborah and 
Barak is cast in a distinctly metrical form, 
and was probably intended to be sung with 
a musical accompaniment as one of the 
people's songs. The simpler impromptu 
with which the women from the cities of 
Israel greeted David after the slaughter of 
the Philistine, was apparently struck off 
on the spur of the moment, under the in 
fluence of the wild joy with which they wel- 
comed their national champion, " the dar- 
ling of the songs of Israel " (1 Sam. xviii. 
6, 7). Up to this time we meet with noth- 
ing like a systematic cultivation of music 
among the Hebrews, but the establishment 
of the schools of the prophets appears to 
have supplied this want. Whatever th« 
students of these schools may have been 
taught, music was an essential part of their 
practice. Professional musicians soon be- 
came attached to the court. David seems 
to have gathered round him " singing men 
and singing women" (2 Sam. xix. 35). 
Solomon did the same (Eccl. ii. 8) , adding to 
the luxury of his court by his patronage of 
art, and obtaining a reputation himself as no 
mean composer (1 K. iv. 32). But the 
Temple was the great school of music, and it 
was consecrated to its highest service in the 
worship of Jehovah. Before, however, the 
elaborate arrangements had been made by 
David for the temple choir, there must have 
been a considerable body of musicianf 



MUSIC 



436 



MUSICAL mSTRUMENTS 



inroughout the country (2 Sam. vi. 5), and 
in the procession which accompanied the 
ark from the house of Obed-edora, the 
I^evites, with Chenaniah at their head, who 
had acquired skill from previous training, 
played on psalteries, harps, and cymbals, 
to the words of the psalm of thanksgiving 
T»nich David had composed for the occasion 
(1 Chr. XV., xvi.). It is not improbable that 
the Levites all along had practised music, 
and that some musical service was part of 
the worship of the tabernacle. The position 
which they occupied among the other 
tribes naturally favored the cultivation of 
an art which is essentially characteristic of 
a leisurely and peaceful life. The three 
great divisions of the tribe had each a rep- 
resentative family in the choir. Asaph 
himself appears to have played on the cym- 
bals (1 Chr. xvi. 5), and this was tlie case 
with the other leaders (1 Chr. xv. 19), per- 
haps to mark the time more distinctly, 
while the rest of the band played on psal- 
teries and harps. The singers were dis- 
tinct from both, as is evident in Ps. Ixviii. 
25, " the singers went before, the players 
on instruments followed after, in the midst 
of the damsels playing with timbrels." The 
** players on instruments " were the per- 
formers u]3on stringed instruments, like the 
psaltery and harp. The " players on in- 
struments " in Ps. Ixxxvii. 7, were different 
from these last, and were properly pipers or 
performers on perforated wind-instruments 
(see 1 K. i. 40). "The damsels playing 
with timbrels " (comp. 1 Chr. xiii. 8) seem to 
indicate that women took part in the temple 
choir. The trumpets which are mentioned 
among the instruments played before the 
ark (1 Chr. xiii. 8), appear to have been 
reserved for the priests alone (1 Chr. xv. 24, 
xvi. 6). As they were also used in royal 
proclamations (2 Kxi. 14), they were prob- 
ably intended to set forth by way of cymbal 
the royalty of Jehovah, the theocratic King 
of His people, as well as to sound the alarm 
against His enemies (2 Chr. xiii. 12). In 
the private as well as in the religious life 
of the Hebrews music held a prominent 
place. The kings had their court musi- 
cians (Eccl. ii. 8), who bewailed their death 
(2 Chr. XXXV. 25), and in the luxurious 
times of the later monarchy the effeminate 
gallants of Israel, reeking with perfumes 
and stretched upon their couches of ivory, 
were wont at their banquets to accompany 
fehe song with the tinkling of the psaltery 
or guitar (Am. vi. 4-6), and amused thera- 
gelves with devising musical instruments 
while their nation was perishing. But 
while music was thus made to minister to 
debauchery and excess, it was the legiti- 
mate expression of mirth and gladness, and 
the indication of peace and prosperity. It 
was only when a curse was upon the land 
that the prophet could say, ''The mirth 



of tabrets ceaseth. the noise of them ttai 
rejoice endeth, the joy of the harp ceaseth, 
they shall not drink wiie with a song " (Is. 
xxiv. 8, 9). The bridal processions as they 
passed through the streets were accom- 
panied with music and song (Jer. vii. 34), 
and these ceased only when the land was 
desolate (Ez. xxvi. 13). The music of the 
banquets was accompanied with songs and 
dancing (Luke xv. 25). The triumphal 
processions which celebrated a victory were 
enlivened by minstrels and singers (Ex. 
XV. i. 20; Judg. v. 1, xi. 34; 1 Sam. xviii. 
6, xxi. 11 ; 2 Chr. xx. 28; Jud. xv. 12, 13), 
and on extraordinary occasions they evea 
accompanied armies to battle. Besides 
songs of triumph there were also religious 
songs (Is. XXX. 29; Am. v. 23; Jam. v. 
13), "songs of the temple" (Am. viii. 3), 
and songs which were sung in idolatrous 
worship (Ex. xxxii. 18). Love songs are 
alluded to in Ps. xlv. title, and Is. v. I. 
There were also the doleful songs of the 
funeral procession, and the wailing chani 
of the mourners who went about the street«» 
the professional "keening" of those wli# 
were skilful in lamentation (2 Chr. xxxt. 
25; Eccl. xii. 5; Jer. ix. 17-20; Am. h, 
16). The grape- gatherers sang as the^ 
gathered in the vintage, and the win*'- 
presses were trodden with the shout of a 
song (Is. xvi. 10 ; Jer. xlviii. 33) ; the 
women sang as they toiled at the mill, and 
on every occasion the land of the Hebrews 
during their national prosperity was a land 
of music and melody. The instruments 
of music which have been represented in 
our version by some modern word, are 
treated under their respective titles. 

Musical Instruments. In addition 
to the instruments of music which have 
been represented in our version by some 
modern word, and are treated under then 
respective titles, there are other term? 
which are vaguely or generally rendered. 
Tliese are — 1. Dachdvdn, Chald., rendered 
"instruments of music" in Dan. vi. 18. 
The margin gives "or table, perhaps lit. 
concubines." The last-mentioned rendering 
is that approved by Gesenius, and seems 
most probable. 2. Minnim, rendered with 
great probability "stringed-instruments" 
in Ps. cl. 4. It appears to be a general 
term, but beyond this nothing is known 
of it. 3. 'As6r, " an instrument of ten 
strings," Ps. xcii. 3. The full phrase is 
nebel 'ds6r, " a ten-stringed psaltery," as in 
Ps. xxxiii. 2, cxliv. 9 ; and the true render- 
ing of the first-mentioned passage would 
be " upon an instrument of ten strings, 
even upon the psaltery." 4. Shidddh, in 
Eccl. ii. 8 only, " I gat me men-singers and 
women-singers, and the delights of the 
sons of men, musical insirvmeniSj and thai 
of all sorts" The word? thus rendered 
have received a great variety of meanintrv 



MUSTARD 



437 



MIRA 



B\it the most probable interpretation to be 
put upon them is that suggested by a usage 
of the Talmud, where shiddh denotes a 
"palanquin"or "litter" for women. 5. Shd- 
lish'^T/i, rendered "instruments of music" 
in the A. V. of 1 Sam. xviii. 6, and in 
the margin "three-stringed instruments." 
Roediger translates " triangles," which are 
said to have been invented in Syria, from 
the same root. We have no means of de- 
ciding which io the more correct. 

Mustard occurs in Matt. xiii. 31, xvii. 
20; Mark iv. 31; Luke xiii. 19, xvii. 6. 
The mustard-tree of Scripture is main- 
tained by Dr. Royle to be the Salvadora 
persica, which he supposes to be the same 
«Ki the tree called Khardal (The Arabic for 
mustard), seeds of which are employed 
throughout Syria as a substitute for mus- 
tard, of which they have the taste and 
properties. This tree is found all along 
the banks of the Jordan, near the lake 
of Tiberias, and near Damascus, and is 
said to be generally recognized in Syria 
as the mustard-tree of Scripture. But 
notwithstanding all that has been adduced 
by Dr. Royle in support of his argument, 
it will be well to consider whether some 
mustard-plant (^Sinapis) may uot after all 
be the mustard-tree of the parable. — The 
objection commonly made against any 
Sinapis being the plant of the parable is, 
that the seed grew into " a tree," or, as St. 
Luke has it, " a great tree," in the branches 
of which the fowls of the air are said to 
3ome and lodge. Now, in answer to the 
ibove objection, it is urged with great truth 
;hat the expression is figurative and Orien- 
al, and that in a proverbial simile no lit- 
jral accuracy is to be expected. It is an 
ijrror, for which the language of Scripture 
is not accountable, to assert, as Dr. Royle 
ind some others have done, that the pas- 
sage implies that birds " built their nests " 
in the tree : the Greek word has no such 
meaning; the word merely means " to set- 
tleor rest upon " anything for a longer or 
shorter time ; nor is there any occasion to 
suppose that the expression "fowls of the 
air " denotes any other than the smaller in- 
tessorial kinds — linnets, finches, &c. Kil- 
ler's explanation is probably tlie correct 
one ; that the birds came and settled on the 
mustard-plant for the sake of the seed, of 
which they are very fond. Again, what- 
erer the Sinapis may be, it is expressly 
said to be an herb, or more properly " a gar- 
den herb." Irby and Mangles mention the 
large size which the mustard-plant attains 
in Palestine. In their journey from Bysan 
to Adjeloun, in the Jordan valley, they 
crossed a small plain very thickly covered 
with herbage, particularly the mustard- 
plant, which reached as high as their horses' 
heads. Dr. Thomson also says he has seen 
th« "Wil^ Mustard on the rich plain of 



Akkar as tall as the horse and the rider. 
If, then, the wild plant on the rich plain of 
Akkar grows as high as a man on horse- 
back, it might attain to the same or a greater 
height when in a cultivated garden. The 
expression " which is indeed the least cf all 
seeds " is in all probability hyperbolical, 
to denote a very small seed indeed, as there 
are many seeds which are smaller than 
mustard. " The Lord in his popular toach- 
ing," says Trench {Notes on Pai'ahles^ 108), 
"adhered to the popular language;" and 
the mustard-seed was used proverbially to 
denote anything very minute. . 

Muth-lab'ben. ' "To the chief musi- 
cian upon Muth-labben " is the title of Ps. 
ix., which has given rise to infinite conjec- 
ture. Two difficulties in connection wiih 
it have to be resolved; first, to determine 
the true reading of the Hebrew, and then 
to ascertain its meaning. Neither of these 
points has been satisfactorily explained. 
The Targum renders the title of the psalm, 
— "on the death of the man who came 
forth from between the camps," alluding 
to Goliath, the Philistine champion (1 Sam. 
xvii. 4). Others render it "on the death 
of the son," and apply it to Absalom. 
Raslii's words are — " but I say that tliia 
song is of the future to come, when the 
cliildhood and youth of Israel shall bt 
made white, and their righteousness be re- 
vealed, and their salvation draw nigh, when 
Esau and his seed shall be blotted out." 
Donesh supposes that labhen was the name 
of a man who warred with David in those 
days, and to whom reference is made as 
" the wicked" in verse 5. Arama (quoted 
by Dr. Gill in his Exposition) identifies 
him with Saul. There still remain to be 
noticed the conjectures of Delitzsch that 
Muth-labben denotes the tune or melody, 
with the words of the song associated with 
it ; of others that it was a musical instru- 
ment, and of Hupfeld that it was the com- 
mencement of an old song, either signify- 
ing " die for the son," or "death to the 
son." On all accounts it seems extremely 
probable that the title in its present form is 
only a fragment of the original, which may 
have been in full what has been suggested 
above. 

Myn'dTlS, a town on the coast of Caria, 
between Miletus and Halicarnassds. 
We find in 1 Mace. xv. 23, that it was th» 
residence of a Jewish population. 

My'ra, an important town in Lycia, and 
interesting to us as the place where St. 
Paul, on his voyage to Rome (Acts xxvii 
5), was removed from the Adramyttia,n ship 
which had brought him from Caesarea, and 
entered the Alexandrian ship in which he 
was wrecked on the coast of Malta. Myra 
(called Demhra by the Greeks) is remark- 
able still for its remains of various perioda 
of history. 



MYRRH 



48S 



NAARA^ 



Mynh i« mentioned, in Ex. xxx. 23, as 

one of the ingredients of the '' oil of holy 
ointment ; " in Esth. ii. 12, as one of the 
Bubstances used in the purification of wo- 
men ; in Ps. xlv. 8, Prov. vii. 17, and in 
several passages in Canticles, as a perfume. 
The Greek occurs in Matt. ii. 11 amongst 
the gifts brought hj the wise men to the in- 
fant Jesus, and in Mark xv. 23, it is said 
that " wine mingled with myrrh " was of- 
fered to, but refused by, our Lord on the 
cross. Myrrh was also used for embalm- 
ing (see John xix. 39, and Herod, ii. 86). 
The Balsamodendron myrrha^ which pro- 
inces the myrrh of commerce, has a wood 
and bark which emit a strong odor ; the 
^im which exudes from the bark is at first 
oiiy, but becomes hard by exposure to the 
air : it belongs to the natural order Tere- 
binthaceae. For the '* wine mingled with 
myrrh," see Gall. The *' myrrh " men- 
tioned in the A. V. in Gen. xxxvii. 25, 
xliii. 11, is a translation of the Hebrew 
word l()t, and is generally considered to de- 
note the odorous resin which exudes from 
the branches of the Gistus creticus, known 
by the name of ladanum, or lahdanum. It 
is clear that Idt cannot signify " myrrh," 
which is not produced in Palestine. There 
can be no doubt that the Hebrew I6t, the 
Arabic la dan, the Greek Xt'iSuvov, the Latin 
and English ladanum, are identical. 

Myrtle is mentioned in Neh. viii. 15 ; 
Is. xli. 19, Iv. 13; Zech. i. 8, 10, 11. The 
modern Jews still adorn with myrtle the 
booths and sheds at the Feast of Taberna- 
cles. Formerly, as we learn from Nehe- 
wiiah (viii. 15), myrtles grew on the hills 
about Jerusalem. " On Olivet," says Dean 
Stanley, " nothing is now to be seen but 
the olive and the fig-tree : " on some of the 
hills, however, near Jerusalem, Hasselquist 
observed the myrtle. Dr. Hooker says it 
is not uncommon in Samaria and Galilee. 
The Myrtus communis is the kind denoted 
by the Hebrew word. 

Mys'ia (Acts xvi. 7, 8) was the region 
about the frontier of the provinces of Asia 
and Bithynia. The term is evidently used 
in an ethnological, not a political sense. 



N. 



TSTa'qni. One of the sons of Caleb, the 
son of Jephunneh (1 Chr. iv. 15). 

Na'amall (loveliness). 1. One of the 
four women whose names are preserved in 
the record* of the world before the Flood ; 
all except Eve being Cainites. She was 
daughter of Lamech by his wife Zillah, and 
sister, as is expressly mentioned, to Tubal- 
cain (Gen. iv. 22 only). 2. Mother of king 
Rehoboam (1 K. xiv. 21, 31; 2 Chr. xii. 
18). On each occasion she is distinjcuished 



by the title *' the (not ' an,' as in A. V.) Am • 
monite." She was therefore one of the for- 
eign women whom Solomon took into hii 
establishment (1 K. xi. 1). 

Na'amah, one of the towns of Judab 
in the district of the lowland or Sbefelah 
(Josh. XV. 41). 

Na'aman {pleasantness). 1. " Naamui 
the Syrian " (Luke iv. 27). A Jewish trA« 
dition, at least as old as the time of JoHt?- 
phus, and which may very well be a genuine 
one, identifies him with the archer who8«« 
arrow, whether at random or not, struck 
Ahab with his mortal wound, and thus 
" gave deliverance to Syria." The expres- 
sion in 2 K. V. 1, is remarkable — '* because 
that by him Jehovah had given deliverance 
to Syria." The most natural explanation 
perhaps is, that Naaman, in delivering hia 
country, had killed one who was the enemy 
of Jehovah not less than he was of Syria. 
Whatever the particular exploit referred to 
was, it had given Naaman a great position 
at the court of Benhadad. He was com- 
mander-in-cliief of the army, and was near- 
est to the person of the king, whom he ac- 
companied officially, and supported, when 
he went to worship in the temple of Rim- 
mon (ver. 18). He was afflicted with a 
leprosy of the white kind (ver. 27), which 
had hitherto defied cure. The circum- 
stances of his visit to Elisha are related 
elsewhere. [Elisha, p. 172.] His request 
to be allowed to take away two mules' bur- 
den of earth is not easy to understand. The 
natural explanation is that, with a feeling 
akin to that which prompted the Pisan in- 
vaders to take away the earth of Aceldama 
for the Campo Santo at Pisa, the grateful 
convert to Jehovah wished to take away 
some of the earth of His country, to form aL 
altar. But in the narrative there is no men- 
tion of an altar. How long Naaman lived to 
continue a worshipper of Jehovah while as- 
sisting officially at the worship of Riramon, 
we are not told. 2. One of the family of Ben- 
jamin who came down to Egypt with Jacob, 
as read in Gen. xlvi. 21. He was the son 
of Bela, and liead of the family of the Naam- 
ites. (Num. xxvi. 40; 1 Chr. viii. 3, 4). 

Na'amattlite, the gentilic name of oi»« 
of Job's friends, Zophar the Naamathitc 
(Job ii. 11, xi. 1, XX. 1, xlii. 9). There is no 
other trace of this name in the Bible, and 
the town whence it is derived is unknown. 

Wa'amites, The, the family descended 
from Naaman, the grandson of Berjamin 
(Num. xxvi. 40 only). 

Na'arah, the second wife of Ashur, » 
descendant of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 5, 6). 

Na'arai, One of the valiant men of 
David's arndes (1 Chr. xi. 37). In 1 Chr. 
he is called the son of Ezbai, but in 2 Sam. 
xxiii. 35 he appears as " Paarai the Aibite." 
Kennicott decides that the former is correct. 

Na'aran, a city of Ephraim, which in s 



N A AliATH 



439 



NADAB 



rery aucieut rveord (1 Chr. vii. 28) is men- 
tion'. d as the eastern limit of the tribe. It 
Ls very probably identical with Naaratu, or 
more accurately Naarah. 

Na'arath (the Heb. is = to Naarah. 
j^hich is therefore the real form of the name), 
A place named (Josb. xvi. 7, only) as one 
of tlie landmarks on the (southern) boun- 
dary of Ephraim. It appears to have lain 
between Ataroth and Jericho. Euseliius 
and Jerome speak of it as if well known to 
tliem — " Naorath, a small village of the 
Jews, five miles from Jericho." 

Naash'on. [Nahshon.] 

Naas'son. The Greek form of the name 
Nahshon (Matt. i. 4; Luke iii. 32, only). 

!N'a'bal (fool) was a sheepmaster on the 
coiifines of Judaea and the desert, in that 
part of the country wliich bore from its 
great conqueror the name of Caleb (1 
Sam. XXX. 14, xxv. 3). His residence was 
on the southern Carmel, in the pasture lands 
of Maon. His wealth, as might be expected 
from his abode, consisted chiefly of sheep 
and goats. It was the custom of the shep- 
herds to drive them into the wild downs on 
the slopes of Carmul ; and it was whilst they 
were on one of these pastoral excursions, 
that they met a band of outlaws, who sliowed 
jhem unexpected kindness, protecting them 
by day and night, and never themselves 
cx)mmitting any depredations (1 Sam. xxv. 
r. 15, 16). Once a year there was a grand 
banquet, on Carmel, " like the feast of a 
king" (xxv. 2, 4, 36). It was on one of 
Uiese occasions that Nabal came across tlie 
path of the man to whom he owes liis place 
In history. Ten youths from the chief of 
Ihe freebooters approached him with a triple 
salutation — enumerated the services of 
their master, and ended by claiming, with a 
mixture of courtesy and defiance character- 
istic of the East, " whatsoever cometh into 
thy hand for thy servants and for thy son 
David." The great sheepmaster was not 
lisposed to recognize this unexpected pa- 
rental relation. On hearing the demand of 
die ten petitioners, he broke out into fury 
— " V/ho is David? and who is the son of 
Jesse r " " What runaway slaves are these 
to interfere with my own domestic arrange- 
ments?" (xxv. 10, 11). The moment that 
ihe messengers were gone, the shepherds 
khat stood by perceived the danger that their 
master and themselves would incur. To 
tJabal himself tliey durst not speak (xxv. 
17). To his wife, as to the good angel of 
the household, one of the shepherds told the 
state of affairs. She, with the offerings 
usual on such occasions, loaded tlie asses 
of Nabal's large establishment — herself 
mounted one of them, and, with her attend- 
ants running before her, rode down the hill 
towards David's encampment. David had 
alreaily made the fatal vow of extermination 
sxxv. 22). At this moment, as it would 



seem, Abigail appeared, tiirew heioelf od 
her face before Jiim, and poured forth hei 
petition in language which both in form and 
j expression alrfiost assumes tlie tone of 
j poetry. She returns witii the news of 
David's recantation of his vow. Nabal is 
tlien at the height of his orgies, ami his 
wife dared not communicate to him either 
his danger or his escape (xxv. 36). At 
break of day she told him both. The stupid 
reveller was suddenly roused to a sense of 
that which impended over liim. " His heart 
died witliin him, and ?ie became as a stone." 
It was as if a stroke of apoplexy or paraly- 
sis had fallen upon him. Ten days he 
lingered, " and the Lord smote Nabal, and 
he died" (xxv. 37, 38). 

Na'botll, victim of Ahab and JezebeU 
was the owner of a small vineyard at Jezreel, 
close to the royal palace of Ahab (1 K. xxi. 
1, 2). It thus became an object of desire to 
the king, who offered an equivalent in money 
or another vineyard in exchange for this. 
Naboth, in the independent spirit of a Jew- 
ish landholder, refused. " Jehovah forbid 
it to me that I should give the inheritance 
of my fathers unto thee." Ahab was cowed 
by this reply ; but the proud spirit of Jeze- 
bel was roused. She took the matter int' 
her own hands. A solemn fast was pro 
claimed, as on the announcement of some 
great calamity. Naboth was " set on high " 
in tlie public place of Samaria : two men of 
worthless character accused him of having 
" cursed God and the king," He and his 
children (2 K. ix. 26) were dragged out of 
the city and despatched the same night. 
The place of execution there, was by the 
large tank or reservoir, which etill remains 
on the slope of the hill of Samaria, imme- 
diately outside the walls. The usual pun- 
ishment for blasphemy was enforced. Na- 
both and his sons were stoned ; and the 
blood from their wounds ran down into the 
waters of the tank below. 
Nabuehodon'osor. [Nebdchadnez.- 

ZAK.] 

Na'chon's Threshing-floor, the 

place at which the ark had arrived in it» 
progress from Kirjath-jeariiu to Jerusalem,, 
when Uzzah lost his hfe in his too hasty 
zeal for its safety (2 Sara . vi tj. ) 

Na'chor. [Nahor.] 

Na'dah (liberal). 1. The i Idest soi ol: 
Aaron and Elisheba (Ex. vi. 23 ; Nuni iii 
2). He, his father and brother, and se% 9i>» 
ty old men of Israel were led oat from tiu. 
midst of the assembled people (Ex. x.d^ 
1), and were commanded to stay and wor 
ship God " afar off," below the lofty sun> 
mit of Sinai, where Moses alone was tc- 
come near to the Lorcr. Subseque. ily (Lev. 
X. 1) Nadab and his brother w^re struck 
dead before the sanctuary by fire from the 
Lord. Their offence was*, kindbng the in- 
cense in their censers with " strange ' fire 



WAGGE 



440 



NAHSHON 



I. e. not taken from that which burned 
perpt-'tually (Lev. vi. 13) on the altar. 2. 
King Jeroboam's son, who succeeded to the 
throne of Israel b. c. 954, ahd reigned two 
years (1 K xv. 25-81). At the siege of 
Gibbethon a conspiracy broke out in the 
midst of the armjs and the king was slain 
by Baasha, a man of Issachar. 3. A son 
«f Shammai (1 Chr. ii. 28), of the tribe of 
Judah. 4. A son of Gibeon (1 Chr. viii. 
80, ii 36), of the tribe of Benjamin. 

KTag'ge, one of the ancestors of Christ 
(Luke iii. 25). It represents the Heb. No- 
qah (1 Chr. iii. 7). Nagge must have lived 
About the time of Onias I., and the com- 
mencement of the Macedonian dynasty. 

NahaFal, one of the cities of Zebulun, 
given with its " suburbs " to the Merarite 
Levites (Josh. xxi. 35). It is the same 
which in Josh. xix. 15 is inaccurately given 
in the A. V. as Nahallal, the Hebrew be- 
ing in both cases identical. Elsewhere it is 
called Nahalol (Judg. i. 81). The Jeru- 
salem Talmud asserts that Nahalal was in 
post-biblical times called Malilul ; and this 
is identified with the modern Malul, a vil- 
lage in the plain of Esdraelon. 

Naha'liel {toro-ents of God), one of the 
nal ting-places of Israel in the latter part 
cf their progress to Canaan (Num. xxi. 19). 
It lay "beyond," that is, north of the Ar- 
non (ver. IB), and between Mattanah and 
Baraoth, the next after Bamoth being Pis- 
gah. Its name seems to imply that it was 
a stream or wady, and it is not impossibly 
preserved in that of the Wady Encheyle, 
which runs into the Mojeh, the ancient Ar- 
non, a short distance to the east of the 
place at which the road between Rabba and 
Aroer crosses the ravine of the latter river. 

Na'halol. [Nahalal.] 

Na'ham. The brother of Hodiah, or 
Jehudijah, wife of Ezra (1 Chr. iv. 19). 

Nahara'ani. A chief man among those 
who returned from Babylon with Zerubba- 
bel and Jeshua (Neh. vii. 7). 

Naliar'ai. The armor-bearer of Joab, 
called in tlie A. V. of 2 Sam. xxiii. 37, Na- 
HARi. He was a native of Beeroth (1 Chr. 
x\. 39). 

Na'hari. The same as Naharai (2 Sam. 
xsiii. 37). In the A. V. of 1611 the name 
is printed " Naharai the Berothite." 

Na hash (.se?7?e?i0' 1- King of the Am- 
Bi unites, who dictated to the inhabitants of 
Jabesh-Gilead that cruel alternative of the 
loss of their right eyes or slavery, which 
loused the swift wrath of Saul, and caused 
tlie destruction of the Ammonite force (1 
Sam, xi 1, 2-11). *' Nahash" would seem 
\c have been the title of the king of the 
Ammonites ratlier than the name of an in- 
dividual. Nahash the father of Hanun had 
rendered David s^ome special and valuable 
servif*:, which David was anxious for an 
DDPonunity of requiti'\g (2 Sam. x. 2). — 



2. A person mentioned once only (2 Saoi 
xvii. 25) in stating the parentage of Amasa, 
the commander-in-chief of Absalom's army. 
Amasa is there said to have been the sod 
of a certain Ithra, by Abigail, " daughtei 
of Nahash, and sister to Zeruiah." By the 
genealogy of 1 Chr. ii. 16 it appears that 
Zeruiah and Abigail were sisters of David 
and the other children of Jesse. The ques- 
tion then arises. How could Abigail hare 
been at the same time daughter of Nahash 
and sister to the children of Jesse? To 
this, three answers may be given: 1. The 
universal tradition of the Rabbis that Na- 
hash and Jesse were identical. 2. Thai 
Nahash was the king of the Ammonites, 
and that the same woman had first been hit 
wife or concubine — in which capacity she 
had given birth to Abigail and Zeruiah — 
and afterwards wife to Jesse, and the mother 
of his children. 3. A third possible expla- 
nation is, that Nahash was the name not of 
Jesse, nor of a former husband of his wife 
but of his wife herself. 

Na'hath. 1. One of the " dukes " or 
phylarchs in the land of Edom, eldest son 
of Reuel the son of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 13, 
17; 1 Chr. i. 37). 2. A Kohatlite Levite, 
son of Zophai (1 Chr. vi. 26). 3. A Le- 
vite in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxxi 
13). 

Nah'bi. The son of Vophsi, a Naph 
talite, and one of the twelve spies (Num 
xiii. 14). 

Na'hor, the name of two persons in tl»* 
family of Abraham. 1. His grandfather; 
the son of Serug and father of Teraii (Gen. 
xi. 22-25). 2. Grandson of the preceding, 
son of Terah and brotlier of Abraham and 
Karan (Gen. xi. 26, 27). The order of the 
ages of the family of Terah is not improb- 
ably inverted in the narrative ; in which 
case Nahor, instead of being younger than 
Abraham, was really older. He married 
Milcah, the daughter of his brother Haran ; 
and when Abraham and Lot migrated to 
Canaan, Nahor remained behind in the land 
of his birtli, on the eastern side of the Eu- 
phrates. Like Jacob, and also like Ishmael, 
Nahor was the father of twelve sons, and 
further, as in the case of Jacob, eight of 
them were the children of his wife, and 
four of a concubine (Gen. xxii. 21-24). 
Special care is taken in speaking of the 
legitimate branch to specify its descent 
from Milcah — " the son of Milcah, which 
she bare unto Nahor." It was to this pure 
and unsullied race that Abraham and Re- 
bekah in turn had recourse for wives for 
their sons. But with Jacob's flight from 
Haran the intercourse ceased. 

Nah'shon, or Naash'on, eon of A n.- 
minadab, and prince of tlie children of Ju- 
dah (as he is styled in the genealogy of 
Judah (1 Chr. ii. 10), at the timf of the 
first numberiig in the wilderness (Exod 



NAHUM 



441 



NAPHISH 



fu 23; Num. i 7, &c.). His sister, Elish- 
eba, was w^e to Aaron, and liis son, Sal- 
nnon. was husband to Rahab after the taking 
of Jericho. He died in the wilderness, 
♦(•cording to Num. xxvi. 64, 65. 

Na'hum {coyisolation). Nahun " the 
Eri oshite," tiie seventh in order ^f the 
mnor propliets. His personal history is 
iuite unknown. The site of Elkosh, his 
iative place, is disputed, some placing it 
in Galilee, others in Assyria. Those who 
aiaintain Lne latter view assume that the 
prophf t's parents were carried into cap- 
tivity by Tiglath -pileser, and that the 
prophet was born at the village of Al- 
kush, on the east bank of the Tigris, two 
miles north of Mosul. But there is noth- 
ing Id the prophecy of Nahum to indicate 
that it was written in the iinmediate neigh- 
borhood of Nineveh, and in full view of the 
scenes which are depicted, nor is the lan- 
guage that of an exile in an enemy's country. 
No allusion is made to the captivity ; while, 
un the other hand, the imagery is such as 
would be natural to an inhabitant of Pales- 
tine (i. 4), to whom the rich pastures of 
Bashan, the vineyards of Carmel, and the 
blossom of Lebanon, were emblems of all 
that was luxuriant and fertile. The lan- 
guage employed in i. 15, ii. 2, is appropriate 
to one who wrote for his countrymen in 
their native land. In fact, the sole origin 
of the theory that Nahum flourished in 
Assyria is the name of the village Alkush, 
which contains his supposed tomb, and from 
its similarity to Elkosh was apparently 
selected by mediaeval tradition as a shrine 
for pilgrims. The date of Nahum's proph- 
ecy can be determined with as little pre- 
cision as his birthplace. It is, however, 
v'ertain that the prophecy was written be- 
fore the final downfall of Nineveh, and its 
capture by the Medes and Chaldaeans (cir. 
B. c. 625). The allusions to the Assyrian 
power imply that it was still unbroken (i. 
12, ii. 13, 14, iii. 15-17). It is most proba- 
ble that Nahum flourished in the latter half 
of the reign of Hezekiah, and wrote his 
prophecy either in Jerusalem or its neigh- 
borhood. The subject of the prophecy is, 
in accordance with the superscription, " the 
bcrden zl Nineveh/' the destruction of 
which ha predicts. As a poet, Nahum oc- 
cupies a high place in the first rank of 
Hebrew literature. In proof of this it is 
ealy necessary to refer to the opening 
verses of his prophecy (i. 2-6), and to the 
magnificent description of the siege and de- 
•truction of Nineveh in ch. ii. His style is 
clt'ar and uuinvolved, though pregnant and 
forcible ; hi«> diction sonorous and rhyth- 
coical, the words re-echoing to the sense 
(«.omp ii. 4, ill. 3). 

Nail. I. (of finger). 1. A nail or claw 
et man or animal. 2. A point or style, e. g. 
for wnting • see Jer. xvii. 1. II. 1. A 



nail (Is. xli. 7), a stake (Is. xxxiii. 20>, 
also a tent-peg. Tent-pegs arf usually of 
wood and of large size ; but sometimes, as 
was tlie case with those used to fasten the 
curtains of the Tabernacle, of metal (Ex. 
xxvii. 19, xxxviii. 20). 2. A nail, primarily 
a point. We are told that David prepared 
iron for the nails to be used in the Temple ; 
and as the Holy of Holies was plated with 
gold, the nails also for fastc uing the plate» 
were probably of gold. 

Na'in, a village of Galilee, the gate of 
which is made illustrious by the raising of 
the widow's son (Luke vii. 12). The mod- 
ern Nein is situated on the north-western 
edge of the ''Little Hermon," or Jebel-ed- 
Duhy, where the ground falls into the plain 
of Esdraelon. The entrance to the place- 
where our Saviour met the funeral, must 
probably always have been up the steep 
ascent from the plain ; and here, on the 
west side of the village, the rock is full of 
sepulchral caves. 

Na'ioth, or more fully, "Naiof in Ra- 
mah," a place in which Samuel ani David 
took refuge together, after the latr?r had 
made his escape from the jealous fury of 
Saul (1 Sam. xix. 18, 19, 22, 23, xr.. 1). It 
is evident from ver, 18, that Naioth ivas not 
actually In Raraah, Samuel's habitual resi- 
dence. In its corrected form the name sig- 
nifies " habitations," and probably means 
tlie huts or dwellings of a school or college 
of prophets over which Samuel presided, 
as Elisha did over those at Gilgal and 
Jericho. 

Nane'a. The last act of Antiochua 
Epiphanes was his attempt to plunder the 
temple of Nanea at Elymais, which had 
been enriched by the gifts and trophies of 
Alexander the Great (1 Mace. vi. 1-4; 2 
Mace. i. 13-16). The Persian goddess 
Nanea is apparently the Moor, goddess. 
Elphinstone in 1811 found coins w* the Sas- 
sanians with the inscription NA1» AIA, and 
on the reverse a figure with nimbus and 
lotus-flower. In consequence of a con- 
fusion between the Greek and Eastern my- 
thologies, Nanea has been identified with 
Artemis and Aphrodite, the probability 
being that she corresponds with the Tauric 
or Ephesian Artemis, who was invested 
with the attributes of Aphrodite, and repre- 
sented the productive power of nature. 

Na'oroi, the wife of Elimelech, and 
mother-in-law of Ruth (Ruth i. 2, &c., ii 
1, &c., iii. 1, iv. 3, &c.). The name is de 
rived from a root signifying sweetness oi 
pleasantness ; whence we read : " Call 
me not Naomi (pleasant), call me Mara 
(bitter) . . . why call ye me Naomi, when 
Jehovah had testified against me ? " 

Na'ptlish, the last but one of the sons 
of Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 15 ; 1 Chr. i. 31). 
The tribe descended from Nodab was sub- 
dued by the Keubenit'js, the Gadites, and 



iNAPlITALl 



442 



NATHANAEl. 



me half of the tribe ^f Manasseh, when 
" they made war with the Hagarites, with 
Jetur, and Nephish^ and Nodab" (1 Chr. 
V. 19). 

Naph'tali {wrestling). The fifth son 
of Jacob ; the second child borne to him by 
Bilhah, Rachel's slave. His birtii and the 
bestowal of his name are recorded in Gen. 
Kxx. 8 : " and Eachel said, ' Wrestlings (or 
oontortions — naphtule) of God have I 
wrestled (mphtalti) with my sister, and 
have prevailed.' And she called his name 
Naphtali." At the migration to Egypt four 
sons are attributed to Naphtali (Gen. xlvi. 
24; Ex. i. 4; 1 Chr. vii. 13). When the 
census was taken at Mount Sinai the tribe 
numbered no less than 53,400 fighting men 
CNum. i. 43, ii. 30). But when the borders 
of the Promised Land were reached, its 
numbers were reduced to 45,400 (Num. 
xxvi. 48-50). During the march through 
the wilderness Naphtali occupied a position 
on the north of the Sacred Tent with Dan 
and Asher (Num. ii. 25-31). In the ap- 
portionment of the land, the lot of Naphtali 
was enclosed on three sides by those of 
other tribes. On the west lay Asher; on 
the south Zebulun, and on the east the 
trans- Jordti"ic Manasseh. The north ter- 
minated with the ravine of the Litdny or 
Leontes, and opened into the splendid val- 
ley which separates the two ranges of 
Lebanon. The south boundary was prob- 
ably very much the same as that which at 
a later time separated Upper from Lower 
Galilee. In the reign of Pekah king of 
Israel (cir. b. c. 730), Tiglath-Pileser over- 
ran the whole of the north of Israel, swept 
off the population, and bore them away to 
Assyria. But though the liistory of the 
tribe of Naphtali ends here, yet under the 
title of Galilee the district which they had 
formerly occupied was destined to become 
in every way far more important than it 
had ever before been. 

Naph'tali, Mount. The mountainous 
district which formed the main part of the 
inheritance of Naphtali (Josh. xx. 7), an- 
swering to " Mount Ephraim " in the centre 
and " Mount Judah " in the south of Pales- 
tine. 

Naph'tuhim, a Mizraite nation or 
iribe, mentioned only in the account of the 
iescendants of Noah (Gen. x. 13; 1 Chr. 
L 11). If we may judge from their posi- 
tion in the list of the Mizraites, the Naph- 
tuhim were probably settled, at first, either 
in Egypt or I'^iraediately to the west of it. 

Narcis'sus, a dweller at Rome (Rom. 
xri. 11), 3ome members of whose house- 
hold were known as Christians to St. Paul. 
Some have assumed the identity of this 
Nandssus with the secretary of the Emperor 
niaudius ; but this is quite uncertain. 

Nard. [Spikenard.] 

Na'than (a giver). 1. An eminent 



Hebrew p.ophet in the reigns of DavitJ aiui 
Solomon. He first appears in the coasul- 
tation with David about the building of the 
Temple (2 Sam. vii. 2, 3, 17). He next 
comes forward as the reprover of David 
for the sin with Bathsheba ; and his famous 
apologue on the rich man and the ewe 
lamb, which is the only direct exan.ple of 
his prophetic power, shows it to have been 
of a very high order (2 Sam. xii. 1-12), 
On the birth of Solomon he vas either 
specially charged with giving liira his names 
Jedediah, or else with his education (2 
Sam. xii. 25). At any rate, in the last 
years of David, it is Nathan who, by taking 
the side of Solon^on, turned the scale in his. 
favor. He advised Bathsheba ; he himself 
ventured to enter the royal presence with « 
remonstrance against the king's apathy; 
and at David's request he assisted in the in- 
auguration of Solomon (1 K. i. 8, 10, 11, 
22, 23, 24, 32, 34, 38, 45). This is the last 
time that we hear directly of his interven- 
tion in the history. He left two works be- 
hind him — a Life of David (1 Chr. xxix^ 
29), and a Life of Solomon (2 Chr. ix. 29). 
The last of these may have been incom- 
plete, as we cannot be sure that he outlived 
Solomon. But the biography of David by 
Nathan is, of all the losses which antimij- 
ty, sacred or profane, has sustained, the 
most deplorable. His grave is shown at 
Halhul, near Hebron. 2. A son of David; 
one of the four who were born to him by 
Bathsheba (1 Chr. iii. 5; comp. xiv. 4, and 
2 Sam. v. 14). Nathan appears to have 
taken no part in the events of his father's 
or his brother's reigns. He is interesting 
to us from his appearing as one of the fore- 
fathers of Joseph in the genealogy of St 
Luke (iii. 31). 3. Son, or brother, of one 
of the members of David's guard (2 Sam. 
xxiii. 36; 1 Chr. xi. 38). 4. One of the 
head men who returned from Babylon witli 
Ezra on his second expedition (Ezr. viii 
16; 1 Esdr. viii. 44). It is not impossible 
that he may be the same with the "son of 
Bani" (Ezr. x. 39). 

Nathaia'ael, a disciple of Jesus Christ, 
concerning wliom, under that name at least, 
we learn from Scripture little more than 
his birthplace, Cana of Galilee (John xxi. 
2), and his simple truthful character (John 
i. 47). The name does not occur in the 
first three Gospels. But it is commonlj 
believed that Nathanael and Bartholomew 
are the same person. The evidence for 
that belief is as follows : St. John, who 
twice mentions Nathanael, never introdii(;es 
the name of Bartholomew at all. St. Mati. 
X. 3 ; St. Mark iii. 18 ; and St. Luke vi. 14, 
all speak of Bartholomew, but ne\er of 
Nathaniel. It may be that Natlianiel va^ 
the proper name, and Bartholomew (son ol 
Tholmai) the surname of the same disciple, 
iust as Simon was "mallei Bar Jona and 



NATHAN- MELECH 



443 



NAZAKITE 



Joses, Barnabas. It was Philip who first 
brought Nathanael to Jesus, just as Andrew 
had brought his brother Simon ; and Bar- 
tholomew is named by each of the first 
three Evangelists immediately after Philip, 
while by St. Luke he is coupled with Philip 
precisely in the same way as Simon with 
his brother Andrew, and James with his 
brother John. 

Na'than-me'leeh, a eunuch (A. V. 
** chamberlain ") in the court of Josiah (2 
K. xxiii. 11). 

Na'um, son of Esli and father of Amos, 
in the genealogy of Christ (Luke iii. 25), 
about contemporary with the high-priest- 
hood of Jason and the reign of Antiochus 
Epiphanes. 

Nave. The Heb. gav conveys the no- 
tion of convexity or protuberance. It is 
rendered in A. V. boss of a shield, Job xv. 
26 ; the eyebrow, Lev. xiv. 9 ; an eminent 
place, Ez. xvi. 31 ; once only in plur. naves, 
1 K. vii. 33 ; but in Ez. i. 18, twice " rings," 
and marg. " strakes." 

Naz'arene, an inhabitant of Nazareth. 
Tills appellative is applied to Jesus in 
many passages in the N. T. Its applica- 
tion to Jesus, in consequence of the provi- 
dential arrangements by which His parents 
were led to take up their abode in Naza- 
reth, was the filling out of the predictions 
in which the promised Messiah is described 
as a Netser, i. e. a shoot, sprout, of Jesse, 
a humble and despised descendant of the 
decayed royal family. Whenever men 
?poke of Jesus as the Nazarene, they ei- 
ther consciously or unconsciously pro- 
nounced one of the names of the predict- 
ed Messiah, a name indicative both of 
his royal descent and his humble condi- 
tion. Once (Acts xxiv. 5) the term Naza- 
renes is applied to the followers of Jesus 
by way of contempt. The name still exists 
in Arabic as the ordinary designation of 
Christians. 

Naz'areth., the ordinary residence of 
our Saviour, is not mentioned in the O. T., 
but occurs first in Matt. ii. 23. It derives 
its celebrity from its CDnncction with the 
history of Christ, and in that respect has a 
hold on the imagination and feelings of 
men which it shares only with Jerusalem 
and Bethlehem. It is situated among the 
hills which constitute the south ridges of 
Lebanon, jast before they sink down into 
the Plain of Esdraelon. Of the identifica- 
tion of the ancient site there can be no 
doubt. The name of the present village is 
en-Ndzirah, the same, therefore, as of old; 
it is formed on a hill or mountain (Luke 
:v. 29) ; it is within the limits of the prov- 
ince of Gahlee (Mark i. 9) ; it is near Cana, 
According to the implication in John ii. 1, 
i, 11 : a precipice exists in the neighbor- 
hod (Luke iv. 29); and, finally, a series 
of testimonies reaches back to Eusebius, the 



father of Church history, which represent 
the place as having occupied an invariable 
position. The modern Nazareth belongs tfl 
the better class of eastern villages. It has 
a population of 3000 or 4000; a few arc 
Mohammedans, the rest Latin and Greek 
Christians. The origin of the disrepute in 
which Nazareth stood (John i. 47) is not 
certainly known. All the inhabitants of 
Galilee were looked upon with contempt 
by the people of Judaea because they spoke 
a ruder dialect, were less cultivated, and 
were more exposed by their position to 
contact with the heathen. But Nazareth 
labored under a special opprobrium, for in 
was a Galilean and not a southern Jew who 
asked the reproachful question whether 
" any good thing " could come from that 
source. — Among the " holy places " which 
the legends have sought to connect with 
events in the life of Christ, two localities 
are of special interest. One of these is 
the " Fountain of the Virgin," situated at 
the north-eastern extremity of the town, 
where, according to one tradition, the 
mother of Jesus received the angel's salu- 
tation (Luke i. 28). The other place is 
that of the attempted Precipitation. Above 
the town are several rocky ledges, over 
which a person could not be thrown with- 
out almost certain destruction. But there 
is one very remarkable precipice, almost 
perpendicular, and forty or fifty feet high, 
near the Maronite church, which may well 
be supposed to be the identical one over 
wliich His infuriated townsmen attempted 
to hurl Jesus. 

Naz'arite, more properly Waz'irite 
(one separated), one of either sex who was 
bound by a vow of a peculiar kind to be set 
apart from others for the service of God. 
The obligation was either for life or for a 
defined time. There is no notice in the 
Pentateuch of Nazarites for life ; but the 
regulations for the vow of a Nazarite of 
days are given Num. vi. 1-21. The Naz- 
arite, during the term of his consecration, 
was bound to abstain from wine, grapes, 
with every production of the vine, and 
from every kind of intoxicating drink. He 
was forbidden to cut the hair of his head, or 
to approach any dead body, even that of his 
nearest relation. When the period of hit 
vow was fulfilled, he was brought to the door 
of the tabernacle, and was required to offer 
a he lamb for a burnt-offering, a ewe lamb 
for a sin-offering, and a ram for a peace-of- 
fering, with the usual accompaniments of 
peace-offerings (Lev. vii. 12, 13) and of the 
offering made at the consecration of priesvs 
(Ex. xxix. 2), "a basket of unleavened 
bread, cakes of fine flour mingled with oil, 
and wafers of unleavened bread anointed 
with oil " (Num. vi. 15). He brought a?io a 
meat-offering and a drink-offering, w^Mcb 
appear to have been presented by tlvv 



NAZARITJi 



444 



NEBO 



i«l> « as a listinct act of service (ver. 17). 
He >A8 to cut off the hair of " the head of 
Ills separation " (that is, the hair which had 
grown during the period of his consecra- 
tion) at the door of the tabernacle, and to 
put it into the fire under the sacrifice on 
the altar. The priest then placed upon his 
hands the sodden left shoulder of tlie ram, 
with one of the unleavened cakes and one 
of the wafers, and then took thera again 
and waved them for a wave-offering. Of 
the Nazarites for life three are mentioned 
in the Scriptures : Samson, Samuel, and 
St. John the Baptist. The only one of 
these actually called a Nazarite is Samson. 
We do not know whether the vow for life 
was ever voluntarily taken by the individ- 
ual. In all the cases mentioned in the 
sacred history, it was made by the parents 
before the birth of the Nazarite himself. — 
The consecration of the Nazarite bore a 
striking resemblance to that of the high- 
priest (Lev. xxi. 10-12). In one particu- 
lar, this is brought out more plainly in the 
Hebrew text than it is in our version, in 
the LXX., or in the Vulgate. One word 
(^n^zer), derived from the same root as 
Nazarite, is used for the long hair of the 
Nazanr^ (Num. vi. 19), where the A. V. 
has " hair of his separation," and for the 
anointed head of the high-priest (Lev. xxi. 
12), where it is rendered " crown." Of 
the two vows recorded of St. Paul, that in 
Acts xviii. 18 certaiulj' cannot be regarded 
»s a regular Nazarite vow. All that we 
are told of it is that, on his way from Cor- 
fnth to Jerusalem, he '* shaved his head in 
Cenchreae, for he had a 70w." It is most 
likely that it was a sort of vow modified 
(from the proper Nazarite vow, which had 
'jome into use at this time amongst the re- 
ligious Jews who had been visited by sick- 
ness, or any other calamity. The other 
reference to a vow taken by St. Paul is in 
Acts xxi. 24, where we find the brethren 
at Jerusalem exhorting him to take part 
with four Christians who had a vow on 
them, to sanctify (not purify, as in A. V.) 
himself with them, and to be at charges 
irith them, that they might shave their 
heads. It cannot be doubted that this was 
1 strictly legal Nazarite vow. — The mean- 
ing of the Nazarite vow has been regarded 
in different lights. It may be regarded as 
an act of self-sacrifice. That it was essen- 
tially a sacrifice of the person to the Lord 
is obviously in accordance with the terms 
of the Law CNum. vi. 2). As the Nazarit* 
was a witness for the straitness of the Law, 
AS distinguished from the freedom of the 
Gospel, his sacrifice of himself was a sub- 
mission to the letter of the rule. Its out- 
ward manifestations were restraints and 
eccentricities. The man was separated 
from his breth 'en that he might be pecu- 
liarVy dev >tod to the Lord. This w as con- 



sistent with the purpose of divine wisdom 

for the time for which it was ordained. 

Ne'ah, a place which was one of the 
landmarks on the boundary of Zebulun 
(Josh, xix 13 only). By Eusebius and 
Jerome it is mentioned merely with a cau- 
tion that there is a place of the same name, 
10 miles S. of Neapolis. It has not yet 
been identified. 

Neap'olis is the place in northern 
Greece where Paul and his associates first 
landed in Europe (Acts xvi. 11) ; where, no 
doubt, he landed also on his second visit to 
Macedonia (Acts xx. 1), and whence cer- 
tainly he embarked on his last journey 
through that province to Troas and Jeru- 
salem (Acts XX. 6). Philippi being an in- 
land town, Neapolis was evidently the port, 
and is represented by the present KavaZla. 

Neari'ah. 1. One of the six sons of 
Shemaiah in the line of the royal family of 
Judah after the captivity (1 Clir. iii. 22, 23). 
2. A son of Ishi, and one of the captains 
of the 500 Simeonites who, in tlie days of 
Hezekiah, drove out the Amalekites from 
Mount Seir (1 Chr. iv. 42). 

Neba'i, a family of the heads of the 
people who signed the covenant with Nehe- 
miah (Neh. x. 19). The LXX. followed 
the written text, while the Vulgate adopted 
the reading of the margin. 

Neba'ioth, Neba'joth, the "first-bom 
of Ishraael " (Gen. xxv. 13 ; 1 Chr. i. 29), 
and father of a pastoral tribe named after 
him, the " rams of Nebaioth " being men- 
tioned by tlie prophet Isaiah (Ix. 7) with 
the flocks of Keaar. From the days of 
Jerome this people had been identified with 
the Nabathaeans, of whom Petra was tho 
capital, until M. Quatremere first investi- 
gated the origin of the lattei , their language, 
religion, and history. It is possible that 
Nebaioth went to the far east, to the country 
of his grandfather Abraham, intermarried 
with the Chaldaeans, and gave birth to a 
mixed race, the Nabat. It is, however, 
safest to leave unsettled the identification 
of Nebaioth and Nabat until another link 
be added to the chain that at present seems 
to connect them. 

Nebal'lat, a town of Benjamin, one of 
those which the Benjamites reoccupied 
after the captivity (Neh. xi. 34). 

We'bat, the father of Jeroboam (IK. 
xi. 26, xii. 2, 15, &c.), is described as an 
Ephrathite, or Ephraimite, of Zereda. 

Ne'bo, Mount, the mountain from 
which Moses took his first and last view of 
the Promised Land (Deut. xxxii. 49, xxxiv. 
1). It is described as in the land of Moab, 
facing Jericho ; the head or summit of a 
mountain called the Pisgah; but notwith- 
standing the minuteness of this description, 
no one has yet succeeded in pointing out 
any spot which answers to Nebo. 

Ife'bo. 1. A town of Reubon on tb« 



l>rEB CCHADNEZZ AR 



445 



NEBUCHADNEZZA R 



eastern side of Jordan (Num. xxxii. 3, 38). 
In the remarkable prophecy adopted by 
Isaiah (xv. 2) and Jeremiah (xlviii. 1, 22) 
concerning Moab, Nebo is mentioned in the 
same connection as before, but in the hands 
of Moab. Eusebius and Jerome identify it 
«rith Nobah or Kenath, and place it 8 miles 
Bouth of Heshbon, where the ruins of el- 
Habis appear to stand at present. 2. The 
children of Nebo returned from Babylon 
with Zeru))babel (Ezr. ii. 29, x. 43 ; Neh. 
vii. 33). The name occurs between Bethel 
and Ai, and Lydda, which implies that it 
was situated in the territory of Benjamin 
to the N. W. of Jerusalem. This is pos- 
sibly the modern Beit-Nithah, about 12 miles 
N. W. by W. of Jerusalem, 8 from Lydda. 
3. Nebo, which occurs both in Isaiah (xlvi. 
1) and Jeremiah (xlviii. 1) as the name of 
a Chaldaean god, is a well-known deity of 
the Babylonians and Assyrians. He was 
the god who presided over learning and let- 
ters. His general character corresponds to 
that of the Egyptian Thoth, the Greek 
Hermes and the Latin Mercury. Astro- 
nomically he is identified with the planet 
nearest the sun. In Babylonia Nebo held 
a prominent place from an early time. The 
ancient town of Borsippa was especially 
under his protection, and the great temple 
tliere (the modern Birs-Nimrud) was ded- 
icated to him from a very remote age. He 
was the tutelar god of the most important 
Babylonian kings, in whose names the word 
Nahu, or Nebo, appears as an element. 

Nebuchadnez'zar, or Nebuchad- 
rez'zar, the greatest and most powerful 
of the Babylonian kings. His name is ex- 
plained to mean "Nebo is the protector 
against misfortune." He was the son and 
successor of Nabopolassar, the founder of 
the Babylonian Empire. In the lifetime 
of his father, Nebuchadnezzar led an army 
against Pharaoh-Necho, king of Egypt, de- 
feated him at Carchemish (b. c. 605) in a 
^eat battle (Jer. xlvi. 2-12), recovered 
Coele-syria, Phoenicia, and Palestine, took 
Jerusalem (Dan. i. 1, 2), pressed forward 
to Egypt, and was engaged in that country 
OT upon its borders when intelligence ar- 
rived which recalled him hastily to Babylon. 
Nabopolassar, after reigning 21 years, had 
died, and the throne was vacant. In some 
alarm about the succession he hurried back 
to the capital, accompanied only by his light 
troops ; and crossing the desert, probably 
by way of Tadmor or Palmyra, reached 
Babylon before any disturbance had arisen, 
and entered peaceably on his kingdom (b. c. 
604). Within three years of Nebuchadnez- 
zar's first expedition into Syria and Pales- 
tine, disaffection again showed itself in 
those countries. Jehoiakim, who, although 
threatened at first with captivity (2 Chr. 
xxxvi. 6) had been finally maintained on 
ihd throne as a Baby Ionian rassal, after 



throe years of service " turned and rebelled ' 
against his suzerain, probably trusting to b« 
supported by Egypt (2 K. xxiv. 1). Not 
long afterwards Phoenicia seems to have 
broken into revolt; and the Chaldaean 
monarch, who had previously endeavored 
to subdue the disaffected by his generals 
(ib. ver. 2), once more took the field in 
person, and marched first of all against 
Tyre. Having invested that city, and left a 
portion of his army there to continue the 
siege, he proceeded against Jemsaicm, 
which submitted without a struggle. Ac- 
cording to Josephus. who is here cur chief 
authority, Nebuchadnezzar punished Jehoi- 
akim with death (comp. Jer. xxii. 18, 19, 
and xxxvi. 30), but placed his son Jehoi- 
achin upon the throne. Jehoiachin reigned 
only three months ; for, on his showing 
symptoms of disaffection, Nebuchadnezzar 
came up against Jerusalem for the thir'^ 
time, deposed the young prince (whom he 
carried to Babylon, together with a large 
portion of the population of the city, an 1 
the chief of the Temple treasures), and 
made his uncle, Zedekiah, king in his room- 
Tyre still held out ; and it was not till the 
thirteenth year from the time of its first 
investment that the city of merchants fell 
(B.C. 585). Ere this happened, Jerusalem 
had been totally destroyed. This consum- 
mation was owing to the folly of Zedekiah, 
who, despite the warnings of Jeremiah, 
made a treaty with Apries (Hophra), king 
of Egypt (Ez. xvii. 15), and on the strength 
of this alliance renounced his allegiance 
to the king of Babylon. Nebuchadnezzai 
commenced the final siege of Jerusalem in 
the ninth year of Zedekiah, — his own sev- 
enteenth year (b. c. 588), and took it two 
years later (b. c. 586). One effort to carry 
out the treaty seems to have been made by 
Apries. An Egyptian army crossed the 
frontier, and began its march towards Jeru- 
salem ; upon which Nebuchadnezzar raised 
the siege, and set off to meet the new foe. 
According to Josephus a battle was fought, 
in which Apries was completely defeated ; 
but the Scriptural account seems rather to 
imply that the Egyptians retired on the ad- 
vance of Nebuchadnezzar, and recrossed 
the frontier without risking an engagement 
(Jer. xxxvii. 5-8). After an eighteen 
months' siege Jerusalem fell. Zedekiah 
escaped from the city, but was captured 
near Jericho (ib. xxxix. 5), and brought to 
Nebuchadnezzar at Riblah in the territory 
of Hamath, where his eyes were put out by 
the king's order, while his sons and his chief 
nobles were slain. Nebuchadnezzar then 
returned to Babylon with Zedekiah, whom 
he imprisoned for the remainder of his life ; 
leaving Nebuzar-adan, the captain of his 
guard, to complete the destruction of the 
city and the pacification of Judaea. Geda- 
liah, a Jew, was appointed governor but h« 



NEBUSHASBAIS 



446 



NEHElSnAH 



raa shortly murdered, and the rest of the 
/ews either fled to Egypt or were carried 
by Nebuzar-adan to Babylon. The military 
luccesses of Nebuchadnezzar cannot be 
b'aced minutely bayond this point. It may 
be gathered from the prophetical Scriptures 
and from Josephus, that the conquest of 
Jerusalem was rapidly followed by the fall 
of Tyre and the complete submission of 
Phoenicia (Ez. xxvi.-xxviii.) ; after which 
the Babylonians carried their arms into 
Egypt, and inflicted severe injuries on that 
fertile country (Jer. xlvi. 13-26 ; Ez. xxix. 
2-20). We are told that the first care of 
Nebuchadnezzar, on obtaining quiet pos- 
session of his kingdom after the first Syrian 
expedition, was to rebuild the temple of 
Bel {Bel-Merodach) at Babylon out of the 
spojls of the Syrian war. He next pro- 
ceeded to strengthen and beautify the city, 
which he renovated throughout, and sur- 
rounded with several lines of fortification, 
himself adding one entirely new quarter. 
Having finished the walls and adorned the 
gates magnificently, he constructed a new 
palace. In the grounds of this palace he 
formed the celebrated '* hanging garden." 
But he did not confine his eflTorts to the or- 
namentation and improvement of his capital. 
Throughout the empire, at Borsippa, Sip- 
para, Cutha, Chilmad, Duraba, Teredon, 
and a multitude of other places, he built or 
rebuilt cities, repaired temples, constructed 
quays, reservoirs, canals, and aqueducts, 
an a scale of grandeur and magnificence 
8urj)a»ss:ng everythmg of the kind recorded 
in history, unless it be the constructions of 
one or two of the greatest Egyptian mon- 
archs. The wealth, greatness, and general 
prosperity of Nebuchadnezzar are striking- 
ly placed before us in the book of Daniel. 
Towards the close of his reign the glory 
of Nebuchadnezzar suffered a temporary 
eclipse. As a punishment for his pride and 
vanity, that strange form of madness was 
sent upon him which the Greeks called Ly- 
canthropy, wherein the suflTerer imagines 
himself a beast, and quitting the haunts of 
men, insists on leading the life of a beast 
(Dan. iv. 33). After an interval of four 
or perhaps seven years (Dan. iv. 16), Neb- 
achadnezzar's malady left him. We are 
told that " his reason returned, and for the 
glory of his kingdom his honor and bright- 
ness returned ; " and he "was established 
in his kingdom, and excellent majesty was 
added to him" (Dan. iv. 36). He died in 
the year b. c. 561, at an advanced age (eigh- 
ty-three or eighty-four), having reigned 
forty-three years. A son, Evil-Merodach, 
iucceeded him. 

Nebushas'ban, one of the officers of 
Nebuchadnezzar at the time of the capture 
of Jerusalem. He was Rab-saris, t. e. chief 
of the eunuchs (Jer. xxxix. 13). Nebu- 
fbasban'i oiflce and title were the same as 



those of Ashpenaz (Dan. 1. 3), whom he 

probably succeeded. 

Nebuzar'adan, the Eab-tabbachim, 
i. e. chief of the slaughterers (A. V. " cap- 
tain of the guard"), a high officer in the 
court of Nebuchadnezzar. On the capture 
of Jerusalem he was left by Nebuchadnez- 
zar in charge of the city (comp. Jer. xxxix. 
11). He seems to have quitted Judaea when 
he took down the chief people of Jerusalem 
to his master at Riblah (2 K. xxv. 18-20). 
In four years he again appeared (Jer. lii. 
30). Nebuchadnezzar in his twenty-third 
year made a descent on the regions east of 
Jordan, including the Ammonites and Moab- 
ites, who escaped when Jerusalem was de- 
stroyed. Thence he proceeded to Egypt, 
and, either on the way thither or on the re- 
turn, Nebuzar-adan again passed through 
the country and carried ofi" more captives 
(Jer. lii. 30). 

Ne'cho, 2 Chr. XXXV. 20, 22 ; xxxvi. 4 
[Pharaoh-Necho.] 

Nedabi'ah. Apparently one of the 
sons of Jeconiah, or Jehoiachin, king of 
Judah (1 Chr. iii. 18). 

Neg'inah, properly Neginath, occuji 
in the title of Ps. Ixi., " to the chief musi- 
cian upon Neginath." The LXX. and 
Vulg. evidently read *'Neginoth" in the 
plural, which occurs in the titles of Ps. iv., 
vi., liv., Iv., Ixvii., Ixxvi., and the margin of 
Hab. iii. 19, and is perhaps the true reading. 
Whether the word be singular or plural, it 
is the general term by which all stringed 
instruments are described. " The chief 
musician on Neginoth" was therefore the 
conductor of that portion of the Temple- 
choir who played upon the stringed instru- 
ments, and who are mentioned in Ps. Ixviii 
25. 

Weg'inoth. [Neginah.] 

Neheramite, The. The designation 
of a man named Shemaiah, a false prophet, 
who went with the captivity to Babylon 
(Jer. xxix. 24, 31, 32). The name is no 
doubt formed from that either of Shemaiah's 
native place, or the progenitor of his fam- 
ily ; which of the two is uncertain. 

Nehemi'ah. 1. Son of Hachaliah, and 
apparently of the tribe of Judah. All that 
we know certainly concerning him is con- 
tained in the book which bears his name. 
We first find him at Shushan, the winter 
residence of the kings of Persia, in high of 
fice as the cupbearer of king Artaxerxos 
Longimanus. In the 20th year of the king's 
reign, *'. e. b. c. 445, certain Jews arrived 
from Judaea, and gave Nehemiah a deplora- 
ble account of the state of Jerusalem. He 
immediately conceived the idea of going 
to Jerusalem to endeavor to better their 
state, and obtained the king's consent to 
his nission. Having received tis appoint- 
ment as governor of Judaea, he started 
upon Us journey, being und«T promise U 



N^ESEMIAH 



447 



NEHEMIAH, BOOK OF 



return t.> Persia within a given time. Ne- 
hemiah's great work was rebuilding, for the 
first time since tlieir destruction by Nebu- 
Earadan, the walls of Jerusalem, and restor- 
ing that city to its former state and dignity 
as a fortified town. It is impossible to over- 
estimate the importance to the future polit- 
ical and ecclesiastical prosperity of the Jew- 
ish nation of this great achievement of their 
patriotic governor. How low the commu- 
nity of the Palestine Jews had fallen is ap- 
parent from the fact that from the 6th of 
Darius to the 7th of Artaxerxes there is no 
history of them whatever. The one step 
which could resuscitate the nation, preserve 
the Mosaic institutions, and lay the founda- 
tion of future independence, was the resto- 
ration of the city walls. To this great ob- 
ject therefore Nehemiah directed his whole 
energies without an hour's unnecessary de- 
lay. In a wonderfully short time the walls 
seemed to emerge from the heaps of burnt 
rubbish, and to encircle the city as in the 
days of old. It soon became apparent how 
wisely Nehemiah had acted in hastening on 
the work. On his very first arrival, as 
governor, Sanballat and Tobiah had given 
unequivocal proof of their mortification at 
his appointment. But when the restoration 
was seen to be rapidly progressing, their 
indignation knew no bounds. They made 
» gT'^"^ conspiracy to fall upon the builders 
witK an armed force and put a stop to the 
undertaking. The project was defeated by 
the vigilance and prudence of Nehemiah. 
Various stratagems were then resorted to 
to get Nehemiah away from Jerusalem, and 
if possible tv^ take his life. But that which 
ffiost nearly succeeded was the attempt to 
bring him into suspicior with the king of 
Persia, as if he intended to set himself up 
as an independent king as soon as the 
walls were completed. The artful letter 
of Sanballat so far wrought upon Arta- 
xeixes that he issued a decree stopping the 
work till further orders. It is probable 
that at the same time he recalled Nehemi- 
ah, or perhaps his leave of absence had pre- 
viously expired. But after a delay, perhaps 
of several years, he was permitted to return 
to Jerusalem, and to crown his work by 
repairing the Temple and dedicating the 
walls. Nehemiah does not indeed mention 
this adverse decree ; nor should we have 
suspected his absence at all from Jerusalem 
but for the incidental allusion in ch. ii. 6, 
xiii. 6, coupled with the long interval of 
fears between the earlier and later chap- 
ters of the book. It seems that the work 
stoppel immediately after the events nar- 
rated jn vi. 16-19, and that chapter vii. 
goes on to relate the measures adopted by 
bMn upon his return with fresh powers. — 
During his government Nehemiah firmly 
repressed the exactions of the nobles, and 
'■hfe usury of the rich, and rescued the poor 



Jews from spoliation and slavery. He re 
fused to receive his lawful allowance a« 
governor from the people, in cc nsideration 
of their poverty, during the whole twelve 
years that he was in oflice, but kept at his 
own charge a table for 150 Jews, at which 
any who returned from captivity were wel- 
come. He made most careful provision for 
the maintenance of the ministering priests 
and Levites, and for the due and constant 
celebration of Divine worship. He insisted 
upon the sanctity of the precincts of the 
Temple being preserved inviolable, and per- 
emptorily ejected the powerful Tobiah from 
one of the chambers which Eliashib had 
assigned to him. He then replaced the 
stores and vessels which had been removed 
to make room for him, and appointed proper 
Levitical oflicers to superintend and distrib- 
ute them . With no less firmness and impar^ 
tiality he expelled from all sacred functions 
those of the high-priest's family who had 
contracted heathen marriages, and rebuked 
and punished those of the common people 
who had likewise intermarried with for- 
eigners ; and lastly, he provided for keeping 
holy the Sabbath day, which was shame- 
fully profaned by many, both Jews and for- 
eign merchants, and by his resolute con- 
duct succeeded in repressing the lawless 
traffic on the day of rest. Beyond the 32d 
year of Artaxerxes, to which Nehemiah's 
own narrative leads us, we have no accouri 
of him whatever. 2. One of the leaders 
of the first expedition from Babylon to Je- 
rusalem under Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 2 ; Neh. 
vii. 7). 3. Son of Azbuk, and ruler of the 
half part of Beth-zur, who helped to repaii 
the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 16). 

Nehemi'ah, Book of, like the pre- 
ceding one of Ezra, is clearly and certainly 
not all by the same hand. [Ezra, Book 
OF.] By far the principal portion, indeed, 
is the work of Nehemiah; but other por- 
tions are either extracts from various chron- 
icles and registers, or supplementary nar- 
ratives and reflections, some apparently by 
Ezra, others, perhaps, the work of the same 
person who inserted the latest genealogical 
extracts from the public chronicles. — The 
main history contained in the book of Ne- 
hemiah covers about 12 years, viz., from 
the 20th to the 32d year of Artaxerxes 
Longimanus, i. e. from b. c. 445 to 433. 
The whole narrative gives us a graphic and 
interesting account of the state of Jerusa- 
lem and the returned captives in the writer's 
times, and, incidentally, of the nature of 
the Persian government and the condition 
of its remote provinces. The documents 
appended to it also give some further infor- 
mation as to the times of Zerubbabel, on the 
one hand, and as to the continaation of the 
genealogical registers and the succcssioD 
of the high-priesthood to the close of the 
Persian empire on the other. The vie-w 



NEHEMIAH, BOOK OF 



448 



NEPHISH 



^ven of the rise of two factions among the 
Jews — the one the strict religious party, 
the othor the gentilizing party — sets before 
us the germ of much that we meet with in 
A more developed state in later Jewish his- 
tory. Again, in this history as well as in 
the book of Ezra, we see the bitter enmity 
between the Jews and Samaritans acquir- 
ing strength and definitive form on both 
religious and political grounds. The book 
also throws much light upon the domestic 
institutions of the Jews. Some of its details 
(five us incidentally information of great 
historical importance, (a.) The account 
of the building and dedication of tlie wall, 
ii., xii., contains the most valuable mate- 
rials for settling the topography of Jerusa- 
lem to be found in Scripture. (6.) The 
list of returned captives who came under 
different leaders from the time of Zerubba- 
bel to that of Nehemiah (amounting in all 
to only 42,360 adult males, and 7337 ser- 
vants), which is given in ch. vii., conveys 
a faithful picture of the political weakness 
of the Jewish nation as compared with the 
times when Judah alone numbered 470,000 
fighting men (1 Chr. xxi. 5). (c.) The 
lists of leaders, priests, Levites, and of 
those who signed the covenant, reveal inci- 
dentally much of the national spirit as well 
as of the social habits of the captives, de- 
rived from older times. Thus the fact that 
twelve leaders are named in Neh. vii. 7 in- 
dicates the feeling of the captives that they 
represented the twelve tribes, a feeling fur- 
ther evidenced in the expression " the men 
of the people of Israel."' (d.) Other miscel- 
laneous information contained in this book 
embraces the hereditary crafts practised by 
certain priestly families, e. g. the apothe- 
caries, or makers of the sacred ointments 
and incense (iii. 8), and the goldsmiths 
(iii. 8), and who may have been the ances- 
tors, so to speak, of the money-changers in 
the Temple (John ii. 14, 15) ; the situation 
of the garden of the kings of Judah by which 
Zedekiah escaped (2 K. xxv. 4), as seen iii. 
16 ; and statistics, reminding one of Domes- 
day-Book. In respect to language and 
style, this book is very similar to the Chron- 
icles and Ezra. Nehemiah has, it is true, 
quite his own manner, and certain phrases 
and modes of expression peculiar to him- 
self. He has also some few words and 
forms not found elsewhere in Scripture ; 
but the general Hebrew style is exactly that 
of the books purporting to be of the same 
age. The Book of Nehemiah has always 
had an undisputed place in the Canon, be- 
ing included by the Hebrews under the 
general head of the Book of Ezra, and as 
Jerome tells us in the Prolog. Gal. by the 
Greeks and Latins under the name of the 
lecond Book of Ezra. There is no quota- 
ion from it in the N. T., and it has been 



comparatively neglected by both the Greek 
and Latin fathers. 

Ne'hiloth. The title of Ps. v. in the 
A. V. is rendered " to the chief musician 
upon Nehiloth." It is most likely that 
Nehiloth is the general term for perfonted 
wind-instruments of all kinds, as Negi .oth 
denotes all manner of stringed in strum. nt«. 

Ne'hum. One of those who returned 
from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 7). 

Nehush'ta. The daughter of Elua- 
than of Jerusalem, wife of Jehoiakim, and 
mother of Jehoiachin, kings of Judah (2 K- 
xxiv. 8). 

Nehush'tan, the name by which the 
brazen serpent, made by Moses in the wil- 
derness (Num. xxi. 9), was worshipped in 
the time of Hezekiah (2 K. xviii. 4). It ia 
evident that our translators by their ren- 
dering, " and he called it Nehushtan," un- 
derstood that the subject of the sentence it> 
Hezekiah, and that when he destroyed tlu-^ 
brazen serpent he gave it the name Nf»- 
hushtan, " a brazen thing," in token of his 
utter contempt. But it is better to under^ 
stand the Hebrew as referring to the nar»tt" 
by which the serpent was generally known, 
the subject of the verb being indefinite — 
" and one called it ' Nehushtan.' " 

Ne'iel, a place whicli formed one of the 
landmarks of the boundary of the tribe of 
Asher (Josh. xix. 27 only). It occurs be- 
tween JiPHTHAH-EL and Cabul. If the 
former of these be identified with Jefrtt, and 
the latter with Kabul, 8 or 9 miles E. S. E. 
of Akka, then Neiel may possibly be repre- 
sented by Mi'ar, a village conspicuously 
placed on a lofty mountain brow, just half 
way between the two. 

Ne'keb, one of the towns on the boun- 
dary of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 33). It lay 
between Adami and Jabneel. A great 
number of commentators have taken this 
name as being connected with the pre- 
ceding. 

Neko'da. 1. The descendants of Nefe- 
oda returned among the Nethinim after the 
captivity (Ezr. ii. 48; Neh. vii. 50). 2. 
The sons of Nekoda were among those 
who went up after the captivity froni Tei- 
melah, Tel-harsa, and other places, but 
were unable to prove their descent from 
Israel (Ezr. ii. 60; Neh. vii. 62). 

Nenm el. 1. A Reubenite, son of Eliab, 
and eldest brother of Dathan and Abirano 
(Num. xxvi. 9). 2. The eldest son of 
Simeon (Num. xxvi. 12; 1 Chr. iv. 24), 
from whom were descended the family of 
the Nemuelites. In Gen. xlvi. 10 he i« 
called Jemuel. 

Ne'pheg. 1. One of the sons cf Izhar 
the son of Kohath (Ex. vi. 21). 2. One 
of David's sons born to him in Jerusalem 
(2 Sam. V. 15; 1 Chr. iii. 7, xiv. 6). 

Ne'phish. An inaccurate variation 



NEPHISIIESIM 



449 



NElfllNIM 



(found in 1 Clr. v. 19 only) of tl:e name 
JIaphish 

Nephish'eslm. 1 he children of Ne- 
()hishesini were among the Nethinim who 
rt^turnc'd with Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 52V 

Neph'thalim. A form of the name 
Napiituli (Tob. vii. 3; Matt. iv. 13, 15; 
t?fv. vii. 6). 

Neph'toah, The Water of. The 
-l)rii\y: or spnrce ol the water or (inaccu- 
rately) waters of Nephtoah, was one of the 
landiiiarks in the boundary-line which sep- 
ir itt'd Judah from Benjamin (Josh. xv. 9, 
xviii. 15). It lay N. W. of Jerusalem, in 
w^hich diri.'ction it seems to have been satis- 
luctorily identified in Ain Lifta, a spring 
situated a little distance above the village 
of the same name 

Nephu'sim The same as Nephishe- 
sTw. i>f which oiue according to Gesenius 
It IS the proper form (Ezr. ii. 50). 

Ner, «on ot Jthit^l, according to 1 Chr. 
v\\\ 33. father of Kish and Abner, and 
fCrandfather of kmg Saul. Abner was, 
therefore, uncle to Saul, as is expressly 
'tated 1 Sam. xiv. 50. 

Ne reus, a Christian at Rome, saluted 
ny St. Paul, Rom. xvi. 15. According to 
LTaditiqn he was beheaded at Terracina, 
probably in the reign of Nerva. 

iJTer'gal, one of the chief Assyrian and 
Babylonian deities, seems to have corre- 
sponded closely to the classical Mars (2 K. 
Kvii. 30). He was of Babylonian origin, 
and his name signifies, in the early Cushite 
dialect of that country, " the great man," 
or " the great hero." His monumental titles 
are — " the storm-ruler," "the king of bat- 
tle," " the cliampion of the gods," " the 
male principle" (or "the strong begetter"), 
" the tutelar god of Babylonia," and " the 
god of the chase." It is conjectured that 
he may represent the deified Nimrod. 

Ner'gal-share'zer occurs only in Jer. 
xxxix. 3 and 13. There appear to have 
been two persons of the name among the 
" princes of tlie king of Babylon," who 
accompanied Nebuchadnezzar on his last 
expedition against Jerusalem. One of these 
is not marked by any additional title ; but 
the other has the honorable distinction of 
Rubmag, and it is to him alone that any 
particular interest attaches. In sacred 
Scripture he appears among the persons, 
vho, by command of Nebuchadnezzar, re- 
lea »id Jfremiah from prison: profane his- 
toiy gives us reason to believe that he was 
a personage of great importance, who not 
long afterwards mounted the Babylonian 
throne. This identification depends in part 
upon the exact resemblance of name, which 
is found on Babylonian bricks in the form 
)f Nergal-shar-uzur ; but mainly it rests 
upon the ttle of Ruhu-ewga, or Rab-Mag, 
which th's king bears in his inscriptions. 
fie is tlw same a^ the monarch called Neri- 
29 



glissar or Neriglissoor, who ni ardercd Evfl- 
Merodach, the son of Nebuchadnezzar, and 
succeeded him upon the throie. His reigii 
lasted from b. c 559 to b. c. 556. 

Neth/inim. As applied specifically to 
a distinct body of men connected with the 
services of the Temple, this name first 
meets us in the later books of the O. T. ; in 
1 Chr., Ezra, and Nehemiab. The word, 
and the ideas embodied in it, may, however, 
be traced to a much earlier periou. As de- 
rived from the verb ndthan (= give, set 
apart, dedicate), it was applied to those 
who were specially appointed to the litur- 
gical offices of the Tabernacle. We must 
not forget that the Levites were given to 
Aaron and his sons, i. e. to the priests as 
an order, and were accordingly the first 
Nethinim (Num. iii. 9, viii. 19^. At first 
they were the only attendants, and their 
work must have been laborious enough. 
The first conquests, however, brought them 
their share of the captive slaves of the 
Midianites, and 320 were given to them as 
having charge of the Tabernacle (Num. 
xxxi. 47), while 32 only were assigned spe- 
cially to the priests. This disposition to 
devolve the more laborious offices of their 
ritual upon slaves of another race shoAved 
itself again in the treatment of the Gibeon- 
ites. No addition to the number thus em- 
ployed appears to have been made during 
the period of the Judges, and they aontin- 
ued to be known by their old name as the 
Gibeonites. Either the massacre at Nob 
had involved the Gibeonites as well as the 
priests (1 Sara. xxii. 19), or else they had 
fallen victims to some other outburst of 
Saul's fury, and, though there were survi 
vors (2 Sam. xxi. 2), the number was likely 
to be quite inadequate for the greater state- 
liness of the new worship at Jerusalem. It 
is to this period accordingly that the origin 
of the class bearing this name may be 
traced. The Nethinim were those " whom 
David and the princes appointed (Heb. 
gave) for the service of the Levites " (Ezr. 
viii. 20). Analogy would lead us to con- 
clude that, in this as in the former in- 
stances, these were either prisoners taken 
in war, or else some of the remnant of the 
Canaanites. From this time the Nethinim 
probably lived within the precincts of the 
Temple, doing its rougher work, and so 
enabling the Levites to take a higher posi* 
tion as the religious representatives and 
instructors of the people. The example' 
set by David was followed by his successor 
Assuming, as is probable, that tlie later 
Rabbinic teaching represents the traditions- 
of an earlier period, the Nethinim appear 
never to have lost the stigma of their Ca- 
naanite origin. They were all along a ser- 
vile and subject caste. The only period at 
which they rise into mything like promi- 
nence is that of the retu'^n from the cap- 



NETOPHAH 



450 



NEW TESTAMENT 



Eivity. In that return the priests were 
»usi)ieuou3 and numerous, but the Levites, 
ibr some reason unknown to us, hung back. 
Thi; services of the Nethirim were conse- 
quently of more importance (Ezr. viii. 17), 
but in their case also, the small number of 
those tlmt joined (302 under Zerubbabel, 
220 under Ezra, including " Solomon's ser- 
vants ") indicates that many preferred re- 
maining in the land of their exile to return- 
ing to tlieir old service. Those that did i 
come wjre consequently thought worthy of 
gpecial mention. 

Neto'phah., a town the name of which 
occurs only in the catalogue of those who 
returned with Zerubbabel from the Captivi- 
ty (Ezr. ii. 22 ; Neh. vii. 26 ; 1 Esdr. v. 18). 
But, though not directly mentioned till so 
late a period, Netophah was really a much 
older place. Two of David's guard (1 Chr. 
xxvii. 13, 15) were Netophathites. The 
*' villages of the Netophathites " were the 
residence of the Levite* (1 Chr. ix. 16). 
From another notice we learn that the par- 
ticular Levites who inhabited these villages 
were singers (Neh. xii. 28). To judge from 
Neh. vii^ 26 the town was in the neighbor- 
hooi cf, or closely connected with, Bethle- 
hem. 

Netoph'athi, Neh. xii. 28. The same 
word which in other passages is rendered 
"the Netophathite." 

Netophathite, The, 2 Sam. xxiii. 28, 
29 ; 2 K. XXV. 23 ; 1 Chr. xi. 30, xxvii. 13, 
15 ; Jyr. xl. 8. The plural form, the Ne- 
roPHATiiiTES (the Hebrew word being the 
same as above) occurs in 1 Chr. ii. 54, 
ix. 16. 

Nettle. The Hebrew word so translat- 
ed in Job XXX. 7 ; Prov. xxiv. 31, was per- 
haps some species of wild mustard. The 
Hebrew word translated nettle in Is. xxxiv. 
13; Hos. ix. 6; Prov. xxiv. 31, maybe un- 
derstood to denote some species of nettle 
( Urtica) . 

New Moon. The first day of the lu- 
nar month was observed as a holy day. In 
addition to the daily sacrifice there were 
offered two young bullocks, a ram, and sev- 
en lambs of the first year as a burnt-offer- 
ing, with the proper meat-offerings and 
drink-offerings, and a kid as a sin-offering 
(Num. xxviii. 11-15). As on the Sabbath, 
trade and handicraft work were stopped 
(Am. viii. 5), and the Temple was opened 
for public worship (Ez. xlvi. 3 ; Is. Ixvi. 
23). The trumpets were blovn at the of- 
fering of the special sacrifices for the day, 
as on the solemn festivals (Num. x. 10; Ps. 
lxx':i. 3). It wa3 an occasion for state- 
hanquets (1 Sam. xx. 5-24). In later, if 
not in earlier times, fasting was intermitted 
at the new moons (Jud. viii. 6). The new 
moons are generally mentioned so as to 
show that they were regarded as a peculiar 
nlass of Uolj dara Histtnguishe i from the 



solemn feasts and the Sabbaths (Ez. xW. 17 » 
1 Chr. xxiii. 31 ; 2 Chr. ii. 4, viii. 13, xxxi. 
3; Ezr. iii. 5; Neh. x. 33). The seveath 
new moon of the religious year, being tliat 
of Tisri, commenced the civil year, and 
had a significance and rights of its own- It 
was a day of holy convocation. By wh*4 
method the commencement of the month 
was ascertained in the time of Moses is ^l7l 
certain. The Mishna describes the man 
ner in which it was determined seven timef 
in the year by observing the first appear • 
ance of the moon, which, according to 
Maimonides, derived its origin, by tradition, 
from Moses, and continued in use as long 
as the Sanhedrim existed. On the 30th 
day of the month watchmen were placed 
on commanding heights round Jerusalem to 
watch the sky. As soon as each of them 
detected the moon, he hastened to a house 
in the city, which was kept for the purpose, 
and was there examined by the president 
of the Sanhedrim. When the evidence of 
the appearance was deemed satisfactory, 
the president rose up and formally an- 
nounced it, uttering the words, " It is con- 
secrated." The information was immedi- 
ately sent throughout the land from the 
Mount of Olives, by beacon-fires on the 
tops of the hills. The religious observance 
of the day of the new moon may plainly be 
regarded as the consecration of a natural 
division of time. 

New Testament. The origin, his- 
tory, and characteristics of the constitueni 
books and of the great versions of the N 
T., the mutual relations of the Gospels 
and the formation of the Canon, are dis- 
cussed in other articles. It is propose<J 
now to consider the Text of the N. T 
The subject naturally divides itself int( 
the folio wiii;r heads, which will be exam- 
ined in succession : I. The history of the 
written Text. II. The history of the print- 
ed Text. III. The language of the N'->» 
Testament. 

I. The History of the Written Text, 
1. The early history of the Apostolic writ- 
ings externally, as far as it can be traced, 
is the same as that of other contemporary 
books. St. Paul, like Cicero or Pliny, of- 
ten employed the services of an amanuen- 
sis, to whom he dictated his letters, affixing 
the salutation " with his own hand" (1 Cor. 
xvi. 21; 2 Thess. iii. 17; Col. iv. 18). In 
one case the scribe has added a clause in 
his own name (Rom. xvi. 22). If we pass 
onwards one step, it does not appear that 
any special care was taken in the first age 
to preserve the books of the N. T. from the 
various injuries of time, or to insure per- 
fect accuracy of transcription. They were 
given as a heritage to man, and it was 
some time before men felt the full value 
of the gift. The original copies seem to 
have .soon oerished. 2. In the natura? 



»EW TESTAMENT 



451 



ISTEW TESTAMENT 



jourse of things the Apostolic autographs 
prould be likely lo perish soon. The ma- 
terial whioh was commonly used for let- 
ters, the papyrus -paper, to which St. Jolin 
incidentally alludes (2 John 12; comp. 3 
John 13), was singularly fragile, and even 
the stouter kinds, likely to be used for the 
historical books, were not fitted to bear con- 
stant use. The papyrus fragments which 
have come down to the present time have 
bean preserved under peculiar circum- 
stances, as at Herculaneum or in the 
Egyptian tombs. 3. In the time of the 
Diocletian persecution (a. d. 303) copies 
of the Christian Scriptures were sufficient- 
ly numerous to furnish a special object for 
persecutors, and a characteristic name to 
renegades who saved themselves by sur- 
rendering the sacred books. Partly, per- 
haps, owing to the destruction thus caused, 
but still more from the natural effects of 
time, no MS. of the N. T. of the first three 
centuries remains. But though no frag- 
ment of the N. T. of the first century still 
remains, the Italian and Egyptian papyri, 
«rhich are of that date, give a clear notion 
of the caligraphy of the period. In these 
the text is written in columns, rudely di- 
vided, in somewhat awkward capital letters 
{uncials), without any punctuation or di- 
vision of words. The iota, which was 
afterwards subscribed, is commonly, but 
not always, adscribed ; and there is no trace 
of accents or breathings. 4. In addition 
to the later MSS., the earliest versions and 
patristic quotations give very important tes- 
timony to the character and history of the 
ante-Nicene text. Express statements of 
readings which are found in some of the 
most ancient Christian writers are, indeed, 
the first direct evidence which we have, 
and are consequently of the highest im- 
portance Put till the last quarter of the 
second century this source of information 
fails us. Not only are the remains of 
Christ'an literature up to that time ex- 
tremely scanty, but the practice of verbal 
quotation from the N. T. was not yet prev- 
alent. As soon as definite controversies 
arose among Christians, the text of the N. 
T. assumed its true importance. 5. Sev- 
eral very important conclusions follow from 
this earliest appearance of textual criticism. 
It is in the first place evident that various 
readings existed in trie books of the N. T. 
at a time prior to all extant authorities. 
History affords no trace of the pure Apos- 
tolic originals. Again, from the preserva- 
riou of the first variations noticed, which 
art >ften extremely minute, in one or more 
^f the primary documents still left, we may 
be certain that no important changes have 
be<'n n\aJe in the sacred text which we 
cannot now detect. 6. Passing from these 
iftclRted quotations we find the first great 
^tnegfios t J the apostolic text in the early 



Syriac and Latin versions, and in the ricli 
quotations of Clement of Alexandria (fclr. 
A. D. 220) and Origen (a. d. 184-254). 
From the extant works of Origen alone no 
inconsiderable portion of the whole N. T. 
might be transcribed. 7. Two chief causee 
contributed especially to corrupt the text 
of the Gospels, the attempts to harmonize 
parallel narratives, and the influence of 
tradition. 8. But Origen stands as far 
first of all the ante-Nicene fathers in criti- 
cal authority as he does in commanding 
genius, and his writings are an almost in- 
exhaustible storehouse for the history of 
the text. 9. In tliirteen cases Origen has 
expressly noticed varieties of reading in 
the Gospels (Matt. viii. 28, xvi. 20, xviii. 
1, xxi. 5, xxi. 9, 15, xxvii. 17; Mark iii. 
18 ; Luke i. 46, ix. 48, xiv. 19, xxiii. 45 ; 
John i. 3, 4, 28). In three of these pas- 
sages the variations which he notices are 
no longer found in our Greek copies, Matt, 
xxi. 9 or 15 ; Mark iii. 18 (ii. 14) ; Luke 
i. 46; in seven our copies are still divided; 
in two (Matt. viii. 28 ; John i. 28) the read- 
ing which was only found in a few MSS. 
is now widely spread : in the remaining 
place (Matt, xxvii. 17), a few copies of no 
great age retain the interpolation which was 
found in his time " in very ancient copies." 
10. There can be no doubt that in Origen'a 
time the variations in the N. T. MSS. were 
beginning to lead to the formation of specific 
groups of copies. 11. The most ancient 
MSS. and versions now extant exhibit the 
characteristic differences which have been 
found to exist in different parts of the 
works of Origen. These cannot have had 
their source later than the beginning of 
the third century, and probably were much 
earlier. Bengel was the first (1734) who 
pointed out the affinity of certain groups 
of MSS., which, as he remarks, must have 
arisen before the first versions were made. 
Tlie honor of carefully determining the re- 
lations of critical authorities for the N. T 
text belongs to Griesbach. According to. 
him two distinct recensions of the Gospels 
existed at the beginning of the third cen- 
tury : the Alexandrine and the Western. 
12. From the consideration of the earliest 
history of the N. T. text we now pass to 
the aera of MSS. The quotations of 
DiONYSius Alex, (t a. d. 264), Petrus 
Alex, (t c. a. d. 312), Methodius (t a. d. 
311), and Eusebius (t a. d. 340), confirm 
the prevalence of the ancient type of text; 
but the public establishment of Christianity 
in the Roman empire necessarily led to im- 
portant changes. The nominal or real ad- 
herence of the higher ranks to the Christian 
faith must have largely increased the de- 
mand for costly MSS. As a natural con- 
sequence the rude Hellenistic forms gave 
way before the current Greek, and at the 
same time it is reasoofthle to bfilie^'e that 



NEW lESTABTENT 



455 



NEW TESTAMENT 



smoother and fuller constructions were sub- 
atituted for the rougher turns of tlie apos- 
tolic language. In this way the foundation 
of the Byzantine text was laid. Meanwhile 
the multiplication of copies in Africa and 
Syria was checked by Mohammedan con- 
quests. 13. The appearance of the oldest 
MSS. has been already described (§ 3). 
The MSS. of the 4th century, of which 
Ccdsx Vaiicanus may be taken as a type, 
present a close resemblance to these. The 
writing is in elegant continuous (capitals) 
uncials, in three columns, without initial 
letters or iota subscript, or adscript. A 
small interval serves as a simple punctua- 
tion ; and there are no accents or breath- 
ings by the hand of the first writer, though 
these have been added subsequently. Un- 
eial writing continued in general use till 
the middle of the 10th century. From the 
11th century downwards cursive writing 
prevailed. The earliest cursive Biblical 
MS. is dated 964 a. d. The MSS. of the 
14th and 15th centuries abound in the con- 
tractions which afterwards passed into the 
early printed books. The oldest MSS. are 
written on the thinnest and finest vellum : 
in later copies the parchment is thick and 
coarse. Papyrus was very rarely used 
after the 9th century. In the 10th century 
cotton paper was generally employed in 
Europe ; and one example at least occurs 
of its use in the 9th century. In the 12th 
century the common linen or rag paper 
came into use. One other kind of materi- 
al requires notice — re-dressed parchment. 
Even at a very early period the original 
text of a parchment MS. was often erased, 
that the material might be used afresh. In 
lapse of time the original writing frequent- 
ly re-appears in faint lines below the later 
text, and in this way many precious frag- 
ments of Biblical MSS., which had been 
once obliterated for the transcription of 
other works, have been recovered. 14. The 
division of the Gospels into " chapters " 
must have come into general use some 
time before the 5th century. The divis- 
ion of the Acts and Epistles into chapters 
came into use at a later time. It is com- 
monly referred to Euthalius, who, how- 
ever, says that he borrowed the divisions 
of the Pauline Epistles from an earlier 
father ; and there is reason to believe that 
the division of the Acts and Catholic Epis- 
tles which he published was originally the 
work of Pamphilus the Martyr. The Apoc- 
alypse was divided into sections by Andre- 
as of Caesarea about a. d. 500. The titles 
of the sacred books are from their nature 
additions to the original text. The distinct 
names of the Gospels imply a collection, 
and the titles of the Epistles are notes by 
the possessors, and not addresses by the 
frriters. 15. Very few MSS. contain the 
wb'^'e N. T., twenty-seven in all out of the 



vasc mass of extant document*. Bsfti.'iM 
the MSS. of the N. T., or of parts of i^ 
there are also Lectiouaries, which contaic 
extracts arranged for the Church- service*. 
16. The number of urcial MSS. remain- 
ing, though great when compared with tLt 
ancient MSS. extant of other writings, if 
inconsiderable. Tischendorf reckons 40 
in the Gospels. To these must be addcc? 
Cod. Sinait., which is entire ; a new MS. 
of Tischendorf, which is nearly entire ; and 
Cod. Zacynth., which contains consider- 
able fragments of St. Luke. In the Acts 
there are 9. In the Catholic Epistles 
5. In the Pauline Epistles there are 14. 
In the Apocalypse 3. 17. A complete de- 
scription of these MSS. is given in the 
great critical editions of the N. T. : here 
those only can be briefly noticed which are 
of primary importance, the first place be- 
ing given to the latest discovered and most 
complete Codex Sinaiticus. — Codex Si- 
naiticus (= Cod. Frid. Aug. of LXX.), 
at St. Petersburg, obtained by Tischen- 
dorf from the convent of St. Catherine, 
Mount Sinai, in 1859. The N. T. is entire, 
and the Epistle of Barnabas and parts of 
the Shepherd of Hernias are added. It is 
probably the oldest of the MSS. of the N. 
T., and of the 4th century. Codex Alex- 
andrinus (Brit. Mus.), a MS. of the entire 
Greek Bible, with the Epistles of Clement 
added. It was given by Cyril Lucar, patri- 
arch of Constantinople, to Charles I. in 
1628, and is now in the British Museum. 
It contains the whole of the N. T. with 
some chasms. It was probably written in 
the first half of the 5th century. Codei 
Vaiicanus (1209), a MS. of the entire 
Greek Bible, which seems to have been in 
the Vatican Library almost from its com- 
mencement (c. A. D. 1450). It contains 
the N. T. entire to Heb. ix. 14, xa6a : the 
rest of the Epistle to the Hebrews, the 
Pastoral Epistles, and the Apocalypse were 
added in the 15th century. The MS. is 
assigned to the 4th century. Codex Epliror- 
emi rescriptus (Paris, Bill. Imp. 9), a 
palimpsest MS. which contains fragmtuta 
of the LXX. and of every part of the N. T. 
In the 12th century the original writing 
was etFaced, and some Greek writings of 
Epliraem Syrus were written over it. The 
MS. was brought to Florence from the 
East at the beginning of the 16th century, 
and came thence to Paris with Catherine 
de' Medici. The only entire books which 
have perished are 2 Thess. and 2 John, 
&c. 18. Tlie number of the cursive MSS. 
{minuscules) in existence cannot be accu- 
rately calculated. Tischendorf catalogues 
about 500 of the Gospels, 200 of the Acts 
and Catholic Epistles, 250 of the Pauline 
Epistles, and a little less than 100 of the 
Apocalypse (exclusive of lectionaries) ; but 
this enumeration can only be accepted m 



NEW TESTAMENT 



453 



NEW TESTAMENT 



» rough approximation. 19. Having sur- 
veyed in outline the history of the trans- 
mission of the written text, and the chief 
characteristics of the MSS. in which it is 
prer.erved, we are in a position to consider 
the extent and nature of the variations 
which exist in different copies. It is im- 
possible to estimate the number of these ex- 
actly, but they cannot be less than 120,000 
in all, though of these a very large pro- 
portion consists of differences of spelling 
and isolated aberrations of scribes, and of 
the remainder comparatively few altera- 
tioEs are sufficiently well supported to cre- 
ate reasonable doubt as to the final judg- 
ment,. Probably there are not more than 
16CO-2000 places in which the true reading 
is a matter of uncertainty. 20. Various 
readings are due to different causes : some 
arose from accidental, others from inten- 
tional alterations of the original text. 21. 
Other variations are due to errors of sight. 
Others may be described as errors of im- 
pression or memory. The copyist, after 
reading a sentence from the text before 
him, often failed to reproduce it exactly. 
Variations of order are the most frequent, 
and very commonly the most puzzling 
questions of textual criticism. Examples 
occur in every page, almost in every verse, 
of the N. T. 22. Of intentional changes 
8ome affect the expression, others the sub- 
Btance of the passage. 23. The number 
of readings which seem to have been al- 
tered for distinctly dogmatic reasons is ex- 
tremely small. In spite of the great revo- 
ttttions in thought, feeling, and practice 
ihrough which the Christian Church passed 
in fifteen centuries, tlie copyists of the N. 
T. faithfully preserved, according to their 
ability, the sacred trust committed to them. 
There is not any trace of intentional re- 
vision designed to give support to current 
opinions (Matt. xvii. 21 ; Mark ix. 29 ; 1 
Cor. vii. 5, need scarcely be noticed). 24. 
The great mass of various readings are 
simply variations in form. There are, 
however, one or two greater variations of 
a difl'erent character. The most important 
of these are John vii. 53-viii. 12 ; Mark 
xvi. 9-end; Rom. xvi. 25-27. The first 
stands quite by itself; and there seems to 
be little doubt that it contains an authentic 
narrative, but not by the hand of St. John. 
The two others, taken in connection with 
tlie last chapter of St. John's Gospel, sug- 
gest the possibility that the apostolic writ- 
ings may have undergone in some cases 
authoritative revision. 25. Manuscripts, 
it must be remembered, are but one of the 
three sources of textual criticism. The ver- 
sions and patristic quotations are scarcely 
less in.portant iii doubtful cases. 

II. The History of the Printed 
Text. — 1. The liistory of the printed text 
•(' the N T. may be divided into three pe- 



riods. The first of these extends ftom the 
labors of the Complutensian editors to tlios* 
of Mill ; the second from Mill to Scholz , 
the third from Lachmann to the present 
time. The criticism of the first period wai 
necessarily tentative and partial : the mate- 
rials available for the construction of the 
text were few, and imperfectly known. The 
second period marks a groat progress : the 
evidence of MSS., of versions, of Fathers, 
was collected with the greatest diligence and 
success ; authorities were compared and 
classified; principles of observation aLd 
judgment were laid down. But the in- 
fluence of the former period still lingered. 
The third period was introduced by the dec- 
laration of a new and sounder law. It was 
laid down that no right of possession could 
be pleaded against evidence. The " re- 
ceived " text, as such, was allowed no 
weight whatever. Its authority, on this 
view, must depend solely on critical worth. 
From first to last, in minute details of order 
and orthography, as well as in graver ques- 
tions of substantial alteration, the text must 
be formed by a free and unfettered judg 
ment. Earliest Editions. 1. Tlie Conn^ 
plutensian Polyglot. — The glory of print- 
ing the first Greek Testament is due to the 
princely Cardinal Ximenes. This great 
prelate as early as 1502 engaged the ser- 
vices of a number of scholars to superintend 
an edition of the whole Bible in the original 
Hebrew and Greek, with the addition of 
the Chaldee Targum of Onkelos, the LXX. 
version, and the Vulgate. The volume 
containing the N. T. was printed first, and 
was completed on Jan. 10, 1514. The whole 
work was not finished till July 10, 1517. 

2. The edition of Erasmus. — The edition 
of Erasmus was the first published edition 
of the N. T. Erasmus had paid consider- 
able attention to the study of the N. T., 
when he received an application from 
Froben, a printer of Basle with whom he 
was acquainted, to prepare a Greek text for 
the press. The request was made on April 
17, 1515, while Erasmus was in England. 
The details of the printing were not settled 
in September in the same year, and the 
whole work was finished in February, 1516. 

3. The edition of Stephens. — The scene 
of our history now changes from Basle to 
Paris. In 1543, Simon de Colines (Coli- 
NAEUs) published a Greek text of the N. T., 
corrected in about 150 places on fresh MS. 
authority. Not long after it appeared, R. 
Estienne (Stephancs) published his first 
edition (1546), which was based on a colla- 
tion of MSS. in the Royal Library with the 
Complutensian text. 4. The editions of 
Beza and Elzevir. — Nothing can illustrate 
more clearly the deficiency among scholars 
of the first elements of the textual criticism 
of the N. T. than the annotations of Beza 
(1556). This gieat didne obtained frere 



N£W TESTAMEN'i 



454 



NlCODEMUb 



B.. Stophens a copy of the N. 1. in which 
he had noted down various readings from 
about tweiity-five MSS. and from the early 
editions, but he used the collection rather 
for exegetical than for critical purposes. 
The Greek text of Beza (dedicated to Queen 
FJizabeth) was printed by H. Stephens in 
1565, and again in 1576 ; but his chief edi- 
tion was the third, printed in 1582, which 
contained readings from the Codices Bezae 
and Claromontanus. 

III. The Language of the New Tes- 
tament. — 1. The eastern conquests of 
Alexander opened a new field for the devel- 
opment of the Greek language. 2. At no 
place could the corruption have been great- 
er or more rapid than at Alexandria, where 
a motley population, engaged in active com- 
merce, adopted Greek as their common 
medium of communication. And it is in 
Alexandria that we must look for the origin 
of the language of the New Testament. 
Two distinct elements were combined in 
this marvellous dialect, which was destined 
to preserve forever the fullest tidings of 
the Gospel. On the one side there was 
Hebrew conception, on the other Greek 
expression. The thoughts of the East were 
wedded to the words of the West. This 
was accomplished by the gradual translation 
of the Hebrew Scriptures into the vernac- 
ular Greek. 3. The Greek of the LXX., 
like the English of the A. V. or the German 
of Luther, naturally determined the Greek 
dialect of the mass of the Jews. It is more 
correct to call the N. T. dialect Hellenistic 
than Alexandrine, though the form by 
which it is characterized may have been 
peculiarly Alexandrine at first. 4. The 
position of Palestine was peculiar. The 
Aramaic (Syro-Chaldaic), which was the 
national dialect after the Return, existed 
side by side with the Greek. It was in this 
language, we may believe, that our Lord 
was accustomed to teach the people ; and it 
appears that He used the same in the more 
private acts of His life (Mark iii. 17, v. 41, 
yii. 34; Matt, xxvii. 46; John i. 43; cf. 
John XX. 16). But the habitual use of the 
LXX. is a sufficient proof of the familiarity 
of th J Palestinian Jews with the Greek dia- 
lect; and the judicial proceedings before 
Pilate must have been conducted in Greek. 
5. The literal sense of the Apostolic writ- 
ings must be gained in the same way as the 
literal sense of any other writings — by the 
fiillest use of every api^Iiance of scholar- 
ship, and the most complete confidence in 
the necessary and absolute connection of 
words and thoughts. No variation of phrase, 
no peculiarity of idiom, no change of tense, 
uo change of order, can be neglected. The 
truth lies in the whole expression, and no 
one can p *esurae to set aside any part as 
trivial or indifferent. 6. The importance 



of investigating most patiently and niOH\ 
faithfully the literal meaning of the sacred 
text must be felt with tenfold force, when 
it is remembered that the literal sense is 
the outward embodiment of a spiritual 
sense, which lies beneath aiid quickea^ 
every part of Holy Scripture. [Bible.] 

New Year. [Trumpets, Feast of.] 

Nezi'ah. The descendants of NeziaL 
were among the Nethinim who returned 
with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 54 ; Neh. vii. 56). 

Ne'zib, a city of Judah (Josh. xv. 49 
only), in the district of the Shefelah oi 
Lowland, one of the same group with Kel- 
lah and Mareshah. To Eusebius and Jer- 
ome it was evidently known. They place 
it on the road between Eleutheropolis and 
Hebron, 7 or 9 (Euseb.) miles from the 
former, and there it still stands under the 
almost identical name of Beit Nusih, oi 
Chirbeh Nasih. 

Nib'liaz, a deity of the Avites, intro- 
duced by them into Samaria in the time of 
Shalmaneser (2 K. xvii. 31). There is no 
certain information as to the character of 
the deity, or the form of the idol so named. 
The Rabbins derived the name from a He- 
brew root ndbach, *' to bark" and hence 
assigned to it the figure of a dog, or a dog- 
headed man. There is no d priori improb- 
ability in this : the Egyptians worshipped the 
dog. Some indications of the worship of 
the dog have been found in Syria, a colos- 
sal figure of a dog having formerly existed 
between Berytus and Tripolis. 

Nib'shan, one of the six cities of Ju- 
dah (Josh. XV. 62) which were in the dis- 
trict of the Midbar (A. V. *' wilderness "). 

Nica'nor. 1. Son of Patroclus (2 
Mace. viii. 9), a general who was engaged 
in the Jewish wars under Antiochus Epiph- 
anes and Demetrius I. (1 Mace. iii. 38, iv., 
vii. 26, 49). 2. One of the first seven dea- 
cons (Acts vi. 5). 

Nicode'inus, a Pharisee, a ruler of the 
Jews, and teacher of Israel (John iii. 1, 10), 
whose secret visit to our Lord was the oc- 
casion of the discourse recorded only by 
St. John. A constitutional timidity is dis- 
cernible in the character of the inquiring 
Pliarisee. Thus the few words which he 
interposed against the rash injustice of his 
colleagues are cautiously rested on & gen- 
eral principle (John vii. 50). And even 
when the power of Christ's love, manifested 
on the cross, nad made the most timid dis 
ciple bold, Nieodemus does not come for 
ward with his splendid gifts of affection 
until the example had been set by one of his 
own rank, and wealth, and station in society 
(xix. 39). In these three notices (>f Nico- 
demus a noble candor and a simple love of 
truth shine out in the midst of hesitation 
and fear of man. We can therefore easilj 
believe the tradition that after the resurreo 



NiCOLAlTANS 



455 



MLB 



£icn liv' bet ume a professed disciple of Christ, 
aud re.'eivtd baptism at the hands of Peter 
and John. 

Nicola'itans. It will here be consid- 
ered how far we can get at any distinct 
noti( n of what the sect itself was that is 
mentioned by this name in Rev. ii. 0, 15, 
and in what relation it stood to the life of 
the Apostolic age. It has been su^ gested 
as one step towards this res alt that the name 
before us was symbolic rather than histor- 
ical. The Greek NixoXaog is, it has been 
said, an approximate equivalent to the He- 
brew Balaam, the lord, or, according to 
another derivation, the devourer of the 
people. We are now in a position to form 
a clearei judgment of the characteristics of 
the sect. It comes before us as presenting 
the ultiLLate phase of a great controversy 
which threatened at one time to destroy the 
unity of the Church, and afterwards to taint 
its purity. The controversy itself was in- 
evitable as soon as the Gentiles were admit- 
ted in any large numbers into the Church 
of Christ. Were the new converts to be 
brought into subjection to the whole Mosaic 
law ? The apostles and elders at Jerusalem 
met the question calmly and wisely. The 
burden of the Law was not to be imposed on 
the Gentile disciples. They were to abstain, 
among other things, from " meats offered 
to idols " and from " fornication " (Acts xv. 
20, 29), and this decree was welcomed as 
the great charter of the Church's freedom. 
The two sins were very closely allied, often 
even in the closest proximity of time and 
place. The messages to the Churches of 
Asi-i and the later Apostolic Epistles (2 
Pete; an I Jude) indicate that the two evils 
appeared at that period also in close alliance. 
The teachers of the Church branded them 
with a name which expressed their true 
character. The men who did and taught 
6uch things were followers of Balaam (2 
Pet. li. 15; Jude 11). They, like the false 
prophet of Pethor, united brave words with 
evil deeds. In a time of persecution, when 
the eating or not eating of things sacrificed 
to idols was more than ever a crucial test 
of faithfulness, they persuaded men more 
than ever that it was a thing indiflferent 
(Rev. ii. 13, 14). This was bad enough, 
but there was a yet worse evil. Mingling 
themselves in the orgies of idolatrous feasts, 
they brought the impurities of those feasts 
into the meetings of the Christian Church. 
And all this was done, it must be remem- 
bered, not simi)ly as an indulgence of appe- 
me, but as part of a system, supported by a 
•• aoctrine," accompanied by the boast of a 
prophetic illumination (2 Pot. ii. 1). These 
were tlie characteristics of the followers of 
Balaam, and, worthless as most of the tra- 
ditions about Nicolas may be, they point to 
tlie same distinctive evils. It confirms the 
riew wbi( h has been taken of their char- 



actor to find that stress is laid in the fiwi 
instanceonthe "deeds "of the Isicolaitans 
To hate those deeds is a sign of life in a 
Church that otherwise is weak and liiithless 
(Rev. ii. 6). To tolerate them is well nigh 
to forfeit the glory of having been faiUifui 
under persecution (Rev. ii. 14, 15). [Niiio- 

LAS.] 

Nic'olas (Acts vi. 5), a native of An- 
tioch, and a proselyte to the Jewish faitii. 
When the church was still confined to Jeru- 
salem, he became a convert; and being a 
man of honest report, full of the Holy Ghost 
and of wisdom, he was chosen by the whole 
multitude of the disciples to be one of tht» 
first seven deacons, and he was ordained by 
the apostles. A sect of Nicolaitans is men- 
tioned in Rev. ii. 6, 15 ; but there is no 
reason except the similarity of name for 
identifying Nicolas with the sect which our 
Lord denounces, for the traditions on the 
subject are of no value. It would seem from 
Rev. ii. 14, that the Nicolaitans held that il 
was lawful " to eat things sacrificed to idols, 
and to commit fornication," in opposition to 
the decree of the church rendered in Acts 
XV. 20, 29). 

NiCOp'olis is mentioned in Tit. iii. 12, 
as the place where St. Paul was intending 
to pass the coming winter. Nothing is to 
be found in the Epistle its 2lf to determine 
which Nicopolis is here intended. One 
Nicopolis was in Thrace, near the borders 
of Macedonia. The subscription (which, 
however, is of no authority) fixes on this 
place, calling it the Macedonian Nicojolis. 
But we little doubt that Jerome's view is 
correct, and that tlie Pauline Nicopolis was 
the celebrated city of Epirus. This city 
(the "City of Victory") was built by 
Augustus in memory of the battle of Ac- 
tium. It was on a peninsula to the west of 
the bay of Actium. 

Ni'ger is the additional or distinctive 
name given to the Simeon who was one of 
the teachers and prophets in the Church at 
Antioch (Acts xiii. 1). 

Night. [Day.] 

Night-hawk. The Hebrew word so 
translated (Lev. xi. 16 ; Deut. xiv. 15) 
probably denotes some kind of owl. 

Nile, the great river of Egypt. The 
word Nile nowhere occurs in the A V. ; 
but it is spoken of under the name of 8iho; 
[Sihor], and "the river of Egjpt" (< en 
XV. 18). We cannot as yet detern*iue th* 
length of the Nile, although recnit dis- 
coveries have narrowed the question. T icrt 
is scarcely a doubt that its largest coijtlueui 
is fed by the great lakes on and soutli of M:e 
equator. It has been traced upwards foi 
about 2700 miles, measured by its course, 
not in a direct line, and its extent is proba- 
bly upwards of 1000 miles more, making n 
longer than even the Mississippi, . nd the 
longest of rivers. On the inundation of tne 



NIMKAH 



456 



NIMROD 



N"ile, sen Egypt. The great diflference 
between the Nile of Egypt in the present day 
and in ancient times is caused by the failure 
of some of its branches, and the ceasing of 
some of its chief vegetable products ; and 
the chief change in the aspect of the cul- 
tivable land, as dependent on the Nile, is 
the rt suit of the ruin of the fish-pools and 
tlieir conduits, and the consequent decline 
of the fisheries. The river was famous for 
its seven branches, and under the Roman 
dominicn sleven were counted, of which, 
however, there were but seven principal 
ones. The monuments and the narratives 
af sncient writers show us in the Nile of 
Egypt in old times a stream bordered by 
flags and reeds, the covert of abundant 



wild-fowl, and bearing on its waters the 
fragrant flowers of the various -colored 
lotus. Now in Egypt scarcely any reeds oi 
water-plants — the famous papyrus being 
nearly if not quite extinct, and the lotus 
almost unknown — are to be seen, except- 
ing in the marshes near the Mediterranean, 
Of old the great river must have shown i 
more fair and busy scene than now. Boaw 
of many kinds were ever passing ak..ig it 
by the painted walls of temples, and thi 
gardens that extended around the lighi 
summer pavilions, from the pleasure-g:illey , 
with one great square sail, white or wiili 
variegated pattern, and many oars, to the 
little papyrus skiff, dancing on the water, 
and carrying the seekers of pleasure whei • 




ttoAt of the Nile, showing how the eail was fastened to the yards, and the nature of the rigging. (Wilkinion.; 



they couli shoot with arrows, or knock 
down with the throw- stick, the wild- fowl 
that abounded among the reeds, or en- 
gage in the dangerous chase of the hip- 
popotamus or the crocodile. The Nile is 
constantly before us in the history of Israel 
in Egypt. Into it the male children were 
cast ; in it, or rather in some canal or pool, 
was the ark of Moses put, and found by 
Pharaoh's daughter when she went down to 
bathe. When the plagues were sent, the 
sacred river — a main support of the peo- 
ple — and its waters everywhere were 
turned into blood. 

Nim'rah, a place mentioned by this 
Eaime in Num. xxxii. 3 only. If it is the 
iame as Beth-nimrah (ver. 36) it belonged 
to the tribe of Gad. By Eusebius, however, 
it is cited as a " city of Reuben in Gilead." 
4 wady and a town, both called Nimreh, 
hii re been met with in Betheniyeh, east 
)f the Lajah, and five miles north-west of 
KjnawAi. 

Niin'rim, The Waters of, a stream 
or brook within the country of Moab, which 
s mentioned in the denunciations of that 
nation by Isaiah (xv. 6) and Jeremiah 
(xlviii. 34). We should perhaps look for 
tiie site of Nimrim in Moab proper, t. c. on 
the south eastern shoulder of the Dead Sea. 



Nim'rod, a son of Cush and grandsop 
of Ham. The events of his life are re- 
corded in Gen. x. 8, ff., from wiiich wf 
learn (1) that he was aCushite; (2) that 
he established an empire in Shinar (the 
classical Babylonia), the chief towns being 
Babel, Erech, Accad, and Calneh ; and (3l 
that he extended this empire northwards 
along the course of the Tigris over Assyria, 
where he founded a second group of capi- 
tals, Nineveh, Relioboth, Calah, and Resen. 
(In verse 11 instead of "out of t^at land 
went forth Asshur," we ought to read '* out 
of that land he went forth to Assyria," as 
in the margin.) These events may be held 
to represent the salient historical facte con- 
nected with the earliest stages of the great 
Babylonian empire. 1. In tlie first place, 
there is abundant evidence that the race 
that first held sway in the lower Babylonian 
plain was of Cushite or Hamitic extraction. 
The name Cush itself was preserved in Baby- 
lonia and the adjacent countries under the 
forms of Cossaei, Cissia, Cuthah, and Susi 
ana or Chuzistan. 2. In the second place, 
the earliest seat of empire was in the south 
part of the Babylonian plain. The larg«i 
mounds which for a vast number of cen- 
turies have covered the rums cf ancient 
cities, have already yielded son * ei H'%rr# 



NIMSHI 



457 



NINEVEH 



of the dates and names of their founders, 
and we can assign the highest antiquity to 
the towns represented by the mounds of 
Niffer (perhaps the early Babel, though 
also identified with Calneh), Warka (the 
Biblical Erech), Mugheir (Ur), and Sen- 
kereh (EUasar), while the name of Accad 
is preserved in the title Kinzi-Akkad, 
by m ic'h the founder or embellisher of 
'»h 9t towns was distinguished. The date 
>f their foundation may be placed at 
ibjut B. 0. 2200. 3. In the third place, 
the Bal/ylonian empire extended its sway 
northwards along the course of the Ti- 
gris at a period long anterior to the rise 
of the Assyrian empire in the 13th centu- 
ry B. c. 

Nim'shi. The grandfather of Jehu, 
who is generally called " the son of Nim- 
shi" (1 K. xix. 16; 2 K. ix. 2, 14, 20; 2 
Chr. xxii. 7). 

Nin'eveh. the capital of the ancient 
kingdom and empire of Assyria. The 
name appears to be compounded from 
that of an Assyrian deity, "Nin," corre- 
sponding, it is conjectured, with the Greek 
Hercules, and occurring in the names of 
several Assyrian kings, as in " Ninus," 
the mythic founder, according to Greek 
tradition, of the city. Nineveh is first 
mentioned in the O. T. in connection with 
Ihe primitive dispersement and migrations 
of the human race. Asshur, or, accord- 
ing to the marginal reading, which is gen- 
erally preferred, Nimrod, is there described 
(Gen. X. 11) as extending his kingdom 
from the land of Shinar, or Babylonia, 
in the south, to Assyria in the north, and 
founding four cities, of which the most 
famous was Nineveh. Hence Assyria was 
subsequently known to the Jews as " the 
land of Nimrod " (cf. Mic. v. 6), and was 
believed to have been first peopled by a 
colony from Babylon. The kingdom of 
Assyria and of the Assyrians is referred to 
in the O. T. as connected with the Jews at 
a very early period ; as in Num. xxiv. 22, 
24. and Ps. Ixxxiii. 8 ; but after the notice 
of the foundation of Nineveh in Genesis no 
further mention is made of the city until the 
time of the book of Jonah, or the 8th cen- 
tury B. c. In this book neither Assyria nor 
the Assyrians are mentioned, the king to 
whom the prophet was sent being termed 
the "king of Nineveh," and his subjects 
•' the people of Nineveh." Assyria is first 
called a kingdom in the time of Menahem, 
about B. c. 770. Nahum (? b. c. 645) di- 
rects his prophecies against Nineveh ; only 
ance against the king of Assyrijp,, ch. iii. 18. 
In 2 K. (xix. 36) and Is. xxxvii. 37, the city 
is first distinctly mentioned as the residence 
of the monarch. Sennacherib was slain 
there when worshipping in the temple ol 
Nisroch his god. Zephaniah, about b. c. 
6S0, couDles the capital and the kingdom 



together (ii. 13) ; and this is the last men 
tion of Nineveh as an existing city. Th« 
destruction of Nineveh occurred b. c. 606. 
The city was then laid waste, its monu- 
ments destroyed, and its inhabitants scat- 
tered or carried away into captivity It 
never rose again from its ruins. This total 
disappeararice of Nineveh is fully confirmed 
by the records of profane history. Herod- 
otus (i. 193) speaks of the Tigris as " the 
river upon which the town of Nineveh 
formerly stood." The historians of Alex- 
ander, with the exception of Arrian, do not 
even allude to the city, over the ruins of 
which the conqueror must have actually 
marched. It is evident that the later Greek 
and Roman writers, such as Strabo, Ptolemy, 
and Pliny, could only have derived any in- 
dependent knowledge they possessed of 
Nineveh from traditions of no authority. 
The political history of Nineveh is that of 
Assyria, of which a sketch has already been 
given. [Assyria.] — Previous to recent 
excavations and researches, the ruins which 
occupied the presumed site of Nineveh 
seemed to consist of mere shapeless heapu 
or mounds of earth and rubbish. Unlike 
the vast masses of brick masonry which 
mark the site of Babylon, they showed ex- 
ternally no signs of artificial construction, 
except perhaps here and there the traces of 
a rude wall of sun-dried bricks. Some of 
these mounds were of enormous dimensions 
— looking in the distance rather like natural 
elevations than the work of men's hands. 
They differ greatly in form, size, and height. 
Some are mere conical heaps, varying from 
50 to 150 feet high ; others have a broad flat 
summit, and very precipitous cliff'-like sides, 
furrowed by deep ravines worn by the win- 
ter rains. Such mounds are especially nu- 
merous in the region to the east of the 
Tigris, in which Nineveh stood, and some 
of them mast mark the ruins of the Assyrian 
capital. The only difficulty is to determine 
which ruins are to be comprised within 
the actual limits of the ancient city. The 
principal ruins are — 1, the group immedi- 
ately opposite Mosul, including the great 
mounds of Kouyunjik and Nehhi Yunus ; 
2, that near the junction of the Tigris and 
Zab, comprising the mounds of Nimroud 
and Athur ; 3, ^Aorsaiac^, about 10 miles to 
the east of the former river; 4, Shereef Khan, 
about 5^ miles to the north of Kouyunjik ; 
and 5, Selamiyah, 3 miles to the north 
of Nimroud. We will describe the most im- 
portant. The ruins opposite Mosul consist 
of an enclosure formed by a continuous line 
of mounds, resembling a vast embankment 
of earth, but marking the remains of a wall, 
the western face of which is interrupted by 
the two great mounds of Kouyunjik and 
Nebbi Yunus. To the east of this enclosure 
are the remains of an extensive line of de- 
fences, consisting of m mts and r»»).paxtr 



NINEVEH 



458 



NINE^•EH 



The innei wall forms an irregular quad- 
rangle witb very unequal sides — the north- 
ern being 2333 yards, the western, or the 
river face, 4533, the eastern (where the wall 
is almost the segment of a circle) 5300 
yards, and the southern but little more than 
1000; altogether 13,200 yards, or 7 English 
nailes i furlongs. The present height of 



this eartlien wall is between 40 an I 60 fe*-i 
Nimroud consists of a similar enclosure of 
consecutive mounds — the remains of an- 
cient walls. The system of defences it 
however very inferior in importance and 
completeness to that of Kouyunjik. lh^ 
indications of towers occur at regular in- 
tervals ; 108 ma> still be traced on the M 




Mound of Nimroud. 



and E sides. The area forms an irregular 
square^, about 2331 yards by 2095, contain- 
ing about 1000 acres. The N. and E. sides 
were defended by moats, the W. and S. 
walls by the river, which once flowed im- 
mediately beneath them. On the S. W. 
face is a great mound, 700 yards by 400, 
and covering about 60 acres, with a cone or 
pyramid of earth, about 140 feet high, rising 
in tliG N. W. corner of it. At the S. E. 
angle of the enclosure is a group of lofty 
mounds, called by the Arabs, after Nim- 
roud's 'ieutenantj Athur (cf. Gen. x. 11). 
The first traveller who carefully examined 
the supposed site of Nineveh was Mr. Rich, 
formerly political agent for the East India 
Company at Bagdad ; but his investigations 
were almost entirely confined to Kouyunjik 
and the surrounding mounds, of which he 
made a survey in 1820. In 1843 M. Botta, 
the French consul at Mosul, fully explored 
the ruins. They consisted of the lower 
part of a number of halls, rooms, and pas- 
sages, for the most part wainscoted with 
slabs of coarse gray alabaster, sculptured 
with figures in relief, the principal en- 
trances being formed by colossal human- 
headed winged bulls. No remains of exterior 
architecture of any great importance were 
discovered. The calcined limestone and 
the great accumulation of charred wood and 
charcoal showed that the building had been 
destroyed by fire. Its upper part had en- 
tirely disappeared, and its general plan 
could 3nly be restored by the remains of the 
lower story. The collection of Assyrian 
sculptures in the Louvre came from these 
ruins. M. Botta's discoveries at Khorsabad 
irere followed by those of Mr. Layard at 
Nimroud and Kouyunjik, made between the 
years 1845 and 1850. The mound of Nim- 
roud was found to contain the ruins of sev- 



eral distinct edifices, erected at different 
periods. In general plan and in construc- 
tion they resembled the ruins at Khorsabad 
— consisting of a number of halls, cham- 
bers, and galleries, panelled with sculptured 
and inscribed alabaster slabs, and opening 
one into the other by doorways generally 
formed by pairs of colossal human-headed 
winged bulls or lions. The exterior archi- 
tecture could not be traced. — The Assyrian 
edifices were so nearly alike in general 
plan, construction, and decoration, that ont' 
description will suffice for all. They were 
built upon artificial mounds or platforms 
varying in height, but generally from 30 U 
50 feet above the level of the surrounding 
country, and solidly constructed of regular 
layers of sun-dried bricks, as at Nimroud. 
or consisting merely of earth and rubbish 
heaped up, as at Kouyunjik. This platform 
was probably faced with stone masonry, re- 
mains of which were discovered at Nimroud, 
and broad flights of steps or inclined ways 
led up to its summit. Although only the 
general plan of the ground-floor can now be 
traced, it is evident that the palaces had 
several stories built of wood and sun-dried 
bricks, which, when the building yas de- 
serted and allowed to fall to decay, gradu- 
ally buried the lower chambers with their 
ruins, and protected the sculptured slabs 
from the eflects of the weather. TIjp 
depth of soil and rubbish above the ala- 
baster slabs varied from a few inches to 
about 20 feet. It is to this accumulation 
of rubbish above them that the bass-ieliefs 
owe their extraordinary preservation. The 
portions of the edifices still remaining con- 
sist of halls, chambers, and galleries, open- 
ing for the most part into large uncov- 
ered courts The wall, above the wain- 
scoting of alabaster, was plastfre^, and 



NINEVEH 



459 



NINEVEH 



painted with figures and ornaments. The 
sculptures, with the exception of the hu- 
inan-headed lions and bulls, were for the 
most part in low relief. The colossal fig- 
ures usually represent the king, his attend- 
ants, and the gods; the smaller sculptures, 
which either cover the whole face of the 
slab, or are divided into two compart- 
ments by bands of inscriptions, repre- 
sent battles, sieges, the chase, single com- 
bats with wild bc:asts, religious ceremo- 
nies, &.C., &c. All refer to pubUc or na- 
tional 'jvents ; the hunting-scenes evidently 
recording the prowess and personal valor 
of the king as the head of the people — 
" the mighty hunter before the Lord." The 
sculptures appear to have been painted — 
remains of color having been found on 
most of them. Thus decorated, without 
and within, the Assyrian palaces must have 
displayed a barbaric magnificence, not how- 
ever devoid of a certain grandeur and beau- 
ty wliich no ancient or modern edifice has 
probably exceeded. These great edifices, 
the depositories of the national records, ap- 
pear to have been at the same time the 
abode of the king and the temple of the 
gods. — Site of the City. — Much diversity 
of opinion exists as to the identification of 
the ruins which may be properly included 
within the site of ancient Nineveh. Ac- 
cording to Sir H. Rawlinson and those who 
concur in his interpretation of the cuneiform 
characters, each group of mounds already 
mentioned represents a separate and dis- 
tinct city. On the other hand, it has been 
conjectured, with much probability, that 
these groups of mounds are not ruins of 
separate cities, but of fortified royal resi- 
dences, each combining palaces, temples, 
propylaea, gardens, and parks, and having 
its peculiar name ; and that they all formed 
part of one great city built and added to at 
different periods, and consisting of distinct 
quarters scattered over a very large area, 
and frequently very distant one from the 
other. Nineveh might thus be compared 
with Damascus, Ispahan, or perhaps more 
appropriately with Delhi. It is thus alone 
that the ancient descriptions of Nineveh, if 
any value whatever is to be attached to 
them, can be reconciled with existing re- 
mains. As at Babylon, no great consec- 
utive wall of enclosure comprising all the 
ruins has been discovered at Nineveh, and 
no su< h wall ever existed. — Prophecies re- 
lating to Nineveh, and Illustrations of the 
0. T. — Th3se are exclusively contained 
Jn the books of Nahum and Zephaniah; 
for although Isaiah foretells the downfall 
of the Assyrian empire (ch. x. and xiv.), 
he makes no mention of its capital. Na- 
hum threatens the entire destruction of the 
oi.ty, so that it shall not rise again from its 
ruins : " With an overrunning flood he 
■rill make an utter end of the place there- 



of." "H«. will make an ut:»?tnd. affile* 

tion sliall not rise up the second tin. b ' (i. 
1 8, 9). "Thy people is scattered upm the 
j mountains, and no one gathereth them 
I Tliere is no healing of thy bruise " (iii. 18, 
i ID), Some commentators believe that 
j " the overrunning flood"' refers to the 
I agency of water in the destruction of the 
I walls by an extraordinary overflow of the 
Tigris, and the consequent exposure of 
tliL' city to assault through a breach ; others. 
I that it applies to a large and devastating 
I army. Most of the edifices discovered had 
been destroyed by fire, but no part of the 
walls of either Nimroud or Kouyunjik ap- 
pears to have been washed away by the 
river. The likening of Nineveh to " a 
pool of water " (ii. 8) has been conjectured 
to refer to the moats and dams by which a 
portion of the country around Nineveh 
could be flooded. The city was to be par^ 
ly destroyed by fire. " The fire shall de- 
vour thy bars," " then shall the fire devour 
tiiee " (iii. 13, 15). The gateway in tht; 
northern wall of the Kouyunjik enclosure 
had been destroyed by fire as well as the 
palaces. The population was to be sur- 
prised when unprepared, " while they are 
drunk as drunkards they shall be devoured 
as stubble fully dry " (i. 10). Diodorus 
states that tlie last and fatal assault was 
made when they were overcome with wine. 
The captivity of the inhabitants and their 
removal to distant provinces are predicted 
(iii. 18). The palace-temples were to be 
plundered of their idols : " Out of the house 
of thy gods will I cut off the graven image 
and the molten image " (i. 14), and the city 
sacked of its wealth : " Take ye the spoil 
of silver, take the spoil of gold " (ii. 9). 
For ages the Assyrian edifices have been 
despoiled of their sacred images. Only 
one or two fragments of the precious met- 
als were found in the ruins. Nineveh, 
after its fall, was to be '* empty, and void, 
and waste " (ii. 10) : " it shall come to 
pass, that all they that look upon thee shall 
flee from thee, and say, Nineveh is laid 
waste " (iii. 7). These epithets describe the 
present state of the site of the city. Bui 
the fullest and the most vivid and poetical 
picture of its ruined and deserted condi- 
tion is that given by Zephaniah, who prob- 
ably lived to see its fall (ii. 13, 14, 15). 
The canals which once fertilized the soil are 
now dry. Except when the earth is green 
after the periodical rains, the site of the city, 
as well as the surrounding country, is an 
arid yellow waste. Many allusions in the 
O. T. to the dress, arms, modes of warfare^ 
and customs of the people of Nineveh, as 
well as of the Jews, are explaint.d by the 
Nineveh monuments. Thus (Nah. ii. 3), 
" The shield of Ids mighty men is m^de red. 
th-e valiant men are in scarlet." The shields 
and the dresses of the warriors are general- 



ninevt:h 



460 



NINEVEH 



ij painlcsd ruJ .n the sculpt ires. The raag- 
Qiflcent description of the assault upon the 
city (iii. 1, 2, 3) is illustrated in almost 
every particular. The mounds built up 
against the walls of a besieged town (Is. 
xxxvii. 33 ; 2 K. xix. 32 ; Jer. xxxii. 24 ; 
&e.), the battering-ram (Ez. iv. 2), the 
various kinds of armor, helmets, shields, 
•pears, and swords, used in battle during a 
•iege; the chariots and horses (Nah. iii. 3), 
are all seen in various bafs-reliefs. The 
interior decoration of the Assyrian palaces 
is described by Ezekiel, himseK a captive 
in Assyria and an eye-witness of their 
magnificence (xxiii. 14, 15) ; a description 
strikingly illustrated by the sculptured like- 
nesses of the Assyrian kings and warriors. 
The mystic figures seen by the prophet in 
his vision (ch. i.), uniting the man, the lion, 
the ox, and the eagle, may have been sug- 
gested by the eagle-headed idols, and man- 
headed bulls and lions, and the sacred 
emblem of the "wheel within wheel" by 
the winged circle or globe frequently repre- 
sented in the bass-reliefs. Arts. — The 
origin of Assyrian art is a subject at present 
involved in mystery, and one which offers a 
wide field for speculation and research. 
Those who derive the civilization and polit- 
ical system of the Assyrians from Babylonia 
would trace their arts to the same source. 
One of the principal features of their archi- 
tecture, the artificial platform serving as a 
substructure for their national edifices, may 
have been taken from a people inhabiting 
plains perfectly flat, such as those of Shi- 
nar, rather than an undulating country in 
which natural elevations are not uncom- 
mon, such as Assyria proper. In none of 
the arts of the Assyrians have any traces 
hitherto been found of progressive change. 
In sculpture, as probably in painting also, 
if we possessed the means of comparison, 
the same thing is observable as in the re- 
mains of ancient Egypt. The earliest works 
hitherto discovered show the result of a 
lengthened period of gradual development, 
whicli, judging from the slow progress made 
by untutored man in the arts, must have 
extended over a vast number of years. 
Thoy exhibit the arts of the Assyrians at 
the highest stage of excellence they prob- 
*bly ever attained. The only change we 
jan tiace, as in Egypt, is one of decline or 
•* decadence." The arts of the Assyrians, 
especially their architecture, spread to sur- 
rounding nations, as is usually the case 
whon one race is brought into contact with 
another in a lower state of civilization. 
They apjuear to have crossed the Euphrates, 
and to have had more or less influence on 
the countries between it and the Mediter- 
rajiean. The Assyrian inscriptions seem 
to indicate a dire(;t dependence of Judaea 
upon Assyria from a very early p« nod. 
Fr^m tJie descriptions of the temple and 



"houses " of Solomon (cf. 1 K. vi., vii. ; S 

Chr. iii., iv.), it would appear that there was 
much similarity between them and the pal- 
aces of Nineveh, if not in the exterior arch- 
itecture, certainly m the interior decora- 
tions. The Jewish edifices were, lur^evor, 
very much inferior in size to the Assyrian. 
Of objects of art (if we may use the terra ^ 
contained in the Temple we have the de- 
scription of the pillars, of the brazen sea, 
and of various bronze or copper vessels. 
The Assyrian character of these objects is 
very remarkable. The influence of Assyria 
to the eastward was even more considerable, 
extending far into Asia. Amongst the As- 
syrians, the arts were principally employed, 
as amongst all nations in their earlier 
stages of civilization, for religious and 
national purposes. The colossal figures at 
the doorways of the palaces were mythic 
combinations to denote the attributes of a 
deity. The " Man-Bull " and the " Man- 
Lion," are conjectured to be the gods 
" Nin " and " Nergal," presiding over war 
and the chase; the eagle-headed and fish- 
headed figures so constantly repeated in the 
sculptures, and as ornaments of vessels of 
metal, or in embroideries — Nisroch and 
Dagon. The bass-reliefs almost invariably 
record some deed of the king, as head of 
the nation, in war, and in combat with wild 
beasts, or his piety in erecting vast palace- 
temples to the gods. Hitherto no sculp- 
tures specially illustrating the private life 
of the Assyrians have been discovered, 
except one or two incidents, such as men 
baking bread or tending horses. This may 
be partly owing to the fact that no traces 
whatever have yet been found of their burial 
places, or even of their mode of dealing with 
the dead. Writing and Language. — The 
ruins of Nineveh have furnished a vast 
collection of inscriptions partly carved on 
marble or stone slabs, and partly impressed 
upon bricks, and upon clay cylinders, or 
six-sided and eight-sided prisms, barrels, 
and tablets, which, used for the purpose 
when still moist, were afterwards baked in 
a furnace or kiln. (Comp. Ez. iv. 4.) The 
character employed was the arrow-headed 
or cuneiform — so called from eath letter 
being formed by marks or elements resem- 
bling an arrow-head or a wedge. This 
mode of writing, believed by some to be 
of Turanian or Seythic origin, prevailed 
throughout the provinces comprised in the 
Assyrian, Babylonian, and the eastern por- 
tion of the ancient Persian empires, fruuj 
the earliest times to which any kno'vn 
record belongs, or at h^ast 20 centuries be- 
fore the Christian era, down to t)ie period 
of the conquests of Alexaiider. The Assyr- 
ian and Babylonian alphabet (if the term 
may be applied to above 200 signs) is of the 
most ct.mpllcated, imperfect, and arbitrary 
nature — si me characters being phonetic 



NINEVITES 



461 



NOAH 



others syllabic, others ideographic — the 
same character being frequently used in- 
differently. The people of Nineveh spoke 
a Shemitic dialect, connected with the He- 
brew and with the so-called Chaldee of the 
Books of Daniel and Ezra. This agrees with 
the testimony of the O. T. The Assyrian 
inscriptions usually contain the chronicles 
of the king who built or restored the edifice 
in which they are found, records of his wars 
and expeditions into distant countries, of 
the amount of tribute and spoil taken from 
conquered tribes, of the building of temples 
and palaces, and invocations to the gods of 
Assyria. These inscribed bricks are of the 
greatest value in restoring tlie royal dynas- 
ties. The most important inscription h'th- 
erto discovered in connection with Bibli- 
cal history, is that upon a pair of colossal 
human-headed bulls from Kouyunjik, now 
in the British Museum, containing the 
recorda of Sennacherib, and lescribing, 
amongst other events, his wai s with Heze- 
kiah. It is accompanied by a series of bass- 
reliefs believed to represent tlie siege and 
capture of Lachish. A list of nineteen or 
twenty kings can already be compiled, and 
the annals of the greater number of them 
will probably be restored to the lost history 
of one of the most powerful empires of tlu 
ancient world, and of one which appears to 
have exercised perhaps greater influence 
than any other upon the subsequent condi- 
tion and development of civilized man. 

Nin'evites, the inhabitants of Nineveh 
CLuke xi. 30). 

Ni'san. [Months.] 

Nis'rocll, an idol of Nineveh, in whose 
temple Sennacherib was worshipping when 
assassinated by his sons, Adrammelech and 
Sharezer (2 K. xix. 37; Is. xxxvii. 38). 
The word signifies " the great eagle." It is 
identified with the eagle-headed human 
figure, which is one of the most prominent 
jti the earhest Assyrian monuments, and is 
always represented as contending with and 
Ljonquering the lion or the bull. 

Nitre occurs in Prov. xxv. 20, " and as 
rinegar upon nitre ; " and in Jer. ii. 22. 
The substance denoted is not that wliich we 
now understand by the term nitre, i. e. 
nitrate of potassa — " saltpetre " — but the 
nitrum of the Latins, and the natron or 
native carbonate of soda of modern chemis- 
try. The latter part of the passage in Prov- 
erbs is well explained by Shaw, who says 
(Trav. ii. 387), "the unsuitableness of the 
iinging of songs to a heavy heart is very 
finely compared to the contrariety there is 
between vinegar and natron. 

No. [NO-AMON.] 

Noadi'ah. 1. A Levite, son of Binnui, 
who with Meremoth, Eleazar, and Jozabad, 
weighed the vessels of gold and silver be- 
longing to the Temple wliich were brought 
back from Babylon (Ezr. viii. 33). a. The 



prophetess Ncadiah joined Sailailat and 
Tobiali in their attempt to intimidate Ne- 
hemiah (Neh. vi. 14). 

No'ab., tlie tenth in descent frora Adam, 
in the line of Seth, was the son of Lamech, 
and grandson of Methuselah. In the reason 
which Lamech gives for calling his son 
Noah, there is a play upon the name wliich 
it is impossible to preserve in Englisli. lit 
called his name Noah (Noach, rest), saying, 
" This same shall comfort us." Of Noah 
himself we hear nothing till he is 500 yeara 
old, when it is said he begat three sons, 
Shem, Ham, and Japhet. In consequence 
of the grievous and hopeless wickedness of 
the world at this time, God resolved to de- 
stroy it. " My Spirit," He says, " shall 
not always ' dwell ' or ' bear sway ' in man 
— inasmuch as he is but flesh." The mean- 
ing of wliich seems to be, that whilst God 
had put His Spirit in man, i. e. not only the 
breath of life, but a spiritual part capable 
of recognizing, loving, and worshipping 
Him, man had so much sunk down into tie 
lowest and most debasing of fleshly plean- 
ures, as to have almost extinguished tt,e 
higher light within him. Then follows, 
" But his days shall be a hundred and 
twenty years," which has been interpreted 
by some to mean, that still a time of grat:e 
shall be given for repentance, viz. 120 yearf 
before the Flood shall come ; and by other>, 
that the duration of human life should in 
future be limited to this term of year*, 
instead of extending over centuries as 
before. This last seems the most nat- 
ural interpretation of the Hebrew words- 
Of Noah's life during this age of almost 
universal apostasy we are told but little. 
It is merely said, that he was a right- 
eous man and perfect in his genera- 
tions (i. e. amongst his contemporaries), 
and that he, like Enoch, walked with God. 
St. Peter calls him " a preacher of right- 
eousness " (2 Pet. ii. 5), Besides this we 
are merely told that he had three sons, each 
of whom had married a wife ; that he built 
the Ark in accordance with Divine direc- 
tion ; and that he was 600 years old when 
the flood came (Gen. vi., vii.). Both about 
the Ark and the Flood so many questions 
have been raised, that we must consider 
each of these separately, live Ark. — The 
precise meaning of the Hebrew word 
(iebdh) is uncertain. The word occurs 
only in Genesis and in Exodus (ii. 3). In 
all probability it is to tlie old Egyptian that 
we are to look for its original form. Bun- 
sen, in his vocabulary, gives tba, "a chest," 
tpt, " a boat," and in the Copt. Vers, of 
Exod. ii. 3, 5, thebi is the rendering of 
tSbdh. This " chest," or " boat," was to be 
made of gopher (i. e. cypress) wood, a kind 
of timber which both for its lightness and its 
durability was employed by the Phoenicians 
for building their vessels. The plauks of 



NOAB 



462 



NOAH 



Chto ark, after being put together, were to 
be protected by a coating of pitch, or rather 
bitumen, which was to be laid on both in- 
side and outside, as the most effectual 
means of making it water-tight, and per- 
haps also as a protection against the attacks 
of maruie animals. The ark was to consist 
of a number of " nests " or small compart- 
ments, with a view, no doubt, to the con- 
\renleQt distribution of the different animals 
»rd their food. These were to be arranged 
»n three tiers, one above another; "with 
lower, second, and third (stories) shalt thou 
make it." Means were also to be provided 
for letting light into the ark. In the A. V. 
we read, " A windotv shalt thou make to 
the ark, and in a cubit shalt thou finish it 
above " — words which, it must be con- 
fessed, convey no very intelligible idea. 
The original, however, is obscure, and has 
been differently interpreted. What the 
" window," or " light-hole " was, is very 
puzzling. It was to be at the top of the 
ark, apparently. If the words " unto a 
cubit shalt thou finish it above" refer to 
the window, and not to the ark itself, they 
seem to imply that this aperture, or sky- 
light, extended to the breadth of a cubit the 
whole length of the roof. But if so, it 
could not have been merely au open slit, 
for that would have admitted the rain. Are 
we then to suppose that some transparent, 
.)r at least translucent, substance was em- 
ployed? It would almost seem so. But 
l>esides the window there was to be a door. 
This \vas to be placed in the side of the 
ark Of the shape of the ark nothing is 
<\aid ; but its dimensions are given. It was 
CO he 300 cubits in length, 50 in breadth, 
and 30 in height. Taking 21 inches for the 
cubit, the ark would be 525 feet in length, 
S7 feet 6 inches in breadth, and 52 feet 6 
inches in height. This is very considerably 
larger than the largest British man-of-war. 
It should be remembered that this huge 
structure was only intended to float on the 
water, and was not in the proper sense of 
the word a ship. It had neither mast, sail, 
aor rudder ; it was in fact nothing but an 
enormous floating house, or oblong box 
rather. Two objects only were aimed at 
in its construction : the one was that it 
ehould have ample stowage, and the other 
that it should be able to keep steady upon 
the water. After having given Noah the 
necessary instructions for the building of 
the ark, God tells him the purpose for 
whi'ih it was designed. The earth is to be 
destroyed by water. " And I, behold I do 
bring the flood — waters upon the earth — 
•;o destroy all flesh wherein is the breath of 
life . . . but I will establish my covenant 
with thee," &c. (vi. 17, 18). The inmates 
of the ark are then specified. They are to 
be Noah and his wife, and his three sons 
rith thnir wives. Noah is also to take a 



pr.ir of each kind of animal into the ark 
with him that he may preserve them alive • 
birds, domestic animals, and creeping things 
are particularly mentioned. He is to pro- 
vide for the wants of each of these stores 
" of every kind of food that is eaten." It 
is added, "Thus did Noah; according to 
all that God commanded him, so did he." 
A remarkable addition to these directions 
occurs in the following chapter. The pairs 
of animals are now limited to one of unclean 
animals, whilst of clean animals and birds 
(ver. 2), Noah is to take to him seven pairs 
Are we then to understand that Noah lit- 
erally conveyed a pair of all the animals of 
the world into the ark? This question vir- 
tually contains in it another, viz., whether 
the deluge was universal, or only partial? 
If it was only partial, tlien of course it was 
necessary to find room but for a compara- 
tively small number of animals ; and the 
dimensions of the ark are ample enough for 
the required purpose. But it is not onlj 
the inadequate size of the ark to contain 
all, or anything like all, the progenitors of 
our existing species of animals, which is 
conclusive against a universal deluge. An- 
other fact points with still greater force, if 
possible, in the same direction, and that is 
the manner in which we now find these an- 
imals distributed over the earth's surface. 
We now know that every great continent 
has its own peculiar fauna ; that the origi- 
nal centres of distribution must have been 
not one, but many ; further, that the areas 
or circles around these centres must have 
been occupied by their pristine animals in 
ages long anterior to that of the Noachian 
Deluge. It is quite plain, then, that if all 
the animals of the world were literally 
gathered together in the ark, and so saved 
from the waters of a universal deluge, this 
could only have been effected (even sup- 
posing there was space for them in the 
ark) by a most stupendous miracle. But 
the narrative does not compel us to adopt 
so tremendous an hypothesis. We shall 
see more clearly when we come to con- 
sider the language used with regard to 
the Flood itself, that even that language, 
strong as it undoubtedly is, does not oblige 
us to suppose that the Deluge was uni- 
versal. The Flood. — The ark was fin- 
ished, and all its living freight vras gathered 
into it as in a place of safety. Jehovah 
shut him in, says the chronicler, speaking 
of Noah. And then there ensued a sole:un 
pause of seven days before the threatened 
destruction was let loose. At last the Flood 
came ; the waters were upon the earth. The 
narrative is vivid and forcible, though en- 
tirely wanting in that sort of descriptioD 
which in a modern historian or poet would 
have occupied the largest space. But one 
impression is left upon the mind with pe<;u- 
liar vividness, from the verv simpli'iii? of 



NOAH 



463 



NOAH 



Che narrative, and it is that of utter desola- 
tion. From vii. 17 tc the end of the chap- 
ter a very simple but very powerful and 
inijiressive description is given of the appall- 
ing catastrophe. Tlie waters of the Flood 
increased for a period of 190 days (40-}-I50, 
comparing vii. 12 and 24). And then "God 
remembered Noah," and made a wind to 
pass over the earth, so that the waters were 
assuaged. The ark rested on the seventeenth 
day of the seventh month on the mountains 
of Ai-arat. After this the waters gradually 
decreased till the first day of the tenth 
month, when the tops of the mountains were 
seen. It was then that Noah sent forth, first, 
the raven, which flew hither and thither, 
resting probably on the mountain-tops, but 
not returning to the ark ; and next, after an 
interval of seven days (cf. ver. 10), the 
dove, " to see if the waters were abated from 
the ground ".(i. e. the lower plain country). 
" But the dove found no rest for the sole of 
her foot, and she returned unto him into the 
ark." After waiting for another seven days 
he again sent forth the dove, which returned 
this time with a fresh olive-leaf in her 
•iiouth, a sign that the waters were still 
lower. And once more, after another inter- 
val of seven days, he sent forth the dove, 
and she " returned not again unto him any 
more," having found a home for herself upon 
the earth — Whether the Flood was univer- 
sal or p!«rtial has given rise to much contro- 
versy ; but there can be no doubt that it was 
aniver!»al, so far as man was concerned : we 
n.eai) that it extended to all the then known 
wot Id. The literal truth of the narrative 
obliges us to believe that the whole huma?i 
rare, except eight persons, perished by the 
irators of the Flood. In the New Testament 
our Lord gives the sanction of His own au- 
chority to the historical truth of the narra- 
tive (Matt. xxiv. 37 : Luke xvii. 26), declar- 
'T J that the state of the world at His second 
con^ Z "hall be such as it was in the days 
c^* N«..i. St. Peter speaks of the " long- 
sufferiny of God," which "waited in the 
days of Noah while the ark was a preparing, 
wherein few, that is, eight souls, were saved 
by water," and sees in the waters of the 
Flood by which the ark was borne up a type 
of Baptism, by which the Church is separat- 
ed from the world (1 Pet. iii. 20, 21). And 
again, in his Second Epistle (2 Pet. ii. 5). 
he cites it as an instance of the righteous 
judgment of God, who spared not the old 
we-ld. But the language of the Book of 
Genesis does not compel us to suppose that 
ihe whole surface of the globe was actually 
covered with water, if the evidence of geol- 
ogy requires us xo adopt the hypothesis of a 
partial deluge. It is natural to suppose that 
ihe writer, when he speaks of " all flesh," 
" all in whose nostrils was the breath of 
life," refers only to his own locality. This 
Borv of language is common enough in the 



Bible when only a small part of the globe is 
intended. Thus, for instance, it is said that 
" all countries came into Egypt to Joseph 
to buy corn ; " and that " a decree M^entout 
from Caesar Augustus that all the world 
should be taxed." In these and many simi- 
lar passages the expressions of the writer 
are obviously not to be taken in an exactly 
literal sense. Even the apparently very 
distinct phrase " all the high hills tliat were 
under the whole heaven were covered " may 
be matched by another precisely sineilar, 
where it is said that God would put the fear 
and the dread of Israel upon every nation 
under heaven. — The truth cf the Biblical 
narrative is confirmed by the numerous tra- 
ditions of other nations, which have pre- 
served the memory of a great and destruc- 
tive flood, from which but a small part of 
mankind escaped. They seem to point back 
to a common centre, whence they were car- 
ried by the diflferent families of man, as they 
wandered east and west. The traditions 
which come nearest to the Biblical account 
are those of the nations of Western Asia. 
Foremost among these is the Chaldean. It 
is preserved in p fragment of Berosus, and 
tells how Xisuthrus built a vessel in which 
he was saved from a great deluge, vrith 
different animals, birds, and quadrupeds. 
Other notices of a Flood may be found (a) 
in the Phoenician mythology, where the 
victory of Pontus (the sea) over Demarous 
(the earth) is mentioned : (h) in tb'i Sibyl- 
line Oracles, partly borrowed no doubt from 
the Biblical narrative, and partly perhaps 
from some Babylonian story. To these 
must be added (c) the Phyrgian story of 
king Annakos or Nannakos (Enoch) in 
Iconium, who reached an age of more than 
300 years, foretold the Flood, and wept and 
prayed for his people, seeing the destruction 
that was coming upon them. There is a 
medal of Apamea in Phrygia, struck as latfr 
as the time of Septimius Severus, in whicl 
the Phrygian deluge is commemorat*»d 




Medal of Apamea in Phrygia, representing the Delug* 

This medal ropresents a kind of squart 
vessel floating in the water. Through an 
opening in it are seen two persons, a man 
and a woman. Upon the top of this chest 
or ark is perch ad a bird, whilst another fliei 



NOAH 



464 



NON 



cowards it carrying a branch between its 
feet. Before the vessel are represented the 
same pair as having just quitted it, and got 
upon the dry land. Singularly enough, 
too, on some specimens of this medal tlie 
letters Nfli, or NiiE, have been found on 
the vessel, as in the preceding cut. After 
the Flood. — Noah's first act after he left 
the ark was to build an altar, and to offer 
«arrifices. This is the first altar of which 
m read in Scripture, and the first burnt 
iftc-rifice. Then follows the blessing of God 
ipjn Noah and his sons. All living crea- 
tures are now given to man for food ; but 
express provision is made that the blood (in 
which is the life) should not be eaten. 
Next, God makes provision for the security 
of human life. The blood of man, in which 
is his life, is jet more precious than the 
blood of iaeasts. Hence is laid the first 
foundation of the ciril power. Thus with 
the beginning of a new world God gives, on 
the one hand, a promise which secures the 
stability of the natural order of the uni- 
verse, and, on the other hand, consecrates 
human life with a ppocial sanctity as resting 
upon these two pillart* — the brotherhood 
of men, and man's likeness to God. Of 
the seven precepts of Noah, as they .are 
called, the observance of which wa* re- 
quired of all JewisQ proselytes, three only 
h.e here expressly mentioned. It is in the 
terms of the blessing and the covenant 
made with Noah after the Flood that we 
find the strongest evidence that it extend- 
ed to all the then known world. Noah is 
clearly the head of a new human family, 
the representative of the whole race. It is 
as such that God makes his covenant with 
him ; and hence selects a natural phenom- 
enon as the sign of that covenant. The 
bow in the cloud, seen by every nation un- 
der heaven, is nn unfailing witness to the 
truth of God. — Noah now for the rest of 
his life betook himself to agricultural pur- 
suits. It is particularly noticed that he 
planted a vineyard. Whether in ignorance 
of its properties or otherwise, we are not in- 
formed, but he drank of the juice of the 
grape till he became intoxicated and shame- 
fully exposed himself in his own tent. One 
of his sons, Ham, mocked openly at his 
father's disgrace. The others with dutiful 
care and reverence, endeavored to hide it. 
When he recovered from the effects of his 
intoxication, he declared that a curse should 
rest upon the sons of Ham. With the curse 
on his youngest son was joined a blessing 
on the other two. After this prophetic 
blc'^siug we hear no more of the patriarch 
but the sum of his yoars. 

No'ab.. One of the five daughters of 
Zelo.)hehad (Num. xxvi. 33, xxvii. 1, xxxvi. 
11 ; Josh. xvii. 8.) 

No-a'mon (N"ah. iii. 8), No CJer. xlvi. 
25; Ez. XXX. 14, l.>, 16V a city of Egypt, 



better known under the name of Thebes, 
or Diospolis Magna. The second part of 
the first form is the name of Amen, the 
chief divinity of Thebes, mentioned or al- 
luded to in connection with this place ic 
Jeremiah, " Behold, I will punish Amoc 
in No, and Pharaoh, and Egypt, with theii 
gods and their kings ; " and perhaps alsc 
alluded to in Ezekiel (xxx. 15). Thfreii 
a difficulty as to the meaning of No. Il 
seems most reasonable to suppose that No 
is a Shemitic name, and that Anion ij add- 
ed in Nahum {I. c.) to distinguish lhel>ef 
from some other place bearing the same 
name, or on account of the coniection of 
Amen with that city. The description of 
No-Amon, as " situate among; the rivers, 
the waters round about it" (Nah. I. c), 
remarkably characterizes Thebes. 

Nob (1 Sam. xxiii. 11; Neh. xi. 32), a 
sacerdotal city in the tribe of Benjamin, 
and situated on some eminence near Jeru- 
salem. It was one of the places where the 
tabernacle, or ark of Jehovah, was kept for 
a time during the days of its wanderings (2 
Sam. vi. 1, &c.). But the event for which 
Nob was most noted in the Scripture annals, 
was a frightful massacre which occurred 
there in the reign of Saul (1 Sam. xxii 

No'bah., an Israelite warrior (Num. 
xxxii. 4^), who during the conquest of tlio 
territory on the east of Jordan possessed 
himself of the town of Kenath and the 
villages or hamlets dependent upon it, and 
gave them his own name. For a certain 
period after the establishment of the Isra- 
elite rule the new name remained (Judg. 
viii. 11). But it is not again heard of, and 
the original appellation, as is usual in such 
cases, appears to have recovered its hold, 
which it has since retained ; for in the 
slightly modified form of JTunawdt it is the 
name of the place to the present day. 

Nod. [Cain.] 

No'dab, the name of an Arab tribe 
mentioned only in 1 Chr. v. 19, in the ac- 
count of the war of the Reubenites, the 
Gadites, and the half of the tribe of Ma- 
nasseh, against the Hagarites (verses 9-22, 
ver. 19). It has been supposed that Nodab 
Avas one of the sons of Ishmael. But we 
have no other mention of Nodab, and it is 
probable that he was a grandson or other 
descendant of the patriarch, and that the 
name, in the time of the record, was that 
of a tribe sprung from such descendant. 

No'e, the patriarch Noah (Tob. iv. 12; 

Matt. xxiv. ,37, 38 ; Luke iii. 36, xvii. 26, 27). 

No'gah. One of the thirteen sons oi 

David who were born to him in Jerusalem 

(1 Chr. iii. 7, xiv. 6). 

No'hah. The fourth son of Benjamin 
(1 Chr. viii. 2). 

Non. Nun, the father of Joshua (1 
Chr. vii. 27). 



NOPH 



465 



NTJMBEKS 



Woph. [Mlmphis.] 

No phah, -I place mentioned only in 
N"um. xxi. 30, in the remarkable song ap- 
parently composed by tlie Aaiorites after 
their conquest of Heshbon from the Moab- 
ites, and therefore of an earlier date than 
the Israelite invasion. It is named with 
Dibon and Medoba, and was possibly in 
the neighborhood of Heshbon. A name 
very similar to Nophah is Nobah, which is 
♦■wice mentioned. Ewald decides that No- 
pliah is identical with the latter of these. 

Nose-jewel (Gen. xxiv. 22; Ex. xxxv. 
22, "ear-ring;" Is. iii. 21; Ez. xvi. 12, 
"jewel on the forehead"), a ring of metal, 
sometimes of gold or silver, passed usually 
through the right nostril, and worn by way 
of ornament by women in the East. Upon 
it are strung beads, coral, or jewels. In 
Egypt it is now almost confined to the 
lower classes. 

Number. Like most Oriental nations, 
it is probable that the Hebrews in their 
written calculations made use of the letters 
of the alphabet. That they did so in post- 
Babylonian times we have conclusive evi- 
dence in the Maccabaean coins ; and it is 
highly probable that this was the case also 
in earlier times. But though, on the one 
hand, it is certain that in all existing MSS. 
of the Hebrew text of the O. T. the nu- 
merical expressions are written at length, 
yet, on the other, the variations in the 
several versions between themselves and 
from the Hebrew text, added to the evident 
inconsistencies in numerical statement be- 
tween certain passages of that text itself, 
seem to prove that some shorter mode of 
writing was originally in vogue, liable to 
be misunderstood, and in fact misunder- 
stood by copyists and translators. These 
variations appear to have proceeded from 
the alphabetic method of writing numbers. 
The^e can be little doubt, however, that 
some at least of the numbers mentioned in 
ScriptTire are intended to be representative 
rather than determinative. Certain num- 
bers, as 7, 10, 40, 100, were regarded as 
giving the idea of completeness. Without 
entering into St. Augustine's theory of this 
usage, we may remark that the notion of 
representative numbers in certain cases is 
one extremely common among Eastern 
nations, wlio have a prejudice against 
'••ounting their possessions accurately ; that 
a enters largely into many ancient systems 
of chronology, and that it is found in the 
philosophical and metaphysical speculations 
not only of the Pythagorean and other 
ancient schools of philosophy, both Greek 
and Roman, but also in those of the later 
Jewish writers, of the Gnostics, and also 
of such Christian writers as St. Augustine 
himself. We proceed to give some instances 
>»f numbers used, (a) reprssentatively, and 
thus i>robal)ly by desigr indefinitely, or, 
30 



(b) definitel} , but, as we may say, prefer 
entially, i. e. because somt meaning (whir:h 
we do not in all cases uaderstand) wae 
attached to them. 1 Seven, as denoting 
either plurality or completeness, is so fre- 
quent as to make a selection only of in 
stances necessary, e. g. seven-fold. Gen. iv. 
24r ; seven times, i. e. completely. Lev. xxvi. 
24; Ps. xii. 6; seven {i.e. many) wcys, 
Deut. xxviii. 25. 2. Ten as a preferential 
number is exemplified in the Ten Con.- 
mandments and the law of Tithe. 3. 
Seventy, as compounded of 7X10, appears 
frequently, e. g. seventy fold (Gen. iv. 24.; 
Matt, xviii. 22). Its definite use appears 
in the ofierings of 70 shekels (Num. vii. 
18, 19, and foil.); the 70 elders (xi. .16); 
70 years of captivity (Jer. xxv. 11). 4. 
Five appears in the table of punishments, 
of legal requirements (Ex. xxii. 1 ; Lev. v. 
16, xxii. 14, xxvii. 15 ; Num. v. 7, xviii. 
16), and in the five empires of Daniel 
(Dan. ii.). 5. Four is used in reference 
to the 4 winds (Dan. vii. 2) ; and the so- 
called 4 corners of the earth ; the 4 crea- 
tures, each with 4 wings and 4 faces, of 
Ezekiel (i. 5, and foil.) ; 4 rivers of Para- 
dise (Gen. ii. 10) ; 4 beasts (Dan. vii., and 
Rev. iv. 6) ; the 4 equal-sided Temple- 
chamber (Ez. xl. 47). 6. Three was re 
garded, both by the Jews and other nations 
as a specially complete and mystic number 
7. Twelve (3 X 4) appears in 12 tribes, 12 
stones in the high-priest's breastplate, 12 
Apostles, 12 foundation-stones, and 12 
gates (Rev. xxi. 19-21). 8. Lastly, the 
mystic number 666 (Rev. xiii. 18). 
Numbering. [Census.] 
Numbers, the Fourth Book of tlie Law 
or Pentateuch. It takes its name in the 
LXX. and Vulg. (whence our " Numbers ") 
from the double numbering or census of the 
people ; the first of which is given in chaps, 
i.-iv., and the second in chap. xxvi. — A 
Contents. — The Book may be said to con- 
tain generally the history of the Israelites 
from the time of their leaving Sinai, in 
the second year after the Exodus, till their 
arrival at the borders of the Promised Land 
in the fortieth year of their journeyings. It 
consists of the following principal divisions : 
I. The preparations for the departure from 
Sinai (i. 1-x. 10). II. The journey from 
Sinai to the borders of Canaan (x. 11 -xiv. 
45). III. A brief notice of laws given, and 
events which transpired, during the thirty- 
seven years' wandering in the wilderness 
(xv. 1-xix. 22) . IV. The history of the last 
year, from the second arrival of the Israel- 
ites in Kadesh till they reach ''the plains 
of Moab by Jordan near Jericho" (xx. 1- 
1 xxxvi. 13). I. (a.) The object of the en- 
I campraent at Sinai has been accompli? hed. 
I It is now time to depart in order that the ob- 
ject may be achieved for which Israel has 
been sanctified. That object is the occupa- 



NUMBERS 



466 



NYMPHAS 



cion of the Promised Land. Therefore Israel 
must be organized as Ji'hovah's ai-my ; and to 
this end a mustering of all who are capable 
of bearing arms is necessary. Hence the 
book opens with the numbering of the peo- 
ple, chapters i.-iv. These contain, first, 
the census of all the tribes or clans (chap. 
i.) ; secondly, the arrangement of the camp, 
and the order of march i chap, ii.) ; thirdly, 
the special and separate census of the Le- 
vites (chaps, iii., iv.). (b.) Chapters v., 
vi. Certain laws apparently supplementary 
to the legislation in Leviticus, (c.) Chap- 
ters vii. 1-x. 10. Events occurring at this 
time, and regulations connected with them. 

II. March from Sinai to the borders of Ca- 
naan, (a.) We have here, first, the order 
of march described (x. 14-28) ; the appeal 
of Moses to his father-in-law, Hobab, to 
accompany them in their journeys ; and the 
chant which accompanied the moving and 
the resting of the ark (vers. 35, 36). (b.) 
An account of several of the stations and 
of the events which happened at them (x. 
11-xii. 15) ; the sending of the spies from 
the wilderness of Paran (et Tyh), their re- 
port, the refusal of the people to enter Ca- 
naan, their rejection in consequence, and 
their rash attack upon the Amalekites, 
which resulted in a defeat (xii. 16-xiv. 45). 

III. What follows must be referred appar- 
ently to the thirty-seven years of wander- 
ings ; but we have no notices of time or 
place (xv, 1-xix). IV. (a.) The narrative 
returns abruptly to the second encampment 
of the Israelites in Kadesh. Here Miriam 
dies, and the people murmur for water, and 
Moses and Aaron are not allowed to enter 
the Promised Land (xx. 1-13). They in- 
tended perhaps, as before, to enter Canaan 
from the south. They therefore desired a 
passage through the country of Edom. The 
Edomites refused the request, and turned 
out in arms to defend their border. The 
Israelites abandoned the attempt as hope- 
less and turned southward, keeping along 
the western borders of Idumaea till the; 
reached Ezion-geber (xx. 14-21). On their 
way southward they stop at Mount Hor, 
or rather at Moserah, on the edge of the 
Edoraite territory; and from this spot it 
would seem that Aaron, accompanied by 
his brother Moses and his son Eleazar, 
quitted the camp in order to ascend the 
mountain. After Aaron's death the march 
is continued southward. (6.) There is again 
a gap in the narrative. We are told noth- 
ing of the march along the eastern edge of 
Edom, but suddenly find ourselves trans- 
ported to the borders of Moab. Here the 
Israelites successively encounter and defeat 
the kings of the Amorites and of Bashan 
(xxi. 10-35). Their success<^s alarm the 
king of Moab, who, distrusting his supe- 
riority in Ihe field, sends for a magician to 
carse his enemisi; t ^nce (the episode of 



Balaam (xxii. 1-xxiv. 25). Other artifices 
are employed by the Moabites to weaken 
the Israelites, especially through the influ^ 
ence of the Moabitish women (xxv. 1). The 
book concludes with a recapitulation of the 
various encampments of the Israelites in 
the desert (xxxiii. 1-49) ; the command to 
destroy the Canaanites (xxxiii. 50-56) ; the 
boundaries of the Promised Land, and the 
men appointed to divide it (xxxiv.) ; the 
appointment of the cities of the Levites and 
the cities of refuge (xxxv.); and further 
directions respecting heiresses. B. Integ- 
rity. — This, like the other books of the 
Pentateuch, is supposed by many critics 
to consist of a compilation from two or 
three, or more, earlier documents. But the 
grounds on which this distinction of docu- 
ments rests are in every respect most un 
satisfactory. The Book of Numbers U 
rich in fragments of ancient poetry, some 
of them of great beauty, and all throwing 
an interesting liglrt on the character of the 
times in which they were composed. , Such, 
for instance, is the blessing of the high- 
priest (vi. 24-26). Such too are the chants 
which were the signal for the Ark to move 
when the people journeyed, and for it to 
rest when they were about to encamp. In 
chap. xxi. we have a passage cited from a 
book called the "Book of the Wars of Je- 
hovah." This was probably a collection of 
ballads and songs composed on different 
occasions by the watch-fires of the camp, 
and for the most part, though not perhaps 
exclusively, in commemoration of the vic- 
tories of the Israelites over their enemies. 

!N"un, the father of the Jewish captaiu 
Joshua (Ex. xxxiii. 11, &c.) His genealo- 
gical descent from Ephraim is recorded in 
1 Chr. vii. 

Nurse. It is clear, both from Scrip- 
ture and from Greek and Roman writers, 
that in ancient times the position of the 
nurse, wherever one was maintained, was 
one of much honor and importance. (See 
Gen. xxiv. 59, xxxv. 8 ; 2 Sam. iv. 4 ; 2 
K. xi. 2; 3 Mace. i. 20). The same term 
is applied to a foster-father or mother, 
e. g. Num. xi. 12; Ruth iv.l6; Is. xlix. 23. 

Nuts are mentioned among the good 
things of the land which the sons of Israel 
were to take as a present :o Joseph ia 
Egypt (Gen. xliii. 11). There can scarcely 
be a doubt that the Hebrew word, here 
translated "nuts," denotes the fruit of the 
Pistachio tree (Pistacia vera), for which 
Syria and Palestine have been long famous. 
In Cant. vi. 11, a different Hebrew word is 
translated "nuts." In all probability it 
here refers to the Walnut-t7^ec. According 
to Josephus the walnut-tree was formerly 
common, and grew most luxuriantly around 
the lake of Gennesareth. 

Nym'phas, a wealthy and zealon* 
Christian in Laodicea ^^'ol. iv. 1ft- 



OAK 



4(57 



OBADIAH 



O. 



Oak< The following Hebre\» words, 
nhich aipear to be merely varioas forms 
of the same root, occur in the O. T. as 
tlie names of some species of oak, viz. SI, 
ildh, tldn, ildn, alldh, and allon. There is 
much difficulty in determining the exact 
meanings of the several varieties of the 
terra mentioned above. Celsius has en- 
ieavored to show that el, elim, el6n, ildh, 
and alldh, all stand for the terebinth-tree 
(^Pistacia terehinthus), while alldn denotes 
an oak. Rosenmnller gives the terebinth 
to tl, and Sldh, and the oak to alldh, alldn, 
and eJdn. If we examine the claims of the 
terebinth to represent the eldh, we shall see 
that in point of size it cannot compete with 
some of the oaks of Palestine. Dr. Thomson 
{The Land and the Book, p. 243) remarks 
on this point: "There are more mighty 
oaks here in this immediate vicinity {Mej- 
del es-Shems) than there are terebinths in 
all Syria and Palestine together." Two 
oaks {Quercus pseudccoccifera and Q, 
aegilops) are well worthy of the name of 
mighty trees ; though it is equally true 
that over a greater part of the country 
the oaks of Palestine are at present mere- 
ly bushes. 

Oath. The principle on which an oath 
ts held to be binding is incidentally laid 
down in Heb. vi. 16, viz. as an ultimate 
appeal to divine authority to ratify an 
assertion. There the Almighty is repre- 
sentp/i as promising or denouncing with an 
oath i. e. doing so in the most positive and 
solemn manner. On the same principle, 
that oath has always been held most bind- 
ing which appealed to the highest authority, 
both as regards individuals and communi- 
ties. As a consequence of this principle, 
appeals to God's name on the one hand, 
and to heathen deities on the other, are 
treated in Scripture as tests of allegiance 
TEx. xxiii. 13, xxxiv. 6; Deut. xxix. 12, 
*(■.). So also the sovereign's name is 
.«(>ii)etimes used as a form of obligation 
((jon. xlii. 15 ; 2 Sam. xi. 11, xiv. 19). Oth- 
er forms of oath, serious or frivolous, are 
nentioned, some of which are condemned 
jy our Lord (Matt. v. 33, xxiii. 16-22 ; and 
aee Jam. v. 12). The forms of abjuration 
mentioned in Scripture are — 1. Lifting up 
the hand. Witnesses laid their hands on 
tiie head of the accused (Gen. xiv. 22; 
Lev. xxiv. 14; Deut. xxxiii. 40 Ts. iii. 7). 
2. Putting the hand under the thigh of the 
person to whom the promise was made 
(Gen. xxiv. 2, xlvii. 29). 3. Oaths were 
sometimes taken before the altar, or, as 
some understand the passagti, if the per- 
sons were not in Jerusalem, in a position 
l<K)king towa/ds the Temple (1 K. viii. 31; 



2 Chr. vi. 22). 4. Dividing a victim and 
passing between or distributing the pieces 
(Gen. XV. 10, 17; Jer. xxxiv. 18). — As 
the sanctity of oaths was carefully incul- 
cated by the Law, so the crime of perjury 
was strongly condemned; and to a false 
witness the same punishment was assigned 
which was due for the crime to which he tes- 
tified (Ex. XX. 7; Lev. xix. 12; Deut. xix. 
16-19; Ps. XV. 4; Jer. v. 2, vii. 9; Ex. 
xvi. 59; Hos. x. 4; Zech. viii. 17). — The 
Christian practice in the matter of oaths 
was founded in great measure on the 
Jewish. Thus the oath on the Gospels 
was an imitation of the Jewish practice of 
placing the hands on the book of the Law. 
— The stringent nature of the Roman 
military oath, and the penalties attached to 
infraction of it, are alluded to, more or less 
certainly, in several places in the N. T., e. g. 
Matt. viii. 9 ; Acts xii. 19, xvi. 27, xxvii. 42. 
Obadi'ah. 1. The sons of Obadiah are 
enumerated in a corrupt passage of the 
genealogy of the tribe of Judah (1 Chr. 
iii. 21). 2. According to the received 
text, one of the five sons of Izrahiah, a 
descendant of Issachar and a chief man of 
his tribe (1 Chr. vii. 3). 3. One of the 
six sons of Azel, a descendant of Saul 
(1 Chr. viii. 38, ix. 44). 4. A Levite, son 
of Shemaiah, and descended from Jeduthun 
(1 Chr. ix. 16). He appears to have been 
a principal musician in the Temple choir in 
the time of Nehemiah (Neh. xii. 25). 5. 
The second of the lion-faced Gadites, who 
joined David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 9). 6. 
One of the princes of Judah in the reign of 
Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 7). 7. The son 
of Jehiel, of the sons of Joab, who came 
up in the second caravan with Ezra (Ezr. 
viii. 9). 8. A priest, or family of priests, 
who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah 
(Neh. X. 5). 9. {Servant of the Lord), 
the fourth of the twelve minor prophets. 
We know nothing of him except what we 
can gather from the short book which bears 
his name. The Hebrew tradition that he 
is the same person as the Obadiah of Ahab's 
reign (IK. xviii. 7-16), is destitute of all 
foundation. The question of his date must 
depend upon the interpretation of the 11th 
verse of his prophecy. He there speaks 
of the conquest of Jerusalem and the cap- 
tivity of Jacob. If he is referring to the 
well-known captivity by Nebuch8dne£/,ar, 
he must have lived at the time of the Baby- 
lonish captivity, and have prophesied subbo- 
quently to the year b. c. 588. If, further, 
his prophecy against Edom found its first 
fulfilment in the conquest of that country by 
Nebuchadnezzar in the year b. c. 583, we 
have its date fixed. It must have been 
uttered at some time in the five years 
which intervened between those two dates. 
The only argument of any weight for the 
early date i>f Obadiah is his position in th« 



OBAL. 



468 



OG 



list of the books of the minor prophets. 
Why should he have been inserted between 
A.nios and Jonah if his date is about b. c. 
685? The answer seems to be, that the 
prophecy of Obadiah is an amplification of 
the last five verses of Amos, and was there- 
fore placed ney* after the book of Amos. 
The book of Obadiah is a sustained denun- 
ciation of the Edomites, melting into a 
vision of the future glories of Zion, when 
the arm of the Lord should have wrought 
her deliverance and have repaid double 
upon her enemies. 10. An officer of high 
rank in the court of Ahab, who is described 
as " over the house," that is, apparently, 
lord high chamberlain, or mayor of the 
palace (1 K. xviii. 3). His influence with 
the king must have been great to enable 
hill to retain his position, though a devout 
worshipper of Jehovali, during the fierce 
persecution of the prophets by Jezebel. 
At the peril of his life he concealed a hun- 
dred of them in caves, and fed them there 
with bread and water. But he himself does 
not seem to have been suspected (1 K. 
xviii. 4, 13). The occasion upon which 
Obadiah appears in the history shows the 
confidential nature of his office (1 K. 
xviii. 7-16). 11. The father of Ishmaiah, 
who was chief of the tribe of Zebulon in 
David's reign (1 Chr. xxvii. 19). 12. A 
Merarite Levite in the reign of Josiah, and 
on:: of the overseers of the workmen in the 
restoration of the Temple (2 Chr. xxxiv. 
12). 

O'bal. A son of Joktan, and, like the 
rest of his family, apparently the founder 
of an Arab tribe (Gen. x. 28), which has 
not yet been identified. In 1 Clir. i. 22 the 
name is written Ebal, which has been 
compared with the Avalitae and the Geha- 
nitae. 

O'bed. 1. Son of Boaz and Ruth the 
Moabitess (Ruth iv. 17). The circum- 
stances of his birth, which make up all that 
we know about him, are given with much 
beauty in the book of Ruth, and form a 
most interesting specimen of the religious 
and social life of the Israelites in the days 
of Eli. The name of Obed occurs only 
Ruth iv. 17, and in the four genealogies, 
Rutli iv. 21, 22; 1 Chr. ii. 12; Matt. i. 5; 
Luke iii. 32. In all these five passages, 
and in the first with peculiar emphasis, he 
is said to be the father of Jesse. 2. A de- 
scendant of Jarha, the Egyptian slave of 
Sheshan in the line of Jerahmeel. He was 
grandson of Zabad, one of David's mighties 
(1 Chr. ii. 37, 38). 3. One of David's 
mighty men (1 Chr. xi. 47). 4. One of 
the gate-keepers of the Temple ; son of 
Shemaiah the first-born of Obed-edora (1 
Chr. xxvi. 7). 5. Father of Azariah, one 
of the captains of hundreds who joined 
with Jelioiada in the revolution by which 
Athaliali fell (2 Chr. xxiii. 1). 



O'bed-e'dom. 1. A Le .te, desoiibed 

as a GitliLe (2 Sam. vi. 10, 11), that is. 
probably, a native of the Levitical city of 
Gath-Rimmon in Manasseh, which was as- 
signed to the Kohathites (.Josh. xxi. 45). 
After the death of Uzzah, the ark, which 
was being conducted from the house of 
Abinadab in Gibeah to the city of David, 
was carried aside into the house of Obed- 
edom, where it continued three months. 
It was brought thence by David (1 Chr. 
XV. 25; 2 Sam. vi, 12). 2. " Obed-edom 
the son of Jed\ithun " (1 Chr. xvi. 38), a 
Merarite Levite, appears to be a different 
person from the last-mentioned. He was a 
Levite of the second degree and a gate- 
keeper for the ark (1 Chr. xv. 18, 24), ap 
pointed to sound " with harps on the Shera- 
inith to excel" (1 Chr. xv. 21, xvi. 5). 

O'bil. An Ishmaelite who was appro 
priately appointed keeper of the herds oi 
camels in the reign of David (1 Chr. xxvii 
30). 

Oblation. [Sacbifice.] 

O'both., one of the encampments of tbf 
Israelites, east of Moab (Num. xxi. 1(1 
xxxiii. 43). Its exact site is unknown. 

Oc'ran. An Asherite, father of Pagi«J 
(Num. i. 13, ii. 27, vii. 72, 77, x. 26). 

O'ded. 1. The father of Azariah tlie 
prophet in the reign of Asa (2 Chr. xv. 1). 
2. A prophet of Jehovah in Samaria, at the 
time of Pekah's invasion of Judah (2 Chir. 
xxviii. 9). 

Odol'lam. [Adullam.J 

Offerings. [Sacrifice.] 

Ofl3.cer. It is obvious that most, if not 
all, of the Hebrew words rendered " offi- 
cer," are either of an indefinite character, 
or are synonymous terms for functionaries 
known under other and more specific names, 
as " scribe," " eunuch," &c. The two words 
so rendered in the N. T. each bear in ordi- 
nary Greek a special sense. In the case ol 
rmriQ^rjg this is of no very definite kind, but 
the word is used to denote an inferior officer 
of a court of justice, a messenger or bailiff, 
like the Roman viator or lictor. IlQaxTOQsi 
at Athens were officers whose duty it was 
to register and collect fines imposed by 
courts of justice ; and " deliver to the offi- 
cer " means, give in the name of the debtor 
to the officer of the court. 

Og, an Amoritish king of Bashan, whose 
rule extended over sixty cities (Josh. xiii. 
12). He was one of the last representatives 
of the giant race of Rephaim, and was, with 
his children and his people, defeated and 
exterminated by the Israelites at Edrei im- 
mediately after the conquest of Sihon (Dent, 
iii. 1-13 ; Num. xxxii. 33. Also Deut. i. 4, 
iv. 47, xxxi. 4; Josh. ii. 10, ix. 10, xiii. 12, 
30). The belief in Og's enormous stature 
is corroborated by an appeal to his iron bed- 
stead preserved in " Rabbath of the children 
of Ammon" (Deut. iii. V) Some have 



OIL 



469 



OINTMENT 



supposed that this was one of the common 
fiat beds used sometimes on the housetops of 
Eastern cities, but made of iron instead of 
palm-branches, which would not have sup- 
portea the giant's weight. It is more prob- 
able that the words mean a " sarcophagus 
of black basalt," a rendering of which they 
undoubtedly admit. 

Oil. Of the numerous substances, — an- 
imal and vegetable, — which were known 
to the ancients as yielding oil, the olive- 
berry is the one of which most frequent 
mention is made in the Scriptures. 1. 
Gathering. — Great care is necessary, in 
gathering, not to injure either the fruit it- 
self or the boughs of the tree ; and with this 
view it was either gathered by hand or 
shaken off carefully with a light reed or 
stick. 2. Pressing. — In order to make 
oil, the fruit was either bruised in a mortar, 
crushed in a press loaded with wood or 
stones, ground in a mill, or trodden with the 
feet. The "beaten" oil of Ex. xxvii. 20; 
Lev. xxiv. 2, and Ex. xxix. 40 ; Num. xxviii. 
5, was probably made by bruising in a mor- 
tar. The principal uses of olive-oil may be 
thus stated. 1. As food. — Dried wheat, 
boiled with either butter or oil, but more 
commonly the former, is a common dish for 
all classes in Syria. 2. Cosmetic. — As is 
the case generally in hot climates, oil was 
used by the Jews for anointing the body, 
e. g. after the bath, and giving to the skin 
and hair a smooth and comely appearance, 
t. g. before an entertainment. 3. Funereal. 
— TJie bodies of the dead were anointed 
i^ith oil by the Greeks and Romans, proba- 
bly as a partial antiseptic, and a similar 
custom appears to have prevailed among the 
lews. 4. Medicinal. — The prophet Isaiah 
Ti. 6) alludes to the use of oil as ointment 
in medical treatment ; and it thus furnished 
a fitting symbol, perhaps also an efficient 
remedy, when used by our Lord's disciples 
in the miraculous cures which they were 
enabled to perform (Mark vi. 13). With a 
similar intention, no doubt, its use was en- 
joined by St. James (v. 14). 5. Oil for 
light. — The oil for "the light" was ex- 
pressly ordered to be olive-oil, beaten. In 
the same manner the great lamps used at 
tlie Feast of Tabernacles were fed. 6. 
Ritual. — Oil was poured on, or mixed with 
th^ flour or meal used in offerings. On the 
other hand, certain offerings were to be de- 
void of oil; the sin-offering. Lev. v. 11, 
and the offering of jealousy. Num. v. 15. 
The principle on which both the presence 
and the absence of oil were prescribed is, 
clearly, that as oil is indicative of gladness, 
so its absence denoted sorrow or humiliation 
(Is. Ixi. 3; Joel ii. 19; Rev. vi. 6). Kings, 
priests, and propliets were anointed with 
oil or ointment. 7. As so important a ne- 
cessary of life, the Jew was required to 
fnclwie oil an>ong Ids iLrct-fruit offerings 



(Ex xxii. 29, xxiii. 16; Num. xviii. 12; 
Deut. xviii. 4; 2 Chr. xxxi. 5). Tithes of 
oil were also required (Deut. xii. 17; 2 
Chr. xxxi. 5, &c.). [Olive.] 

Oil-tree (Heb. Hs shemen). The He- 
brew words occur in Neh. viii. 15 (A. V. 
"pine-branches"), 1 K. vi. 23 ("olive- 
tree"), and in Is. xli. 19 ("oil-tree"). 
From the passage in Nehemiah, where the 
Hs shemen is mentioned as distinct from the 
"olive-tree," it may perhaps be identified 
with the zackum-tre^ of the Arabs, the 
Balanites Aegyptiaca, a well-known and 
abundant shrub or small tree in the plain 
of Jordan. The zackura-oil is held in high 
repute by the Arabs for its medicinal prop- 
erties. [Olive.] 




BcHanitea Aegyptiaca. 

Ointment. 1. Cosmetic. — The Greek 
and Roman practice of anointing the head 
and clothes on festive occasions prevailed 
also among the Egyptians, and appears to 
have had place among the Jews (Ruth iii. 
3; Eccl. vii. 1, ix. 8 ; Prov. xxvii. 9, 16, 
&c.). Oil of myrrh, for like purposes, is 
mentioned Esth. ii. 12. 2. Funereal. — Oint- 
ments as well as oil were used to anoint 
dead bodies and the clothes in which they 
were wrapped (Matt. xxvi. 12 ; Mark xi\ . 
3, 8; Luke xxiii. 56; John xii. 3, 7, xix. 
40). 3. Medicinal. — Ointment formed an 
important feature in anc lent medical treat- 
ment (Is. i. 6). The mention of balm of 
Gilead and of eye-salve (collyrium) points 
to the same method (Is. i. 6 ; John ix. 6 ; 
Jer. viii. 22; Rev. iii. 18, &c.). 4. Ritual. 
— Besides the oil used in many neremoiiiaJ 



olj> testament 



470 



OLD TESTAMENT 



uDs>ei vaii{;es, a special ointment was appoint- 
ed to be used in consecration (Ex.xxx. 23, 33, 
xxix. 7, xxxvii. 29, xl. 9, 15). Strict prohi- 
bition was issued against using this unguent 
for any secular purpose, or on the person of 
a foreigner, and against imitating it in any- 
way whatsoever (Ex. xxx. 82, 33). — A per- 
son whose business it was to compound oint- 
uients in general was called an " apothe- 
cary " (Neh. iii. 8 ; Eccl. x. 1 ; Ecclus. 
xlix. 1). The work was sometimes carried 
on by women " confectionaries " (1 Sam. 
viii. 13). In the Christian Church the an- 
cient usage of anointing the bodies of the 
dead was long retained. The ceremony of 
Chrism or anointing was also added to bap- 
tism. 

Old Testament. A. Text of the 
Olu Testament. 1. History of the Text. 
— A history of the text of the O. T. should 
properly commence from the date of the 
completion of the canon. As regards the 
form in which the sacred writings were 
preserved, there can be little doubt that the 
text was ordinarily written on skins, rolled 
up into volumes, like the modern syna- 
gogue-rolls (Ps. xl. 7 ; Jer. xxxvi. 14 ; 
Zech, v. 1 ; Ez. ii. 9). The original char- 
acter in which the text was expressed is 
that still preserved to us, with the excep- 
tion of four letters, on the Maccabaean 
coins, and having a strong affinity to the 
Samaritan character. At what date this 
was exchanged for the present Aramaic 
or square character is still as undetermined, 
as it is at what date the use of the Aramaic 
language in Palestine superseded that of 
the Hebrew. The Old Jewish tradition, 
repeated by Origen and Jerome, ascribed 
the change to Ezra. [Writing.] Of any 
logical division, in the written text, of the 
prose of the 0. T. into Pesukim, or verses, 
we find in the Talmud no mention ; and 
5ven in the existing synagogue-rolls such 
division is generally ignored. In the poet- 
ical books, the Pesukim mentioned in the 
Talmud correspond to the poetical lines, 
not to our modern verses. Of the docu- 
nents which directly bear upon the history 
of the Hebrew text, the two earliest are 
tlie Samaritan copy of the Pentateuch, and 
the Greek translation of the LXX. [Sa- 
maritan Pentateuch; Septuagint.] In 
the translations of Aquila and the other 
Greek interpreters, the fragments of whose 
works remain to us in the Hexapla, we 
have evidence of the existence of a text 
differing but little from our own : so also 
in the Targums of Onkelos and Jonathan. 
A feT centuries later we have, in the Hex- 
apla additional evidence to the same effect 
in Origen's transcriptions of the Hebrew 
text. And yet more important are the 
proofs of the firm establishment of the 
lext, and of its substantial identity with 
our own, supplied by the translation of Jer- 



ome, who was instructed by the Palestin 
ian Jews, and mainly relied upon theii 
authority for acquaintance not only with 
the text itself, but also with the traditional 
unwritten vocalization of it. This brings 
us to the middle of the Talnmdic peiiod 
The care of the Talmudic doctors for the 
text is shown by the pains with which they 
counted up the number of verses in the 
different books, and computed which wei-* 
the middle verses, words, and letters in the 
Pentateuch and in the Psalms. The scru- 
pulousness with which the Talmudists noted 
what they deemed the truer readings, and 
yet abstained from introducing them into 
tlie text, indicates at once both the diligence 
with which they scrutinized the text, and 
also the care with which, even while ac- 
knowledging its occasional imperfections, 
they guarded it. Critical procedure is also 
evinced in a mention of their rejection of 
manuscripts which were found not to agre<. 
with others in their readings ; and the ruleii 
given with reference to the transcription 
and adoption of manuscripts attest the cam 
bestowed upon them. It is evident from 
the notices of the Talmud that a numbei 
of oral traditions had been gradually accu- 
mulating respecting both the integrity of 
particular passages of the text itself, and 
also the manner in which it was to be read. 
This vast heterogeneous mass of traditions 
and criticisms, compiled and embodied in 
writing, forms what is known as the Maso- 
rah, i. e. Tradition. From the end of the 
Masoretic period onward, the Masorah be- 
came the great authority by which the 
text given in all the Jewish MSS. was set- 
tled. 2. Manuscripts. — We must now 
give an account of the O. T. MSS. known 
to us. They fall into two main classes : 
Synagogue-rolls and MSS. for private use. 
Of the latter, some are written in the 
square, others in the rabbinic or cursive 
character. The synagogue-rolls contain, 
separate from each other, the Pentateuch, 
the Haphtaroth, or appointed sections of 
the Prophets, and the so-called Megilloth, 
viz. Canticles, Ruth, Lamentations, Eccle- 
siastes, and Esther. Private MSS. in the 
square character are in the book-form, 
either on parchment or on paper, "vnd of 
various sizes, from folio to 12mo. Some 
contain the Hebrew text alone ; others add 
the Targum, or an Arabic or other trans- 
lation, either interspersed with the text or 
in a separate column, occasionally in the 
margin. The upper and lower margins 
are generally occupied by the Masorah, 
sometimes by rabbinical commentaries, &c. 
The date of a MS. is ordinarily given in the 
subscription ; but as the subscriptions are 
often concealed in the Masorah or elsewhere, 
it is occasionally difficult to find them : occa 
sionally also it is difficult to decipher then) 
No satisfactory criteria have been vet estab 



OLD TESTAMENT 



471 



OLD TESTAMENT 



lisli&i 1/ wrliich the ages of MSS. are to 
b<» determined. Few existing MSS. are 
supposed to be older than the 12th century. 
Kcmicott and Bruns assigned one of their 
vJoUation (No. 590) to the 10th cintury; 
De Rossi dates it a. d. 1018 ; on the other 
hand, one of his own (No. 634) he adjudges 
to th3 8th century. Since the days of 
KenLitott and De Rossi modern research 
has 3^iC0vered various MSS. beyond the 
li'uits of Europe. Of many of these there 
seams no reason to suppose that they will 
add much to our knowledge of tlie Hebrew 
text. It is different with the MSS. exam- 
ined by P'nner at Odessa. One of these 
MSS. (A. No. 1), a Pentateuch roll, un- 
pointed, brought from Derbend in Daghes- 
tan, appears by the subscription to have 
been written previously to the year a. d. 
580 ; and, if so, is the oldest known Bibli- 
cal Hebrew MS. in existence. The forms 
of the letters are remarkable. Another 
MS. (B. No. 3) containing the Prophets, 
on parchment, in small folio, although only 
dating, according to the inscription, from 
A. D. 916, and furnished with a Masorah, is 
I yet greater treasure. Its vowels and ac- 
cents are wholly different from those now 
in use, both in form and in position, being 
all above the letters : they have according- 
ly been the theme of much discussion 
among Hebrew scholars. 3. Printed Text. 
— Tlie history of the printed text of the 
Hebrew Bible commences with the early 
Jewish editions of the separate books. 
First appeared the Psalter, in 1477, proba- 
bly at Bologna, in 4to., with Kimclii's com- 
Dientary interspersed among the verses. 
Only the first four psalms had the vowel- 
points, and these but clumsily expressed. 
At Bologna there subsequently appeared, 
in 1482, the Pentateuch, in folio, pointed, 
with the Targum and the commentary of 
Rashi ; and the five Megilloth (Ruth — Es- 
ther), in folio, with the commentaries of 
Rashi and Aben Ezra. From Soncino, near 
Cremona, issued in 1486 the Prophetae 
priores (Joshua — Kings), folio, unpoint- 
ed, with Kimchi's commentary. The hon- 
or of printing the first entire Hebrew Bible 
belongs to the above-mentioned town of 
Soncino. The edition is in folio, pointed 
and accentuated. Nine copies only of it 
<ire now known, of which one belongs to 
Exeter Cc liege, Oxford. This was followed, 
in 1194, by the 4to. or 8vo. edition printed 
by Gorsom at Brescia, remarkable as being 
llie edition from which Luther's German 
translation was made. Aftei the Brescijm, 
the next primary edition was that contained 
in the Oomplutensian Polyglot, published 
at Complutum (Alcala) in Spain, at the ex- 
pense of Cardinal Ximenes, dated 1514-17, 
but not issued till 1522. To this succeeded 
B-n edition which has had more influence 
than any on tlie tex<^ *»f later times — the 



Second Rabbinical Bible, printed by Bom- 
berg at Venice, 4 vols, fol., 1525-6. Tht 
editor was the learned Tunisian Jew, R. 
Jacob ben Chaim. The great feature of 
his work lay in the correctiOi.1 of the text 
by the precepts of the Masorah, in vl\ici» 
he was profoundly skilled, and on wiiichv. 
as well as on the text itself, his labors v en' 
employed. The Hebrew Bible which be- 
came the standard to subsequent generations 
was that of Joseph Athias, a learned rabbi 
and printer at Amsterdam. His text was 
based on a comparison of the previous edi- 
tions with two MSS.; one bearing date 
1299, the other a Spanish MS., boasting an 
antiquity of 900 years. It appeared at 
Amsterdam, 2 vols. 8 vo. 1661. 4. Prin 
ciples of Criticism. — The method of pro- 
cedure required in the criticism of the O 
T. is widely different from that practised in 
the criticism of the N. T. Our O. T. tex- 
tus receptus is a far more faithful represen- 
tation of the genuine Scripture, but, on tht 
other hand, the means of detecting and 
correcting the errors contained in it are 
more precarious, the results are more un- 
certain, and the ratio borne by the value of 
the diplomatic evidence of MSS. to that of 
a good critical judgment and sagacity is 
greatly diminished. It is indeed to the d 
rect testimony of the MSS. that, in endeav- 
oring to establish the true text, we must 
first have recourse. The comparative puri- 
ty of the Hebrew text is probably diflerenl 
in difi'erent parts of the O. T. In the re- 
vision of Dr. Davidson, who has generally 
restricted himself to the admission of cor- 
rections warranted by MS., Masoretic, or 
Talmudic authority, those in the book of 
Genesis do not exceed 11; those in the 
Psalms are proportionately three times as 
numerous ; those in the historical books and 
the Prophets are proportionately more nu- 
merous than those in the Psalms. 

B. Interpretation of the Old Testa- 
ment. 1. History of the Interpretation. — 
At the period of the rise of Christianity two 
opposite tendencies had manifested them- 
selves in the interpretation cf the O. 'l 
among the Jews ; the one to an extreme lit- 
eralism, the other to an arbitrary allegorism. 
The former of these was mainly develrped 
in Palestine, where the Law ^f Moses was, 
from the nature of things, most completely 
observed. On the other hand at Alexan- 
dria the allegorizing tendency prevailed. 
Germs of it had appeared in the apocr}plial 
writings, as where in the Book of Wi:-doni 
(xviii. 24) the priestly vestments '^ f A aron 
had been treated as symbolical of the uni- 
verse. The Alexandrian interpreters wen 
striving to vindicate for the Hebrew Scrip 
tures a new dignity in the eyes of tiie 
Gentile world, by showing that Moses had 
anticipated all tlie doctrines of tlie piiiloso- 
phers of Greece. The earliest Cbristian 



ULI) TESTAMENT 



472 



ULD TESTAMENl 



oon-apostolic treatment of the O. T, was 
necessarily much dependent on that which 
it had received frc^m tlie Jews. Tertullian 
well laid it down as a canon that the words 
of Scripture were to be interpreted only in 
their logical connection, and with reference 
to the occasion on wliich they were uttered. 
The Christian interpreters by their belief 
in Christ stood on a vantage-ground for the 
comprehension of the whole burden of the 
O. T. to which tlie Jews had never reached ; 
and thus, however they may have erred in 
the details of their interpretations, they were 
^-merally conducted by them to the right 
eoncliisions in regard of Christian doctrine. 
It was at Alexandria, which through her 
previous learning had already exerted the 
deepest influence on the interpretation of 
the O. T., that definite principles of inter- 
pretation were by a new order of men, 
the most illustrious and influential teachers 
in the Christian Church, first laid down. 
Clement here led the way. He was suc- 
ceeded by his scholar Origen. With him 
biblical interpretation showed itself more 
decidedly Christian. Origen recognizes in 
Scripture, as it were, a body, soul, and 
spirit, answering to the body, soul, and 
spirit of man : the first serves for the edifi- 
cation of the simple, the second for that of 
the more advanced, the third for that of the 
perfect. The influence of Origen's writings 
was supreme in the Greek Church for a 
hundred years after his death. Augustine 
stood somewhat in advance of Origen ; care- 
fully preserving in its integrity the literal 
sense of the historical narrative of Scrip- 
ture as the substructure of the mystical, 
lest otherwise the latter should prove to be 
but a building in the air. In the interpre- 
tation which prevailed through the middle 
ages, the mystical sense of Scripture was 
entirely divorced from the literal. The first 
impulse to the new investigation of the lit- 
eral meaning of the text of the O. T. came 
from the great Jewish commentators, most- 
ly of Spanish origin, of the 11th and follow- 
ing centuries; Rashi (f 1105), Aben Ezra 
(t 1107), Kimchi (f 1240), and others. 
2. Principles of Interpretation. — From the 
foregoing sketch it will have appeared that 
it has been vory generally recognized that 
the interpretation of the O. T. embraces the 
iiscovery of its literal, moral, and spiritual 
meaning. It has given occasion to mis- 
representation to speak of the existence in 
Scripture of more than a single sense; 
rather, then, let it be said that there are in 
it thre* elements, co-existing and coalescing 
witii each other, and generally requiring 
e&,ch other's presence in order tliat they may 
bt severally manifested. Correspondingly 
too there are three portions of the 0. T. 
in which the respective elements, each in 
its turn, shine out with peculiar lustre. 
T'he literal (and historical element is most 



obviousl} displayed in the historical narra- 
tive : the moral is specially honored in the 
Law, and in the hortatory addresses of the 
Prophets : the predictions of the Prophet(s> 
bear emphatic witness to the prophetical oi 
spiritual. With these preliminary observ*- 
tions we may glance at the several branches 
of the interpreter's task. First, then, Scrip- 
ture has its outward form or body, all the 
several details of which he will have to ex- 
plore and to analyze. He must ascertaic 
the thing outwardly asserted, commanded 
foretold, prayed for, or the like ; and this 
with reference, so far as is possible, to the 
historical occasion and circumstances, the 
time, the place, the political and social posi- 
tion, the manner of life, the surrounding 
influences, the dintinctive character, and 
the object in view, alike of the writers, the 
persons addressed, and the persons who ap- 
pear upon the scene. From the outward 
form of the O. T. we proceed to it? moral 
element or soul. It was with reference to 
this that St. Paul declared that all Scripture 
was given by inspiration of God, and was 
profitable for doctrine, for reproof, for cor- 
rection, for instruction in rigJiteousness (2 
Tim. iii. 16) ; and it is in the implicit recog- 
nition of the essentially moral character of 
the whole, that our Lord and His apostles 
not only appeal to its direct precepts (e. g 
Matt. XV. 4; xix. 17-19% and set forth the 
fulness of their bearing (e. g. Matt. ix. 13), 
but also lay bare moral lessons in O. T. 
passages which lie rather beneath the sur- 
face than upon it (Matt. xix. 5, 6, xxii. 32 ; 
Jolm X. 34, 35 ; Acts vii. 48, 49 ; 1 Cor. ix. 
9, 10; 2 Cor. viii. 13-15). With regard 
more particularly to the Law, our Lord 
shows in His Sermon on the Mount how 
deep is the moral teaching implied in its 
letter ; and in His denunciation of the Phar- 
isees, upbraids them for their omission of 
its weightier matters — judgment, mercy, 
and faith. But the O. T. has further its 
spiritual and therefore prophetical element 
Our attention is here first attracted to the 
avowedly predictive parts of the O. T., of 
the prospective reference of which, at the 
time that they were uttered, no question can 
exist, and the majority of whicli still await- 
ed their fulfilment when the Redeemer of 
the world was born. With Christ the nev 
era of the fulfilment of prophecy com- 
menced. 

C. Quotations from the Old Testa- 
ment IN THE New Testament. — The New 
Testament quotations from the Old forir 
one of the outward bonds of connection be- 
tween the two parts of the Bible. They 
are manifold in kind. In the quotations 
of all kinds from the Old Testament in th*- 
New, we find a continual A^ariation from the 
letter of the older Scriptures. To this vari- 
ation three causes Tiay be specified as 
having contributed : First, all be N. T 



OLIVE 



473 



OLrVB 



mters quoted from the Septuagint; cor- 
recting it indeed more or less by the Hebrew, 
especially when it was needful for their 
purpose ; occasionally deserting it altogeth- 
er; still abiding by it to so large an extent 
as to show that it was the primary source 
whence tl^eir quotations were drawn. Sec- 
ondly, the N. T. writers must have fre- 
^ujntly quoted from memory. Thirdly, 
"rombired with this, there was an alteration 
i conscious or unconscious design. Some- 
times the object of this was to obtain in- 
creased force. Sometimes an O. T. passage 
is abridged, and in the abridgment so adjust- 
sd, bj' a little alteration, as to present an 
aspect of completeness, and yet omit what 
18 foreign to the immediate purpose (Acts 
i. 20; 1 Cor. i. 31). At other times a pas- 
sage is enlarged by the incorporation of a 
passage from another source : thus in Luke 
iv. 18, 19, although the contents are pro- 
fessedly those read by our Lord from Is. 
(xi., we have the words " to set at liberty 
them that are bruised," introduced from Is. 
Iviii. 6 (Sept.) : similarly in Rom. xi. 8, 
Deut. xxix. 4 is combined with Is. xxix. 
10. In some cases still greater liberty of 
alteration is assumed. In some places 
again, the actual words of the original are 
taken up, but employed with a new mean- 
ing. Almost more remarkable than any 
alteration in the quotation itself, is the cir- 
cumstance that in Matt, xxvii. 9, Jeremiah 
should be named as the author of a proph- 
ecy really delivered by Zechariah; the 
reason being that the prophecy is based 
upon that in Jer. xviii., xix., and that with- 
out a reference to this original source the 
most essential features of the fulfilment of 
Zechariah's prophecy would be misunder- 
stood. [Bible.] 

Olive. No tree is more closely associ- 
ated with the history and civilization of 
man. Many of the Scriptural associations 
of the olive-tree are singularly poetical. 
It has this remarkable interest, in the first 
place, that its foliage is the earliest that is 
mentioned by name, when the waters of the 
dood began to retire (Gen. viii. 11). Next 
we find it the most prominent tree in the 
earliest allegory (Judg. ix. 8, 9). With 
David it is the emblem of prosperity and 
the divine blessing (Ps. lii. 8, cxxviii. 3). 
So with the later prophets it is the symbol 
of beauty, luxuriance, and strength. We 
must bear in mind, in reading this imagery, 
that the olive was among the most abun- 
dant and characteristic vegetation of Ju- 
daea. Turning now to the mystic imagery 
of Zechariah (iv. 3, 11-14), and of St. 
John in the Apocalypse (Rev. xi. 3, 4), we 
find the olive-tree used, in both cases, in a 
very remarkable way. Finally, in the 
argumentation of St. Paul concerning the 
relative positions of the Jews and Gentiles 
in the f'cinsela of God, this tree supplies 



the basis of one of his most forcible alle- 
gories (Rom. xi. 16-25). The Gentilet 
are the "wild olive " grafted in upon the 
"good olive," to which once the Jews be- 
longed, and with which they may again be 
incorporated. The olive-tree grows freely 
almost everywhere on the shores of the 
Mediterranean, but it was peculiarly abun- 
dant in Palestine (see Deut. vi. 11, viii. 8, 
xxviii. 40). Olive-yards are a matter of 
course in descriptions of the country, like 
vineyards and cornfields (Judg. xv. 5; 1 
Sam. viii. 14). The kings had very exten- 
sive ones (1 Chr. xxvii. 28). Even no^ 
the tree is very abundant in the country. 
Almost every village has its olive-grove. 
Certain districts may be specified where at 
various times this tree has been very lux- 
uriant. The cultivation of the olive-tree 
had the closest connection with the domes- 
tic life of the Israelites (2 Chr. ii. 10), theii 
trade (Ez. xxvii. 17; Hos. xii. 1), and even 
their public ceremonies and religious wor- 
ship. The oil was used in coronations : 
thus it was an emblem of sovereignty (1 
Sam. x. 1, xii. 3, 5). It was also mixed 
with the offerings in sacrifice (Lev. ii. 1, 2, 
6, 15). For the burning of it in common 
lamps see Matt. xxv. 3, 4, 8. The use of 
it on the hair and skin was customary, and 
indicative of cheerfulness (Ps. xxiii. 5 ; 
Matt. vi. 17). It was also employed me- 
dicinally in surgical cases (Luke x. 34). 
See again Mark vi. 13 ; Jam. v. 14, for its 
use in combination with prayer on behalf 
of the sick. In Solomon's temple the 
cherubim were "of olive-tree" (1 K. vi. 
23), as also the doors (vers. 31, 32) and 
the posts (ver. 33). As to the berries 
(Jam. iii. 12; 2 Esd. xvi. 29), which pro- 
duce the oil, they were sometimes gathered 
by shaking the tree (Is. xxiv. 13), some- 
times by beating it (Deut. xxiv. 20). Then 
followed the treading of the fruit (Deut. 
xxxiii. 24; Mic. vi. 15). Hence the men- 
tion of " oil-fats " (Joel ii. 24). The wind 
was dreaded by the cultivator of the olive, 
for the least ruffling of a breeze is apt to 
cause the flowers to fall (Job xv. 33). It 
is needless to add that tlie locust was a 
formidable enemy of the olive (Araos iv. 
9). It happened not unfrequently that 
hopes were disappointed, and that " the 
labor of the olive failed" (Hab. iii. 17). 
As to the growth of the tree, it thrives 
best in warm and sunny situations. It is 
of a moderate height, with knotty gnarled 
trunks, and a smooth ash-colored bark. It 
grows slowly, but it lives to an immense 
age. Its look is singularly indicative of 
tenacious vigoi , and this is the force of 
what is said in Scripture of its "green- 
ness," as emblematic of strength and pros- 
perity. The leaves, too, are not decidnous. 
Those who see olives for the first time are 
I occasionally disappointed by f^e duBt<y 



OLIVES, MOUNT Or 



474 



OLIVES, MOLNT OF 



jolor of their foliage; but those who are 
familiar with them find an inexpressible 
charm in the rippling changes of their 
slender gray-green leaves. 

Olives, Mount of. The exact ex- 
pression "the Mount of Olives" occurs in 
the O. T. in Zech. xiv. 4 only ; in the other 
places of the O. T. in wliich it is referred 
to, the form employed is the " ascent of 
the olives " (2 Sam. xv. 30 ; A. V. inaccu- 
rately "the ascent of Mount Olivet"), or 
•imply "the Mount" (Neh. viii. 15), "the 
mount facing Jerusalem" (1 K. xi. 7), or 
* the mountain which is on the east side of 
the city" (Ez. xi. 23). In the N. T. three 
torms of the word occur : 1. The usual 
one, "the Mount of Olives." 2. By St. 
Luke twice (xix. 29, xxi. 37), "the mount 
called the Mount of Olives." 3. Also by 
St. Luke (Acts i. 12), the "mount called 
Olivet." But in tlie Greek text, both in 
the Gospel and the Acts, the same word is 
used, translated by the Vulgate " Olive- 
ttim," that is, the Mount of Oliv^es. — It is 
the well-known eminence on the east of 
Jerusalem, intimately connected with some 
of the gravest events of the history of the 
Old Testament and the New Testament, the 
Bcene of the flight of David and the trium- 
phal progress of the Son of David, of the 
idolatry of Solomon, and tiie agony and 
betrayal of Christ. It is not so much a 
" mount " as a ridge, of rather more than a 
aule in length, running in general direction 
DOith and south, covering the whole eastern 
Bide of the city. At its northern end the 
ridge bends round to the west, so as to form 
an enclosure to the city on that side also. 
But there is this difference, that whereas 
on the north a space of nearly a mile of 
tolerably level surface intervenes between 
the walls of the city and the rising ground, 
on the east the mount is close to the walls, 
parted only by that which from the city it- 
self seems no parting at all — the narrow 
ravine of the Kidron. It is this portion 
which is the real Mount of Olives of the 
history. In general height it is not very 
much above the city : 300 feet higher than 
the Temple Mount, hardly more than 100 
above the so-called Zion. The word " ridge " 
has been used above as the only one avail- 
able for an eminence of some length and 
even height ; but that word is hardly accu- 
rate. There is nothing " ridge-like " in the 
appearance of the Mount of Olives, or of 
any other of the limestone hills of this dis- 
trict of Palestine ; all is rounded, swelling, 
and regular in form. At a distance its out- 
line is almost horizontal, gradually sloping 
away at its southern end; but when seen 
from below the eastern wall of Jerusalem, 
it divides itself into three, or rather per- 
haps four, independent summits or emi- 
nences. Proceeding from north to south, 
these occur in the following order : Galilee, 



or Viri Galilaei; Mount of the Ascenftjjn; 
Prophets, subordinate to the last, and al- 
most a part of it; Mount of Offence. 1. 
Of these the central one, distinguished by 
the minaret and domes of the Church of the 
Ascension, is in every way the most impor- 
tant. Three paths lead from the valley tr. 
the summit. The first passes under the 
north wall of the enclosure of Gethsemane, 
and follows the line of the depression be- 
tween the centre and the nortliern hill. 
The second parts from the first about 50 
yards beyond Gethsemane, and striking off 
to the right up the very breast of the hill, 
surmounts the projection on which if? llie 
traditional spot of the Lam.entation over 
Jerusalem, and thence proceeds directly 
upwards to the village. The third leaves 
the other two at the N. E. corner of Geth- 
semane, and making a considerable detour 
to the south, visits the so-called " Tombs 
of the Prophets," and, following a very 
slight depression which occurs at that part 
of the mount, arrives in its turn at the vil- 
lage. Of these three paths, the first, from 
the fact that it follows the natural shape 
of the ground, is unquestionably older than 
the others, which deviate in pursuit of cer 
tain artificial objects. Every consideration 
is in favor of its being the road taken b} 
David in his flight. It is, with equal proba 
bility, that usually taken by our Lord and 
His disciples in their morning and evening 
transit between Jerusalem and Bethany, 
and that also by which the Apostles re- 
turned to Jerusalem after the Ascension. 
The central hill, which we are now con- 
sidering, purports to contain the sites of 
some of the most sacred and impressive 
events of Christian history. The "majority 
of these sacred spots now command little 
or no attention ; but three still remain, suf- 
ficiently sacred — if authentic — to conse- 
crate any place. Tliese are : (1.) Geth- 
semane, at the foot of the mount. (2.) 
The spot from which our Saviour ascend- 
ed on the summit. (3.) The place of the 
Lamentation of Christ over Jerusalem, half 
way up. Of these, Gethsemane is the only 
one which has any claim to be authentic. 
[Gethsemane.] 2. We have spoken of 
the central and principal portion of the 
mount. Next to it on the southern side, 
separated from it by a slight depression, 
up which the path mentioned above as the 
third takes its course, is a hill which ap- 
pears neither to possess, nor to have pos- 
sessed, any independent name. It is re 
markable only for the fact that it contain* 
the " singulaj' catacomb" known as ihv 
" Tombs of the Prophets," probably in al- 
lusion to the words of Christ (Matt, xxiii. 
29). 3. The most southern portion of 
the Mount of Olives is that usually known 
as the " Mount of Offence," Mons Of- 
fensionts. It rises next to that last B»en- 



OLIVE«, MOUNT OF 



475 



OMItl 



tioDed; and in the hollow between the two, 
more marked than the depressions between 
the more northern portions, runs the road 
irom Betnan}', which was without doubt the 
road of Christ's entry to Jerusalem. The 
title Mount of Offence, or Scandal, was be- 
stowed on the supposition that it is the 
** Mount of Corruption " on which Solomon 
erected the high places for the gods of his 
foreign wives (2 K. xxiii. 13; IK. xi. 7). 
The southern summit is considerably lower 
than the centre one. 4. The only one of the 
four summits remaining to be considered is 
that on the north of the " Mount of Ascen- 
sion " the Karem es Seyad, or Vineyard of 
the Sportsman; or, as it is called by the 
modern Latin and Greek Christians, the Viri 
Galilaei. This is a hill of exactly the same 
character as the Mount of the Ascension, 
and so nearly its equal in height that few 
travellers agree as to which is the more 
lofty. The summits of the two are about 
400 yards apart. It stands directly oppo- 
site tlie N. E. corner of Jerusalem, and is 
approached by the path between it and the 
Mount of Ascension, which strikes at the 
top into a cross-path leading to el-Isawiyeh 
and Anata. The Arabic name well reflects 
the fruitful character of the hill, on which 
there are several vineyards, besides much 
cultivation of other kinds. The Christian 
name is due to the singular tradition, that 
here the two angels addressed the Apostles 
after our Lord's ascension — *' Ye men of 
Galilee ! " This idea, which is so incom- 
patible, on account of the distance, even 
with the traditional spot of the Ascension, 
is of late existence and inexplicable origin. 
— The presence of the crowd of churches 
and other edifices must have rendered the 
Mount of Olives, during the early and 
middle ages of Christianity, entirely unlike 
what it was in the time of the Jewish king- 
dom or of our Lord. Except the high places 
on the summit, the only buildings then to 
be seen were probably the walls of the 
vineyard-s and gardens, and the towers and 
presses which were their invariable accom- 
paniment. But though the churches are 
nearly aU demolished, there must be a con- 
siderable difference between the aspect of 
the mountain now and '.n those days when 
tt received its name from the abundance of 
Its olive-groves. It does not now stand so 
prrveminent in this respect among the hills 
in the neighborhood of Jerusalem. It is 
on'y in the deeper and more secluded slope 
leading up to the northernmost summit that 
these venerable trees spread into anything 
like a forest. The cedars commemorated 
by the Talmud, and the date-palms implied 
in the name Bethany, have fared still worse ; 
there is not one of either to be found within 
mauy miles. Two religious ceremonies per- 
fiirmed there must have done much to in- 
crease the numbers who resorted to the 



mount. The appearance cf the new mo *o 
was probably watched for, ucrtainly pro- 
claimed, from the summit. The second 
ceremony referred to was the burning of 
tlie Red Heifer. This solemn ceremonial 
was enacted on the central mount, and in a 
spot so carefully specified that it would 
seem not diflS^cult to fix it. It was due east 
of the sanctuary, and at such an elevation 
on the mount that the officiating priest, 
as he slew the animal and sprinkled her 
blood, could see the facade of the sanctuary 
through the east gate of the Temple. To 
this spot a viaduct was constructed across 
the valley on a double row of arches, so a» 
to raise it far above all possible proximity 
with graves or other defilements. It was 
probably demolished by the Jews them- 
selves on the approach of Titus, or even 
earlier, when Pompey led his army by Jer- 
icho and over the Mount of Olives. This 
would account satisfactorily for its not be- 
ing alluded to by Josephus. 

Ol'ivet (2 Sam. xv. 30; Acts i. 12) 
[Olives, Mount of.] 

Olym'pas, "* Christian at Rome (Rom. 
xvi. 15), perhaps of the household of Phi- 
lologus. 

O'mar, son of Eliphaz the firstborn of 
Esau, and " duke " or phy larch of Edom 
(Gen. xxxvi. 11, 15; 1 Chr. i. 36). 

Ome'^a, the last letter of the Greek al- 
phabet, as Alpha is the first. It is used 
metaphorically to denote the end of any- 
thing : '* I am Alpha and Omega, the begin« 
ning and the ending, . . . the first and tho 
last" (Rev. i. 8, 11). 

O'mer. [Weights and Measures."] 

Om'ri. 1. Originally " captain of the 
host " to Elah, was afterwards himself king 
of Israel, ,and founder of the third dynasty. 
When Elah was murdered by Zimri at Tir- 
zah, then capital of the northern kingdom, 
Omri was engaged in the siege of Gibbe- 
thon, situated in the tribe of Dan, which 
had been occupied by the Philistines. Ac 
soon as the army heard of Elah's de^th, 
they proclaimed Omri king. Thereupon he 
broke up the siege of Gibbethon, and at- 
tacked Tirzah, where Zimri was holding 
his court as king of Israel. The city was 
taken, and Zimri perished in the flames of 
the palace, after a reign of seven days. 
Omri, however, was not allowed to estab- 
lish his dynasty without a struggle against 
Tibni, whom " half the people " (1 K. xvi. 
21) desired to raise to the throne. Th« 
civil war lasted four years (cf. 1 K. xvi. 15, 
with 23). After the defeat and death of 
Tibni, Omri reigned for six years in Tir- 
zah ; but at the end of that time he trans- 
ferred Ms residence, probably from the 
proved inability of Tirzah to stand a siege, 
to the mountain Shomron, better known by 
its Greek name Samaria, which he bought 
for two talents of silver from a ricl) man. 



ON 



476 



ONIAS 



Dtheiwise unknown, called Shemer. At 
Samaria Omri reigned for six years more. 
He seems to have been a vigcrous and un- 
scrupulous ruler, anxious to strengthen his 
dynasty by intercourse and alliances with 
foreign states. The probable date of Omri's 
accession (i. e. of the deaths of Elah and 
Zimri) was b. c. 935 ; of Tibni's defeat and 
the beginning of Omri's sole reign b. c. 931, 
and of his death b. c. 919. 2. One of the 
sons of Becher the son of Benjamin (1 Chr. 
vii. 8). 3. A descendant of Pharez the son 
of Judah(lChr. ix. 4). 4. Son of Michael, 
and chief of the tribe of Is sac bar in the 
reign of David (1 Chr. xxvi. 18). 

On, the son of Peleth, and one of the 
chiefs of the tribe of Reuben, who took part 
with Korah, Dathan, and Abiram in their 
revolt against Moses (Num. xvi. 1). His 
name dues not again appear in the narra- 
tive of the conspiracy, nor is he alluded to 
when reference is made to the final catas- 
cropl"- 

On, a lown of Lower Egypt, which is 
mentioned in the Bible under at least two 
names, Beth-Shemesh (Jer. xliii. 13), 
corresponding to the ancient Egyptian 
sacred name Ha-ra, " the abode of the 
sun," and that above, corresponding to the 
common name An. On is better known 
under its Greek name Heliopolis. It was 
situate on the east siie of the Pelusiac 
branch of the Nile, just below the point of 
the Delta, and about twenty miles north- 
east of Memphis. The chief object of 
worship at Heliopolis was the sun, whose 
temple, described by Strabo, is now only 
represented by the single beautiful obelisk, 
which is of red granite, 68 feet 2 inches 
high above the pedestal. Heliopolis was 
anciently famous for its learning, and Eu- 
doxus and Plato studied under its priests. 
The first mention of this place in the Bible 
is in the history of Joseph, to whom we 
read Pharaoh gave "to wife Asenath the 
daughter of Potipherah, priest of On " 
(Gen. xli. 45, comp. ver. 50, and xlvi. 20). 

O'nam. 1. One of the sons of Shobal 
the son of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 23 ; 1 Chr. i. 
40). 2. The son of Jerahmeel by his wife 
Atarah (1 Chr. ii. 26, 28). 

O'nan, the second son of Judah by the 
Canaanitess, " the daughter of Shua " (Gen. 
xxxviii. 4; I Chr. ii. ^3). "What he did 
was evil in the eyes of Jehovah, and He 
slew him also," as He had slain his elder 
brother (Gen. xxxviii. 9). His death took 
place before the family of Jacob went down 
into Egypt (Gen. xlvi. 12; Num. xxvi. 19). 

Ones'imus is the name of the servant 
or slave in whose behalf Paul wrote the 
Epistle to Philemon. He was a native, or 
certainly an inhabitant, of Colossae, since 
Paul in writing to tlie Church there speaks 
of him (Col. iv. 9) as "one of yiu." 
6Ia res »f ere n imerous in Phrygia, and the 



name itself of Phrygian was alraofit synon- 
ymous with that of slave. Onesimus was 
one cf this unfortunate class of persons, 
as is evident both from the manifest impli- 
cation in Phil. 16, and from the general 
tenor of the Epistle. The man escaped 
from his master and fled to Rome, where in 
the midst of its vast population he could 
hope to be concealed. Though it may be 
doubted whether Onesimus heard the gos- 
pel for the first time at Rome, it is beyond 
question that he was led to embrace the 
gospel there through the apostle's instru- 
mentality. The language in ver. 10 of the 
letter is explicit on this point. After his 
conversion, the most happy and friendly 
relations sprung up between the teacher 
and the disciple. The situation of the 
apostle as a captive and an indefatigable 
laborer for the promotion of the gospel 
(Acts xxviii. 30, 31) must have made him 
keenly alive to the sympathies of Christiar 
friendship, and dependent upon others for 
various services of a personal nature, im 
portant to his efficiency as a minister of the 
word. Onesimus appears to have supplied 
this twofold want in an eminent degree. 
Whether Paul desired his presence as a 
personal attendant or as a minister of the 
gospel, is not certain from ver. 13 of the 
Epistle. 

Onesiph'Orus is named twice onlv in 
the N. T., viz. 2 Tim. i. 16-18, and iv.'l9. 
In the former passage Paul mentions him 
in terms of grateful love, as having a noble 
courage and generosity in his behalf, amid 
his trials as a prisoner at Rome, when others 
from whom he expected better things had 
deserted him (2 Tim. iv. 16) ; and in the 
latter passage he singles out "the house- 
hold of Onesiphorus " as worthy of a special 
greeting. It has been made a question 
whether this friend of the apostle was still 
living when the letter to Timothy was writ- 
ten, because in both instances Paul speaks 
of " the household " (in 2 Tim. i. 16) and 
not separately of Onesiphorus himself. 
The probability is, that other members of 
the family were also active Christians ; and 
as Paul wished to remember them at the 
same time, he grouped them together (2 
Tim. iv. 19), and thus delicately recognized 
the common merit, as a sort of family dis- 
tinction. It is evident from 2 Tim. i. 18, 
that Onesiphorus had his home at Ephesus ; 
though if we restrict the salutation near the 
close of tlie Epistle (iv. 19) to L s family 
he himself may possibly have been with 
Paul at Rome when the latter wrote to 
Timothy. 

Oni'as, the name of five high-priests id 
the period between the Old and Nev Testa- 
ments. 1. The son and successor of Jad- 
dua, about b. c. 330-309. According to 
Josephiis he was father of Simon the Just 
2. The son of Simon the Jist. Hfc was ■ 



ONIAS, CITY OF 



477 



OPHIK 



an lor at the time of his father's death 
(about B. c. 290), and the high-priesthood 
was occupied in succession by his uncles 
Eleazar and Manasseh to his exclusion. 
He entered r«n the office about b. c. 240, 
and retained ft till his death, about b. c. 
226, when he was succeeded by his son 
Simon II, 3. The son of Simon II., who 
succet-ded his father in the high-priesthood, 
about B. c. 198. Seleucus Philopator was 
informed by Simon, governor of the Tem- 
ple, of the riches contained in the sacred 
treasury, and he made an attempt to seize 
them ])y force. At the prayer of Onias, ac- 
cording to the tradition (2 Mace, iii.), the 
(Sacrilege was averted ; but the high-priest 
was obliged to appeal to the king himself 
for support against the machinations of 
Simon. Not long afterwards, Seleucus died 
(b. c. 175), and Onias found himself sup- 
planted in the favor of Antiochus Epiphanes 
by his brother Jason, who received the 
high-priesthood from the king. Jason, in 
turn, was displaced by his youngest brother 
Menelaus, who procured the murder of 
Onias (about b. c. 171). 4. The youngest 
brother of Onias III., who bore the same 
name, which he afterwards exchanged for 
Menelaus. 5. The son of Onias III., who 
sought a refuge in Egypt from the sedition 
and sacrilege which disgraced Jerusalem. 
The immediate occasion of his flight was 
the triumph of " the sons of Tobias," 
gained by the interference of Antiochus 
Epiphanes. Onias, receiving the protec- 
tion of Ptol. Philometor, endeavored to 
give a unity to the Hellenistic Jews. With 
this object he founded the temple at Le- 
ontopolis. 

Onias, The City of, The Region 
of Onias, the city in which stood the tem- 
ple built by Onias, and the region of the 
Jewish settlements in Egypt. 

Onions occur only in Num. xi. 5, as 
one of the good things of Egypt of which 
the Israelites regretted the loss. Onions 
have been from time immemorial a favorite 
article of food amongst the Egyptians. The 
onions of Egypt are much milder in flavor 
and less pungent than those of this country. 

O'no, one of the towns of Benjamin, is 
first found in 1 Chr. viii. 12, where Shamed 
or Shamer is said to have built Ono and 
Lod with their " daughter villages." A 
plain was attached to the town, called " the 
plain of Ono" (Neh. vi. 2), perhaps identi- 
cal with the "valley of craftsmen" (Neh. 
xi. 36). 

Onycha occurs only in Ex. xxx. 34, as 
one of the ingredients of the sacred per- 
fume. In Ecclus. xxiv. 15, Wisdom is 
compared to the pleasant odor yielded by 
** galbanum, onyx, and sweet storax." It 
is probably the operculum of a Strombus, 
perhaps S, lentiginosus. 

Onyx, the translation of the Heb. shfi- 



ham; but there is nothing in the cictexts 
of the several passages (Gen. ii. 12 ; Ex. 
xxviii. 9, 20; 1 Chr. xxix. 2; Ez. xxviii ]3) 
where the Hebrew term occurs to help us 
to determine its signification. Some wri- 
ters believe that the " beryl" is intended; 
but the balance of authority is in favor of 
some variety of the onyx. 

O'phel, a part of ancient Jerusalem. 
The name is derived by the lexicographers 
from a root of similar sound, which has the 
force of a swelling or tumor. It does not 
come forward till a late period of Old Test. 
history. In 2 Chr. xxvii. 3, Jothara is said 
to have built much " on the wall of Ophel.'" 
Manasseh, amongst his other defensive 
works, "compassed about Ophel" {Ibid. 
xxxiii. 14). From the catalogue of Nehe- 
miah's repairs to the wall of Jerusalem, it 
appears to have been near the " water- 
gate" (Neh. iii. 26) and the "great tower 
that lieth oui" (ver. 27). Lastly, the for- 
mer of these two passages, and Neh. xi. 21, 
show that Ophel was the residence of the 
Levites. Josephus in his account of tl.w 
last days of Jerusalem mentions it foin 
times as Ophla. Ophel was the swelling 
declivity by which the Mount of the Teni* 
pie slopes oflf on its southern side into the 
Valley of Hinnom — a long, narrowish, 
rounded spur or promontory, which inter- 
venes between the mouth of the central 
valley of Jerusalem (the T3^ropoeon) and 
the Kidron, or* Valley of Jehoshaphat. Half 
way down it on its eastern face is the 
"Eount of the Virgin," so called; and at 
its foot the lower outlet of the same spring 
— the Pool of Siloam. 

O'phir. 1. The eleventh in order of 
the sons of Joktan, coming immediately 
after Sheba (Gen. x. 29 ; 1 Chr. i. 23). 
From the way in which the sons of Joktan 
are here described, it is evident that this 
Ophir corresponds to some city, region, or 
tribe in Arabia. 2. A seaport or region 
from which the Hebrews in the time of Sol- 
omon obtained gold, in vessels which went 
thither in conjunction with Tyrian ships 
from Ezion-geber, near Elath, on that 
branch of the Red Sea which is now called 
the Gulf of Akabah. The gold was pro- 
verbial for its fineness, so that "gold of 
Ophir " is several times used as an expres- 
sion for fine gold (Ps. xlv. 10 ; Job xxviii. 
16 ; Is. xiii. 12 ; 1 Chr. xxix. 4) ; and in one 
passage (Job xxii. 24) the word "Ophir'' 
hj itself is used for gold of Ophir, and for 
gold generally. In addition to gold, the 
vessels brought from Ophir almug-wood 
and precious stones. The precise geograph- 
ical situation of Ophir has long been a 
subject of doubt and discussion. The two 
countries which have divided the opinions 
of the learned have been Arabia and India, 
while some have placed it in Atrica. There 
are only five passages in the historical booki 



OFHIR 



478 



ORGAN 



vhich mention Ophir by name ; Jiree in the 
Books of Kings (1 K. ix. 26-29, x. 11, xxii. 
48), and two in the Books of Chronicles 
(2 Chr. via. 18, ix. 10). The hitter were 
prebably copied from tlie former. In addi- 
tion to these passages, the following verse 
in the Book of Kings has very frequently 
been referred to Ophir : " For the king (i. e. 
Solomon) had at sea a navy of Tharshish 
with tlie navy of Hiram : once in three years 
came the navy of Tharshish bringing gold 
and silver, ivory, and apes, and peacocks " 
(1 K. X. 22). But there is not sufficient 
evidence to show that the fleet mentioned 
in this verse was identical with the fleet 
mentioned in 1 K. ix. 26-29, and 1 K. x. 11, 
as bringing gold, alraug-trees, and precious 
stones from Ophir. If the three passages 
of tlie Book of Kings are carefully exam- 
ined, it will be seen that all the information 
given respecting Ophir is, that it was a 
place or region accessible by sea from 
Ezion-geber on the Red Sea, from which 
imports of gold, almug-trees, and precious 
stones were brought back by the Tyrian and 
Hebrew sailors. Now we have seen above 
that the author of the 10th chapter of Gen- 
esis certainly regarded Ophir as the name 
of some city, region, or tribe in Arabia. 
A.nd It is almost equally certain that the 
Ophix J Genesis is the Ophir of the Book 
oi Ki'igs. There is no mention, either in 
the Bible or elsewhere, of any other Ophir ; 
*n\ the idea of there having been two 
Ophirs evidently arose from a perception of 
-jhe obvious meaning of the lOth chapter of 
<>enesis, on the one hand, coupled with the 
erroneous opinion, on the other, tliat tlie 
L>phir of the Book of Kings could not have 
been in Arabia. Hence the burden of 
proof lies on any one who denies Ophir to 
have been in Arabia. There do not, how- 
ever, appear to be sufficient data for deter- 
mining in favor of any one emporium or of 
any one locality rather than another in 
Arabia, as having been the Ophir of Solo- 
mon. The Book of Kings certainly suggests 
the inference that there was some connec- 
tion between the visit of the Queen of Sheba 
and the voyage to Ophir, but this would be 
consistent with Ophir being either contig- 
aous to Sabaea, or situated on any point 
of the southern or eastern coasts of Arabia ; 
as in either of these cases it would have 
been politic in Solomon to conciliate the 
good will of the Sabaeans, who occupied a 
long tract of the eastern coast of the Red 
Sea, and who might possibly have com- 
mandtjd the Straits of Bab-el-mandeb. In 
answer to objections against the obvious 
meaning of the tenth chapter of Genesis, 
the alternatives may be stated as follows. 
Either Ophir, although in Arabia, produced 
gold and precious stones ; or, if it shall be 
hereafter proved in the progress of geologi- 
^l investiiration that this couhi not have 



been the caso, Ophir furnished gold and 
precious stones as an emporiuyn. 

Oph'ni, a town of Benjamin, mentioned 
in Josh, xviii. 24, the same as the Gophna 
of Josephus, a place which at the timt- of 
Vespasian's invasion was apparently so im* 
portant as to be second only to Jruusalera 
It still survives in the modern Jifna oi 
Jvfna, 2h miles north-west of Bethel. 

Oph'rall. 1. A town in the tribe of 
Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 23; 1 Sam. xiii. 17). 
Jerome places it 5 miles east of Bethel. It 
is perhaps et- Taiyibeh, a small village on 
the crown of a conspicuous hill, 4 miles 
E.N.E. of iBetYm (Bethel). 2. More full> 
Ophrah or THE Abi-ezrites, the native 
place of Gideon (Judg. vi. 11); the scene 
of his exploits against Baal (ver. 24) ; his 
residence after his accession to power (ix. 
5), and the place of his burial in the family 
sepulchre (viii. 32). It was probably in 
Manasseh (vi. 15), and not far distant from 
Shechem (ix. 1, 5). 3. The son of Meono- 
thai (1 Chr. iv. 14). 

Orator. 1. The A. V. rendering in Is. 
iii. 3, for what is literally " skilful in whis 
per, or incantation." 2. The title applied 
to Tertullus, who appeared as the advocate 
OT patron us of the Jewish accusers of St 
Paul before Felix (Acts xxiv. 1). 

Orchard. [Garden.] 

O'reb, the " raven " or " crow," the com- 
panion of Zeeb, the "wolf," was one of the 
chieftains of the Midianite host which in- 
vaded Israel, and was defeated and driven 
back by Gideon. The defeat is but slightly 
touched upon in the narrative of Judges, 
but the terms in which Isaiah refers to it 
(x. 26) are such as to imply that it was a 
truly awful slaughter. He places it in the 
same rank with the two most tremendous 
disasters recorded in the whole of the his- 
tory of Israel — the destruction of the Egyp- 
tians in the Red Sea, and of the army of 
Sennacherib (comp. Ps. Ixxxiii.). The 
slaughter was concentrated round the rock 
at which Oreb fell, and which was long 
known by his name (Judg. vii. 25 ; Is. x 26). 

O'reb, The Rock, the "raven's crag," 
the spot, E. of Jordan, at which the Mid- 
ianite chieftain Oreb, with thousands of his 
countrymen, fell by the hand of the Ephra- 
imites, and which probably acquired its 
name therefrom. It is mentioned in Judg. 
vii. 25 ; Is. x. 26. Perhaps the place called 
'Orbo, which in the Bereshith Rabba is 
stated to have been in the neighborhood 
of Bethshean, nay have some connection 
with it. 

O'ren. One of the sons of Jerahmeel. 
the first-born of Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 25). 

Organ (Gen. iv. 21 ; Job xxi. 12, xxx. 
31; Ps. cl. 4). The Hebrew word xigdl 
or 'uggAb, thus rendered in our version, 
probably denotes a pipe or perforated wind- 
instrument, as the root of the w Drd indicate'^ 



ORION 



479 



OSTRICH 



[n Gen. i f . 21 it appears to be a general 
torm tor ail wind-instruments. In Job xxi. 
12, are eaamerated the three kinds of musi- 
cal instruments which are possible, under 
Uie general terms of the timbrel, harp, and 
organ. Some identify it with the Pandean 
pipes, or syrinx, an instrument of unques- 
tionably ancient origin, and common in the 
East. 

Ori'on. That the constellation known 
to the Hebrews by the name cesil is the 
samo as that which the Greeks called Orion, 
and the Arabs " the giant," there seems 
little reason to doubt (Job ix. 9, xxxviii. 
31; Am. v. 8). The " giant " of Oriental 
astronomy was Nimrod, the mighty hunter, 
who was fabled to have been bound in the 
sky for his impiety. The two dogs and the 
hare, which are among the constellations in 
the neighborhood of Orion, made his train 
complete. There is possibly an allusion to 
tl'is belief in " the bands of cesti " (Job 
xxxviii. 31). 

Ornaments, Personal. The num- 
ber variety, and weight of the ornaments 
ordinarily worn upon the person form one of 
the characteristic features of Oriental cos- 
tume, both in ancient and modern times. 
The monuments of ancient Egypt exhibit the 
bands of ladies loaded with rings, earrings 
of very great size, anklets, armlets, bracelets 
of the most varied character, richly orna- 
mented necklaces, and chains of various 
kinds. There is sufficient evidence in the 
Bible that the inhabitants of Palestine were 
equally devoted to finery. In the Old 
Tcf^tament, Isaiah (iii. 18-23) supplies us 
with a detailed description of the articles 
with which the luxurious women of his 
day were decorated, and the picture is filled 
up by incidental notices in other places. 
The notices which occur in the early books 
of tlie Bible imply the weight and abun- 
dance of the ornaments worn at that period. 
Eliezer decorated Rebekah with " a golden 
nose-ring of half a shekel weight, and two 
bracelets for lier hands of ten skekels 
weight of gold " (Gen. xxiv. 22). Earrings 
were worn by Jacob's wives, apparently as 
charms, for they are mentioned in connec- 
tion with idols (Gen. xxxv. 4). The orna- 
ments worn by the patriarch Judah were a 
'* signet," which was suspended by a string 
round the neck, and a " .staff" (Gen. 
xxxviii. 18) ; the staff itself was probably 
urnaraented. The first notice of the ring 
occurs in reference to Joseph, when he 
was made ruler of Egypt (Gen. xli. 42). 
The number of personal ornaments worn 
by the Egyptians, particularly by the fe- 
males, is incidentally noticed in Ex. iii. 22. 
The political portions of the O. T. contain 
numerous references to the ornaments worn 
by *,he Israelites in the time of their high- 
»*8t prosperity. The appearance of the 
Qviae is tLus described in tlie book of the 



Canticles . " Thy cheeks are comely with 
beads, thy neck with perforated {pearls') \ 
we will make thee beads of gold with studs 
of silver " (i. 10, 11). Her neck rising tall 
and stately, " like the tower of David builded 
for an armory," was decorated with vari- 
ous ornaments hanging like the "thousand 
bucklers, all shields of mighty men, on the 
walls of the armory " (iv. 4) ; her hail 
falling gracefully over her neck* is de- 
scribed figuratively as a "chain" (iv. 9); 
and " the rounding s " (not as in the A. V." 
"the joints") of her thighs are likened to 
the pendant of an earring, which tapers 
gradually downwards (vii. 1). The pas- 
sage of Isaiah (iii. 18-23) may be rendered 
as follows: (18) "In that day the Lord 
will take away the bravery of their anklets, 
and their lace caps, and their necklaces; 
(19) the ear-pendants, and the bracelets, 
and the light veils ; (20) the turbans, and 
the step-chains, and the girdles, and the 
scent-bottles, and the amulets; (21) the 
rings and nose-rings ; (22) the state-dresses, 
and the cloaks, and the shawls, and the 
purses; (23) the mirrors, and the fine 
linen shirts, and the turbans, and the light 
dresses." 

Or'nan, the same as Araunah (1 Chr 
xxi. 15; 2 Chr. iii. 1). [Aratjkah.] 

Or'pah, a Moabite woman, wife of Chil- 
ion, son of Naomi, and thereby sister-in 
law to Ruth (Ruth i. 4, 14). 

O shea. [Joshua.] 

Ospray (Heb. ozniyydh). The Hebrew* 
word occurs in Lev. xi. 13, and Deut. xiv. 
12, as the name of some unclean bird. IX 
is probably either the ospray {Pandion 
haliaeetus) or the white-tailed eagle {Ua- 
liacctus albicella). 

Ossifrage (Heb. peres). The Hebrew 
word occurs, as the name of an unclean 
bird, in Lev. xi. 13, and Deut. xiv. 12. li 
much weight is to be allowed to etymology 
the pe7'es of the Hebrew Scriptures may 
well be represented by the ossifrage or 
bone-breaker ; for peres in Hebrew means 
"the breaker." And the ossifrage {Gy- 
paetus barbatus) is well deserving of his 
name. The Lammergeyer, or bearded vul- 
ture, as it is sometimes called, is one of 
the largest of the birds of prey. 

Ostrich. There can be no doubt that 
the Hebrew words bath haya'andh, yd' in, 
and rdndn, denote this bird of the desert, 
1. Bath haya'andh occurs in Lev. xi 
16, Deut. xiv. 15, in the list of uncleai 
birds ; and in other passages of Scripture, 
The A. V. erroneously renders the Hebrew 
expression, which signifies either " daughter 
of greediness " or "daughter of shouting," bj 
" owl," or, as in the margin, by " daughtei 
of owl." In J>b X.XX. 29, Is. xxxiv. 13, 
and xliii. 20, the margin of the A V. cor- 
rectly reads " ostricnes." The loud crying 
of the ostrich se^^ms to be r^.ierred to \i\ 



OSTRICH 



480 



UTHNIEL 



Mic. i. 8. 2. Fd'in occurs in Lam. iv. 3, 
(vliere the context shows that the ostrich is 
intended. 3. Rdndn occurs in Job xxxix. 
13, where it is clear from the whole pas- 
sage (13-18) that ostriches are intended by 
the word. The A. V. erroneously trans- 
lates the word " peacocks ; " but there is 
a different Hebrew name for peacocks, 
ai d this bird was probably not known to 
the people of Arabia or Syria before the 
time of Solomon. The "ostrich" of the 
A. V. in Job xxxix. 13 is the represen- 
tative of the Hebrew ndtseh, "feathers." 
— The following short account of the 
nidification of the ostrich (Struthio came- 
lus) will elucidate those passages of Scrip- 
ture which ascribe cruelty to this bird in 
neglecting her eggs or young. Ostriches 
are polygamous : the hens lay their eggs 
promiscuously in one nest, which is merely 
a hole scratched in the sand; the eggs are 
then covered over to the depth of about a 
foot, and are, in the case of those birds 
which are found within the tropics, gen- 
erally left for the greater part of the day 
to the heat of the sun, the parent-birds 
taking their turns at incubation during the 
night. But in those countries which have 
not a tropical sun, ostriches frequently incu- 
bate during the day, the male taking his 
turn at night, and watching over the eggs 
with great care and affection, as is evi- 
denced by the fact that jackals and other 
of the smaller carnivora are occasionally 
found dead near the nest, having been 
killed by the ostrich in defence of the eggs 
or young. The habit of the ostrich leaving 
its eggs to be matured by the sun's heat is 
usually appealed to in order to confirm the 
Scriptural account, " she leaveth her eggs 
to the earth ; " but this is probably the case 
only with the tropical birds. And even if 
the Hebrews were acquainted with the hab- 
its of the tropical ostriches, how can it be 
said that " she forgetteth that the foot may 
crush " the eggs, when they are covered a 
foot deep or more in the sand ? We believe 
the true explanation of this passage is to be 
found in the fact that the ostrich deposits 
some of her eggs not in the nest, but around 
it ; these lie about on the surface of the 
ejand, to all appearance forsaken ; they are, 
however, designed for the nourishment of 
the young birds. And this remark will hold 
good in the passage of Job which speaks of 
the ostrich being without understanding. It 
\8 a general belief amongst the Arabs that 
♦jlie ostrich is a very stupid bird ; indeed 
they have a proverb, " Stupid as an ostrich." 
But it by no means deserves such a charac- 
ter, as travellers have frequently testified. 
" So wary is the bird," says Mr. Tristram, 
** and so open are the vast plains over which 
it roams, that no ambuscades or artifices 
can be employed, and the vulgar resource 
of dogged perseverance is the only mode 



of pursuit." The ostrich is the largest of 
all known birds, and perhaps the swiftest 
of all cursorial animals. The feathers so 
much prized are the long white plumes of 
the wings. The best come to us from Bar- 
bary and the west coast of Africa. 

Oth'ni, son of Shemaiah, the first- bom 
of Obed-Edom (1 Chr. xxvi. 7). 

Otll'niel, son of Kenaz, and younger 
brother of Caleb, Josh. xv. 17; Judg. i. 13, 
iii. 9 ; 1 Chr. iv. 13. But these passages all 
leave it doubtful whether Kenaz was his 
father, or, as is more probable, the more 
remote ancestor and head of the tribe, 
whose descendants were called Kenezitea 
(Num. xxxii. 12, &c.), or sons of Kenaz 
If Jephunneh was Caleb's father, then prob- 
ably he was father of Othniel also. The 
first mention of Othniel is on occasion of 
the taking of Kirjath-Sepher, or Debir, as 
it was afterwards called. Debir was in- 
cluded in the mountainous territory near 
Hebron, within the border of Judah, as- 
signed to Caleb the Kenezite (Josh. xiv. 
12-14) ; and in order to stimulate the valor 
of the assailants, Caleb promised to give 
his daughter Achsah to Avhosoever should 
assault and take the city. Othniel won the 
prize. The next mention of him is in Judg. 
iii. 9, where he appears as the first judge of 
Israel after the death of Joshua, and their 
deliverer from the oppression of Chushan^ 
Rishathaim. This with his genealogy, 1 
Chr. iv. 13, 14, which assigns him a son, 
Hathath, is all that we know of Othniel. 
But two questions of some interest arise 
concerning him. (1) As regards his rela- 
tionship to Caleb, the doubt arises from the 
uncertainty whether the words in Judg. iii. 
9, "Othniel the son of Kenaz, Caleb's 
younger brotlier," indicate that Othniel him- 
self, or that Kenaz, was the brother of Ca 
leb. The most natural rendering makes 
Othniel to be Caleb's brother. And this is 
favored by the probability that Kenaz was 
not Othniel's father, but the fatlier and head 
of the tribe. (2) And this leads to the sec- 
ond question, viz. the time of Othniel's 
judgeship. Supposing Caleb to be about 
the same age as Joshua, we should have to 
reckon about 25 years from Othniel's mar- 
riage with Achsah till the death of Joshua 
at the age of 110 years (85-}-25 = 110). 
And if we take Africanus's allowance of 30 
years for the elders after Joshua, in whose 
lifetime " the people served the Lord ' 
(Judg. ii. 7), and then allow 8 years for 
Chushan-Rishathaim's dominion, and 40 
years of rest under Othniel's judgeship, and 
suppose Othniel to have been 40 years old 
at his marriage, we obtain (40-f-l.'5-f-30-l- 
8-|-40 =) 143 years as Othniel's age at h/a 
death. This, we are quite sure, cannot be 
right. Nor does any escape from the diffi- 
culty very readily offer itself. If we judge 
only by ordinary probabilities, we shall sup 



OVEN 



481 



OX 



p(j&e Otbniel to have survived J(,shua not 
more than 20, or at the outside, 30 years. 
Oven. The Eastern oven is of two kinds 
- fixed and portable. The former is found 
only in towns, where regular bakers are 
employed (Hos. vii. 4). The latter is 
adapted to the nomad state. It consists 
of a large jar made of clay, about three 
feet liigh, and widening towards the bot- 
tom, witli a hole for the extraction of the 
ashes. Each household possessed such an 
article (Ex. viii. 3) ; and it was only in 
times of extreme dearth 
oven sufficed for several 
xxvi. 26). It was heated 
and grass (Matt. vi. 30) ; 



that the same 
families (Lev. 
with dry twigs 
and the loaves 



'^ere placed both inside and outside of it. 




Egyptian Oven. 

Uwl, the representative in the A. V. of 

'he Hebrew words bath haya'andh, yan- 
ihuph, c6s, kippdz, and ItUth. 1. Bathha- 
ya'aiiAh. [Ostrich.] 2. YanshUph, or 
yanshoph. occurs in Lev. xi, 17, Deut. xiv. 
1 6, aa the name of some unclean bird, and 




Otus ascalaphw 



in Is. xxxiv. 11, in the description of deso- 
late Edora, "the yanshitph and the raven 
shall dwell in it." The A. V. translates 
yanshitph by " owl," or " great owl." The 
LXX. and Vulg. read ibis. i. e. tlie Ibis re- 
31 



ligiosx, the sacred bird of Egypt. 3. Cd», 
the name of an unclean bird (Lev. xi. 17, 
Deut. xiv. 16) ; it occurs again in Ps. cii. 
6. The passage in Ps. cii. 6 points de- 
cidedly to some kind of owl. Tlie owl we 
figure is the Otus ascalaphus, the Egyptian 
and Asiatic representative of our gieai 
horned owl {Bvbo maximus). 4. Kipydz 
occurs only in Is. xxxiv. 15 : " There {%. e. 
in Edom) the hippdz shall make her nest, 
and lay and hatch and gatlier under her 
shadow." It is hopeless to attempt to iden- 
tify the animal denoted by tliis word ; but ii 
may denote some species of owl. 6. Liltth. 




Athene meridionaltt. 

The A. V. renders this word by " screech- 
owl" in the text of Is. xxxiv. 14, and by 
" night-monster " in the margin. Accord- 
ing to the Rabbins the lilith was a noctur- 
nal spectre in the form of a beautiful wo- 
man that carried off children at night and 
destroyed them. If, however, some animai 
be denoted by the Hebrew term, the screech- 
owl (strix flammea) may well be supposed 
to represent it, for this bird is found in the 
Bible lands, and is, as is well known, a fre- 
quent inhabiter of ruined places. 

Ox. There was no animal in the rural 
economy of the Israelites, or indeed in that 
of the ancient Orientals generally, that was 
held in higher esteem than the ox ; and de- 
servedly so, for the ox was the animal jpoD 
whose patient labors depended all the ordi- 
nary operations of farming. Oxen were use^ 
for ploughing (Deut. xxii. 10; 1 Sam. xiv. 
14, &c.) ; for treading out corn (Deut. xxv. 
4; Hos. x. 11, &c.) ; for draught purposes, 
when they were generally yoked in pairs 
(Num. vii. 3 ; 1 Sara. vi. 7, &c.) ; as beasts 
of burden (1 Chr. xii. 40) ; their flesh was 
eaten (Deut. xiv. 4 ; 1 K. i. 9, &c.) ; they 
were used in the sacrifices ; cows supplied 
milk, butter, &c. (Deut. xxxii. 14 ; Is. vii. 
22; 2 Sam. xvii. 29). Connected with the 



OZEM 



482 



PAINT 



UDportance of oxen in the rural economy 
of the Jews is the strict code of laws which 
was mercitiilly enacted by God for their 
protection and preservation. The ox that 
threshed the corn vras by no means to be 
muzzled; he was to enjijy rest on the Sab- 
bath as well as his master (Ex. xxiii. 12; 
Deut. V. 14). The law which prohibited 
the slaughter of any clean animal, except- 
ing as " an offering unto the Lord before 
the tabernacle," during the time that the 
Israelites abode in the wilderness (Lev. 
xvii. 1-6), no doubt contributed to the pres- 
ervation of tlieir oxen and sheep. It seems 
clear from Prov. xv. 17, and 1 K. iv. 23, 
that cattle were sometimes stall-fed, though 
as a general rule it is probable that they 
fed in the plains or on the hills of Pales- 
tine. The cattle that grazed at large in the 
open country would no doubt often become 
fierce and wild, for it is to be remembered 
that in primitive times the lion and other 
wild beasts of prey roamed about Pales- 
tine. Hence the force of the Psalmist's 
complaint of his enemies (Ps. xxii. 13). 

O'zem. 1. The sixth son of Jesse, the 
next eldest above David (1 Chr. ii. 15). 
2. Son of Jerahmeel (1 Chr. ii. 25). 

Ozi'as. 1. Uzzi, one of the ancestors 
of Ezra (2 Esd. ii. 2). 2. Uzziah, king 
of Judali (Matt. i. 8, 9). 

Oz'ni. One of the sons of Gad (Num. 
xxvi. 16), and founder of the family of the 
<'>znites, Num. xxvi. 16. 



P. 



Pa'arai. In the list of 2 Sam. xxiii. 
35, "Paarai the Arbite" is one of David's 
mighty men. In 1 Chr. xi. 37, he is called 
" Naarai the son of Ezbai," and this in 
Kennicott's opinion is the true reading. 

Pa'dan. Padan-Aram (Gen. xlviii. 7). 

Pa'dan-a'ram. By this name, which 
signifies " the table-land of Aram," the 
Hebrews designated the tract of country 
which they otherwise called Aram-naha- 
raim, "Aram of the two rivers," the Greek 
Mesopotamia (Gen. xxiv. 10), and "the 
field (A. V. 'country') of Aram" (Hos. 
xii. 13). The term was perhaps more espe- 
cially applied to that portion which bor- 
dered on the Euphrates, to distinguish it 
from the mountainous districts in the N. 
and N. E. of Mesopotamia. It is elsewhere 
called Padan simply (Gen. xlviii. 7). 

Pa'don. The ancestor of a family of 
Nethinim wlio returned with Zerubbabel 
(Ezr. ii. 44; N^h. vii. 47). 

Pa'giel. The son of Ocran, and chief 
of the tribe of Aslier at the tine of the 
Exodus (Num. i. 13, ii. 27, tI: 72, 77, x. 
26). 

Fa'hath'ino ab. Hsad A one of the 



chiei houses of the tribe of Judah. Of tti>* 
individual, or the occasivtn of his re3ei\ing 
so singular a name, nothing is known cer- 
tainly. But as we read, in 1 Chr. iv. 22, of 
a family of Shilonites, of the tribe of Ju- 
dah, who in very early times " had domin- 
ion in Moab," it may be conjectured thai 
this was the origin of the name. That thi» 
family was of high rank in the tribe of 
Judah we learn from their appearing /cm rM 
in order in the two lists, Ezr. ii. 6; Nth. 
vii. 11, and from their chief having signed 
second among the lay princes, in Neh x. 
14. It was also the most numerous (2818) 
of all the families specified, except the 
Benjamite house of Senaah (Neh. vii. 38). 

Pai. [Pau.] 

Paint (as a cosmetic). The use of cos- 
metic dyes has prevailed in all ages in 
Eastern countries. We have abundant evi- 
dence of the practice of painting the eyes 
both in ancient Egypt and in Assyria ; and 
in modern times no usage is more general. 
It does not appear, however, to 1 ave becD 
by any means universal among the He- 
brews. The notices of it are few ; and in 
each instance it seems to nave b'3en used 
as a meretricious arl, unworthy of a woman 
of high character. Thus Jezebel "j)ut he/ 
eyes in painting " (2 K. ix. 30, margin) ; 
Jeremiah says of the harlot city, "Though 
thou rentest thy eyes with painting " ( Jer. 
iv. 30) ; and Ezekiel'again makes it a cbar- 
acteristic of a harlot (Ez. xxiii. 40). The 
expressions used in these passages are 
worthy of observation, as referring to the 
mode in which the process was effected. 
It is thus described by Chandler {2'ravels. 
ii. 140) : " A girl, closing one of her eyes, 
took the two lashes between the forefingei 
and thumb of the left hand, pulled them 
forward, ana then thrusting in at the (ex- 
ternal corner a bodkin which had been im- 
mersed in the soot, and extracting it again, 
the particles before adhering to it remained 
within, and were presently ranged round 
the organ." The eyes were thus literally 
"put in paint," and were "rent" open in 
the process. A broad line was also drawn 
round the eye. The effect was an appar- 
ent enlargement of the eye ; and the ex- 
pression in Jer. iv. 30 has been by some 
understood in this sense. The Bible gives 
no indication of the substance out of which 
the dye was formed. The old versions 
agree in pronouncing the dye to have been 
produced from antimony. Antimony i« 
still used for the purpose in Arabia and in 
Persia, but in Egypt the kohl is a soot pro- 
duced by burning either a kind of frank iii« 
cense or the shells of almonds. The dye 
stuff was moistened with oil, and kept in a 
small jar, which we may infer to have beon 
made of horn, from the proper name Ker- 
en-happuch, "horn for paint" (Job ^lii. 
14). Whether the custom of etaininK ih« 



il 



PA LACJJJ. 



483 



PALESTINE 



tande and feet, particularly the nails, now 
8o prevalent in the East, wai> known to the 
Hebrews is doubtful. The plant henna, 
which is used for that purpose, was cer- 
tainly known (Cant. i. 14; A. V. " cam- 
phire "), and the expressions in Cant. v. 14 
may possibly refer to the custom. 

Palaoe. There are few tasks more 
difficult or puzzling than the attempt to re- 
itore an ancient, building of which we pos- 
sess nothing but two verbal descriptions ; 
and these difficulties are very much en- 
hanced wlien one account is written in a 
language like Hebrew, the scientific terms 
in which are, from our ignorance, capable 
of the widest latitude of interpretation, and 
the other, though written in a language 
of which we have a more definite knowl- 
edge, was composed by a person who never 
could have seen the buildings he was de- 
scribing. The site of the Palace of Solo- 
mon was almost certainly in the city itself, 
on the brow opposite to the Temple, and 
overlooking it and the whole city of David. 
It is impossible, of course, to be at all cer- 
tain what was either the form or the exact 
disposition of such a palace ; but, as we 
have the dimensions of tlie three principal 
i)uildings given in the Book of Kings, and 
(confirmed by Josephus, we may, by taking 
these as a scale, ascertain pretty nearly 
that the building covered somewhere about 
160,000 or 160,000 square feet. Whether 
it was a square of 400 feet each way, or an 
oblong of about 550 feet by 800, must al- 
wiys be more or less a matter of conjec- 
ture. The principal building situated with- 
in the palace was, as in all Eastern palaces, 
l,he great hall of state and audience, called 
'* The House of the Forest of Lebanon," 
apparently from the four rows of cedar pil- 
lars by which it was supported. It was 100 
cubits long, 50 wide, and 30 high. Next in 
importance was the Hall or "Porch of 
Judgment," a quadrangular building sup- 
ported by columns, as we learn from Jose- 
phus, which apparently stood on the other 
side of the great court, opposite the House 
of the Forest of Lebanon. The third edi- 
fice is merely called a " Porch of Pillars." 
Its dimensions were 50 by 30 cubits. Its 
use cannot be considered as doubtful, as it 
was an indispensable adjunct to an Eastern 
palace. It was the ordinary place of busi- 
ness of the palace, and the reception-room 
when the king received ordinary visitors, 
and sat, except on great state occ-asions, to 
transact the business of the kingdom. ]3e- 
hind this, we are told, was the inner court, 
adorned with gardens and fountains, and 
surrounded by cloisters for shade ; and 
there were other courts for tho residence 
of the attendants and guards, and for the 
women of his harem. Apart from this pal- 
ace, but atKched, as Josephus tells us, to 
the Hall of Judgment, was the palace of 



Pharaoh's daughter — too proud and ira- 
portant a personage to be grouped with 
the ladies of the harem, and requiring a 
residence of her own. The recent discov- 
eries at Nineveh have enabled us to under- 
stand many of the architectural details of 
this palace, which before they were made 
were nearly wholly inexplicable. Solomon 
constructed an ascent from his own house 
to the Temple, " the house of Jehovah " (1 
K. x. 5), which was a subterranean passage 
250 feet long by 42 feet wide, of which the 
remains may still be traced. 

Pa'lal, the son of Uzai, who assisted in 
restoring the walls of Jerusalem in the 
time of Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 25). 

Palesti'na and Pal'estine. These two 
forms occur in the A. V. but four times in 
all, always in poetical passages ; the first 
in Ex. XV. 14, and Is. xiv. 29, 31 ; the sec- 
ond, Joel iii. 4. In each case the Hebrew 
is Pelesheth, a word found, besides the 
above, only in Ps. Ix. 8, Ixxxiii. 7, IxxxviL 
4, and cviii. 9, in all which our translators 
have rendered it by " Philistia" or " Philis- 
tines." Palestine in the A. V. really means 
nothing but Philistia. The original He- 
brew word Pelesheth, to the Hebrews, sig- 
nified merely the long and broad strip of 
maritime plain inhabited by their encroach- 
ing neighbors ; nor does it appear that at 
first it signifies more to the Greeks. As 
lying next the sea, and as being also the 
high road from Egypt to Phoe4iicia and the 
richer regions north of it, the Philistine 
plain became sooner known to the western 
world than the country farther inland, and 
was called by them Syria Palaestina — Phi- 
listine Syria. From thence it was gradual- 
ly extended to the country farther inland, 
till in the Roman and la.er Greek authors, 
both heathen and Christian, it becomes the 
usual appellation for the whole country of 
the Jews, both west and east of Jordan. 
The word is now so commonly employed 
in our more familiar language to designate 
the whole country of Israel, that, although 
biblically a misnomer, it has been chosen 
here as the most convenient heading under 
which to give a general description of thb 
Holt Land, embracing those points which 
have not been treated under the separate 
headings of cities or tribes. This descrip- 
tion will irvost conveniently divide itself into 
three sections : I. The Names applied to 
the country of Israel in the Bible and else- 
where. II. The Land : its situation, as- 
pect, climate, physical characteristics, in 
connection with its history ; its structure, 
I botany, and natural history. III. The His- 
, tory of the country is so fully given under 
j its various i^eadings throughout the work, 
j that it is unnecessary to recapitulate it 
here. 

I I. The Names. — Palestine, then, is des- 
; ignated in the Bible by more than on» 



PALESm^E 



484 



PALESTINE 



tt^uiv. 1. During the Patriarchal period, 
the Conquest, and the age of the Judges, 
and also where those earl}' periods are re- 
ferred to in the later literature (as Ps.cv. 11), 
it is spoken of as " Canaan," or more fre- 
quently " the land of Canaan," meaning 
tliereby the country west of the Jordan, as 
opposed to "the land of Gilead " on the 
east. 2. During the monarchy the name 
usually, though not frequently, employed, 
is " land of Israel" (1 Sam. xiii. 19; 2 K. 
V. 2, 4, &c.). It is Ezekiel's favorite ex- 
pression. The pious and loyal aspirations 
of Hosea find vent in the expression, " land 
of Jehovah " (Hos. ix. 3). In Zechariah 
it is " the holy land " (Zech. ii. 12) ; and in 
Daniel "the glorious land" (Dan. xi. 41). 
In Amos (ii. 10) alone it is "the land of 
the Amorite." Occasionally it appears to 
be mentioned simply as "the land;" as 
in Ruth i. 1 ; Jer. xxii. 27 ; 1 Mace. xiv. 4 ; 
Luke iv. 25, and perhaps even xxiii. 44. 3. 
Between the Captivity and the time of our 
Lord the name "Judaea" had extended it- 
self from the southern portion to the whole 
of the country, even that beyond Jordan 
(Matt. xix. 1 ; Mark x. 1). In the book of 
Judith it is applied to the portion between 
the plain of Esdraelon and Samaria (xi. 
19), as it is in Luke xxiii. 5; though it is 
also used in the stricter sense of Judaea 
proper (John iv. 3, vii. 1). In this nar- 
rower sense it is employed throughout 1 
Mace, (see especially ix. 50, x. 30, 38, xi. 
34). 4. The Roman division of the coun- 
try hardly coincided with the Biblical one, 
and it does not appear that the Romans had 
any distinct name for that which we un- 
derstand by Palestine. 5. Soon after the 
Christian era we find the name Palaestina 
in possession of the country. 6. The name 
most frequently used throughout the middle 
ages, and down to our own time, is Terra 
Sancta — the Holy Land. II. The Land. 
— The Holy Land is not in size or physi- 
cal characteristics proportioned to its moral 
and historical position, as the theatre of 
the most momentous events in the world's 
history. It is but a strip of country about 
the size of Wales, less than 140 miles in 
length, and barely 40 in average breadth, on 
the very frontier of the East, hemmed in be- 
tween the Mediterranean Sea on the one 
hand, and the enormous trench of the Jordan 
valley on the other, by which it is effec- 
tually cut off from the main land of Asia 
behind it. On the north it is shut in by the 
high ranges of Lebanon and anti-Lebanon, 
and by the chasm of the Litany. On the 
south it is no less enclosed by the arid and 
inhospitable deserts of the upper part of 
the peninsula of Sinai. 1. Its position on 
tl»e Map of the World — as the world was 
when the Holy Land first made its appear- 
ance m history — is a remarkable one. 
"\.^ It i» on the very outpost — on the *>2- 



tremest western edge of the £9Mt Ou Ui* 
shore of the Mediterranean it sta- li?, m if 
it had advanced as far as possihlt toM^arda 
the West, separated therefrom by that 
which, when the time arrived, pro: ed to b< 
no barrier, but the readiest medium of 
communication — the wide waters ul the 
" Great Sea." Thus it was open to ail the 
gradual influences of the rising comnmni- 
ties of the West, while it was saved from 
the retrogression and decrepitude which 
have ultimately been the doom of all pure- 
ly Eastern States whose connections were 
limited to the East only, (ii.) There was 
however one channel, and but one, by which 
it could reach and be reached by the great 
Oriental empires. The only road by which 
the two great rivals of the ancient world 
could approach one another — by which 
alone Egypt could get to Assyria, and As- 
syria to Egypt — lay along the broad flat 
strip of coast which formed the maritim*} 
portion of the Holy Land, and thence bf 
the Plain of the Lebanon to the Euphrate!^ 
(iii.) After this the Holy Land becani'? 
(like the Netherlands in Europe) the con 
venient arena on which in successive agei 
the hostile powers who contended for th<! 
empire of the East fought their battles 
2. It is essentially a mountainous country. 
Not that it contains independent mountain 
chains, as in Greece, for example, but thai 
every part of the highland is in greater oi 
less undulation. But it is not only a moun- 
tainous country. The mass of hills which 
occupies the centre of the country is bor- 
dered or framed on both sides, east and 
west, by a broad belt of lowland, sunk deep 
below its own level. The slopes or cliffs 
which form, as it were, the retaining walls 
of this depression, are furrowed and cleft 
by the torrent beds which discharge the 
waters of the hills, and form the means of 
communication between the upper and low- 
er level. On the west this lowland inter- 
poses between the mountains and the sea, 
and is the Plain of Philistia and of Sha- 
ron. On the east it is the broad bottom of 
the Jordan Valley, deep down in which 
rushes the one river of Palestine to its grave 
in the Dead Sea. Such is the first general 
impression of the physiognomy of the Holy 
Land. It is a physiognomy compounded 
of the three main features already named 
— the plains, the highland hills, and the 
torrent beds : features which are marked in 
the words of its earliest describers (Num. 
xiii. 29; Josh. xi. 16, xii. 8), and which 
must be comprehended by every one who 
wishes to understand the country, and the 
intimate connection existing between its 
structure and its history. 3. About half 
way up the coast the maritime plain 
is suddenly interrupted by a long ridge 
thrown out from the central mass, rising 
considerably above the general level, and 



PALESTINE 



485 



PALESTINE 



terminating in a bold promontory on the 
very edge of the Mediterranean. This ridge 
is Mount Carmel. On its upper side, the 
plain, as if to compensate for its temporary 
displacement, invades the centre of the 
country, and forms an undulating hollow- 
right acrcss it from the Mediterranean to 
the Jordan valley. This central lowland, 
n hich divides with its broad depression the 
mountains of Ephraim from the mountains 
of Galilee, is the Plain of Esdraelon or 
Jezreel, the great battle-field of Palestine. 
North of Carmel the lowland resumes its 
position by the sea- side till it is again in- 
terrupted and finally put an end to by the 
northern mountains, which push their way 
out of the sea, ending in the white promon- 
tory of the Eas NakhHra. Above this is 
the ancient Phoenicia. 4. The country 
thus roughly portrayed, and which, as be- 
fore stated, is less than 140 miles in length, 
and not more than 40 in average breadth, 
is to all intents and purposes the whole land 
of Israel. The northern portion is Gali- 
lee; the centre, Samaria; the south, Ju- 
daea. This is the land of Canaan which 
was bestowed on Abraham ; the covenanted 
home of his descendants. The two tribes 
and a half remained on the uplands beyond 
Jordan; and the result was, that these tribes 
soon ceased to have any close connection 
with the others, or to form any virtual part 
of the nation. But even this definition 
might without impropriety be further cir- 
cumscribed ; for during the greater part of 
the Old Testament times the chief events of 
the history ivere confined to the district 
south of Esdraelon, which contained the 
cities of Hebron, Jerusalem, Betliel, Shiloh, 
Shechem, and Samaria, the Mount of Olives, 
and Mount Carmel. The battles of the Con- 
quest and the early struggles of the era of 
the Judges once passed, Galilee subsided 
into obscurity and unimportance till the 
time of Christ. 5. The highland district, 
surrounded and intersected by its broad 
lowland plains, preserves from north to 
south a remarkably even and horizontal 
profile. Its average heiglit may be taken 
as 1500 to 1800 feet above the Mediterra- 
nean. It can hardly be denominated a 
plateau, yet so evenly is the general level 
preserved, and so thickly do the hills stand 
behind and between one another, that, when 
seen from the coast or the western part of 
the 1 laritime plain, it has quite the appear- 
ance of a wall. This general monotony of 
profile is, however, accentuated at intervals 
by certain centres of elevation.* Between 
these elevated points runs the watershed 
of the country, sending off on either hand 

* Beginning from the south, these elevations are Hebron, 
Wat' feet above the Mediterranean; Jerusalem, -2610, and 
Mount of Olives, 2724. with ^Ve6(/ Samwil on the north, 2650 ; 
Bethel, 2tW ; yinjil, 2«J85; Ebal and Gerizim, 2700 ; "Little 
Hermon" and Tabor (on the north side of the V«nof E»- 
4r»eloD) 1900 > ^'t^/cd. 277.-» J^^el rwmti^ 4000 



— to the Jordan valley ol the east and the 
Mediterranean on the west — the long, tor- 
tuous arms of its many torrent beds. The 
valleys on the two sides of the watershed 
differ considerably in character. Those on 
the east are extremely steep and rugged. 
This is the case during the whole length of 
the southern and middle portions of the 
country. It is only when the junction be- 
tween the Plain of Esdraelon and the Jordan 
Valley is reached, that the slopes become 
gradual and the ground fit for the manoeu- 
vres of anything but detached bodies of foot 
soldiers. But, rugged and difficult as they 
are, they form the only access to the upper 
country from this side, and every man or 
body of men who reached the territory of 
Judah, Benjamin, or Ephraim, from the 
Jordan Valley, must have climbed one or 
other of them. The western valleys are 
more gradual in their slope. The level of 
the external plain on this side is higher, 
and therefore the fall less, while at the 
same time the distance to be traversed is 
much greater. Here again the valleys are 
the only means of communication between 
the lowland and the highland. From Jaffa 
and the central part of the plain there are 
two of these roads " going up to Jerusalem;" 
the one to the right by Ramleh and the 
Wady Aly ; the other to the left by Lydda, 
and thence by the Beth-horons, or the Wady 
Suleiman, and Gibeon. The former of these 
is modern, but the latter is the scene of 
many a famous incident in the ancient his- 
tory. 6. When the highlands of the coun- 
try are more closely examined, a consider- 
able difference will be found to exist in the 
natural condition and appearance of their 
different portions. The south, as being 
nearer the arid desert, and farther removed 
from the drainage of the mountains, is drier 
and less productive than the north. The 
tract below Hebron, which forms the link 
between the hills of Judah and the desert, 
was known to the ancient Hebrews by a 
term originally derived from its dryness 
{Negeh). This was the south country. 
As the traveller advances north of this tract 
there is an improvement; but perhaps no 
country equally cultivated is more monoto- 
nous, bare, or uninviting in its aspect, than 
a great part of the highlands of Judah and 
Benjamin during the largest portion of tlie 
year. The spring covers even tliose bald 
gray rocks with verdure and color, and fill* 
the ravines with torrents of rushing water; 
but in summer and autumn the look of the 
country from Hebron uji to Betliel is very 
dreary and desolate. At Jerusalem this 
reaches its climax. To the west and north- 
west of the highlands, where the sea-breezes 
are felt, there is considerably more vegeta- 
tion. 7. Hitherto we have spoken of the 
central and northern portions of .ludaea. 
Ita eastern portion — a tra^t some nine qj 



JPALESTINE 



486 



PALESTINE 



len miles iu width by aboi-t thirty-five in 
length — which intervenes between the cen- 
tre and tlie abrupt descent to the Dead Sea, 
in far more wild and desolate, and that not 
for a portion of the year only, but through- 
out it. This must have been always what 
It is now — an uninhabited desert, because 
uninhabitable. 8. No descriptive sketch 
of this part of the country can be complete 
which does not allude to the caverns, char- 
acteristic of all Hmestone districts, but here 
existing in astonishing numbers. Every 
hill and ravine is pierced with them, some 
very large and of curious formation — 
perhaps partly natural, partly artificial — 
others mere grottos. Many of them are 
connected with most important and inter- 
esting events of the ancient history of the 
'jountry. Especially is this true of the dis- 
trict now under consideration. Machpelah, 
Makkedah, Adullam, Engedi, names in- 
separably connected with the lives, adven- 
tures, and deaths of Abraham, Joshua, 
David, and other Old Testament worthies, 
are all within the small circle of the terri- 
tory of Judaea. Moreover, there is perhaps 
hardly one of these caverns, however small, 
which has not at some time or other fur- 
nished a hiding-place to some ancient 
Hebrew from the sweeping incursions of 
I'hilistine or Amalekite. 9. The bareness 
and dryness which prevail more or less 
in Judaea are owing partly to the ab- 
sence of wood, partly to its proximity to 
the desert, and partly to a scarcity of 
water, arising from its distance from the 
Lebanon. Bat to tliis discouraging as- 
pect there are some important exceptions. 
The valley of Urtds, south of Bethlehem, 
contains springs which in abundance and 
excellence rival even those of Nahliis ; the 
huge " Pools of Solomon " are enough to 
supply a district for many miles round 
them ; and the cultivation now going on in 
that neighborhood shows what might be 
done with a soil which requires only irriga- 
tion and a moderate amount of labor to evoke 
a boundless produce. 10. It is obvious 
that in the ancieiit days of the nation, when 
Judah and Benjjjrain possessed the teeming 
population indicated in the Bible, the con- 
dition and aspect of the country must have 
been very different. Of this there are not 
wanting sure evidences. There is no coun- 
try in which the ruined towns bear so large 
a proportion to those still existing. Hardly 
a hill-top of the many within sight that is 
not cov«?red with vestiges of some fortress 
or city. But, besides this, forests appear 
to have stood in many parts of Judaea 
until the repeated invasions and sieges 
caused their fall; and all this vegetation 
must have reae.ted on the moisture of the 
climate, and, by preserving the water in 
isacy a ra^^ine and natural reservoir where 
oow H is rapidly dried by the fierce sun of 



the early siimmer, must have infiuenced 
materially the look and the resources of the 
country. 11. Advancing northwards from 
Judaea, the country (Samaria) becomes 
gradually more open and pleasant. Plains 
of good soil occur between the hills, at 
first small, but afterwards comparatively 
large. The hills assume here a more varied 
aspect than in the southern districts, springs 
are more abundant and more permanent, 
until at last, when the district )f Jehd 
Nahl'ds is reached — the ancient Mount 
Ephraim — the traveller encounters an at- 
mosphere and an amount of vegetation and 
water which are greatly superior to anything 
he has met with in Judaea, and even suffi- 
cient to recall much of the scenery of the 
West. Perhaps the springs are the only 
objects which in themselves, and apart 
from their associations, really strike an 
English traveller with astonishment and 
admiration. Such glorious fountains a« 
those of Ain-jalitd or the Ras el-Mukdtta -- 
where a great body of the clearest watei 
wells silently but swiftly out from deep 
blue recesses worn in the foot of a low 
cliff of limestone rock, and at once forms 
a considerable stream — are very rarely to 
be met with out of irregular, rocky, moun- 
tainous countries, and being such unusual 
sights, can hardly be looked on by the 
traveller without surprise and emotion. 
The valleys which lead down from the 
upper level in this district to the valley 
of the Jordan, are less precipitous than in 
Judaea. The eastern district of the Jebel 
NabMs contain some of the most fertile 
and valuable spots in the Holy Land. 
Hardly less rich is the extensive region 
which lies north-west of the city of Shecliem 
{JVablils), between it and Carmel, in which 
the mountains gradually break down into 
the Plain of Sharon. But with all its rich- 
ness, and all its advance on the southern 
part of the country, there is a strange 
dearth of natural wood about this central 
district. It is this which makes the wooded 
sides of Carmel and the park-like scenery 
of the adjacent slopes and plains so re- 
markable. 12. No sooner, however, is the 
Plain of Esdraelon passed, than a consid- 
erable improvement is perceptible. The 
low hills which spread down from tlie moun- 
tains of Galilee, and form the barrier 
between the plains of Akka and Esdraelon, 
are covered with timber, of moderate size, 
it is true, but of thick, vigorous growth, and 
pleasant to the eye. Eastward of these 
hills rises the round mass of Tabor, dark 
with its copses of oak, and set off by con- 
trast with the bare slopes of Jebel ed-Duhy 
(the so-called "Little Hermon") and the 
wliite hills of Nazareth. North of Taboi 
and Nazareth is the plain of el-Buttauf. av 
upland tract hitherto very imperfectly de- 
scribed, but apparently of a similar oature 



PA ^ES riNE 



4«7 



PALESTINE 



iA.^ bsdi&e^oQ thjugh much more elevated. 
Die notices of this romantic district in the 
Bible are but scanty ; in fact, till the date 
of the New Testament, when it had ac- 
quired the name of Galilee, it may be said, 
for all purposes of history, to be hardly 
mentioned. And even in the New Testa- 
ment times the interest is confined to a 
rery small portion — the south and south- 
west corner, containing Nazareth, Cana, 
and Nain, on the confines of Esdraelon, 
Capernaum, Tiberias, and Gennesaretli, on 
the maigin of the Lake. 13. Few things 
ire a more constant source of surprise to 
the stranger in the Holy Land than tlie 
ma.iner in ^^hich the liill-tops are, through- 
out, selected for habitation. A town in a 
valley is a rare exception. On the other 
hand, scarce a single eininence of the multi- 
tude always in sight but is crowned with its 
city or village, inhabited or in ruins, often so 
placed as if not accessibility, but inaccessi- 
bility, had been the object of its builders. 
A.nd indeed such was their object. These 
groups of naked, forlorn structures, piled 
irregularly one over the other on the curve 
of the hill-top, are the lineal descendants, if 
indeed they do not sometimes contain the 
actual remains, of the "fenced cities, great 
and wailed up to heaven," which are so fre- 
quently mentioned in the records of the Is- 
raelite conquest. These hill-towns were not 
what gave the Israelites their main difficulty 
in the occupation of the country. Wherever 
strength of arm and lieetness of foot availed, 
there those hardy warriors, fierce as lions, 
sudden and swift as eagles, sure-footed and 
fleet as the wild deer on the hills (1 Chr. xii. 
3; 2 Sam. i. 23, ii. 18), easily conquered. 
It was in the plains, where the horses and 
chariots of the Canaanites and Philistines 
had space to manoeuvre, that they failed 
In dislodging the aborigines. " Judah drove 
out the inhabitants of the mountain, but 
could not drive out the inhabitants of the 
valley, because they had chariots of iron 
. . . neither could Manasseh drive out the 
uihabilants of Bethshean . . . nor Megid- 
do," in the Plain of Esdraelon ..." nor 
could Ephraim drive out the Canaanites that 
dwelt in Gezer," on the maritime plain near 
Ramleh ..." nor could Asher drive out 
the inhabitants of Accho " ... " and the 
Amorites forced the children of Dan into 
the mountain, for they would not sutFer 
them to come down into the valley " (Judg. 
i. lI)-35). Thus in this case the ordinary 
conditions of conquest were reversed — the 
conquerors took the hills, the conquered 
kept the plains. To a people so exclusive 
as the Jews there must have been a con- 
stant satisfactic<n in the elevation and in- 
a'jcessihility of their highland regions. This 
is evid(mt in every page of their literature, 
which is tinged throughout with a high- 
*nd '))h»iin£r. The " mountains " we-e to 



" bring peace," the " little liills, justice u 
tlie people:" when plenty came, the corn 
was to tiourish on the " top of the moun- 
tains " (Ps. Ixxii. 3, IG). In like mannei 
the mountains were to be joyful before 
Jehovah when He came to judge his people 
(Ps. xcviii. 8). VVliat gave ns keejiest 
sting to the Babylonian conquest, was thp 
consideration that the " mountains ot 
Israel," the "ancient high places," wer€ 
become a "prey and a derision;" while, 
on the other hand, one of the most joyful 
circumstances of the restoration is, that the 
mountains " shall yield their fruit as before, 
and be settled after their old estates " (Ez. 
xxxvi. 1, 8, 11). We have the testimony 
of the heathens that in their estimation Je- 
hovah was the " God of the mountains " (1 
K. XX. 28), and they showed their apprecia- 
tion of the fact by fighting, when possible, 
in the lowlands. The contrast is strongly 
brought out in the repeated expression of 
the psalmists. " Some," like the Canaan- 
ites and Philistines of the lowlands, " put 
their trust in chariots, and some in horses , 
but we " — we mountaineers, from our 
" sanctuary " on the heights of our " Zion " 

— "will remember the name of Jehovah 
our God," "the God of Jacob our father,' 
the shepherd warrior, whose only weapons 
were sword and bow — the God who is now 
a high fortress for us — "at whose com- 
mand both chariot and horse are fallen," 
" who burneth the chariots in the fire ' 
(Ps. XX. 1, 7, xlvi. 7-11, Ixxvi. 2, 6). — 14. 
A few words must be said in general de- 
scription of the maritime lowland, which in- 
tervenes between the sea and the highlands. 
This region, only slightly elevated above 
the level of the Mediterranean, extends 
without interruption from el-Arish, south 
of Gaza, to Mount Carmel. It naturally 
divides itself into two portions, each of 
about half its length; the lower one the 
wider, the upper one the narrower. Tiip 
lower half is the Plain of the Pliilist^u«rs 

— Philistia, or, as the Hebrews called it, 
the Shefelah or Lowland. The upper half 
is the Sharon or Saron of the Old and New 
Testaments. The Phillstine Plain is od' 
an average 15 or 16 miles in width fioni tht< 
coast to the first beginning of the belt of 
hills which forms the gradual approach to 
the high land of the mouncains of Judah.. 
The larger towns, as Gaza and Ashdod, 
which stand near the shore, are surround- 
ed with huge groves of olive, sycamore, 
and palm, as in the days of King Davi 1 (I 
Chron. xxvii. 28). The wnole plain ap- 
pears to consist of brown loamy soil, iiglu,. 
but rich, and almost without a stone. It is 
now, as it was when the Philistines pos- 
sessed it, one enormous cornfield ; an ocean 
of wheat covers tlxe wide expanse between 
the hills and the sand dunes of tne sea- 
sb^rp. without interruption of any kind 



fAJ^ESTINE 



488 



PALESTINE 



ao break or hedge, hardly even a single 
oil re-tree . Its fertility is marvellous ; lor 
the prodigious crops which it raises are pro- 
duced, and probably have been produced 
almost year by year for the last forty cen- 
turies, without any of tlie appliances whicli 
we find necessary for success. The Plain 
OF Sharun is much narrower than Pliilis- 
tia. It is about 10 miles wide from the sea 
to tha fa^ t of the mountains, which are here 
of a rnr>TQ abrupt character than those of 
Philistia, and without the intermediate hilly 
r»:gion th.^re occurring. 15. The one an- 
cient ]*ort of the Jews, the " beautiful" city 
of Joppa, occupied a position central be- 
tween the Shefelah and Sharon. Roads led 
from these various cities to each other, to 
Jerusalem, Neapolis, and Sebaste in the in- 
terior, and to Ptolemais and Gaza on the 
north and south. The commerce of Damas- 
cus, and, beyond Damascus, of Persia and 
India, passed this way to Egypt, Rome, and 
the infant colonies of the west ; and that traf- 
fic and the constant movement of troops 
backwards and forwards must have made 
this plain one of the busiest and most popu- 
lous regions of Syria at the time of Christ. 
IG. The characteristics already described are 
hardly peculiar to Palestine. But there is 
one feature, as yet only alluded to, in which 
fihe stands alone. This feature is the Jor- 
dan — the one river of the country. Tiie 
river is elsewhere described [Jordan] ; but 
tt and the valley through which it rushes 
down its extraordinary descent must be 
here briefly characterized. This valley 
begins with the river at its remotest springs 
of Ilasbeiya on the N. W. side of Hermon, 
and accompanies it to the lower end of the 
Dead Sea, a length of about 150 miles. 
During the whole of this distance its course 
is straight, and its direction nearly due 
north and south. The springs of Hasbeiya 
are 1700 feet above the level of the Mediter- 
ranean, and the northern end of the Dead 
Sea is 1317 feet below it, so that between 
these two points the valley falls with more 
or kss regularity through a height of more 
than 8000 feet. Biit though the river dis- 
appears at this point, the valley still con- 
tinues Us descent below the waters of the 
Dead Sea till it reaches a farther depth of 
1308 feet. So that the bottom of this ex- 
traordinary crevasse is actually more than 
2(i00 feet below the surface of the ocean. 
In width the valley varies. In its upper 
and sliallower portion, as between Banias 
and the lake of Merom {H'Meh), it is about 
fivf- miles across. Between the lake of 
Mernm and the sea of Galilee it contracts, 
«im1 becomes more of an ordinary ravine or 
glei.. It is in its third and lower portion 
that the valley assumes its more definite and 
regular character. During the greater part 
of this portion, it is al-out seven miles wide 
from the one wall to the other. The east 



ern mountains i)reserve their straight An« 
of direction, and their massive horizontal 
wall-like aspect, during almost the whole 
distance. Tiio western mountains are more 
irr<.'gular in heiglit, their slopes less verti- 
cal. North of Jericho they recede in a 
kind of wide amphitheatre, and the valley 
becomes twelve miles broid — a breadth 
which it thenceforward retains ^o the <50Uth 
ei-n extremity of tlie Dead Sea. Buried as 
it is between such lofty ranges, and shielded 
from every breeze, the climate of the Jor- 
dan valley is extremely hot and relaxing. 
Its enervating influence is shown by the 
inhabitants of Jericho. All the irrigation 
necessary for the cultivation which formerly 
existed is obtained from the torrents of the 
western mountains. For all purposes to 
which a river is ordinarily applied the Jor- 
dan is useless. The Dead Sea, which is 
the final receptacle of the Jordan, is de- 
scribed elsewhere. [Sea, The Salt.] 17 
Monotonous and uninviting as much of tht- 
Holy Land will appear, from the above de- 
scription, to readers accustomed to the con- 
stant verdure, the succession of flowers, last- 
ing almost throughout the year, the ample 
streams and the varied surface of thu south- 
ern part of our country — we must remem- 
ber that its aspect to the Israelites after thai 
weary march of forty years through the 
desert, and even by the side of the bright- 
est recollections of Egypt that they could 
conjure up, must have been very diflerent. 
They entered the country at the time of 
the Passover, when it was arrayed in the 
full glory and freshness of its brief spring- 
tide, before the scorching sun of summer 
had had time to wither its flowers and era- 
brown its verdure. Taking all these cir- 
cumstances into account, and allowing for 
the bold metaphors of Oriental speech, it is 
impossible not to feel that those way-worn 
travellers could have chosen no fitter words 
to express what their new country was to 
them than those which they so often employ 
in the accounts of the conquest — *' a land 
flowing with milk and honey, the glorj-- of 
all lands." 18. In the preceding descrip- 
tion, allusion has been made to many of thf 
characteristic features of the Holy Land. 
But it is impossible to close this account 
without mentioning a defect which is even 
more characteristic — its lack of monu- 
ments and personal relics of the nation who 
possessed it for so many centuries, and 
gave it its claim to our veneration and affec- 
tion. When compared with other nations 
of equal rntiquity, — Egypt Ireece. As- 
syria — the contrast is truly remarkable. Id 
Egypt and Greece, and also in Assyria, as 
far as our knowledge at pres(^nt extf^ndsj, 
we find a series of buildings, reaching .iowu 
rom the most remote arid mysterioi s anti- 
quity^, a chain, of which hardly a link is 
wanting, and which records tfc- progre»i? o* 



PALESTINE 



489 



PALMER-WOKM 



Che people iiv civilization, art, and religion, 

&s certainly as the buildings of the mediae- 
ra\ archileots do that of the varirms nations 
of modern Europe. But in Palestine it is 
Qot too much to say that there does not 
exist a single edifice, or part of an edifice, 
of which -we can be sure that it is of a date 
anterior to the Christian era. And as with 
'-he buildings, so with other memorials. 
With one exception, the museums of Eu- 
rope do not possess a single piece of pot- 
tery or metal work, a single weapon or 
hou>if^hold itensil, an ornament or a piece 
of armor, of Israelite make, which can 
give us the least conception of the manners 
or outwird appliances of the nation before 
the date of the destruction of Jerusalem by 
Titus. The coins form the single excep- 
tion. M. Kenan has named two circum- 
stances which must have had a great effect 
In suppressing art or architecture amongst 
the ancient Israelites, wliile their very ex- 
istence proves that the people had no genius 
in that direction. These are (1) the pro- 
hibition of sculptured representations of 
living creatures, and (2) the command not 
to build a temple anywhere but at Jeru- 
salem. The Geology. — Of the geological 
structure of Palestine it has been said with 
truth that our information is but imper- 
fect and indistinct, and that much time 
must elapse, and many a cherished hy- 
pothesis be sacrificed, before a satisfactory 
explanation can be arrived at of its more 
remarkable phenomena. The Botany. — 
The botany of Syria and Palestine differs 
but little from that of Asia Minor, which is 
one of the most rich and varied on the 
globe. What differences it presents are due 
to a slight admixture of Persian forms on 
the eastern frontier, of Arabian and Egyp- 
tian on the southern, and of Arabian and 
Indian tropical plants in the low torrid de- 
pression of the Jordan and Dead Sea. On 
the other hand, Palestine forms the south- 
ern and eastern limit of the Asia Minor 
flora, and contains a multitude of trees, 
shrubs, and herbs that advance no farther 
south and east. Amongst trees, oaks are 
by far the most prevalent, and are the only 
ones that form continuous woods, except the 
Fin us maritima and P. Halepensis (Alep- 
po Pine). The trees of the genus Pistacia 
rank next in abundance to the Oak, and of 
these there are three species in Syria. The 
Carob or Locust-tree {Ceratonia Siliqua), 
ranks perhaps next in abundance to the 
foregoing trees. The Sycamore-fig is com- 
mon in the neighborhood of towns, and at- 
U'n.'i a large size ; its wood is much used, 
fcspeci'illy In Egypt, where the mummy- 
cases were formerly made of it. Poplars, 
especially the aspen and white poplar, are 
extremely common by streams. The Wal- 
nut is inore common in Syria than in I'al- 
MUne. Of planted trees and largo slirubs, 



the first in importance is ♦he Vino, which 
is mosc abundantly cultivated all over the 
country, and produces, as in the time of the 
Canaanites, enormous bunches of grapes. 
This is especially the case in the southern 
districts, those of Eshcvd being still partir 
ularly famous. Next to the vine, or evei» 
in some respects its superior in importance, 
ranks the Olive, which nowhere grows in 
greater luxuriance and abundance than in 
Palestine, where the olive orchards form 
a prominent feature tliroughout the land- 
scape, and have done so from time im- 
memorial. The Fig forms another most 
important crop in Syria and Palestine. 
Zoology. — It will be sufficient in this 
article to give a general survey of the 
fauna of Palestine, as the reader will find 
more particular miormation in the sev- 
eral articles which treat of the various 
animals under their respective names. 
Jackals and foxes are common ; the hyena 
and wolf are also occasionally observed; 
the lion is no longer a resident in Pal- 
estine or Syria. A species of squirrel 
which the Arabs term Orkidaun, " the 
leaper," has been noticed on the lower and 
middle parts of Lebanon : two kinds of 
hare ; rats and mice, which are said to 
abound; the jerboa; the porcupine; the 
short-tailed field-mouse, may be considered 
as the representatives of the Rodeniia. Of 
the Pachydermata, the wild boar, which is 
frequently met with on Tabor and Little 
Hermon, appears to be the only living wild 
example. There does not appf'ar to be at 
present any wild ox in Palestine. Of do- 
mestic animals we need only mention the 
Arabian or one-humped camel, asses, and 
mules, and horses, all of which are in gen- 
eral use. The buffalo (Bubalus buffalo) is 
common. The ox of the country is small 
and unsightly in the neighborhood of Jeru- 
salem, but in the richer pastures the cattle, 
though small, are not unsiglitly ; the com- 
mon sheep of Palestine is the broad- tail, 
with its varieties ; goats are extremely 
common everywhere. Palestine abounds in 
numerous kinds of birds. Vultures, eagles, 
falcons, kites, owls of different kinds, rep- 
resent the Raptorial order. In the south 
of Palestine especially, reptiles of various 
kinds abound. It has been remarked that 
in its physical character Palestine presents 
on a small scale an epitome of the natural 
features of all regions, mountainous and 
desert, northern and tropical, maritime and 
inland, pastoral, arable, and volcanic. 

Pallu. The second son of Reuben, 
father of Eliab (Ex, vi. 14; Nu:ii. xxvi. 5, 
8 ; 1 Chr. v. 3) and founder of the fami- 
ly of 

Palluites, The (Num. xxvi. 5). 

Palmer-worm (Heb. gdzdm) occurr 
Joel i. 4, ii. 25 ; Am. iv. 9. It is maintaine«> 
by many that gdzdm denotes some ii|*c!oie« 



PAJLM-TREE 



490 



FALSI 



■>! locust, but it is more probably a cater- 

piikAT. 

Palm-tree (Heb. tdmdr). Under this 
generic term many species are botanically 
included ; l)ut we have here only to do with 
*Jie Date-palm, the Phoenix Dactylifera of 
Linnaeus. While this tree was abundant 
generally in tlie Levant, it was regarded 
by the ancients as peculiarly characteristic 
of Palestine and the neighboring regions. 
The following places may be enumerated 
from the Bible as having some connection 
with the palm-tree, either in the derivation 
of the name, or in the mention of the tree 
as growing on the spot. (1.) At Elim, one 
of the stations of the Israelites between 
Egypt and Sinai, it is expressly stated that 
there were " twelve wells (fountains) of 
water, and threescore and ten palm-trees " 
(Ex. XV. 27; Num. xxxiii. 9). (2.) Next, 
it snould be observed that Elath (Deut. ii. 
8 ; 1 K. ix. 26 ; 2 K. xiv. 22, xvi. 6 ; 2 Chr. 
viii. 17, xxvi. 2) is another plural form of 
the same word, and may likewise mean 
"the palm-trees." (3.) No place in Scrip- 
ture is so closely associated with the sub- 
ject before us as Jericho. Its rich palm- 
groves are connected with two very different 
periods, — with that of Moses (Deut. xxxiv. 
3 ; Judg. i. 16) and Joshua, on the one 
hand, and that of the Evangelists, on the 
other. What the extent of these palm- 
groves may have been in the desolate pe- 
riod of Jericho we cannot tell; but they 
were renowned in the time of the Gos- 
pels and Josephus. The Jewish historian 
mentions the luxuriance of these trees 
again and again. (4.) The name of Haze- 
zon-Tamar, "the felling of the palm-tree," 
is clear in its derivation. This place is 
mentioned in the history both of Abraham 
(Gen. xiv. 7) and of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. 
XX. 2). (5.) Another place having the 
same element in its name, and doubtless 
the same characteristic in its scenery, was 
Baal-Tamar (Judg. XX. 33). (6.) We 
must next mention the Tamar, " the palm," 
which is set before us in the vision of Eze- 
kiel (xlvii. 19, xlviii. 28). (7.) There is 
little doubt that Solomon's Tadmor, after- 
wards the famous Palmyra, on another des- 
ert frontier far to the N. E. of Tamar, is 
primarily the same word. (8.) Nor, again, 
*re the places of the N. T. without their 
associations with this characteristic tree of 
Palestine. Bethany means " the house 
of dates ; " and thus we are reminded that 
tlie palm grew in the neighborhood of the 
Mount of Olives. This helps our realiza- 
tion of our Saviour's entry into Jerusalem, 
when the people "took branches of palm.- 
trees and went forth to meet Him " (John 
xii. 13; comp. Neh. viii. 15). (9.) The 
word Phoenicia, which occurs twice in the 
N. T. (Acts xi. 19, XV. 3) is in all proba- 
JjUity derived from the Greek word for a 



palm. (10.) Lastlj, Phoenix ill thi J isiau^ 
of Crete, the harbor which St. Paul wa? 
prevented by the storm from rea(;hiug (Acta 
xxvii. 12), has doubtless the same deriva- 
tion. — From the passages where there is 
a literal reference to the palm-tree, we may 
pass to the emblematical uses of it in Scrip- 
ture. Under this head may be classed tht? 
following: (1.) The striking appearance of 
the tree, its uprightness and beauty, would 
naturally suggest the giving of its name 
occasionally to women (Gen. xxxviii. 6; 
2 Sam. xiii. 1, xiv. 27). (2.) We have 
notices of the employment of tliis form in 
decorative art, both in the real temple of 
Solomon and in the visionary temple of 
Ezekiel. This work seems to have been it- 
relief. It was a natural and doubtless cus- 
tomary kind of ornamentation in Eastern 
architecture. (3.) With a tree so abundant 
in Judaea, and so marked in its growth and 
appearance, as the palm, it seems rather 
remarkable that it does not appear more 
frequently in the imagery of the O. T 
There is, however, in the Psalms (xcii. 12 
the familiar comparison, "The righteous 
shall flourish like the palm-tree," which 
suggests a world of illustration, whether 
respect be had to the orderly and regular 
aspect of the tree, its fruitfulness, the per- 
petual greenness of its foliage, or the height 
at which the foliage grows, as far as possi- 
ble from earth and as near as possible tc 
heaven. Perhaps no point is more worthy 
of mention, if we wish to pursue the com- 
parison, than the elasticity of the fibre of 
the palm, and its determined growth up- 
wards, even when loaded with weights 
(4.) The passage in Rev. vii. 9, where tb»» 
glorified of all nations are described as 
" clothed with white robes and palms in 
their hands," might seem to us a purely 
classical image. But palm-branches were 
used by Jews in token of victory and peace 
(1 Mace. xiii. 51; 2 Mace. x. 7, xiv. 4). 
As to the industrial and domestic uses of 
the palm, it is well known that they are 
very numerous : but there is no clear allu- 
sion to them in the Bible. That the ancient 
Orientals, however, made use of wine and 
honey obtained from the palm-tree is evi- 
dent from Herodotus, Strabo, and Pliny. 
It is indeed possible that the honey men- 
tioned in some places may be palm-sugar. 
(In 2 Chr. xxxi. 5 the margin has "date.*"; 
There may also in Cant. vii. 8, "I will go 
up to the palm-tree, I will take hold of tlit 
boughs tliereof," be a reference to climbing 
for the fruit. So in ii. 3 and elsewht-re 
(e. g. Ps. i. 3) the fruit of the palm may l)e 
intended : but this cannot be proved. It is 
curious that this tree, once so abundant in 
Judaea, is now comparatively raie, except 
in the Philistine plain, and in the old Phoe- 
nicia about Beyrout. 

Palsy. The pcisy meets uj in tl e N 



PALTI 



491 



PAllABLB 



*r. only, and in features too familiar t d need 
special remark. The words "grievously 
tormented" (Matt. viii. 6) may refer to 
paralysis agitans, or even St. Vitus' dance, 
in both of which the patient, being never 
still for a moment save when asleep, might 
well be so described. The woman's case 
who was "bowed together" by "a spirit 
of infirmity," may probably have been that 
of a paralytic (Luke xiii. 11). 

Pal'ti. The Benjamite spy; son of 
Kapliu (Num. xiii. 9). 

Pal'tiel. The son of Azzan and prince 
of the tribe of Issachar (Num. xxxiv. 26). 
He was one of the twelve appointed to di- 
vide the land of Canaan among the tribes 
west of Jordan. 

Partite, The. Helez " the Paltite" is 
named in 2 Sam. xxiii. 26 among David's 
mighty men. 

Pamphylia, one of the coast-regions 
•n the south of Asia Minor, having Cilicia 
on the east, and Ltcia on the west. In 
St. Paul's time it was not only a regular 
province, but the Emperor Claudius had 
united Lycia with it, and probably also a 
good part of Pisidia. It was in Pamphylia 
that St. Paul first entered Asia Minor, after 
preaching the Gospel in Cyprus. He and 
Barnabas sailed up the river Cestrus to 
Perga (Acts xiii. 13). The two mission- 
aries finally left Pamphylia by its chief 
seaport, Attalia. Many years afterwards 
St. Paul sailed near the coast (Acts xxvii. 5). 

Pan. Of the six words so rendered in 
A. v., two, rnackdbath and masrHh, seem 
to imply a shallow pan or plate, such as is 
used by Bedouins and Syrians for baking 
or dressing rapidly their cakes of meal, 
such as were used in legal oblations ; the 
others, especially sir, a deeper vessel or 
caldron for boiling meat, placed during the 
process on three stones. 

Pan'nag, an article of commerce ex- 
ported from Palestine to Tyre (Ez. xxvii. 
17), the nature of which is a pure matter 
of conjecture, as the term occurs nowhere 
else. A comparison of the passage in Eze- 
kiel with Gen. xliii. 11, leads to the suppo- 
sition that pannag represents some of the 
spwjes grown in Palestine. 

Paper. [Writing.] 

Pa'phos, a town at the west end of 
Cyprus, connected by a road with Sal- 
amis at the east end. Paul and Barnabas 
travelled on their first missionary expedi- 
tion, "tlirough the isle," from the latter 
place to the former (Acts xiii. 6). The 
great characteristic of Paphos was the wor- 
ship of Aphrodite or Venus, who was here 
fabled to have risen from the sea. Her 
temple, however, was at " Old Paphos," 
now called Kuklia. The harbor and the 
chief town were at ** New Paphos," at 
some little distance. The place is still 
called Baffa. 



Papyrus. [Reed.] 

Parable. The word Parable^ iii Gr 

Parahole {jiuqu^oXi]), does not of itself ii» 
ply a narrative. The juxtaposition of twc 
things, differing in most points, Wt agree- 
ing in some, is sufficient to bring the com- 
parison thus produced within the etymology 
of the word. In Hellenistic Greek it ac 
quired a meaning co-extensive with thai 
of the Hebrew mdshdl. That word (= si- 
militude) had a large range of application, 
and was applied sometimes to the shortest 
proverbs (1 Sam. x. 12, xxiv. 13; 2 Chr. 
vii. 20), sometimes to dark prophetic utter- 
ances (Num. xxiii. 7, 18, xxiv. 3 ; Ez. xx 
49), sometimes to enigmatic maxims (Ps. 
Ixxviii. 2; Prov. i. 6), or metaphors ex- 
panded into a narrative (Ez. xii. 22). In 
the N. T. itself the word is used with a like 
latitude. By the Jewish Rabbis the para- 
ble was made the instrument for teaching 
the young disciple to discern the treasure < 
of wisdom, of which the " accursed " mul- 
titude were ignorant. The teaching of 
our Lord at the commencement of Hia 
ministry was, in every way, the opposite 
of this. The Sermon on the Mount may be 
taken as the type of the "words of gLace" 
which he spoke, "not as the scribes." So 
for some months He taught in the syna- 
gogues and on the sea-shore of GalUee, as 
He had before taught in Jerusalem, and 
as yet without a parable. But then there 
comes a change. The direct teaching was 
met with scorn, unbelief, hardness, and He 
seems for a time to abandon it for that 
which took the form of parables. The 
question of the disciples (Matt. xiii. 10) 
implies that they were astonished. Their 
Master was speaking to the multitude in 
the parables and dark sayings which the 
Rabbis reserved for their chosen disciples 
Here, for them, were two grounds of won- 
der. Here, for us, is the key to the expla- 
nation which He gave, that He had chosen 
this form of teaching because the people 
were spiritually blind and deaf (Matt. xiii. 
13), and in order that they might remain 
so (Mark iv. 12). The worth of parables, 
as instruments of teaching, lies in their be- 
ing at once a test of character, and in their 
presenting each form of character with that 
which, as a penalty or blessing, is adapted 
to it. They withdraw the light from those 
who love darkness. They protect the truth 
which they enshrine from the mockery of 
the scoffer. They leave something even 
with the careless which may he interpreted 
and understood afterwards. They reveal, 
on the other hand, the seekers after truth. 
These ask the meaning of the parable, and 
will not rest till the teacher has explained 
it. In this way the parable did its work, 
found out the fit hearers, and led them on. 
In the parables which remain it is possible 
to trace something like an order. (A..) 



PAKABLE 



492 



PARADISE 



riiert l8 the group which have for their 
subject the laws of the Divine Kingdom. 
Under this head we have — 1. The Sower 
(Matt. xiii. ; Mark iv. ; Luke viii.). 2. The 
Wheat and the Tares (Matt. xiii.). 3. The 
Mustard-Seed (Matt. xiii. ; Mark iv.). 4. 
The Seed cast into the Ground (Mark iv.). 
5. The Leaven (Matt. xiii.). 6. The Hid 
Treasure (Matt. xiii.). 7. The Pearl of 
Great Price (Matt. xiii.). 8. The Net cast 
into the Sea (Matt. xiii.). (B.) When the 
aext parables meet us they are of a different 
type and occupy a different posit?"<n. They 
are drawn from the life of men rather than 
from the world of nature. They are such 
as these — 9. The Two Debtors (Luke 
vii.). 10. The Merciless Servant (Matt. 
Kviii.). 11. The Good Samaritan (Lukex.). 
12. The Friend at Midnight (Luke xi.). 13. 
The Rich Fool (Luke xii.). 14. The Wed- 
ding Feast (Luke xii.). 15. The Fig-Tree 
(Luke xiii.). 16. The Great Supper (Luke 
xiv.). 17. The Lost Sheep (Matt, xviii. ; 
Luke XV.). 18. The Lost Piece of Money 
(Luke XV.). 19. The Prodigal Son (Luke 
Kv.). 20. The Unjust Steward (Luke xvi.). 

21. The Rich Man and Lazarus (Luke xvi.). 

22. The Unjust Judge (Luke xviii.). 23. The 
Pharisee and the Publican (Luke xviii.). 
24. The Laborers in the Vineyard (Matt. 
jcx.). (C.) Towards the close of our Lord's 
uiinistry, the parables are again theocratic, 
hut the phase of the Divine Kingdom, on 
which they chiefly dwell, is that of its final 
consummation. To this class we may refer 

25. The Pounds (Luke xix.). 26. The 
Two Sons (Matt. xxi.). 27. The Vineyard 
let out to Husbandmen (Matt. xxi. ; Mark 
Kii. ; Luke xx.). 28. The Marriage-Feast 
(Matt. xxii.). 29. The Wise and Foolish 
Virgins (Matt. xxv.). 30. The Talents 
(Matt. XXV.). 31. The Sheep and the 
Goats (Matt. xxv.). It is characteristic of 
the several Gospels that the greater part 
of the parables of the first and third groups 
belong to St. Matthew, emphatically the 
Evangelist of the kingdom. Those of the 
second are found for the most part in St. 
Luke. — Lastly, there is the law of inter- 
pretation. It has been urged by some wri- 
ters, that there is a scope or purpose for 
each parable, and that our aim must be to 
discern this, not to find a special signifi- 
cance in each circumstance or incident. It 
may be questioned, however, whether this 
canon of interpretation is likely to lead us 
to the full meaning of this portion of our 
r^ord's teaching. It must be remembered 
that in the great patterns of interpretation 
which He himself has given us, there is 
more than this. Not only the sower and 
the seed and the several soils have their 
counterparts in the spiritual life, but the 
birds of the air, the thorns, the scorching 
heat, have each of them a significance. It 
maj b« inferred <rom thest two instances 



that we are, at least, justified iu looking foi 
a meaning even in the seeming accessories 
of a parable. The very form ol the teach- 
ing makes it probable that there may be, in 
any case, more than one legitimate expla- 
nation. A parable may be at once ethical, 
and in the highest sense of the terra pro- 
phetic. There is thus a wide field open to 
the discernment of the interpreter. There 
are also restraints upon the mere fertility 
of his imagination. (1.) The analogies 
must be real, not arbitrary. (2.) The p;ir- 
ables are to be considered as parts uf a 
whole, and the interpretation of one is not 
to override or encroach upon the lessons 
taught by others. (3.) The direct teaching 
of Christ presents the standard to which all 
our interpretations are to be referred, and 
by which they are to be measured. 

Paradise is a word of Persian origin, 
and is used in the Septuagint as the trans- 
lation of Eden. [Eden.] It is a matter 
of some interest to ascertain with what as- 
sociations the word was connected in the 
minds of the Jews of Palestine and other 
countries at the time of our Lord's teach- 
ing; what sense therefore we may attach to 
it in the writings of the N. T. In this as 
in other instances we may distinguish three 
modes of thought. (1.) To the Idealist 
school of Alexandria, of which Philo is the 
representative. Paradise was nothing more 
than a symbol and an allegory. Spiritual 
perfection was the only paradise. The trees 
that grew in it were tlie thoughts of the 
spiritual man. (2.) The Rabbis in the time 
of our Saviour taught that there was a re- 
gion of the world of the dead, of Slieol, in 
the heart of the earth. Gehenna was on 
one side, with its flames and torments ; 
Paradise on the other, the intermediate 
home of the blessed. (3.) Out of the dis- 
cussions and theories of the Rabbis, there 
grew a broad popular belief, fixed in the 
hearts of men, accepted without discussion, 
blending with their best hopes. In the com- 
mon belief Paradise was a far-off land, a 
region where there was no scorching heat, 
no consuming cold ; and the common prayer 
for the dying or the dead was that their 
souls might rest in Paradise, in the garden 
of Eden. It is with this popular belief 
that the language of the N. T. connects 
itself. The old word is kept, and is raised 
to a new dignity or power. It is significant, 
indeed, that the word " Paradise " nc ffhere 
occurs in the public teaching of our Lord, 
or in His intercourse with His own disci- 
ples. Connected as it had been with the 
thoughts of a sensuous happiness, it was 
not the fittest or t'le best word for those 
whom He was training to rise out o." sensu- 
ous thoughts to the higher regions of the 
spiritual life. For them, accordingly, the 
kingdom of Heaven, the kingdom of God, 
are the words most dwelt on. With the 



PARAH 



493 



PARTHIAN 8 



U^ief dying on the cross the case was dif- 
feren*; (Luke xxiii. 43.). We can assume 
nothing in the robber-outlaw but the most 
rudimentary forms of popular belief. The 
answiir to his prayer gave him what he 
needed most, the assurance of immediate 
rest and peace. The word Paradise spoke 
to him, as to other Jews, of repose, shelter, 
joy — the greatest contrast possible to the 
thirst, and agony, and shame of the hours 
upon the cross. There is a like significance 
in the general absence of the word from 
the language of the Epistles. Here also it 
is found nowhere in the direct teaching. It 
occurs only in passages that are apocalyp- 
tic, and therefore almost of necessity sym- 
bolic (2 Cor. xii. 3; comp. Rev. ii. 7). (4.) 
The eager curiosity which prompts men to 
press on into the things behind the veil, has 
led them to construct hypotheses more or 
less definite as to the intermediate state, 
and these have affected the thoughts which 
Christian writers have connected with the 
word Paradise. The word enters largely, 
tks might be expected, into the apocryphal 
literature of the early Church. Where the 
true Gospels are most reticent, the mythical 
are most exuberant. 

Pa'rah, one of the cities in the territory 
allotted to Benjamin, named only in the 
lists of the conquest (Josh, xviii. 28). 

Pa'ran, El-pa'ran. 1. The name Pa- 
ran corresponds probably in general outline 
with the desert Et-Tih. [Kadesh.] Be- 
tween the wilderness of Paran and that of 
Zin no strict demarcation exists in the nar- 
rative, nor do the natural features of tlie 
region yield a well-defined boundary. The 
name of Paran seems, as in the story of 
Ishmael (Gen. xxi. 21), to have predomi- 
nated towards the western extremity of the 
northern desert frontier of Et- Tth, and in 
Num. xxxiv. 4 the wilderness of Zin, not 
Paran, is spoken of as the southern border 
of the land or of the tribe of Judah (Josh. 
XV. 3). Was there, then, a Paran proper, 
or definite spot to which the name was ap- 
plied? From Deut. i. 1 it would seem 
there must have been. This is confirmed 
by 1 K. xi. 18, from which we further learn 
the fact of its being an inhabited region ; 
and the position required by the context 
here is one between Midian and Egypt. 
Padan proper is probably the Wady Feiran. 
2. " Mount " Paran occurs only in two 
poetic passages (Deut. xxxiii. 2 ; Hab. iii. 
3). It probably denotes the north-western 
member of the Sinaitic mountain-group, 
which lies adjacent to the Wady Feiran. 

Par'bar. A word occurring in Hebrew 
and A. V. only in 1 Chr. xxvi. 18. It would 
seem that Parbar was some place on the 
west side of the Temple enclosure, the 
same side with the causeway and the gate 
Shalleeheth. The latter was close to the 
causeway. Parbai «herefore must have been 



south of Shallecheth. As to the m^acmg 
of the name, the Rabbis generally agree in 
translating it " the outside place ; " while 
modern authorities take it as equivalent to 
the parvdrim in 2 K. xxiii. 11 (A. V. '* sub- 
urbs "). Accepting this interpretation, there 
is no difficulty in identifying the Parbar 
with the suburb mentioned by Josephus in 
describing Herod's Temple, as lying in the 
deep valley which separated the west wall 
of the Temple from the city opposite it. 

Parchment. [Writing.] 

Parlor. A word in English usage mean- 
ing the common room of the family, and 
hence probably in A. V. denoting the king's 
audience-chamber, so used in reference to 
Eglon (Judg. iii. 20-25). 

Parmash'ta. One of the ten sons of 
Haman, slain by the Jews in Shushan (Esth 
ix. 9). 

Par'menas. One of the seven dea 
cons, " men of honest report, full of the 
Holy Ghost and wisdom " (Acts vi. 5^ 
There is a tradition that he suffered mac 
tyrdom at Philippi in the reign of Trajan, 

Par'nach, father or ancestor of Eliz* 
phan prince of the tribe of Zfbulun (Nuj^ 
xxxiv. 25). 

Pa'rosh. The descendants of Parosh, 
in number 2172, returned from Babylon 
with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 3; Neh. vii. 8). 
Another detachment of 150 males, with 
Zechariah at their head, accompanied Ezja 
(Ezr. viii. 3). They assisted in the build- 
ing of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 25), 
and signed the covenant with Nehemi&b 
(Neh. X. 14). 

Parsban'datha, the eldest of Haman's 
ten sons who were slain by the Jews in 
Shushan (Esth. ix. 7). 

ParthiaDS occurs only in Acts ii. 9. 
where it designates Jews settled in Parthia- 
Parthia Proper was the region stretching 
along the southern flank of the mouniain? 
which separate the great Persian desert from 
the desert of Kharesro. It lay south of 
Hyrcania, east of Media, and north of Sa- 
gartia. The ancient Parthians are called a 
*' Scythic" race, and probably belonged to 
the great Turanian family. After being 
subject in succession to the Persians and 
the Seleucidae, they revolted in b. c. 25G, 
and under Arsaces succeeded in establish- 
ing their independence. Parthia, in the mind 
of the writer of the Acts, would designate 
this empire, which extended from India to 
the Tigris, and from the Chorasmian desert 
to the shores of the Southern Ocean. 
Hence the prominent position of the name 
Parthians in the list of those present at 
Pentecost. Parthia was a power almost 
rivalling Rome — the only existing power 
wnich had tried its strength against Rome 
and not been worsted in the encounter. 
The Parthian dominioi\ lasted for nearly 
five centuries, commencing iii the third 



PARTRIDGE 



494 



PASSOVER 



certury before, and terminating in the third 
century after, our era. 

Partridge (Heb. k6r^) occurs only 1 
Sam. xxvi. 20, and ' Jer. xvii. 11. The 
" hunting this bird upon the mountains " (1 
Sam. xxvi. 20) entirely agrees with the 
habits of two well-known species of par- 
tridge, viz. Caccabis saxatilis (the Greek 
partridge; and Ammoperdix Heyii. The 
expression in Ecclus. xi. 30, *' like as a 
partridge taken (and kept) in a cage," 
clearly refers to "a decoy partridge." 
Our common partridge {Perdix cinerea) 
does not occur in Palestine. 




Partridge. {Caccabis taxatiUs.) 

Par'uah., the father of Jehoshaphat, 
i^ulomon's commissariat officer in Issachar 
;1 K. iv. 17). 

Parva'im, the name of an unknown 
place or country whence the gold was pro- 
iured for the decoration of Solomon's Tem- 
ple (2 Chr. iii. 6). We may notice the 
conjecture that it is derived from the San- 
scrit pilrva, '■'■ eastern," and is a general 
term for the East. 

Pa'sach, son of Japhlet, of the tribe of 
Asher (1 Chr. vii. 33). 

Pas-dam 'mim. [Ephes-dammim.] 

Pase'ah. 1. Son of Eshton, in an ob- 
scure fragment of the genealogies of Ju- 
dah (1 Chr. iv. 12). 2. The *' sons of 
Paseah " were among the Nethinim who 
returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 49). 

Pash'ur. 1. One of the families of 
priests of the chief house of Malchijah 
(Jer. xxi. 1, xxxviii. 1 ; 1 Chr. ix. 12, xxiv. 
9; Neb. xi. 12). In the time of Nehemiah 
fliifl family appears to have become a chief 
house, and its head the head of a course 
(Ezr. ii. 38; Neh. vii. 41, x. 3). The in- 
dividual from whom the family was named 
was pre bably Pashur, the son of Malchiah, 
irho in the reign of Zedekiah was one of 
the chief princes of the court (Jer. xxxviii. 
I). He was sent, with others, by Zedekiah 
to Jeremiah at the time when Nebuchad- 
nezzar was preparing his attack upon Jeru- 
■alem TJer. xxi.). Again, somewhat later, 



Pashur joined with several other chief men 
in petitioning the king that Jeremiah might 
be put to death as a traitor (Jer. xxxviii. )« 
2. Another person of this name, also a 
priest, and " chief governor of the house 
of the Lord," is mertioned in Jer. xx. 1. 
He is described as " the son of Immer " 
(1 Chr. xxiv. 14), probably the same aa 
Amariah (Neh. x. 3, xii. 2, &c.) In the 
reign of Jehoiakim he showed himself as 
hostile to Jeremiah as his namesake the son 
of Malchiah did afterwards, and put him in 
the stocks by the gate of Benjamin. For 
this indignity to God's prophet, Pashur was 
told by Jeremiah that his name was changed 
to Magor-missabib (^Terror on every side)^ 
and that he and all his house should be car- 
ried captives to Babylon and there di*» 
(Jer. XX. 1-6). 

Passage. Used in plur. (Jer. xxii. 20), 
probably to denote the mountain region of 
Abarim, on the east side of Jordan. It also 
denotes a river-ford or a mountain gorge 
or pass. 

Passover, the first of the three great 
annual Festivals of the Israelites, celebrated 
in the month Nisan, from the 14th to the 
21st. The following are the principal pas- 
sages in the Pentateuch relating to the 
Passover : Ex. xii. 1-51, xiii. 3-10, xxiii. 
14-19, xxxiv. 18-26 ; Lev. xxiii. 4-14 ; Num. 
ix. 1-14, xxviii. 16-25 ; Deut. xvi. 1-6. I. 
Institution and First Celebration of 
THE Passover. — When the chosen people 
were about to be brought out of Egypt, the 
word of the Lord came to Moses and Aaron, 
commanding them to instruct all the con- 
gregation of Israel to prepare for their 
departure by a solemn religious ordinance. 
On the tenth day of the month of Abib, the 
head of each family was to select from the 
flock either a lamb or a kid, a male of the 
first year, without blemish. If his family 
was too small to eat the whole of the lamb, 
he was permitted to invite his nearest neigh- 
bor to join the party. On the fourteenth 
day of the month he was to kill his lamb, 
while the sun was setting. He was then to 
take blood in a tasin, and with a sprig of 
hyssop to sprinkle it on the two side- posts 
and the lintel of the door of the house. The 
lamb was then thoroughly roasted, whole. 
It was expressly forbidden that it sliould be 
boiled, or that a bone of it should be broken. 
Unleavened bread and bitter herbs were to 
be eaten with the flesh. No male who was 
uncircumcised was to join the company. 
Each one was to have his loins girt, to hold 
a staff in his hand, and to have shoes on his 
feet. He was to eat in haste, and it would 
seem that he was to stand during the meal. 
The number of the party was to be calcu- 
lated as nearly as possible, so that all the 
flesh of the lamb might be eaten ; but if any 
portion of it happened to remain, it was to 
be burned in the morning. No morsel of it 



PASSOVER 



495 



PASSOVER 



fras to be carried out of the house. The 
legislator was further directed to inform 
the people of God's purpose to smite the 
first-born of the Egyptians, to declare that 
the Passover was to be to them an ordi- 
nance forever, to give them directions 
respecting the order and duration of the 
festival in future times, and to enjoin upon 
them to teach their cliildren its meaning, 
from generation to generation. When the 
message was delivered to the people they 
bowed their heads in worship. The lambs 
were selected, on the fourteenth they were 
slain, and the blood sprinkled, and in the 
following evening, after the fifteenth day of 
the month liad commenced, the first paschal 
meal was eaten. At midnight the first-born 
")i the Egyptians were smitten. The king 
and his people were now urgent that the 
Israelites should start immediately, and 
readily bestowed on them supplies for 
the journey. In such haste did the Israel- 
ites depart, on that very day (Num. xxxiii. 
3), that they packed up their kneading- 
troughs containing the dough prepared for 
the morrow's provisions, which was not yet 
leavened. II. Observance of the Pass- 
over IN LATER TIMES. — 1. In the twelfth 
and thirteenth chapters of Exodus there are 
not only distinct references to the obser- 
vance of the festival in future ages (e. g. xii. 
2, 14, 17, 24-27, 42, xiii. 2, 5, 8-10), but 
there are several injunctions which were 
evidently not intended for the first Passover, 
and which indeed could not possibly have 
been observed. In the later notices of the 
festival in the books of the law there are 
particulars added which appear as modifi- 
cations of the original institution (Lev. 
xxiii. 10 14 ; Num. xxviii. 16-25 ; Deut. 
xvi. 1-6"). Hence it is not without reason 
that the Jewish writers have laid great 
strefs on the distinction between "the 
Egyptian Passover" and "the perpetual 
Passover." 2. The following was the gen- 
eral order of the observances of the Pass- 
over in later times : On the 14th of Nisan 
every trace of leaven was put away from 
the houses, and on the same day every male 
Israelite not laboring under any bodily in- 
firmity or ceremonial impurity, was com- 
manded to appear before the Lord at the 
national sanctuary with an oflfering of money 
in pi ^portion to his means (Ex. xxiii. 15 ; 
Dt'ut. xvi. 16, 17). Devout women some- 
times attended, ns is proved by the instances 
of Hannah and Mary (1 Sam. i. 7 ; Luke ii. 
41, 42). As the sun was setting, the lambs 
Here slain, and the fat and blood given to 
the priests (2 Chr. xxxv. 5, 6). The lamb 
»ras then roasted whole, and eaten with 
unleavened bread and bitter herbs ; no por- 
tion of it was to be left until the morning. 
The same night, after the 15th of Nisan had 
commenced, the fat was burned by the priest 
Tiid the blood sprinkled on the altar (2 Chr. 



xxx. 16, xv>:^. 11). On the 15tlj the nigb» 
being passed, there was a holy convocation, 
and during that day no work might be done, 
except the preparation of necessary food 
(Ex. xii. 16). On this and the six following 
days an oflering in addition to the daily sac- 
rifice was made of two young bullocks, a 
ram, ai.d seven lambs of the first yeai, with 
meat-offerings, for a burnt- offering, and a 
goat for a sin-offering (Num. xxviii. 19-23). 
On the 16th of the month, "the morrow after 
the sabbath" {i. e. after the day of holy 
convocation), the first sheaf of harvest 
was offered and waved by the priest before 
the Lord, and a male lamb was offered as a 
burnt sacrifice with a meat and drink offer- 
ing. Nothing necessarily distinguished the 
four following days of the festival, except the 
additional burnt and sin-offerings, and the 
restraint from some kinds of labor. On the 
seventh day, the 21st of Nisan, there was a 
holy convocation, and the day appears to 
have been one of peculiar solemnity. As 
at all the festivals, cheerfulness was to pre- 
vail during the whole week, and all care 
was to be laid aside (Deut. xxvii. 7). 3. 
(a.) The Paschal Lamh. — After the first 
Passover in Egypt there is no trace of the 
lamb having been selected before it was 
wanted. In later times we are certain that 
it was sometimes not provided before the 
14th of the month (Luke xxii. 7-9 ; Mark 
xiv. 12-16). The law formally allowed the 
alternative of a kid (Ex. xii. 5), but a lamb 
was preferred, and was probably nearly 
always chosen. It was to be faultless, and 
a male, in accordance with the established 
estimate of animal perfection (see Mai. 1 
14). Either the head of the family, or an) 
other person who was not ceremonially 
unclean (2 Chr. xxx. 17), took it into the 
court of the Temple on his shoulders. As 
the paschal lamb could be legally slain, and 
the blood and fat offered, only in the na- 
tional sanctuary (Deut. xvi. 2), it of 
course ceased to be offered by the Jews 
after the destruction of Jerusalem. Th« 
spring festival of the modern Jews strictly 
consists only of the feast of unleavened 
bread. (6.) The Unleavened Bread. — It 
might be made of wheat, spelt, barley, 
oats, or rye, but not of rice or millet. It 
appears to have been usually made of the 
finest wheat flour. It was probably formed 
into dry, thin biscuits, not unlike those 
used by the modern Jews, (c.) The Bitter 
Herhs and the Sauce. — According to the 
Mishna the bitter herbs (Ex. xii. 8) might 
be endive, chicory, wild lettuce, or nettles. 
These plants were important articles of 
food to the ancient Egyptians. The sauce 
into which the herbs, the bread, and the 
meat were dipped as they were eaten (John 
xiii. 26; Matt. xxvi. 23) is no>t mentioned 
in the Pentateuch, {d.) The Four Cnpa 
of Wine. — There is no mention of wine 



PASSOVER 



496 



Passover 



m connection with the Passover in the 
Pentateuch; but the Mishna strictly en- 
joins that there should never be less than 
four cups of it provided at >^e paschal 
meal even ef the poorest Israelite. Two 
of them appear to be distinctly mentioned 
Luke xxii. 17, 20. " The cup of blessing " 
(1 Cor. X. 16) was probably the latter one 
of those, and is generally considered to 
have been the third of the series, after 
rliich a grace was said ; though a compar- 
ison of Luke xxii. 20 (where it is called 
" the cup after supper ") with a passage in 
the Talmud, and the designation ^^ cup of 
the Hallel" suggests tliat it was the fourth 
and last cup. (eJ) The Ilallel. — The ser- 
vice of praise sung at the Passover is not 
mentioned in the Law. The name is con- 
tracted from Ilallelvjah. It consisted of 
the series of Psalms from cxiii. to cxviii. 
The first portion, comprising Ps. cxiii. and 
cxiv., was sung in the early part of the 
meal, and the second part after the fourth 
cup of wine. This is supposed to have been 
the " hymn " sung by our Lord and His 
Apostles (Matt. xxvi. 30; Mark xiv. 26). 
(/,) Mode and Order of the Paschal Meal. — 
Adopting as much from Jewish tradition as 
is not inconsistent or improbable, the fol- 
lowing appears to have been the usual cus- 
tom : All work, except that belonging to a 
few trades connected with daily life, was 
suspended for some hours before the even- 
ing of the 14th Nisan. It was not lawful 
to eat any ordinary food after midday. 
No male was admitted to the table unless 
he was circumcised, even if he was of the 
seed of Israel (Ex. xii. 48). It was cus- 
tomary for the number of a party to be not 
less than ten. When the meal was pre- 
pared, the family was placed round the 
table, the paterfamilias taking a place of 
honor, probably somewhat raised above the 
rest. There is no reason to doubt that the 
ancient Hebrews sat as they were accus- 
tomed to do at their ordinary meals. Our 
Lord and His Apostles conformed to the 
usual custom of their time, and reclined 
(Luke xxii. 14, &c.). When the party was 
arranged the first cup of wine was filled, and 
a blessing was asked by the bead of the fam- 
ily on the feast, as well as a special one on the 
cup. The bitter herbs were then placed on 
the table, and a portion of them eaten, either 
with or without the sauce. The unleavened 
bread was handed round next, and after- 
wards the lamb was placed on the table in 
front of the head of the family. Before the 
lamb was eaten the second cup of wine was 
filled, and the son, in accordance with Ex. 
xii. 26, asked his father the meaning of the 
feast. In reply, an account was given of 
the sufferings of the Israelites in Egypt, and 
of their deliverance, with a particular expla- 
nation of Deut. xxvi. 6, and the first part of 
the Hallel (Ps. cxiii., cxiv.") was sung. This 



being gone through, the lamb was jjirved 
and eaten. The third cup of wine was 
poured out and drunk, and soon afterwards 
the fourth. The second part of the Hallel 
(Ps. cxv. to cxviii.) was then sung. A fifth 
wine-cup appears to have been occasio lally 
produced, but perhaps only in later ti nes. 
What was termed the greater Hallel (Ps. 
cxx. to cxxxviii.) was sung on such 2ca- 
sions. The Israelites who lived hi tlie 
country appear to have been accommodated 
at the feast by the inhabitants of Jeriisalera 
in their houses, so far as there was room 
for them (Luke xxii. 10-12; Matt. xxvi. 
18). Those who could not be received into 
the city encamped without the walls in 
tents, as the pilgrims now do at Mecca. 
{g.) The first Sheaf of Harvest.— The 
offering of the Omer, or sheaf, is mentioned 
nowhere in the Law except Lev. xxiii. 1'^- 
14. It is there commanded that when the 
Israelites reached the land of promise, they 
should bring, on the 16th of the month, 
" the morrow after the sabbath " {i. e. the 
day of holy convocation), the first sheaf of 
the harvest to the priest, to be waved by 
him before the Lord. The sheaf was of 
barley, as being the grain which was first 
ripe (2 K. iv. 42). (h.) The Chagigah. — 
The daily sacrifices are enumerated in the 
Pentateuch only in Num. xxviii. 19-23, but 
reference is made to them Lev. xxiii. 8. 
Besides these public offerings, there was 
another sort of sacrifice connected with the 
Passover, as well as with the other great 
festivals, called in the Talmud Chagigah, 
i. e. " festivity." It was a voluntary peace- 
offering made by private individuals. The 
victim might be taken either from the flock 
or the herd. It might be either male or 
female, but it must be without blemish. 
The offerer laid his hand upon its head, and 
slew it at the door of the sanctuary. Th€ 
blood was sprinkled on the altar, and tbe 
fat of the inside, with the kidneys, was 
burned by the priest. The breast was given 
to the priest as a wave-offering, and the 
right shoulder as a heave-oflering ('Lev. iii, • 
1-5, vii. 29-34). What remained of the 
victim might be eaten by the offerer and 
his guests on the day on which it was slaiii- 
and on the day following; but if any por- 
tion was left till the third day it was burned 
(Lev. vii. 16-18). The eating of the Cha. 
gigah was an occasion of social festivity 
connected with the festivals, and ei^pecially 
with the Passover, (i.) Release of Prison- 
ers. — It is a question whether the release 
of a prisoner at the Passover (Matt, xxvii. 
15 ; Mark xv. 6 ; Luke xxiii. 1 7 ; John xviii. 
39) was a custom of Roman origin resem- 
bling what took place at the lectisterniura 
(Liv. V. 13), and, in later times, on the 
birthday of an emperor, or whether it wae 
an old Hebrew usage belonging to the fes- 
tival, which Pilate allowed the Jew s to re- 



PASSOVEK 



497 



PASSOVER 



cam. (k.) The Second, or LitUe Passover. 
- Wlien the Passover was celebrated the 
secoiwl year, in the wilderness, certain men 
were pr( vented from keeping it, owing to 
their being detiled by contact with a dead 
body. Beinsr thus prevented from obeying 
the l^ivine command, they came anxiously 
to M( ses to inquire what they should do. 
He was accordingly instructed to institute 
a second Passover, to be observed on the 
1 1th of I lie following month, for the benefit 
of any (vho had been hindered from keep- 
ing the regular one in Nisan (Num. ix. 
11). The Talraudists called this the Little 
Passover. (Z.) Observances of the Pass- 
over recorded in Scripture. — Of these, 
st!Ten are of chief historical importance : 

1. The first Passover in Egypt (Ex. xii.). 

2. The fijst kept in the desert (Num. ix.). 

3. That celebrated by Joshua at Gilgal 
(Josh. v.). 4r. That which Hezekiah ob- 
served on the occasion of his restoring the 
national worship (2 Chr. xxx.). This Pass- 
over was not held till the second month, 
the proper time for the Little Passover. 5. 
The Passover of Josiah, in the eighteenth 
year of his reign (2 Chr. xxxv,). 6. That 
celebrated by Ezra after the return from 
Babylon (Ezr. vi.) 7. The last Passover 
of our Lord's life. IIL The Last Sup- 
per. — 1. Was the supper which our Lord 
afe with his disciples on the Thursday even- 
ing the true Paschal Supper, or did the latter 
fall on the following evening, the same as 
that of His crucifixion? No point in the 
Gos|'el history has beeji more disputed. 
The truth of the former view could never 
have been questioned, had we possessed the 
first three Gospels only. They expressly 
call che Supper of the Thursday evening the 
Passover ; and even if St. John does not 
so 'Call it, no inference can be drawn from 
his silence, any more than from his not 
mentioning the institution of the Lord's 
Su})per. considering the supplementary na- 
ture of his Gospel. There are, however, 
other passage* in St. John's narrative of 
our Saviour's passion, which seem to sug- 
gest the inference that the Passover was yet 
to be eaten on the Friday evening ; but all 
these passages admit of another explanation. 
If we admit that the last supper was on the 
13th of Nisan, our Lord must have been 
crucified on the lith, the day on which the 
pagchal lamb was slain and eaten. He lay 
in the grave on the 15th (which was a 
" high day" or double sabbath, because the 
weekly sabbath coincided with the day of 
holy convocation), and the Sunday of the 
resurrection was the 16tfc. It is not sur- 
prising that some modern critics should 
have given up as hopeless the task of rec- 
onciling this difficulty. 2. The reconcili- 
ations which have been attempted fall under 
three principal heads : i. Those which re- 
gard the supper at whi4i our Lord washed 

32 



the feet of His disciples (John xiii.), a« 
having been a distinct meal eaten one or 
more days before the regular Passover, of 
which our Lord partook in due course 
according to the synoptical narratives, ii. 
Those in which it is endeavored to establish 
that the meal was eaten on the 13th, and 
that our Lord was crucified on the evening 
of the true paschal supper, iii. Those in 
which the most obvious view of the first 
three narratives is defended, and in which it 
is attempted to exxjlain the apparent con- 
tradictions in St. John, and the difficulties 
in reference to the law. (i.) The first 
method has the advantage of furnishing tliP 
most ready way of accounting for St. 
John's silence on the institution of the Holy 
Communion ; but any explanation founded 
on the supposition of two meals appears to 
be rendered untenable by the context, (ii.) 
The current of opinion in modern times has 
set in favor of taking the more obvious 
interpretation of the passages in St. John, 
that the supper was eaten on the 13tli, and 
that our Lord was crucified on the 14th. 
Those who thus hold that the supper was 
eaten on the 13th day of the month have 
devised various ways of accounting for the 
circumstance, of which the following are 
the most important : (a.) It is assumed 
that a party of the Jews, probably the Sad- 
ducees and those who inclined towards them, 
used to eat the Passover one day before the 
rest, and that our Lord approved of their 
practice. (6.) It has been conjectured that 
the great body of the Jews had gone wrong 
in calculating the true Passover-day, pla- 
cing it a day too late, and that our Lord ate 
the Passover on what was really the 14th, 
but what commonly passed as the 13th. 
(c.) Calvin supposed tiiat on this occasion, 
though our Lord thought it right to adhere 
to the true legal time, the Jews ate the Pass- 
over on the 15th instead of the 14th, in order 
to escape from the burden of two days of 
strict observance (the day of holy convoca- 
tion and the weekly sabbath) coming to- 
gether, {d.) Grotius thought that the meal 
was a 7ruo/a ^ivrjuorivTixCv (like the paschal 
feast of the modern Jews, and such as might 
have been observed during the Babylonian 
captivity), not a nuoxa. 6i'niuuv. (g.) A view 
which has been received with favor far 
more generally than either of the preceding 
is, that the Last Supper was instituted by 
Christ for the occasion, in order that He 
might Himself suffer on the proper eveni::^ 
on which the paschal lamb was slain. Eras- 
mus and others have called it an " antici- 
patory Passover ; " but if this view is to 
stand, it seems better, in a formal treat- 
ment of the subject, not to call it a Passover 
at all. (iii.) They who take the facts as 
they appear to lie on the surface of tlie 
synoptical narratives start from a simpler 
point. They have to show that ihe passajfes 



PASSOVEB 



498 



PASSOVER 



m St. .}uim may be fairly int-irpreterl in 
Bticli a nianuer as ndt to interfeie with their 
own condusion. («.) John xiii. 1, 2. Does 
TiQo T>ig (,0QTi}g limit the time only of the 
pro] osition in the first verse, or is the limi- 
tation to be carried on to verse 2, so as to 
refer to the supper? In the latter case the 
natural conclusion is, that the meal was one 
eaten before the paschal supper. Others 
take n to/a to mean the seven days of un- 
it:;.! vened bread as not including the eating 
of the lamb, and justify this limitation by 
St. Luke xxii. 1; but not a few of those 
who take this side of the main question 
regard the first verse as complete in itself. 
On the whole, Neander himself admits that 
nothing can safely be inferred from John 
xiji. 1, 2, in favor of the supper having 
taken place on the 13th. (6.) John xiii. 
29. It is urged that the things of which 
they had '• need against the feast," might 
have been the provisions for the Chagigah, 
perhaps with what else was required for the 
seven days of unleavened bread. The usual 
day for sacrificing the Chagigah was the 
15th, which was then commencing. But 
there is another difficulty in the disciples 
thinking it likely either that purchases 
could be made, or that alms could be given 
to the poor, on a day of holy convocation. 
It is highly probable that the letter of the 
law in regard to trading was habitually re- 
laxed in the case of what was required for 
religious rites or for burials, (c.) John xviii. 
28. The Jews refused to enter the praetori- 
um lest they should be defiled, and so dis- 
qualified from eating the Passover. Neander 
and others deny that this passage can possi- 
bly refer to anything but the paschal supper. 
But it is alleged that the words may either 
be taken in a general sense as meaning "that 
they might go on keeping the passover," or 
tliat 7 Tcaoya may be understood specifical- 
ly to denote the Chagigah. (c?.) John xix. 
14. " The preparation of the Passover " at 
first sight would seem as if it must be the 
preparation for the Passover on the lith, a 
time set apart for making ready for the 
paschal week, and for the paschal supper 
in pa,rticular. It is naturally so understood 
by those who advocate the notion that the 
last supper was eaten on the 13th. But 
they who take the opposite view affirm that, 
though there was a regular "preparation" 
for the sabbath, there is no mention of 
any "preparation" for the festivals. It 
seems to be eisentially connected with the 
gabbath itself ( John xix. 31). The phrase 
in John xix. 11 may thus be understood as 
th 3 preparation of the sabhath which fell 
in the Passover week. If these arguments 
are admitted, the day of the preparation 
mentione<I in the Gospels might have fallen 
©n the day of holy convocation, the 15th of 
Nisan. (e.) John xix. 31. " That sabbath 
day was a >iigli day." It is assumed by 



those who fix the supper on the 13th tla* 
the term was applied, owin^ to the 15tb 
being "a double sabbath," from the coin- 
cidence of the day of holy convocation ■will) 
the weekly festival. Those, on the c tlier 
hand, who identify the supper wi:h the 
paschal meal, contend that tiie special dig- 
nity of the day resulted from its being thai 
on which the Omer was ofi'ered, and fiom 
which were reckoned the fifty days to Pen- 
tecost. (/.) The difficulty of supposing 
that our Lord's apprehension, trial, and 
crucifixion took place on the day of holy 
convocation has been strongly urged. But 
the statements wliich refer to Jewish usage 
in regard to legal proceedings on sacred 
days as are very inconsistent with each 
other. Some of them make the difficulty 
equally great whether we suppose the trial 
to have taken place on the 14th or the 15th. 
In others there are exceptions permitted 
which seem to go far to meet the case be- 
fore us. But we have better proof thaa 
either the Mishna or the Gemara can afford 
that the Jews did not hesitate, in the time 
of the Roman domination, to carry arm» 
and to apprehend a prisoner on a solem** 
feast day. We find them at the feast of 
Tabernacles, on the " great day of th^ 
feast," sending out officers to take out 
Lord, and rebuking them for not bringing 
Him (John vii. 32-45). St. Peter also wa.« 
seized during the Passover (Acts xii. 3, 4j. 
And, again, the reason alleged by the riikr* 
for not apprehending Jesus was, not the 
sanctity of the festival, but the fear of an 
uproar among the multitude which wa.* 
assembled (Matt. xxvi. 5). On the whole, 
notwithstanding the express declaration of 
the Law and of the Mishna that the days 
of holy convocation were to be observed 
precisely as the sabbath, except in the 
preparation of food, it is highly probable that 
considerable license was allowed in regard 
to them, as we have already observed. 3. W 
must be admitted that the narrative of St. 
John, as far as the mere succession of 
events is concerned, bears consistent testi- 
mony in favor of the last supper having 
been eaten on the evening before the Pass- 
over. That testimony, however, does not 
appear to be so distinct, and so incapable 
of a second interpretation, as that of the 
synoptical Gospels, in favor of the meal 
having been the paschal supper itself, at 
the legal time (see especially Matt. xxvi. 
17; Mark xiv. 1, 12; Luke xxii. 7). IV. 
Meaning of the Passoveb. — 1. Eacli of 
the three great festivals contained a refer 
ence to the annual course of nature. Two 
at least of them — the first and the last — 
also commemorated events in the history of 
the chosen people. It must be admitted 
that the relation to the natural year ex- 
pressed in the Passover was less marked 
than that in Pentecost or Tflbernacles. i^hile 



PASSv)VER 



499 



PASSOVEK 



Its liistorical import was deeper and more 
pointed. That part of its ceremonies which 
has a direct agricultural reference — the 
offering of the Onier — holds a very sub- 
ordinate place. 2. The d'^liverance from 
Egypt was regarded as the starting-point 
of the Hebrew nation. The Israelites were 
tlien raised from the condition of bondmen 
under a foreign tyrant to that of a free 
people owing allegiance to no one but Je- 
hovah. The prophet in a later age spoke 
of the event as a creation and a redemption 
of the nation. God declares Himself to be 
"the Creator of Israel." The Exodus was 
thus looked upon as the birth of the nation ; 
the Passover was its annual birthday feast. 
It was the yearly memorial of the dedica- 
tion of the people to Him who had saved 
their first-born from the destroyer, in order 
that they might be made holy to Himself. 
3. (a.) The paschal lamb must of course 
be regarded as the leading feature in the 
ceremonial of the festival. Some Protes- 
tant divines during the last two centuries 
(Calov, Carpzov) have denied that it was a 
sacrifice in the proper sense of the word. 
But most of their contemporaries (Cud- 
worth, Bochart, Vitringa), and nearly all 
modern critics, have held that it was in the 
strictest sense a sacrifice. The chief char- 
acteristics of a sacrifice are all distinctly 
ascribed to it. It was offered in the holy 
place (Deut. xvi. 5, 6) ; the blood was 
sprinkled on the altar, and the fat was 
burned (2 Chr. xxx. 16, xxxv. 11). The 
language of Ex. xii. 27, xxiii. 18, Num. ix. 
7, D< ut. xvi. 2, 5, together with 1 Cor. v. 
7, would seem to decide the question be- 
yond the reach of doubt. As the original 
institution of the Passover in Egypt pre- 
ceded the establishment of the priesthood 
and the regulation of the service of the 
tabernacle, it necessarily fell short in 
several particulars of the observance of 
the festival according to the fully devel- 
oped ceremonial law. The head of the 
family slew the lamb in his own house, not 
in the holy place ; the blood was sprinkled 
on the doorway, not on the altar. But 
when the law was perfected, certain partic- 
alars were altered in order to assimilate 
the Passover to the accustomed order of 
religious service. It can hardly be doubted 
that the paschal iamb was regarded as the 
great annual peace-offering of the family, 
a thank-offering for the existence and pres- 
ervation of the nation (Ex. xiii. 14-16), 
the typical sacrifice of the elected and rec- 
onciled children of the promise. A ques- 
tion, perhaps not a wise one, has been raised 
regarding the purpose of the sprinkling of 
the blood on the lintels and door-posts. 
Some have considered that it was meant 
as a mark to guide the destroying angel. 
Others suppose that it was merely a sign 
to confirm the faith cf tlu) Israelites in 



their safety and deliverance. Surely nei 
ther of these views can stand alone. Th« 
sprinkling must have been an act of faith 
and obedience which God accepted with 
favor. That it also denoted the purifica- 
tion of the children of Israel from the 
abominations of the Egyptians, and so had 
the accustomed significance of the sprin- 
kling of blood under the law (Heb. ix. 22), 
is evidently in entire consistency with thi* 
view. No satisfactory reason has been as- 
signed for the command to choose the lamb 
four days before the paschal supper. That 
the lamb was to be roasted, and not boiled, 
has been supposed to commemorate the 
haste of the departure of the Israelites. 
It is not difficult to determine the reason 
of the command, " Not a bone of him shall 
be broken." The lamb was to bp a symbol 
of unity ; the unity of the family, the unity 
of the nation, the unity of God with His 
people whom He had taken into covenant 
with Himself, (i.) The unleavened bread 
ranks next in importance to the paschal 
lamb. The notion has been very generally 
held, or taken for granted, both by Chris- 
tian and Jewish writers of all ages, that 
it was intended to remind the Israelites 
of the unleavened cakes v^hich they were 
obliged to eat in their hasty fiight (Ex. xii. 
34, 39) ; but there is not the least intima- 
tion to this effect in the sacred narrative. 
It has been considered by some that the 
unleavened bread and the bitter herbs alike 
owe their meaning to their being regarded 
as unpalatable food ; but this seems to be 
wholly inconsistent with the pervading joy- 
ous nature of the festival. On the whole 
we are warranted in concluding that un- 
leavened bread had a peculiar sacrificial 
character, according to the Law. It seems 
more reasonable to accept St. Paul's refer- 
ence to the subject (1 Cor. v. 6-8) as fur- 
nishing the true meaning of the symbol. 
Fermentation is decomposition, a dissolu- 
tion of unity. The pure dry biscuit would 
be an apt emblem of unchanged duration, 
and, in its freedom from foreign mixture, 
of purity also, (c.) The bitter herbs are 
generally understood by the Jewish writers 
to signify the bitter sufferings which the 
Israelites had endured (Ex. i. 14). But 
it has been remarked by Abenezra that 
these herbs are a good and wholesome ac- 
companiment for meat, and are now, and 
appear to have been in ancient times, com- 
monly so eaten, {d.) The offering of the 
Omer, though it is obviously that part of 
the festival which is immediately connected 
with the course of the seasons, bore a dis- 
tinct analogy to its historical significance. 
It may have denoted a deliverance from 
winter, as the lamb signified deliverance 
from the bondage of Egypt, which might 
well be considered as a winter in the his- 
tory of the ration. Again, the consecrar 



/ 



PATARA 



500 



PATRIARCHS 



clon of the first-fruits, the first-born of the 
<ioil, is an easy type of the consecration of 
the first-born of the Israelites. 4. No other 
shadow of good things to come contained 
in the Law can vie with the festival of the 
Passover in expressiveness and complete- 
ness. Hence we are so often reminded of 
it, more or less distinctly, in the ritual and 
language of the Church. Its outline, con- 
sidered in reference to the great deliver- 
ance of the Israelites which it commemo- 
rated, and many of its minute details, have 
been appropriated as current expressions 
of the truths which God has revealed to us 
in the fulness of time in sending His Son 
upon earth. It is not surprising that eccle- 
siastical writers should have pushed the 
comparison too far, and exercised their 
fancy in the application of trifling or ac- 
cidental particulars either to the facts of 
our Lord's life or to truths connected with 
It. But, keeping within the limits of sober in- 
terpretation indicated by Scripture itself, the 
application is singularly full and edifying. 
The crowning application of the paschal 
rites to the truths of which they were the 
shadowy promises appears to be that which 
is afforded by the fact that our Lord's 
death occurred during the festival. Ac- 
cording to the Divine purpose, the true 
Lamb of God was slain at nearly the same 
time as " the Lord's Passover," in obedience 
to the letter of the law. It does not seem 
needful that, in order to give point to this 
coincidence, we should (as some have done) 
draw from it an d, priori argument in favor 
of our Lord's crucifixion having taken place 
on the 14th of Nisan. It is enough to 
know that our own Holy Week and Easter 
stand as the anniversary of the same great 
facts as were foreshown in those events of 
which the yearly Passover was a com- 
memoration. As compared with the other 
festivals, the Passover was remarkably dis- 
tinguished by a single victim essentially its 
own, sacrificed" in a very peculiar manner. 
In this respect, as well as in the place it 
held in the ecclesiastical year, it had a for- 
mal dignity and character of its own. It was 
the representative festival of the year, and 
in this unique position it stood in a certain 
relation to circumcision as the second sac- 
-ament of the Hebrew church (Ex. xii. 44). 

Fat'ara, a Lycian city situated on the 
south-western shore of Lycia, not far from 
the left bank of the river Xanthus. The 
coast here is very mountainous and bold. 
Immediately opposite is the island of 
Rhodes. Patara was practically the sea- 
port of the city of Xanthus, which was ten 
miles distant. These notices of its posi- 
tion and maritime importance introduce us 
to the single mention of the place in the 
Bible (Acts xxi. 1, 2). 

Path'ros, gent, noun Pathrusim, a 
part of Egypt, and a Mizraite tribe. In the 



list of the Iilizraites, the Pathri.siiL occui 
after the Naphtuhim, and before the Jaslu 
him ; the latter being followed by the notice 
of the Philistines, and by the Caphtorim 
(Gen. X. la, 14; 1 Chr. i. 12). Pathros is 
mentioned in the prophecies of Isaiah (xi. 
11), Jeremiah (xliv. 1, 15), anJ Ezekiel 
(xxix. 14, XXX. 13-18). It was probably 
part of or all Upper Egyj)t, and we may 
trace its name in the Pathyrite nome, in 
which Thebes was situate. 

Pathru'sim. [Pathros.] 

Pat'mos (Rev. i. 9), a rugged and bare 
island, is one of the Sporades, and in that 
part of the Aegean which is called the Ica- 
rian Sea. Such a scene of banishment for 
St. John in the reign of Domitian is quite 
in harmony with what we read of the cus- 
tom of the period. Patmos is divided into 
two nearly equal parts, a northern and a 
southern, by a very narrow isthmus, where, 
on the east side, are the harbor and the 
town. On the hill to the south, crowning 
a commanding height, is the celebrated 
monastery, which bears the name of " John 
the Divine." Half way up the ascent is th« 
cave or grotto where tradition says that Sti. 
John received the Revelation. 

Patriarchs. The name Patriarch it 
applied in the N. T. to Abraham (Heb. vii. 
4), to the sons of Jacob (Acts vii. 8, 9), 
and to David (Acts ii. 29) ; and is appar- 
ently intended to be equivalent to the 
phrase, the " head " or *' prince of a tribe," 
so often found in the 0. T. It is used in 
this sense by the LXX. in 1 Chr. xxiv. 31, 
xxvii. 22; 2 Chr. xxiii. 20, xxvi. 12. In 
common usage the title of patriarch is as- 
signed especially to those whose lives are 
recorded in Scripture previous to the time 
of Moses. The patriarchal times are nat- 
urally divided into the ante-diluvian and 
post-diluvian periods. 1. In the former 
the Scripture record contains little except 
the list of the line from Seth, through Enos, 
Cainan, Mahalaleel, Jared, Enoch, Methu- 
selah, and Lamech, to Noah ; with the ages 
of each at their periods of generation and 
at their deaths. To some extent parallel to 
this, is given the line of Cain ; Enoch, Irad, 
Mehujael, Methusael, Lamech, and the sons 
of Lamech, Jabal, Jubal, and Tubal- Cain. 
To the latter line are attributed the first 
signs of material civilization, the building 
of cities, the division of classes, and the 
knowledge of mechanical arts ; while the 
only moral record of their history obscurely 
speaks of violence and bloodshed. One of 
the main questions raised as lo the antedilu- 
vian period turns on the lonj^evity assigned 
to the patriarchs. With the single excep- 
tion of Enoch (whose departure from the 
earth at 365 years of age is exceptional in ev- 
ery sense), their ages vary from 777 (L.i- 
mech) to 969 (Methuselah). Tliis statement 
of ages is clear and definite. If llie l)\vin# 



PATRIAilCHS 



501 



PAUL 



origin ol Scripture be believed, its author- 
ity must be accepted in this as in other 
cases, and the list of the ages of the patri- 
archs be held to be (what it certainly claims 
to be) a statement of real facts. 2. It is in 
the post-diluvian periods that more is gath- 
ered as to the nature of the patriarchal his- 
tory. It is at first general in its scope. 
The " Covenant " given to Noah is one, 
free from all condition, and fraught with 
natural blessings, extending to all alike. 
But the history soon narrows itself to that 
of a single tribe or family, and afterwards 
touches the general history of the ancient 
world and its empires only so far as it bears 
upon this. It is in this last stage that the 
principle of the patriarchal dispensation is 
most clearly seen. It is based on the sa- 
credness of family ties and paternal author- 
ity. This authority, as the only one which 
is natural and original, is inevitably the 
foundation of the earliest form of society, 
and is probably seen most perfectly in wan- 
dering tribes, where it is not affected by 
local attachments and by the acquisition of 
wealth. In Scripture this authority is con- 
secrated by an ultimate reference to God, 
as the God of the patriarch, the Father 
(that is) both of him and his children. At 
the same time, this faith was not allowed to 
degenerate, as it was prone to do, into an 
appropriation of God, as the mere tutelary 
God of the tribe. Still the distinction and 
preservation of the chosen family, and the 
•naintenance of the paternal authority, are 
•ihe special purposes, which give a key to 
ihe meaning of history, and of the institu- 
ttons recorded. The type of character 
formed under this dispensation is one im- 
perfect in intellectual and spiritual growth, 
Secause not yet tried by the subtler temp- 
Ations, or forced to contemplate the deeper 
questions of life ; but it is one remarkably 
simple, affectionate, and free, such as would 
grow up under a natural authority, derived 
from God and centring in Him, yet allow- 
ing, under its unquestioned sacredness, a 
familiarity and freedom of intercourse with 
Him, whicli are strongly contrasted with the 
Rtern and awful character of the Mosaic 
dispensation. We see in it the germs of the 
future — of the future revelation of God, and 
the future trials and development of man. It 
is on this fact that the typical interpretation 
of its history depends. In the post-diluvian 
history of the chosen family is seen the dis- 
tinction of the true behevers, possessors 
of a special covenant, special revelation, 
and special privileges, from the world with- 
out. In it is therefore shadowed out the 
history of the Jewish Nation and Christian 
Church, as regards the freedom of their 
covenant, the gradual unfolding of their 
revelation, and the peculiar blessings and 
temptations uh'n^li b<'Ioag tr^ their distinc- 
tive positioE. 



Pat'robas, a Christian at Rome to whom 
St. Paul sends his salutation (Rom. xvi. 
14). Like many other names mentioned in 
Rom. xvi., this was borne by at least one 
member of the emperor's household (Suet^ 
Galba, 20; Martial, Ep.il 32, 3). 

Pau, but in 1 Chr. i. 5(>, Pai, the ?apitai 
of Hadar, king of Edom (Gen. ^xxvi. 39). 
Its position is unknown. 

Paul, the Apostle of Jesus Christ to the 
Gentiles. Original Authorities. — Nearlj 
all the original materials for the Life of St. 
Paul are contained in the Acts of the Apos- 
tles and in the Pauline Epistles. Out of 
a comparison of these authorities the biog- 
rapher of St. Paul has to construct his ac- 
count of the really important period of the 
Apostle's Ufe. The early tracUtions of the 
Church appear to have left almost un- 
touched the space of time for which we 
possess those sacred and abundant sources 
of knowledge ; and they aim only at sup- 
plying a few particulars in the biography 
beyond the points at which the narrative 
of the Acts begins and terminates. We 
shall assume the Acts of the Apostles to be 
a genuine and authentic work of St. Luke, 
the companion of St. Paul, and shall speak 
of the Epistles at the places which we be- 
lieve them to occupy in the history. Prom- 
inent Points in the Life. — Foremost of all 
is his Conversion. This was the main root 
of his whole life, outward and inward. 
Next after this, we may specify his Labors 
at Antioch. From these we pass to the 
First Missionary Journey, in the eastern 
part of Asia Minor. The Visit to Jerusvu- 
lem was a critical point, both in the history 
of the Church and of the Apostle. The in- 
troduction of the Gospel into Europe, with 
the memorable visits to Philippi, Athens, 
and Corinth, was the boldest step in the 
carrying out of St. Paul's mission. A third 
great missionary journey, chiefly charac- 
terized by a long stay at Ephesus, is further 
interesting from its connection with four 
leading Epistles. This was immediately 
followed by the apprehension of St. Paul 
at Jerusalem, and Jiis imprisonment at 
Caesarea. And the last event of which 
we have a full narrative is the Voyage to 
Rome. Saul of Tarsus, before his Con- 
version. — Up to the time of his going 
forth as an avowed preaclior of Christ to 
the Gentiles, the Apostle was known by the 
name of Saul. This was the Jewish name 
which he received from his Jewish parents. 
But though a Hebrew of the Hebrews, he 
was born in a Gentile city. Of his parents 
we know nothing, except that his father 
was of the tribe of Benjamin (Phil. iii. 5), 
and a Pharisee (Acts xxiii. 6), that he had 
acquired by some means the Roman fran- 
chise ("I was free born," Acts xxii, 28), 
and that he was settled in Tarsus. " I am 
a Jew of Tarsus, a city in Ciiicia. a citiaen 



PAUL 



502 



PAUL 



of uo meaii city" (Acts xxi. 39). At Tar- 
sus he nmst have learnt to used the Greek 
language with freedom and mastery in both 
speaking and writing. At Tarsus also he 
learnt that trade of *' tent-maker " (Acts 
jnriii. 3), at which he afterwards occasion- 
ally wrought with his own hands. There 
was a goat's-hair cloth called Cilicium, 
manufactured in Cilicia, and largely used 
for tents. Saul's trade was probably that 
of making tents of this hair-cloth. When 
St. Paul makes his defence before his 
countrymen at Jerusalem (Acts xxii.), he 
tells them that though born in Tarsus, he 
had been " brought up " in Jerusalem. He 
must, therefore, have been yet a boy when 
lie was removed, in all probability for the 
sake of his education, to the Holy City of 
his fatliers. He learnt, he says, " at the 
feet of Gamaliel." He who was to resist 
so stoutly the usurpations of the law, had 
for his teacher one of the most eminent of 
all the doctors of the law. Saul was yet 
" a young man " (Acts vii. 58), when the 
Church experienced that sudden expansion 
whicli was connected with the ordaining of 
the Seven appointed to serve tables, and 
with the special power and inspiration of 
Stephen. Amongst those who disputed 
with Stephen were some " of them of 
Cilicia." We naturally think of Saul as 
having been one of these, when we find 
him afterwards keeping the clothes of those 
suborned witnesses who, according to the 
law (Deut. xvii. 7), were the first to cast 
Btones at Stephen. ** Saul," says the sacred 
writer, significantly, *' was consenting unto 
his death." Saul's Conversion. — The per- 
secutor was to be converted. Having un- 
dertaken to follow up the believers " unto 
strange cities," Saul naturally turned his 
Jioughts to Damascus. What befell him as 
ne journeyed thither, is related in detail 
three times in the Acts, first by the his- 
torian in his own person, then in the two 
addresses made by St. Paul at Jerusalem 
and before Agrippa. St. Luke's statement 
is to be read in Acts ix. 3-19, where, how- 
ever, the words " it is hard for thee to kick 
against the pricks," included in the English 
version, ought to be omitted. The sudden 
liglit from heaven; the voice of Jesus 
speaking with authority to His persecu- 
tor; Saul struck to the ground, blinded, 
overcome ; the three days' suspense ; the 
coming of Ananias as a messenger of the 
Lord ; and Saul's baptism ; — these were 
the leading features of the great event, and 
in these we must look for the chief signifi- 
cance of the conversion. For we must 
not forget that, whatever we hold as to the 
external nature of the phenomena we are 
considering, the whole transaction was es- 
sentially, in any case, a spiritual communi- 
cation. That the Lord Jesus manifested 
Himself as a Living Person to the m^n 



Saul, and spoke to him so that Hiu veij 
words could be understood, is the substan< 
tial fact declared to us. The purport of 
the three narratives is that an actual con- 
versation took place between Saul and the 
Lord Jesus. It is remarkable that in none 
of them is Saul said to have seen Jesus. 
How it was that Saul " saw " and " heard " 
we are quite unable to determine. That 
the light, and the sound or voice, were 
both ditferent from any ordinary phenom- 
ena with which Saul and his companion* 
were familiar, is unquestionably implied in 
the narrative. It is also implied that they 
were specially significant to Saul, and not 
to those with him. The only mention in 
the Epistles of St. Paul of the outward 
phenomena attending his conversion is that 
in 1 Cor. xv. 8, "Last of all He was seen 
of me also." But there is one important 
passage in which he speaks distinctly of 
his conversion itself. In the Epistle to the 
Galatians (i.15,16) St. Paul has these words : 
" When it pleased God, who separated me 
from my mother's womb, and called me by 
His grace, to reveal His Son in me, that I 
might preach Him among the heathen . . ." 
What words could express more exactly 
than these the spiritual experience which 
occurred to Saul on the way to Damascus ? 
The manifestation of Jesus as the Son of 
God is clearly the main point in the narra- 
tive. It would be groundless to assume 
that the new convictions of that midday 
immediately cleared and settled themselves 
in Saul's mind. It is sufficient to say tliat 
he was then converted, or turned round. 
For a while no doubt his inward state was 
one of awe and expectation. Thus enter- 
ing Damascus as a servant of the Lord 
Jesus, he sought the house of one whom he 
had, perliaps, intended to persecute. The 
fame of Saul's coming had preceded him ; 
and Ananias, " a devout man according to 
the law," but a believer in Jesus, when di- 
rected by the Lord to visit him, wonders 
at what he is told concerning the notori- 
ous persecutor. He obeys, however: and 
going to Saul in the name of '' the Lord 
Jesus, who had appeared to him in the 
way," he puts his hands on him that he 
may receive his sight and be filled with 
the Holy Ghost. Thereupon Saul's eyes 
are immediately purged, and his sight is re- 
stored. After the recovery of sight, Saul 
received baptism as a sign of " the washing 
of regeneration." He then broke his three 
days' fast, and was strengthened. It was 
in Damascus that he was received into 
the Church by Ananias, and here, to the 
astonishment of all his hearers, he pro- 
claimed Jesus in the synagogues, declar- 
ing him to be the Son of God. The nar- 
rative in the Acts tells us simply that he 
was occupied in this work, with increasing 
vigor, for " many days," up to the tiD»« 



PAUJj 



r)05< 



t*ADL 



Tl eu iiuminent danger drove him from . a- 
mascTiS. From the Epistle to the Galalians 
(i. 17, 18) we learn that the many days 
were at least a good part of '* three years," 
and that Saul, not tliinking it necessary to 
procure authority to preach from the Apos- 
tles that were before him, went after his 
tton\ ersion into Arabia, and returned from 
thence to Damascus. We know nothing 
whatever of this visit to Arabia ; but upon 
his departure from Damascus, we are again 
upor. historical ground, and have the double 
evidence of St. Luke in the Acts, and of 
the Apostle in his 2d Epistle to the Corin- 
iliians. According to the former, the Jews 
lay in wait for Saul, intending to kill him, 
and watched the gates of the city that he 
might not escape from them. Knowing 
this, the disciples took him by night and let 
him down in a basket from the wall. Ac- 
cording to St. Paul (2 Cor. xi. 32) it was 
the ethnarch under Aretas the king who 
((^atchcd for him, desiring to apprehend him. 
There is no difficulty in reconciling the two 
statements. Having escaped from Damas- 
2US, Saul betook himself to Jerusalem, and 
•here " assayed to join himself to the disci- 
ples ; but thej"^ were all afraid of him, and 
belie^ ed not that he ws-s a disciple." Bar- 
nabas became his sponsor to the Apostles 
md Church at Jerusalem, assuring them — 
from soine personal knowledge, we must 
presume — of the facts of Saul's conver- 
sion and subsequent behavior at Damas- 
cus. Barnabas's introduction removed the 
fears of the Apostles, and Saul "was with 
them coming in and going out at Jeru- 
salem." His Heilenistical education made 
him, like Stephen, a successful disputant 
against the " Grecians ; " and it is not 
strange that tlie former persecutor was 
singled out from the otlier believers as the 
object of a murderous hostility. He was, 
therefore, again urged to flee ; and by way 
of Caesarea betook himself to his native city 
Tarsus. In the Epistle to the Galatians 
St. Paul adds certain particulars. He teilb 
us that liis motive for going up to Jerusa- 
lem rather than anywhere else was that he 
might see Peter; that he abode with him 
fifteen days ; that the only Apostles he saw 
were ]*eti;r and James the Lord's brother ; 
and that afterwards he came into the re- 
gions of Syria and Cilicia, remaining un- 
known by fece, though well known for his 
conversioa to the Churches in Judaea which 
were in Clirist. St. Paul at Antioch. — 
While Saul was at Tarsus, a movement 
w^as going on at Antioch, which raised that 
city to an importance second only to that 
of Jerusalem itself in the early history of 
tlie Church. It was there that the Preach- 
ing of the Gospel to the Gentiles first took 
root, and from thence that it was afterwards 
propagated. There came to Antioch, when 
'iie p»-rsecution w/uch arose about Stephen 



! scattered upon their different routes the dis 
j ciples who liad been assembled at Jerusalem, 
j men of Cyprus and Cyrene, eager t? tell all 
who would hear tliem the good neus cod- 
cerning the Lord Jesus. A great number be- 
lieved; and when this was reported at Jeru- 
salem, Barnabas was sent on a special mis- 
sion to Antioch. As the work grew under iiia 
hands, he felt the need of help, went himself 
to Tarsus to seek Saul, and succeeded in 
bringing him to Antioch. There thoy la- 
bored together unremittingly for '' a whole 
year." All this time Saul was subordinate 
to Barnabas. An opportunity soon occurred 
for proving the affection of these new dis- 
ciples towards their brethren at Jerusalem. 
There came " prophets " from Jerusalem 
to Antioch : " and there stood up one of 
them, named Agabus, and signified by the 
Spirit that there should be great dearth 
throughout all the world." It is obvious 
tliat the fulfilment followed closely upon 
the intimation of the coming famine. For 
the disciples at Antioch determined to send 
contributions immediately to Jerusalem ; 
and the gift was conveyed to the elders of 
that Church by the hands of Barnabas and 
Saul. Having discharged their errand. 
Barnabas and Saul returned to Antioch. 
bringing with them another helper, John 
surnamed Mark, sister's son to Barnabas. 
The work of prophesying and teaching was 
resumed. Antioch was in consta,nt com- 
munication with Cilicia, with Cyprus, with 
all the neighboring countries. The ques- 
tion must have forced itself upon hundreds 
of the " Christians " at Antioch, " What is 
the meaning of this faith of ours, of this 
baptism, of this incorporation, of this king- 
dom of the Son of God, for the woiid f 
The Gospel is not for Judaea alone : here 
are we called by it at Antioch. Is it meant 
to stop here ? " Tlie Cliurch was preg- 
nant with a great movement, and the time 
of her delivery was at hand. Sometl ing 
of direct expectation seems to he implied 
in wliat is said of the leaders of the Church 
at Antioch, that they were " ministering 
to the Lord, and fasting," when the Holy 
Ghost spoke to tliem. " Separate int Bar- 
nabas and Saul for the work whereuito 1 
have called them." Everything was done; 
with orderly gravity in tl v^. sending toi th of 
the two missionaries. Taeir brethren aftei' 
fasting and prayer, laid their hands on i hem 
and so they departed. The first Mission 
ary Journey. — As soon as Barnabas •amJi 
Saul reached Cyprus, they began to '■ in- 
nounce the word of God," but at first thej 
delivered their message in tlie synagogues. 
of the Jews only. When they had gone- 
through the island, from S^lamis to Paphcs, 
they were called upon to explain their doe 
trine to an eminent Gentile, Sergius Paulus, 
the proconsul. A Jew, named Barjesus, 
or Elymas, a magus and false proph':;t, ha/? 



P\XJL 



504 



PAlfL 



ttttaoned himself to the governor, and had 
no doubt interested his mind with what he 
had told him of the history and hopes of 
the Jews. Accordingly when Sergius Pau- 
lus heard of the strange teachers who were 
announcing to the Jews the advent of their 
trie Messiah, he wished to see them, and 
3fni for tJiem. The impostor, instinctive- 
ly hating the Apostles, and seeing his in- 
fluence over the proconsul in danger of 
perishing, did what he could to withstand 
them. Then Saul, " who is also called 
Paul," denouncing Elymas in remarkable 
terms declared against him God's sentence 
of temporary blindness. The blindness 
immediately falls upon him ; and the pro- 
consul, moved by the scene and persuaded 
by the teaching of the Apostle, becomes a 
believer. This point is made a special crisis 
in the history of the Apostle by the writer of 
the Acts. Saul now becomes Paul, And be- 
gins to take precedence of Barnabas. Noth- 
ing is said to explain the change of name. 
IS o reader could resist the temptation of sup- 
posing that there must be some connection 
between Saul's new name and that of his 
distinguished Roman convert. But on re- 
flection it does not seem probable tliat St. 
Paul would either have wished, or have 
consented, to change his own name for that 
of a distinguished convert. There is no 
reason, therefore, why Saul should not 
have borne from infancy the other name 
of Paul. In that case he would be Saul 
amongst his own countrymen, Paulus 
amongst the Gentiles. The conversion of 
Sergius Paulus may be said, perhaps, to 
mark the beginning of the work amongst 
the Gentiles ; otherwise, it was not in Cy- 
prus that any change took place in the 
method hitherto followed by Barnabas and 
Saul in preaching the Gospel. Their pub- 
lic addresses were as yet confined to the 
synagogTies ; but it was soon to be other- 
wise. From Paphos " Paul and his com- 
pany " set sail for the mainland, and arrived 
at Perga in Pamphylia. Here the heart of 
their companion John failed him, and he 
ret i/ned to Jerusalem. From Perga they 
travelled on to a place, obscure in secular 
history, but most memorable in the history 
of the kingdom of Christ, — Antioch in 
Pisidia. Here " they went into the syna- 
gogue on the sabbath-day, and sat down." 
Small as the place was, it contained its 
colony of Jews. What took place here in 
tht" synagogue and in the city, is interesting 
to ns not only on account of its bearing on 
the history; but also because it represents 
more or less exactly what afterwards oc- 
curred in many other places. The Aijostles 
of Christ sat still with the rest of the assem- 
bly, whilst the Law and the Prophets were 
read. Then the rulers of the synagogue sent 
to invite them, as strangers but brethren, to 
speak any word of exhortation which might 



be in them to tlie pec pie. Paul stood up, 
and beckoning with his hand, he spoke. Thf. 
speech is given in Acts xiii. 16-41. Tlie dis 
course produced a strong impreHsion ; and 
the hearers (not " the Gentiles "), requested 
the Apostles to repeat their message on the 
next sabbath. During the week so much 
interest was excited by the teaching of the 
Apostles, that on the sabbath-day " almost 
the whole city came together, to hear the 
Word of God.' It was this concern of 
the Gentiles which appears to have first 
alienated the minds of the Jews from what 
they had heard. They were filled with 
envy, and set themselves to oppose bitterly 
the words which Paul spoke. The new 
opposition brought out new action on the 
part of the Apostles. Rejected by the Jews, 
they became bold and outspoken, and 
turned from them to the Gentiles. At 
Antioch now, as in every city afterwards, 
the unbelieving Jews used their influence 
with their own at ^herents amongst the Gen- 
tiles, to persuade the authorities or the 
populace to persecute the Apostles and to 
drive them from the place. Paul and Bar- 
nabas now travelled on to Iconium, where 
the occurrences at Antioch were repeated, 
and from thence to the Lycaonian country 
which contained the cities Lystra and 
Derbe. Here they had to deal with un- 
civilized heathens. At Lystra the healing 
of a cripple took place. Thereupon these 
pagans took the Apostles for gods, calling 
Barnabas, wlio was of the more imposing 
presence, Jupiter, and Paul, who was the 
chief speaker, Mercurius. This mistake, 
followed up by the attempt to ofl'er sacri- 
fices to them, gives occasion to the record- 
ing of an address, in wliich we see a type of 
what the Apostles would say to an ignorant, 
pagan audience. Although the people of 
Lystra had been so ready to worship Paul 
and Barnabas, the repulse of their idola- 
trous instincts appears to have provoked 
them, and they allowed themselves to be 
persuaded into hostility by Jews who came 
from Antioch and Iconium, so that they 
attacked Paul with stones, and thought thej 
had killed him. He recovered, however, 
as the disciples were standing round him- 
and went again into the city. The next 
day he left it witii Barnabas, and went to 
Derbe, and thence they returned once more 
to Lystra, and so to Iconium and Antioch. 
In order to establish the Churches after 
their departure they solemnly appointed 
" elders " in every city. Then they came 
down to the coast, and from Attalia they 
sailed home to Antioch in Syria, wher* 
I they related the successes which had beeit 
I granted to them, and especiall}'^ tlie " open- 
i ing of the door of faith to tlie Gentiles." 
, A nd so the First Missionary Journey end 
I ed. The Council at Jerusalem, (Acts xv. • 
; Galatians ir,. — Upon that mJ«siouary jou» 



PAUL 



505 



PAUL 



ney foliows most naturally tlie next impor- 
Sant scene which the historian sets before 
us — the council held at Jerusalem to de- 
termine the relations of Gentile believers 
to the Law of Moses. In following this 
portion of the history, we encounter two 
of the areater questions which the biogra- 
pher of St. Paul has to consider. One of 
ihosc is historical : What were the relations 
betw3;n the Apostle Paul and the Twelve? 
The ither is critical : How is Galatians ii. 
X) be conn(;cted with the narrative of the 
Acts? The relations of St. Paul and the 
Twe!» e will best be set forth in the narra- 
tive. But we must explain here why we 
accept St Paul's statements in the Galatian 
Epistle as additional to the history in Acts 
XV. The first impression of any reader 
^ould be a supposition that the two writers 
alight be referring to the same event. The 
one would at least bring the other to his 
mind. On looking more closely into both, 
the second impression upon the reader's 
mind may possibly be that of a certain in- 
compatibility between the two. Another 
view will remain, that St. Paul refers to a 
visit not recorded in the Acts at all. This 
is a perfectly legitimate hypothesis ; and it 
is recommended by the vigorous sense of 
Paley. But where are we to place the visit ? 
The only possible place for it is some short 
time before the visit of ch. xv. But it can 
scarcely b3 denied, that the language of ch. 
S.Y. decidedly implies that the visit there 
recorded was the first paid by Paul and 
Barnabas to Jerusalem, after their great 
success in preaching the Gospel amongst 
the Gentiles. We suppose the reader, 
therefore, to recur to his first impression. 
He will then have to ask himself, "Grant- 
ing the considerable differences, are there, 
after all, any plain contradictions between 
the two narrativ«»s, taken to refer to the 
same occurrences ? " The answer must be, 
" There are no plain contradictions.''* We 
proceed then to combine the two narratives. 
Whilst Paul and Barnabas were staying at 
Antioch, " certain men from Judaea" came 
there, and taught the brethren that it was 
necessary for the Gentile converts to be 
circumcised. This doctrine was vigorously 
opposed by the two Apostles, and it was 
determined that the question should be re- 
ferred to the Apostles and elders at Jeru- 
salem. Paul and Barnabas themselves, and 
certain others, were selected for this mis- 
sion. The Apostles and elders came to- 
gether, and there was much disputing. 
After they had done, St. James, with in- 
comparable simplicity and wisdom, binds 
up the testimony of recent facts with the 
testimony of ancient prophecy, and gives 
a practical judgment upo i the question. 
The judgment was a deci-ive one. The 
injunction that the Gentiles should abstain 
tVom pollutions of idols and fiom fornica- 



tion explained itself. The abstinence from 
things strangled and from blood is desired 
as a concession to the customs of the Jews, 
who were to be found in every city, and 
for whom it was still right, when they had 
believed in Jesus Christ, to observe the 
Law. St. Paul had completely gained his 
point. The older Apostles, James, Cephas, 
and John, perceiving the grace which had 
been given him (his effectual Apostleship), 
gave to him and Barnabas the right hand 
of fellowship. At this point it is very im- 
portant to observe precisely what was the 
matter at stake between the contending 
parties. The case stood thus : Circumcis- 
ion and the ordinances of the Law were 
witnesses of a separation of the cliosen race 
from other nations. The Jews were proud 
of that separation. But the Gospel of the 
Son of Man proclaimed tliat the time had 
come in wliich the separation was to be 
done away, and God's good will manifested 
to all nations alike. It spoke of a union 
with God, through trust, which gave hope 
of a righteousness that the Law hud been 
powerless to produce. Therefore to insist 
ufon Gentiles being circumcised would 
have been to deny the Gospel of Christ 
If there was to be simply an enlarging of 
the separated nation by the receiving of 
individuals into it, then the other nations of 
the world remained as much on the outside 
of God's covenant as ever. Then there 
was no Gospel to mankind ; no justification 
given to men. The loss, in such a case, 
would have been as much to the Jew as to 
the Gentile. St. Paul felt this the most 
strongly ; but St. Peter also saw that if the 
Jewish believers were thrown back on tht- 
Jewish Law, and gave up the free and 
absolute grace of God, the LaAv became a 
mere burden, just as heavy to the Jew as it 
would be to the Gentile. The only hopt 
for the Jew was in a Saviour who must be 
the Saviour of mankind. It implied there- 
fore no difference of belief when it was 
agreed that Paul and Barnabas should go 
to the heathen, while James and Cephas and 
John undertook to be the Apostles of the 
Circumcision. The judgment of the Church 
was immediately recorded in a letter ad- 
dressed to the Gentile brethren iii Antiocli 
and Syria and Cilicia. Second Missionary 
Journey. — The most resolute courage, in- 
deed, was required for the work to which 
St. Paul was now publicly pledged. He 
would not associate with himself in that 
work one who had already shown a want 
of constancy. This was the occasion of 
what must have been a most painful differ- 
ence between him and his comrade in the 
faith and in past perils, Barnabas (Acts xv. 
35-40). Silas, or Silvanus, becomes now 
a chief companion of the Apostle. The 
two went together through Syria and Cili- 
cia, visiting the churches, and so same to 



PAUL 



506 



PAUL 



■ Derbe and Lystra. Here they find Timo- 
tiieus, who had become a disciple on the 
former visit of the Apostle. Him St. Paul 
took and circumcised. Paul and Silas were 
actually delivering the Jerusalem decree 
to all the churches they visited. Tliey 
were no doubt triumphing in the freedom 
8e2ured to the Gentiles. Yet at this very 
time our Apostle had the wisdom and large- 
ness of heart to consult the feelings of the 
Jews by circumcising Timothy. St. Luke 
now steps rapidly over a considerable space 
of the Apostle's life and labors. " They 
went throughout Phrygia and the region of 
Galatia" (xvi. 6). At this time St. Paul 
was founding "the churches of Galatia" 
'Gal. i. 2). He himself gives us hints of 
the circumstances of his preaching in that 
region, of the reception he met with, and 
of the ardent, though unstable, character 
of the people (Gal. iv. 13-15). St. Paul 
at this time had not indulged the ambition 
of preaching his Gospel in Europe. His 
views were limited to the peninsula of Asia 
Minor. Having gone through Phrygia 
and Galatia, he intended to visit the 
western coast; but "they were forbidden 
by the Holy Ghost to preach the word " 
there. Then, being on the borders of 
Mysia, they thought of going back to tlie 
north-east into Bithynia; but again the 
Spirit o/ Jesus "suffered them not." So 
they passed by Mysia, and came down to 
Troas. St. Paul saw in a vision a man 
of Macedonia, who besought him, saying, 
" Come over into Macedonia and help us." 
The vision was at once accepted as a heav- 
enly intimation; the help wanted by the 
Macedonians was believed to be the preach- 
ing of the Gospel. It is at this point that 
the historian, speaking of St. Paul's com- 
pany, substitutes "we" for "they." He 
says nothing of himself; we can only infer 
that St. Luke, to whatever country lie be- 
longed, became a companion of St. Paul at 
Troas. The party, thus re-enforced, im- 
mediately set sail from Troas, touched at 
Samothrace, then landed on the continent 
at Neapolis, and from thence journeyed to 
Philippi. There were a few Jews, if not 
many, at Pldlippi; and when the sabbath 
came round, the Apostolic company joined 
their countrymen at the place by the river- 
side where prayer was wont to be made. 
The narrative in this part is very graphic 
(xvi. 13). The first convert in Macedonia 
was but an Asiatic woman who already 
worshipped the God of the Jews ; but she 
was a very earnest believer, and besought 
the Apostle and his friends to honor her by 
staying in her house. They could not re- 
sist her urgen ;y, and during their stay at 
Philippi they were the guests of Lydia 
(^ver. 40) » But a proof was given before 
long that the preachers of Christ were come 
fco grapple with the poweis in the spiritual 



world to whic-i heathenism waj tho.i doing 
homage. A female slave, who brought gain 
to her masters by her powers of prediction 
when she was in the possessed state, beset 
Paul and his company. Paul was vexed 
by her cries, and addressing tlie spirit in 
the girl, he said, " I command thee in the 
name of Jesus Christ to come out of her." 
The girl's masters saw that now the hope 
of their gains was gone. Paul and Silas 
were dragged before the magistrates, the 
multitude clamoring loudly against them, 
upon the vague charge of " troubling the 
city," and introducing observances which 
were unlawful for Romans. The magis- 
trates yielded without inquiry to the clam- 
or of the inhabitants, caused the clothes of 
Paul and Silas to be torn from them, and 
themselves to be beaten, and then commit- 
ted them to prison. This cruel wrong was 
to be the occasion of a signal appearance 
of the God of righteousness and deliver^ 
ance. The narrative tells of the earth- 
quake, the jailor's terror, his conversion, 
and baptism (xvi. 26-34). In the morn- 
ing the magistrates sent word to the prison 
that the men might be let go. But St 
Paul denounced plainly their unlawful acts, 
informing them moreover that those whom 
they had beaten and imprisoned without 
trial were Roman citizens. The magis- 
trates, in great alarm, saw the necessity of 
humbling themselves. They came and 
begged them to leave the city. Paul and 
Silas consented to do so, and, after paying 
a visit to " the brethren " in the hjuse of 
Lydia, they departed. Leaving St. Luke 
and perhaps Timothy for a short time, aft 
Philippi, Paul and Silas travelled through 
Araphipolis and Apollonia, and stopped 
again at Thessalonica. At this important 
city there was a synagogue of the Jews. 
True to his custom, St. Paul went in to 
them, and for three sabbath-days pro- 
claimed Jesus to be the Christ, as he 
would have done in a city of Judaea. 
Again, as in Pisidian Antioch, the envy 
of the Jews was excited. The mob as- 
saulted the house of Jason, with whom 
Paul and Silas were staying as guests, 
and, not finding them, dragged Jason him- 
self and some otlxei- brethren before the 
magistrates. But tb.e magistrates, allef 
taking security of Jason and the rest, let 
them go. After these signs of danger the 
brethren immediately sent away Paul and 
Silas by night. They next came to Be- 
roea. Here they found the Jews more no- 
ble than those at Thessahmica had bofc. 
Accordingly they gained many conveita, 
both Jews and Greeks ; but the Jews of 
Thessalonica, hearing of it, sent emissaries 
to stir up the people, and it was thoughl 
best that St. Paul should himself leave the 
city, whilst Silas and Timothy remained 
behind. Some of "the brethren" wenf 



PAUL 



507 



PALX. 



"irith St. Paul as far as Athens, where they 
left liim, carrying back a request to Silas 
and Timothy that they would speedily join 
him. There he witnessed the most profuse 
idolatry side by side with the most preten- 
tious philosophy. Either of these would 
have been enough to stimulate his spirit. 
To idolaters and philosophers he felt equal- 
ly urged to proclaim his Master and the 
Living God. So he went to his own coun- 
trymen and the proselytes in the syna- 
gogue, and declared to them that the 
Messiah had come ; but he also spoke, 
like another Socrates, with people in the 
market, and with the followers of the two 
great schools of philosophy, Epicureans and 
Stoics, naming to all Jesus and the Resur- 
rection. The philosophers encountered 
him with a mixture of curiosity and con- 
tempt. But any one with a novelty was 
welcome to those who " spent their time in 
nothing else but either to hear or to tell 
some new thing." They brought him, 
therefore, to the Areopagus, that he might 
make a formal exposition of his doctrine to 
an assembled audience. Here the Apostle 
delivered that wonderful discourse, reported 
in Acts xvii. 22-31. He gained but few 
converts at Athens, and he soon took his 
departure and came to Corinth. Athens 
still retained its old intellectual predomi- 
nance ; but Corinth was the poHtical and 
commercial capital of Greece. Here, as at 
Thessalonica, he chose to earn his own sub- 
sistence by working at his trade of tent- 
making. This trade brought him into close 
connection with two persons who became 
distinguished as believers in Christ, Aquila 
and Pris cilia. Laboring thus on the six 
days, the Apostle went to the synagogue 
on the sabbath, and there by expounding 
the Scriptures sought to win both Jews and 
proselytes to the belief that Jesus was the 
Christ. He was testifying with unusual 
effort and anxiety, when Silas and Timothy 
came from Macedonia and joined him. 
Their arrival was the occasion of the writ- 
ing of the First Epistle to the Thessalo- 
nians. This is the first extant example of 
that work by which the Apostle Paul has 
served the Church of all ages in as eminent 
a degree as he labored at the founding of 
it in his lifetime. It is notorious that the 
order of the Epistles in the book of the 
N. T. is not their real or chronological 
order. Tlie two Epistles to the Thessalo- 
nians belong — and these alone — to the 
present Missionary Journey. The Epistles 
to the Galatians, Romans, and Corintliians, 
were written during the next journey. 
Those to Philemon, the Colossians, the 
Ephesians, and the Philippians, belong to 
the captivity at Rome. — When Silas and 
Timotheus came to Corinth, St. Paul was 
testifying to the Jews with great earnest- 
aess, but with little success. So '' when 



they opposed themselves and bla^pitemed, 
he shook out his raiment," and said to them, 
in words of warning taken from their own 
prophets (^Ezek. xxxiii. 4), " Your blood 
be upon your own heads ; I am clean, and 
henceforth will go to the Gentiles." The 
Apostle went, as he threatened, to the Gen- 
tiles, and began to preach in the I'ouse of a 
proselyte named Justus. Corinth was the 
chief city of the province of Achaia, and 
the residence of the projonsul. During 
St. Paul's stay, we find the proconsular 
office held by Gallio, a brother of the phi- 
losopher Seneca. Before him the Apostle 
was summoned by his Jewish enemies, who 
hoped to bring the Roman authority to bear 
upon him as an innovator in religion. But 
Gallio perceived at once, before Paul could 
" open his mouth" to defend himself, that 
the movement was due to Jewish prejudice, 
and refused to go into the question. *' If 
it be a question of words and names and 
of your law," he said to the Jews, speaking 
with the tolerance of a Roman magistrate, 
" look ye to it; for I will be no judge of 
such matters." Then a singular scene oc- 
curred. The Corinthian spectators, eithei 
favoring St. Paul, or actuated only by angei 
against the Jews, seized on the principal 
person of those who had brought the charge, 
and beat him before the judgment-seat. 
Galho left these religious quarrels to settle 
themselves. The Apostle, therefore, was 
not allowed to be "hurt," and remained 
some time longer at Corinth unmolested. 
Having been the instrument of accomplish- 
ing this work, St. Paul took his departure 
for Jerusalem, wishing to attend a festival 
there. Before leaving Greece, he cut off 
his hair at Cenchreae, in fulfilment of a 
vow (Acts xviii. 18). He may have fol- 
lowed in this instance, for some reason not 
explained to us, a custom of his country- 
men. [See Nazarite, p. 443.] When he 
sailed from the Isthmus, Aquila and Pris- 
cilla went with him as far as Ephesus. 
Paul paid a visit to the synagogue at Ephe- 
sus, but would not stay. Leaving Ephesus, 
he sailed to Caesarea, and from thence 
went up to Jerusalem and " saluted the 
Church." It is argued, from considerations 
founded on the suspension of navigation 
during the winter months, that the festival 
was probably the Pentecost. From Jeru- 
salem, almost immediately, the Apostle went 
down to Antioch, thus returning to the same 
place from which he had started with Silas. 
Third Missionary Journey, including the 
stay at Ephesus (Acts xviii. 23-xxi. 17). — 
The great Epistles which belong to this 
period, those to the Galatians, Corinth'ans, 
and Romans, show how the '* Judaizing " 
question exercised at this time the Apostle's 
mind. St. Paul " spent some time " at An- 
tioch, and, during this stay, as we are in- 
clin<»d to believe, his collisi"'' with St. P'^tei 



FAUl. 



508 



PAUL 



(,Gal. ii. 11-14) took pla je. When he left 
Antioeh, he " went over all the country of 
Galatia and Phrygia in order, strengthen- 
ing all the disciples," and giving orders 
concerning the collection for the saints 
(1 Cor. xvi. 1). It is probable that the 
Epistle to the Galatians was written soon 
after this visit. This Letter was, in all prob- 
ability, sent from Ephesus. This was the goal 
of the Apostle's journeyings through Asia 
Minor. He came down to Ephesus, from the 
upper districts of Phrygia. Here he entered 
upon his usual work. He wen*, into the 
synagogue, and for three months he spoke 
openly, disputing and persuading concerning 
" the kingJom of God." At the end of this 
time the obstinacy and opposition of some 
of the Jews led him to give up frequenting 
the synagogue, and he established the be- 
lievers as a separate society, meeting " in 
the school of Tyrannus." This continued 
for two years. During this time many 
things occurred, of which the historian of 
the Acts chooses two examples, the triumph 
over magical arts, and the great disturbance 
raised by the silversmiths who made shrines 
for Diana ; amongst which we are to note 
further the writing of the First Epistle to the 
Corinthians. Before leaving Ephesus he 
went into Macedonia, where he met Titus, 
who brought him news of the state of the 
Corinthian church. Thereupon he wrote 
the Second Epistle to the Corinthians, and 
gent it by the hands of Titus and two other 
brethren to Corinth. The particular nature 
of this Epistie, as an appeal to facts in fa- 
vor of his own Apostolic authority, leads 
to the mention of many interesting features 
of St. Paul's life. His summary, in xi. 23 
-28, of the hardships and dangers through 
which he had gone, proves to us how little 
the history in the Acts is to be regarded as 
a complete account of what he did and suf- 
fered. The mention of *' visions and reve- 
lations of the Lord," and of the ''thorn (or 
rather stake) in the flesh," side by side, is 
peculiarly characteristic both of the mind 
and of the experiences of St. Paul. As an 
instance of the visions, he alludes to a 
trance which had befallen him fourteen 
years before, in which he had been caught 
up into paradise, and had heard unspeak- 
able words. But he would not, even in- 
wardly with himself, glory in visions and 
revelations without remembering how the 
Lord had guarded him from being puffed 
up by them. A thorn in the flesh was given 
him, a messenger of Satan to buffet him, 
lest he should be exalted above meas- 
ure. Different interoretations have pre- 
vailed of this " thorn ; " but it is almost the 
unanimous opinion of modern divines that 
tlie " stake " represents some vexatious 
bodily infirKiity. After writing this Epistle, 
St. Paul travelled through Macedonia, per- 
haps to tlie holders of lUyricum (Rom. x^ . 



19), and then came to Corinth. The nar- 
ratiAC in the Acts tells us that "when he 
had gone over those parts (Macedonia), 
and had given them much exhortation, he 
came into Greece, and there abode three 
months " (xx. 2, 3). There is only one in- 
cident which we can connect with this visit 
to Greece, but that is a very important one 
— the writing of his Epistle to the Romans. 
That this was written at this time from 
Corinth appears from passages in the Epistle 
itself, and has never been doubted. The 
letter is a substitute for the personal visit 
which he had longed "for many years" 
to pay. Before his departure from Corinth, 
St. Paul was joined again by St. Luke, as 
we infer from the change in the narrative 
from the third to the first person. He was 
bent on making a journey to Jerusalem, for 
a special purpose and witliin a limited time. 
With this view he was intending to go by 
sea to Syria. But he was made aware of 
some plot of the Jews for his destruction, 
to be carried out through this voyage ; and 
he determined to evade their malice by 
chan"-nTp- Ids route. Several brethren, were 
associaLvjd with him in this expedition, the 
bearers, no doubt, of the collections made 
in all the Churches for the poor at Jeru- 
salem. These were sent on by sea, and 
probably the money with them, to Troas, 
where they were to await St. Paul. He, 
accompanied by St. Luke, went northwards 
through Macedonia. During the stay at 
Troas there was a meeting on the first day 
of the week " to break bread," and Paul 
was discoursing earnestly and at length 
with the brethren. He was to depart the 
next morning, and midnight found them 
listening to his earnest speech. A youth 
named Eutychus was sitting in the window, 
and was gradually overpowered by sleep, 
so that at last he fell into the street or court 
from the third story, and was taken up 
dead. The meeting was interrupted by 
tliis accident, and Paul went down and f*^ll 
upon him and embraced him, saying, "Be 
not disturbed; his life is in him." His 
friends then appear to have taken charge 
of him, whilst Paul went up again, first 
presided at the breaking of bread, after- 
wards took a meal, and continued cm- 
versing until daybreak, and so departed. 
Whilst the vessel which conveyed the rest 
of the party sailed from Troas to Assos. 
Paul gainer! some time by making the jour- 
ney by land. At Assos ht! went on board 
again. Coasting along by Mitylene, Chios, 
Samos, and Trogyllium, they arrived at 
Miletus. At Miletup, howf rer, there was 
time to send to Ephesus , and the elders of 
the Church were invited to come down to 
him there. This mef ting is made tlve oc- 
casion for recordir.g anotlier characteristic 
and representaiixe address of St. Paul 
(Acts XX. 18-35) This ipokeu address tc 



PAUL 



509 



VATTL 



the elders of the Ephesian Church may be 
rariked with the Epistles, and throws the 
same kind of light upon St. Paul's Apos- 
tolical relations to the Churches. The 
course of the voyage from Miletus was by 
Coos and Rhodes to Patara, and from Pat- 
ara in another vessel past Cyprus to Tyre. 
Here Paul and his company spent seven 
days. From Tyre they sailed to Ptole- 
mais, where they spent one vlay, and from 
Ptolemais proceeded, apparently by land, to 
Caesarea. In this place was settled Philip 
the Evangelist, one of the seven, and he be- 
came tho host of Paul and his friends. Philip 
had four unmarried daughters, who" proph- 
esied," and who repeated, no doubt, the 
warnings already heard. They now "tarried 
many days " at Caesarea. During this in- 
terval the prophet Agabus (Acts xi. 28) came 
down from Jerusalem, and crowned the pre- 
vious intimations of danger with a prediction 
expressively delivered. At this stage a final 
effort was made to dissuade Paul from go- 
ing up to Jerusalem, by the Christians of 
Caesarea. and by his travelling companions. 
After a while, they went up to Jerusalem, 
and were gladly received by the breth- 
ren. This is St. Paul's fifth and last visit 
to Jerusalem. St. Paul's Imprisonment: 
Jerusalem and Caesarea. — He who was 
thus conducted into Jerusalem by a com- 
pany of anxious friends had become by this 
time a man of considerable fame amongst 
his countrymen. He was widely known as 
one who had taught with pre-eminent bold- 
ness that a way into God's favor was opened 
to the Gentiles, and that this way did not 
lie through the door of the Jewish Law. 
He had thus roused against himself the 
bitter enmity of that unfathomable Jewish 
pride which was almost as strong in some 
of those who had professed the faith of 
Jesus, as in their unconverted brethren. 
He was now approaching a crisis in the long 
struggle, and the shadow of it has been made 
to rest upon his mind throughout his jour- 
ney to Jerusalem. He came " ready to die 
for the name of the Lord Jesus," but he 
came expressly to prove himself a faithful 
Jew, and this purpose emerges at every 
point of the history. St. Luke does not 
mention tlie contributions brought by Paul 
and his companions for the poor at Jeru- 
salem. As on former occasions, the believ- 
ers at Jerusalem coiild not but glorify God 
for what they heard; but they had been 
alarmed by the prevalent feeling concerning 
St. Paul. In ordiT to dispel this impression 
they ask him to do publicly an act of hom- 
aare to the Law and its observances. They 
had four men who were under the Nazarite 
vow. The completion of this vow involved 
vNum. vi. 13-21) a considerable expense 
lOr the offerings to be presented in the 
Temple ; and it was a meritorious act to 
Provide these offerings for the poorer Naz- 



aritcs. St. Paul was reciusslel to pu: tutu- 
self under the vow ^^ith those other four, 
and to supply the cost of their oflerings. 
He at once accepted the proposal. It ap- 
pears that the whole process undertaken by 
St. Paul required seven days to complete it. 
Towards the end of this time certain Jews 
from " Asia," who had come up for the 
Pentecostal feast, and who had a personal 
knowledge both of Paul himself and of 
his companion Trophimus, a Gentile from 
Ephesus, saw Paul in the Temple. They 
immediately set upon him, and stirred up 
the people against him, crying out, " Men 
of Israel, help ; this is the man that teacheth 
all men everywhere against the people, and 
the law, and this place ; and further brought 
Greeks also into the Temple, and hath pol- 
luted this holy place." The latter charge 
had no more truth in it than the first ; it wsLt 
only suggested by their having seen Troph' 
mus with liira, not in the Temple, but in th4 
city. They raised, however, a great con:, 
motion ; Paul was dragged out of the Terci- 
ple, of which the doors were immediatel) 
shut, and the people, having him in theii 
hands, were proposing to kill him. Bm 
tidings were soon carried to the commandei 
of the force which was serving as a garrisoD 
in Jerusalem, that " all Jerusalem was in 
an uproar ; " and he, taking with him sol 
diers and centurions, hastened to the seen*- 
of the tumult. Paul was rescued from the 
violence of the multitude by the Roman 
oflElcer, who made him his own prisoner, 
causing him to be chained to two soldiers, 
and then proceeded to inquire who he wa? 
and what he had done. The inquiry onlj 
elicited confused outcries, and the "chief 
captain " seems to have imagined that the 
Apostle might perhaps be a certain Egyp- 
tian pretender who had recently stirred up 
a considerable rising of the people. The 
account in the Acts (xxi. 34-40) tells us 
with graphic touches how St. Paul obtained 
leave and opportunity to address the people 
in a discourse which is related at length. 
This discourse was spoken in Hebrew ; that 
is, in the native dialect of the country, and 
was on that account listened to with the 
more attention. It is described by St. Paul 
himself, in his opening words, as his 
" defence," addressed to his brethren and 
fathers. It is in this light that it ought to 
be regarded. Until the hated word of a 
mission to the Gentiles had been spoken, 
the Jews had listened to the speaker. 
" Away with such a fellow from the eartn," 
the multitude now shouted; "it is not fit 
that he should live." The Roman com- 
mander, seeing the tumult that arose, might 
well conclude that St. Paul had committed 
some heinous offence; and carrying him 
off, he gave orders that he should l)e forced 
by scourging to confess his crime. Again 
the Apostle took advantage of his llooino 



PAUL 



510 



PAUL 



tanzensbip to protect Limself from sui h an 
outrage. The Roman officer was bound to 
protect a citizen, and to suppress tumult ; 
but it was also a part of his policy to treat 
with deference the religion and the customs 
of the country. St. Paul's present history 
is the resultant of these two principles. 
The chief captain set him free from bonds, 
out on the next day called together the chief 
priests and the Sanhedrim, and brought 
Paul as a prisoner before them. We need 
not suppose that this was a regular legal 
proceeding ; it was probably an experiment 
of policy and courtesy. If, on the one hand, 
the commandant of the garrison had no 
power to convoke the Sanhedrim, on the 
other hand he would not give up a Roman 
citizen to their judgment. As it was, the 
affair ended in confusion, and with no sem- 
Hlance of a judicial termination. The inci- 
dents selected by St. Luke from the history 
of this meeting form striking points in the 
biography of St. Paul, but they are not easy 
to be understood. St. Paul appears to have 
been put upon his defence, and with the 
peculiar habit, mentioned elsewhere also 
(Acts xiii. 9), of looking steadily when, 
about to speak, he began to say, " Men 
and brethren, I have lived in all good con- 
science (or, I have lived a conscientiously 
loyal life) unto God, until this day." Here 
the High-Priest Ananias commanded them 
that stood by him to smite him on the mouth. 
With a fearless indignation, Paul exclaimed, 
'^ God s}it.ll smite thee, thou whited wall ; 
for sittest thou to judge me after the law, 
«ni coramandest me to be smitten contrary 
CO the law?" The bystanders said, "Re- 
vilest thou God's High-Priest?" Paul an- 
swered, " I knew not, brethren, that he was 
the High-Priest ; for it is written, Thou shalt 
not speak evil of the ruler of thy people." 
How was it possible for him not to know that 
he who spoke was the High-Priest ? The 
least objectionable solutions seem to be, 
that for some reason or other, — either be- 
cause his sight was not good, or because 
he was looking another way, — he did not 
know whose voice it was that ordered him 
to be smitten ; and that he wished to correct 
the impression which he saw was made 
apon some of the audience by his threaten- 
ing protest, and therefore took advantage of 
the fact that he really did not know the 
speaker to be the High-Priest, to explain 
the deference he felt to be due to the person 
holding that office. The next incident which 
St. Luke records seems to some, who can- 
not think of the Apostle as remaining still a 
Jew, to cast a shadow upon his rectitude. 
He perceived, we are told, that the council 
was divided into two parties, the Sadducees 
and Pharisees, and therefore he cried out, 
'* Men and brethren, I am a Pharisee, the 
6on of a Pharisee ; concerning the hope and 
rftRnrrectioc of the dead I am called in 



question." Those who impugn the authen- 
ticity of the Acts point triumphantly to this 
scene as an utterly impossible one ; others 
consider that the Apostle is to be blamed 
for using a disingenuous artifice. But it is 
not so clear that St. Paul was using an arti- 
fice at all, at least for his own interest, in 
identifying himself as he did with the pro- 
fessions of the Pharisees. The creed of the 
Pharisee, as distinguished from that of the 
Sadducee, was unquestionably the creed of 
St. Paul. His belief in Jesus seemed to him 
to supply the ground and fulfilment of that 
creed. He wished to lead his brother Phar- 
isees into a deeper and more living appre- 
hension of their own faith. The immediate 
consequence of the dissension which oc- 
curred in the assembly was that Paul ^ras 
like to be torn in pieces, and was carried 
off by the Roman soldiers. On the next 
day a conspiracy was formed, which the 
historian relates with a singular fulness 
of details. More than forty of the Jews 
bound themselves under a curse neither 
to eat nor to drink until they had killed 
Paul. The plot was discovered, and St, 
Paul was hurried away from Jerusalem. 
The chief captain, Claudius Lysias, de- 
termined to send him to Caesarea, to 
Felix the governor, or procurator, of 
Judaea. He therefore put him in charge 
of a strong guard of soldiers, who 
took him by night as far as Antipatris. 
From thence a smaller detachment con- 
veyed him to Caesarea, where they deliv- 
ered up their prisoner into the hands of the 
governor. Imprisonment at Caesarea. — 
St. Paul was henceforth, to the end of the 
period embraced in the Acts, if not to the 
end of his life, in Roman custody. Thia 
custody was in fact a protection to him, 
without which he would have fallen a vic- 
tim to the animosity of the Jews. He 
seems to have been treated throughout with 
humanity and consideration. The governor 
before whom he was now to be tried, ac- 
cording to Tacitus and Josephus, was a 
mean and dissolute tyrant. After hearing 
St. Paul's accusers, and tlie Apostle's de- 
fence, Felix made an excuse for putting off 
the matter, and gave orders that the pris- 
oner should be treated with indulgence, and 
that his friends should be allowed free ac- 
cess to him. After a while, he heard him 
again. St. Paul remained in custody until 
Felix left the province. The unprincipled 
governor had good reason to seek to ingra- 
tiate himself with the Jews ; and to please 
them, he handed over Paul, as an untried 
prisoner, to his successor Festus. Upon 
his arrival in the province, Festus went up 
without delay from Caesarea to Jerusalem, 
and the leading Jews seized the opportunity 
of asking that Paul might be brought up 
there for trial, intending to assassinateMiim 
by the way. But Festus wo old not comply 



Longitud-e East 9p from WastungtOTi 



A C 




i- i 




Sri, 



o<v^ . W[\\\\s\<r/ 



Af CE/| ' 



7//- 



^ / 



^ J, O N^ I 

"4^ AoSMloiuE 



^ /BVZANTlUMci 
~ C0N S TAN T mOEl^ 






.^ 



aJ 



IM 



(^* 



%.^5J-*''<*^ 



L^ 6 



Byleutn J V 




7'^' Cephi 



Zac 



>1 




0^ 

"^--letus ^'^<hSSi,^\ ^I-Jptr* 'Bert 
'CARIA ^t *>R?^_^J 

" W->^ 



^H^ 



^ 



v^ 



^-^^ 




^^ (^n 



E Mt sea, 







GENERAL MAP 

of the 




^ ^( ^ 





C.A.S-vrett. Sc. 



I'ACTL 



511 



PAUL 



snth thet? request. He invited them to fol- 
.ow him m his speedy return to Caesarea, 
hni a trial took place there, closely resem- 
bling that before Felix. " They had certain 
questions agpinst him," Festus says to 
Agrippa, " of their own superstition (or 
religion), and of one Jesus, who was dead, 
whom Paul atfirmed to be alive. And being 
puzzled for my part as to such inquiries, I 
asked him whether he would go to Jerusa- 
lem to be tried there." This proposal, not 
a very likely one to be accepted, was the 
occt^sion of St. Paul's appeal to Caesar. 
The appeal having been allowed, Festus 
reflected that he must send with the pris- 
oner a report of " the crimes laid against 
him." He therefore took advantage of an 
opportunity which oft'ered itself in a few 
days to seek some help in the matter. The 
Jewish prince Agrippa arrived with his sister 
Berenice on a visit to the new governor. 
To him Festus communicated his perplex- 
ity. Agrippa expressed a desire to hear 
Paul himself. Accordingly Paul conducted 
his defence before the king ; and when it 
jras concluded Festus and Agrippa, and 
their companions, consulted together, and 
came to the conclusion that the accused 
was guilty of nothing that deserved death 
or imprisonment. And Agrippa's final an- 
swer to the inquiry of Festus was, " This 
man might have been set at liberty, if he 
had not appealed unto Caesar." The Voy- 
age tp Rome. — No formal trial of St. Paul 
had yet taken place. After a while arrange- 
ments were made to carry " Paul and cer- 
tain other prisoners," in the custody of a 
centuiion named Julius, into Italy; and 
amongst the company, whether by favor or 
fk'om any other reason, we find the historian 
of the Acts. The narrative of this voyage 
18 accordingly minute and circumstantial ; 
but we must refer the reader to articles in 
this Dictionary on the names of places 
which occur in the narrative. The land 
on which the wreck took place was found 
to belong to Malta. The inhabitants of the 
island received the wet and exhausted voy- 
agers with no ordinary kindness, and im- 
mediately lighted a fire to warm them. This 
particular kindness is recorded on account 
of a curious incident connected with it. The 
\postle was helping to make the fire, and 
had gathered a bundle of sticks and laid 
them on it, when a viper came out of the 
heat and fastened on his hand. When the 
natives saw the creature hanging from his 
hand they believed him to be poisoned by 
' " bite, and said amongst themselves, " N» 
doiiot this man is a murderer, whom, though 
ho has escaped from the sea, yet Vengeance 
suffers not to live." But when they saw 
that no harm came of it, they changed their 
minds, and said thiit he was a god. This 
cirnuiastance, as well as the honor in which 
he was held by Julius, would account for 



St. Paul being invited with some others to 
stay at the house of the chief man of the 
island, whose name was Publius. After a 
three months' stay in Malta the soldiers and 
their prisoners left in an Alexandrian ship 
for Italy. They touched at Syracuse, where 
they staid three days, and at Rhegium, 
from which place they were carried with a 
fair wind to Puteoli, where they left their 
ship *and the sea. At Puteoli they found 
" brethren," for it was an important place, 
and especially a chief port for the traffic be- 
tween Alexandria and Rome ; and by these 
brethren they were exhorted to stay a while 
with them. Permission seems to have been 
granted by the centurion ; and whilst they 
were spending seven days at Puteoli news of 
the Apostle's arrival was sent on to Rome. 
St. Paul at Rome. — On their arrival at Rome 
the centurion delivered up his prisoners into 
the proper custody, that of the praetorian 
prefect. Paul was at once treated with spe- 
cial consideration, and was allowed to dwell 
by himself with the soldier who guarded him. 
He was now therefore free " to preach the 
Gospel to them that were at Rome also ; " 
and proceeded without delay to act upon his 
rule — "to the Jew first." But, as of old, 
the reception of his message by the Jews 
was not favorable. He turned, therefore, 
again to the Gentiles, and for two years he 
dwelt in his own hired house. These are 
the last words of the Acts. But St. Paul's 
career is not abruptly closed. Before he 
himself fades out of our sight in the twilight 
of ecclesiastical tradition, we have letters 
written by himself, which contribute some 
particulars to his biography. Period oj 
the later Epistles. — To that imprisonment 
to which St. Luke has introduced us — the 
imprisonment which lasted for such a tedi 
ous time, though tempered by much in 
dulgence — belongs the noble group of 
Letters to Philemon^ to the Colossians, to 
the Ephesians, and to the Philippians. The 
three former'of these were written at one 
time, and sent by the same messengers. 
Whether that to the Philippians was writ- 
ten before or after tliese, we cannot deter- 
mine ; but the tone of it seems to imply 
that a crisis was approaching, and there- 
fore -it is commonly regarded as the latest 
of the four. — In this Epistle St. Paul twice 
expresses a confident h.>pe that before long 
he may be able to visit the Philippians in 
person (i. 25, ii. 24). Whether this hope 
was fulfilled or not, has been the occasion 
of much controversy. According to the 
general opinion, the Apostle was liberated 
from his imprisonment, and left Jtome, soon 
after the writing of the letter to the Philip- 
pians, spent some time in visits to Greece, 
Asia Minor, and Spain, returned again as 
a prisoner to Rome, and was put to deato 
there. From the Pastoral Epistles we may 
draw Ihe following conclusiona : (1.) St 



PAUL 



512 



PAUL 



Paul must have left Rome, and visited Asia 
Minor and Greece; for he says to Timo- 
thy (1 Tim. i. 3), "I besought thee to 
abide still at Ephesus, when I was setting 
out for Macedonia." After being once at 
Ephesus, he was purposing to go there 
again (1 Tim. iv. 13), and he spent a con- 
siderable time at Ephesus (2 Tim. i. 18). 
(2 ) He paid a visit to Crete, and left Titus 
to organize Churches there (Tit. 1.' 5). 
He was intending to spend a winter at one 
of the places named Nicopolis (Tit. iii. 12). 
(3.) He travelled by Miletus (2 Tim. iv. 
20), Troas (2 Tim. iv. 13), where he left a 
cloak or case, and some books, and Corinth 
(2 Tim. iv. 20). (4.) He is a prisoner at 
Rome, " suffering unto bonds as an evil- 
loer " (2 Tim. ii. 9), and expecting to be 
soon C(mdemned to death (2 Tim. iv. 6). 
At this time he felt deserted and solitary, 
having only Luke of his old associates to 
keep him company ; and he was very anx- 
ious that Timothy should come to him with- 
out delay from Ephesus, and bring Mark 
with him (2 Tim. i. 15, iv. 16, 9-12). We 
conclude then, that after a wearing impris- 
onment of two years or more at Rome, St. 
Paul was set free, and spent some years in 
various journeyings eastwards and west- 
wards. Towards the close of this time he 
pours out his warnings in the Letters to 
Timothy and Titus. The first to Timothy 
and that to Titus were evidently written at 
very nearly the same time. After these 
were written, he was apprehended again 
and sent to Rome. The Apostle appears 
now to have been treated, not as an honor- 
able state prisoner, but as a felon (2 Tim. 
ii. 9). But he was at least allowed to write 
this Second Letter to his " dearly beloved 
son " Timothy ; and though he expresses a 
confident expectation of his speedy death, 
he yet thought it sufficiently probable that 
It might be delayed for some time, to war- 
rant him in urging Timothy to come to 
him from Ephesus. Meanwhile, though 
he felt his isolation, he was not in the least 
daunted by his danger. He was more than 
ready to die (iv. 6), and had a sustaining 
experience of not being deserted by his 
Lord. Once already, in this second im- 
prisonment, he had appeared before • the 
authorities; and " the Lord then stood by 
him and strengthened him," and gave him 
a favorable opportunity for the one thing 
always nearest to his heart, the public dec- 
laration of his Gospel. This Epistle, sure- 
ly no unworthy utterance at such an age 
and in such an hour even of a St. Paul, 
brings us, it may well be presumed, close 
to the end of his life. For what remains, 
we have the concurrent testimony of eccle- 
siastical antiquity, that he was beheaded at 
Rome, about the same time that St. Peter 
was crucified there. Dionysius, bishop of 
Corinth (a. d. 170), says that Peter and 



Paul went to Italy and taught there to- 
gether, and suffered martyrdom about the 
same time. Eusebius himself adopts the 
tradition that St. Paul was beheaded under 
Nero at Rome. Chronology of St. PouVs 
Life. — There are two principal events which 
serve as fixed dates for determining the 
Pauline chronology — the death of Herod 
Agrippa, and the accession of Festus. Now 
it has been proved almost to certainty thai 
Felix was recalled from Judaea, and suc- 
ceeded by Festus in the year 60. In the 
autumn, then, of a. d. 60 St. Paul left 
Caesarea. In the spring of 61 he arrived 
at Rome. There he liv-d two years, that 
is, till the spring of 63, with much freedom 
in his own hired house. After this we de- 
pend upon conjecture; but the Pastoral 
Epistles give us reasons for deferring the 
Apostle's death until 67, with Eusebius, or 
68, with Jerome. Similarly we can go 
backwards from a. d. 60. St. Paul was 
two years at Caesarea (Acts xxiv. 27) ; 
therefore he arrived at Jerusalem on his 
last visit by the Pentecost of 68. Before 
this he had wintered at Corinth (Acts xx. 2, 
3), having gone from Ephesus to Greece. 
He left Ephesus, then, in the latter part of 
57, and as he staid 3 years at Ephesus 
(Acts XX. 31), he must have come thither 
in 54. Previously to this journey he had 
spent " some time " at Antioch (Acts xviii. 
23), and our chronology becomes indeter» 
minate. We can only add together the 
time of t; hasty visit to Jerusalem, the 
travels of the great second missionary 
journey, which included Ik year at Corinth, 
another indeterminate stay at Antioch, the 
important third visit to Jerusalem, an- 
other *' long " residence at Antioch (Act? 
xiv. 28), the first missionary journey, again 
an indeterminate stay at Antioch (Acts xii. 
25) — until we come to the second visit to 
Jerusalem, which nearly synchronized with 
the death of Herod Agrippa in a. d. 44. 
Within this interval of some 10 years the 
most important date to fix is that of the 
third visit to Jerusalem ; and there is a 
great concurrence of the best autboiities 
in placing this visit in either 50 or 51 ^t. 
Paul himself (Gal. ii. 1) places this visit 
'* 14 years after " either his conversion or 
the first visit. In the former case we have 
37 or 38 for the date of the conversion. 
The conversion was followed by 3 years 
(Gal. i. 18) spent in Arabia and Damascus, 
and ending with the first visit to Jerusa- 
lem ; and the space between the first visit 
(40 or 41) and the second (44 or 45) i? 
filled up by an indeterminate time, j..e- 
sumably 2 or 3 years, at Tarsus (Acts ix. 
30), and 1 year at Antioch (Acts xi. 26). 
The date of the martyrdom of Stephen can 
only be conjectured, and is very variously 
placed between a. d. 30 and the year of 
St. Paul's conversion. In the account of 



PAVEMENT 



513 



PELATIAH 



itiie dpath of Stephen St. Paul is called "a 
jroung man " (Acts vii. 58). It is not im- 
probable tberefure that he was born be- 
tween A. I). and A. D. 5, so that he might 
be past 60 jears of age when he calls him- 
self " Paul the aged " in Philemon 9. 

Pavement. [Gabbatha.] 

Pavilion. 1. *S'<5c, properly an enclosed 
place, also rendered "tabernacle," "cov- 
ert," and "den," once only "pavilion" 
(Ps. xxvii. 5). 2. SuccaJi, usually "tab- 
ernacle" and "booth." 3. Shaphrilr and 
Shaphrir, a word used once only, in Jer. 
xliii. 10, to signify glory or splendor^ and 
hence probably to be understood of the 
splendid covering of the royal throne. 

Peacocks (Ileb. tucctyyim). Amongst 
the natural products of the land of Tarshish 
which Solomon's fleet brought home to Je- 
rusalem, mention is made of "peacocks" 
(1 K. X. 22; 2 Chr. ix. 21), which is proba- 
bly the correct translation. The Hebrew 
word may be traced to the Tamul or Mala- 
baric togei, "peacock." 

Pearl (Heb. gdhish). The Heb. word 
in Job xxviii. 18, probably means "crys- 
tal." Pearls, however, are frequently men- 
tioned in the N. T. (Matt. xiii. 45 ; i Tim. 
ii. 9; Rev. xvii. 4. xxi. 21). "The pearl 
of great pri<;e" is doubtless a fine specimen 
j^ielded by the pearl oyster (Avicula mar- 
gnritifera), still found in abundance in the 
Persian Gulf, which has long been cele- 
brated for its pearl fisheries. 

Ped'ahel, the son of Ammihud, and 
prince of the tribe of Naphtali (Num. 
xxxiv. 28) 

Pedahzur, father of Gamaliel, the 
chief of the trib3 of Manasseh at the time 
of the Exodus (Num. i. 10, ii. 20, vii. 54, 
59, x. 23). 

Peda'iah. 1. The father of Zebudah, 
mother of king Jehoiakim (2 K. xxiii. 36). 
2. The brother of Salathiel, or ShealtieL 
and father of Zerubbabel, Avho is usually 
called the "son of Shealtiel," being, as 
Lord A. Hervey conjectures, in reality his 
uncle's successor and heir, in consequence 
of the failure of issue in the direct line (1 
Chr. iii. 17-19). 3. Son of Parosh, that 
is, one of the family of that name, who as- 
sisted Nehemiah in repairing the walls of 
Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 25). 4. Apparently 
a priest ; one of those who stood on the 
left hand of Ezra when he read the law to 
the people (Neh. viii. 4). 5. A Benjamite, 
ancestor of Sallu (Neh. xi. 7). 6. A Le- 
vite in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. xiii. 
13). 7. The father of Joel, prince of the 
half tribe of Manasseh in the reign of Da- 
dd ( 1 Chr. xxA-ii. 20). 

Pe'kall, son of Remaliah, originally a 
captain of Pekahiah king of Israel, mur- 
dered his master, seized the throne, and 
became the 18t'i sovereign of the northern 
lungdoui I B. ^ 757-V40). Under his pred- 
33 



ecessors Israel had been much weakened 
through the payment of enormous trib- 
ute to the Assyrians (see especially 2 
K. XV. 20), and by internal wars and 
conspiracies. Pekah seems steadil} to 
have applied himself to the restoratioB 
of its power. For this purpose he sought 
for the support of a foreign alliance, 
and fixed his mind on the plunder of the 
sister kingdom of Judah. He must have 
made the treaty by which he proposed to 
share its spoil with Rezin king of Damas- 
cus, when Jotham was still on the throne 
of Jerusalem (2 K. xv. 37) ; but its execu- 
tion was long delayed, probably in con:'.e- 
quence of that prince's righteous and vigor- 
ous administration (2 Chr. xxvii.). When, 
however, his weak son Ahaz succeeded to 
the crown of David, the allies no longer 
hesitated, and formed the siege of Jeru- 
salem (b. c. 742). The history of the war 
is found in 2 K. xvi. and 2 Chr. xxviii. It 
is famous as the occasion of the great 
prophecies in Is. vii.-ix. Its chief result 
was the Jewish port of Elath on the Red 
Sea ; but the unnatural alliance of Damas- 
cus and Samaria was punished through 
the final overthrow of the ferocious coh- 
federates by Tiglath-pileser. The kingdom 
of Damascus was finally suppressed, and 
Rezin put to death, while Pekah was de- 
prived of at least half his kingdom, includ- 
ing all the northern portion, and the whole 
district to the east of Jordan. Pekah him- 
self, now fallen into the position of an As- 
syrian vassal, was of course compelled to 
abstain from further attacks on Judah. 
Whether his continued tyranny exhausted 
the patience of his subjects, or whether his 
weakness emboldened them to attack him, 
we do not know ; but, from one or the 
other cause, Hoshea the son of Elah con- 
spired against him, and put him to death. 

Pekahi'ah, son and successor of Mena- 
hem, was the 17th king of the separate 
kingdom of Israel (b. c. 759-757). After 
a brief reign of scarcely two years a con- 
spiracy was organized against him by Pe- 
kah, who murdered him and seized the 
throne. 

Pe'kod, an appellative applied to the 
Chaldaeans (Jer. 1. 21 ; Ez. xxiii. 23). 
Authorities are undecided as to the mean- 
ing of the term. 

JPelai'ah. 1. A son of Elioenai, of the 
royal line of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 24). 2. 
One of the Levites who assisted Ezra in 
expounding the law (Neh. viii. 7). He 
afterwards sealed the covenant with Nehe- 
miah (Neh. X. 10). 

Pelali'ah. the son of Arazi, and ances- 
tor of Adaiah (Neh. xi. 12). 

Pelati'ah. 1. Son of Ilananiah the 
son of Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 21). 2. 
One of the captains of the marauding band) 
of Simeonites, who in the reign of Heze 



PET.EG 



014 



PENTATEUCH 



kiah made an expeditioa to Mount Seir, and 
smote the Amelekites (1 Chr. iv. 42). 3. 
One of the heads of the people, and prob- 
ably the name of a farailj, who sealed the 
covenant with Nthemiah (Neh. x. 22). 4. 
The son of Benaiah, and one of the princes 
of the i)eople against whom Ezekiel was 
directed to utter the words of doom record- 
ed in Ez. xi. 5- 12. 

Pe leg, son of Eberand brother of Jok- 
tan (Gen. x. 25, xi. 16). The only inci- 
dent donnected with his history is the state- 
ment that "in his days was the earth di- 
rided " — an event which was embodied in 
his name, Peleg meaning "division." This 
refers to a division of the family of Eber 
himself, the younger branch of whom (the 
Joktanids) migrated into southern Arabia, 
while the elder remained in Mesopotamia. 

Pe'let. 1. A son of Jahdai in an ob- 
scure genealogy (1 Chr. ii. 47). 2. The 
.son of Azmaveth, that is, either a native 
of the place of that name, or the son of one 
of David's heroes (1 Chr. xii. 3). 

Peleth. 1. The father of On, the Reu- 
benite, who joined Dathan and Abiram in 
their rebellion (Num. xvi. 1). 2. Son of 
Jonathan, and a descendant of Jerahmeel 
(^1 Chr. ii. 33). 

Pe'lethites. [Cherethites.] 

Pelican (Heb. kdath). Amongst the 
unclean birds mention is made of the kd- 
ath (Lev. xi. 18; Deut. xiv. 17). The sup- 
» pliant psalmist compares his condition to 
"a kdath in the wilderness" (Ps. cii. 6). 
As a mark of the desolation that was to 
come upon Edom, it is said that "the 
kdath and the bittern should possess it " 
(Is. xxxiv. 11). The same words are 
spoken of Nineveh (Zeph. ii. 14). In these 
two last places the A. V. has " cormorant" 
in the text and " pelican " in the margin. 
The best authorities are in favor of the 
pelican being the bird denoted by kdath. 
The psalmist, in comparing his pitiable 
condition to the pelican, probably has refer- 
ence to its general aspect as it sits in ap- 
parent melancholy mood, with its bill rest- 
ing on its breast. 

Peronite, The. Two of David's 
mighty men, Helez and Ahijah, are called 
Pelonites (1 Chr. xi. 27, 36). From 1 Chr. 
xxvii. 10, it appears that the former was 
of the tribe of Ephraim, and " Pelonite " 
would therefore be an appellation derived 
from his place of birth or residence. " Ahi- 
;ali the P(donite " appears in 2 Sam. xxiii. 
34 as " Eliam the son of Ahithophel the 
Gilonite," of \»hich the former is a corrup- 
tion. 

Pen. [Writing.] 

Pen'iel, the name which Jacob gave to 
the place in which lis had wrestled with 
God : " lie called the name of the place 
'Face of El,' for I have seen Elohim face 
to tiuee " XG^a. xxxii. 30^ In xxxii. 31, 



and the other passages in which the nan* 
occurs, its form is clianged to Pisnuei.. 
From the narrative it is evident that Peniel 
lay somewhere between the torrent Jabbok 
and Succoth. 

Penin'nah, one of the two wives of 
Elkanah (1 Sam. i. 2). 

Penny, Peanyworth. In the A. V. 
of the N. T. " penny," either alone or in 
the compound " pennyworth," occurs a? the 
rendering of the Roman denarius (Matt. 
XX. 2, x. ii. 19; Mark vi. 37, xii. 15; Luke 
XX. 24 ; John vi. 7 ; Rev. vi. 6). The de- 
narius was the chief Roman silver coin, and 
was worth about 9d. 

Pentateuch, The, is the Greek name 
given to the five books commonly called 
the " Five Books of Moses." ♦ In the time 
of Ezra and Nehemiah it was called "the 
Law of Moses " (Ezr. vii. 6) ; or " the book 
of the Law of Moses " (Neh. viii. 1) ; or 
simply " the book of Moses " (Ezr. vi. 18; 
Neh. xiii. 1 ; 2 Chron. xxv. 4, xxxv. 12^. 
This was beyond all reasonable doubt our 
existing Pentateuch. The book which was 
discovered in the temple in the reign of 
Josiah, and which is entitled (2 Chr. xxxi)'. 
14) " the book of the Law of Jehovah by 
the hand of Moses," was substantially, it 
would seem, the same volume, though it 
may afterwards have undergone some re- 
vision by Ezra. The present Jews usuallj 
called the whole by the name of Torah, i. e 
"the Law," or Torath Mosheh, "the Law 
of Moses." The division of the whoU 
work into five parts was probably made bj 
the Greek translators ; for the titles of tht 
several books are not of Hebrew but of 
Greek origin. The Hebrew names art 
merely taken from the first words of each 
book, and in the first instance only desig- 
nated partici'W sections, and not whole 
books. The MSS. of the Pentateuch form 
a single roll or volume, and are divided, not 
into books, but into the larger and smaller 
sections called Parshiyoth and Sedarim. 
The Five Books of the Pentateuch foim a 
consecutive whole. The work, beginning 
with the record of creation, and the hi.story 
of the primitive world, passes on to deal 
more especially with <^he early history of 
the Jewish family. It gives at length the 
personal history of the three great Fatliers 
of the family ; it then describes how the 
family grew into a nation in Egypt, telLii us 
of its oppression and deliverance, of itn 
forty years' wandering in the wilderness, 
of the giving of the Law, with all its enact- 
ments, both civil and religious, of the con- 
struction of the tabernacle, of the num- 
bering of the people, of the rigl'V and du- 
ties of the priesthood, as well as of many 

* fi ncvTaTCVXOitK.P^^^oii Pentateuchui.ic. liber; tht 
fivefold book; from Ttv^os, which meaning originally " ve» 
gel, inetiument," &c.. came in Alexandrine Greek to neaii 
" hook." 



PENTATEUCH 



515 



PENTATEUCH 



important e » cuts which befell them before 
their entrance into the Land of Canaan, 
and fint.lly concludes with Moses' last dis- 
courses and his death. The unity of the 
irork in its existing form is now generally 
recognized. It is not a mere collection of 
loose fragments carelessly put together at 
different times, but bears evident traces 
of design and purpose in its composition. 
Even those who discover different authors 
in the earlier books, and who deny that 
Deuteronomy was written by Moses, are 
still of opinion that the work in its present 
form is a connected whole, and was at least 
reduced to its present shape by a single 
reviser or editor. Till the middle of last 
century it was the general opinion of both 
Jews ard ('hristians thi\t the whole of the 
Pentateuch was written by Moses, with the 
exception of a few raamfestly later addi- 
tions — such as the 3Uh chapter of Deuter- 
onomy, which gives the account of Moses' 
ieath. The first attempt to call in question 
the popular belief was made by Astruc, 
Doctor and Profes&or of Medicine in the 
Royal College at Paris, and Court Physi- 
cian to Louis 7^IT.* He had observed that 
throughout the book of Genesis, and as far 
fcs the 6th chapter of Exodus, traces were 
to be fouoJ of two original documents, 
each characterized by a distinct use of the 
names of God ; the one by the name Ulo- 
him, and the other by the name Jehovah 
[God]. "Besides these two principal docu- 
ments, he supposed Moses to have made 
ase of ten others in the composition of the 
earlier part of his work. The path traced by 
Istrnc has been followed by numerous 
German writers; but the various hypoth- 
eses wnich have been formed upon the 
subject cannot be presented in this Dic- 
tionary. It is sufficient here to state 
that there is sufficient evidence for believ- 
ing that the main bulk of the Pentateuch, 
at any rate, was written by Moses, though 
he probably availed himself of existing 
documents in the composition of the earlier 
part of the work. Some detached portions 
w<juld appear to be of later origin ; and 
when we remember how entirely, during 
some periods of Jewish history, the Law 
seem to have been forgotten, and again how 
necessary it would be after the seventy 
years of exile to explain some of its ar- 
chaisms, and to add here and there short 
notes to make it more intelligible to the 
people, nothing can be more natural than 
to suppose that such latter additions were 
made by Ezra and Nehemiah. On care- 
fully mi eighing all the evidence, we can hard- 
ly question, without a literary scepticism, 
which would be most unreasonable, that the 
Pt ntateuch is to a very considerable extent 

♦ HiB work was published at Brussels in 1753, under the 
Itlt of " Coninctures sur les Memoires originauc, dent il 
j«rait que Mcyse s'est servi pour compoter le Livre d« 



as early as the time of Moses, though it may 
have undergone many later revisions and 
corrections, the last of these being certainly 
as late as the time of Ezra. But as regards 
any direct and unimpeachable testimony to 
the composition of the whole work by Moses 
we have it not. Only one book out of the 
five — that of Deuteronomy — claims in 
express terms to be from his hand. And 
yet, strange to say, this is the very 
book in which modern criticism refuses 
most peremptorily to admit the claim. 
It is of importance therefore to consider 
this question separately. All allow that 
the Book of the Covenant in Exodus, per- 
haps a great part of Leviticus and some 
part of Numbers, were written by Israel's 
greatest leader and prophet. But Deuter- 
onomy, it is alleged, is in style and purpose 
so utterly unlike the genuine writings of 
Moses that it is quite impossible to believe 
that he is the author. But how then set 
aside the express testimony of the book 
itself? How explain the fact that Moses is 
there said to have written all the words of 
this Law, to have consigned it to the cus- 
tody of the priests, and to have charged the 
Levites sedulously to preserve it by the 
side of the ark? Only by the bold asser- 
tion that the fiction was invented by a later 
writer, who chose to personate the greitX 
Lawgiver in order to give the more color 
of consistency to his work! But, besides 
the fact that Deuteronomy claims to hav* 
been written by Moses, there is other evi- 
dence which establishes the great antiquity 
of the book. 1. It is remarkable for its 
allusions to Egypt, which are just what 
would be expected supposing Moses to have 
been the author. In xx. 5 there is an allu- 
sion to Egyptian regulations in time of 
war ; in xxv. 2 to the Egyptian bastinado ; 
in xi. 10 to the Egyptian mode of irriga- 
tion. Again, among the curses threatened 
are the sicknesses of Egypt, xxviii. 60 (comp. 
vii. 15). According to xxviii. 68, Egypt is 
the type of all the oppressors of Israel. 
Lastly, references to the sojourning in 
Egypt are numerous (vi. 21-23 ; see also 
vii. 8, 18, xi. 3). The phraseology of the 
book, and the archaisms found in it, 
stamp it as of the same age with the rest of 
the Pentateuch. 2. A fondness for the use of 
figures is another peculiarity of Deuterono- 
my. See xxix. 17, 18, xxviii. 13, 44, i 31, 44, 
viii. 5, xxviii. 29, 49. The results are most 
surprising when we compare Deuteronomy 
with the Book of the Covenant (Ex. xix.- 
xxiv.) on tlie one hand, and with Ps. xc. 
(which is said to be Mosaic) on the other. 
In addition to all thes'* peculiarities which 
are arguments for the Mosaic authorship 
of the Book, we have here, too, the evi- 
dence strong and clear of post- Mosaic times 
and writings. The attempt by a wrong inter- 
pretation of 2 E. xjn, and 2 Chr. xxxiv. to^ 



PENTECOST 



51t) 



PEM 1 ECOSl 



oring down Deuteronomy as low as the time 
of Manasseh fails utterly. A century ear- 
lier the Jewish prophets borrow their words 
and their thoughts from Deuteronomy. 
Since, then, not only Jeremiah and Ezekiel, 
but Amos and Hosea, Isaiah and Micah, 
speak in the words of Deuteronomy, as 
well as in words borrowed from other por- 
tions of the Pentateuch, we see at once 
how untenable is the theory of those who, 
like Ewald, maintain that Deuteronomy 
was composed during the reign of Manas- 
seh, or, as Vaihinger does, during tliat of 
Hezekiah. But, in truth, the Book speaks 
for itself. No imitator could have written 
in such a strain. We scarcely need the 
express testimony of the work to its own 
authorship. But, having it, we find all the 
internal evidence conspiring to show that 
it came from Moses. We therefore de- 
clare unhesitatingly for the Mosaic author- 
ship of Deuteronomy. Briefly, then, to 
sum up the results of our inquiry : 1. The 
Book of Genesis rests chiefly on documents 
much earlier than the time of Moses, 
though it was probably brought to very 
nearly its present shape either by Moses 
himself, or by one of the elders who acted 
under him. 2. The Books of Exodus, Le- 
viticus, and Numbers, are to a great extent 
Mosaic. Besides those portions wliich are 
expressly declared to have been written by 
him, other portions, and especially the legal 
sections, were, if not actually written, in 
all probability dictated by him. 3. Deu- 
teronomy, excepting the concluding part, 
is entirely the work of Moses, as it professes 
to be. 4. It is not probable that this was 
written before the three preceding books, 
because the legislation in Exodus and 
Leviticus, as being the more formal, is man- 
ifestly the earlier, whilst Deuteronomy is 
the spiritual interpretation and application 
of the Law. But the letter is always 
before the spirit ; the thing before its inter- 
pretation. 5. The first composition of the 
Pentateuch as a whole could not have taken 
place till after the Israelites entered Canaan. 
It is probable that Joslma, and the elders who 
were a'isociated with liim, would provide for 
its formal arrangement, custody and trans- 
mission. 6. The whole work did not finally 
assume its present shape till its revision 
was undertaken by Ezra after the return 
from the Babylonish Captivity. For an 
account of the separate books see Genesis, 
Exouus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deuter- 
onomy. 

Pentecost, that is, the fiftieth day,* or 
Harvest Feast, or Feast or Weeks, may 
be regarded as a supplement to the Pass- 
over. It lasted only for one day ; but the 



• This Greek name is not the translation of any corre- 
ipondins word in the Pentateuch; but the later name of the 
feant, whirh naturaily grew out of the calculation of its in- 
tarvai from the Paesover. 



modern Jews extend it over two. The peo- 
ple, having at the Passover presented before 
God the first sheaf of the harvest, departed 
to their homes to gatlier it in, and then 
returned to keep the harvest-feast before 
Jeliovah. From the sixteenth of Ilisan 
seven weeks were reckoned inclusively, and 
the next or fiftieth day was the Day of 
Pentecost, which fell on the sixth of SiTau 
(about the end of May) (Ex. xxiii. 16, 
xxxiv. 22 ; Lev. xxiii. 15-22 ; Num. xxviii. 
26-31; Deut. xvi. 9-12; 2 Mace. xii. 82; 
Acts ii. 1, XX. 16; 1 Cor. xvi. 8). The 
intervening period included tlie whole of 
the grain harvest, of which the wheat was 
the latest crop. Its conmiencement is also 
marked as from the time when " thou be- 
ginnest to put the sickle to the corn." The 
Pentecost was the Jewish harvest-home, 
and tlie people were especially exhorted to 
rejoice before Jehovah with their families, 
their servants, the Levite within their gatep, 
the stranger, the fatherless, and the widoM 
in the place chosen by God for His name , 
as they brought a freewill-oflfering of the:V 
hand to Jehovah their God (Deut. xvi. h ^ 
11). The great feature of the celebratioa 
was the presentation of the two loaves, made 
from the first-fruits of the wheat- harvest, 
and leavened, that is, in the state fit foi 
ordinary food. In this point, as contrasted 
with the unleavened bread of the Passover, 
we see the more homely and social nature 
of the Feast; wliile its bounty to the poor is 
connected with the law which secures them 
plenty of gleanings (Lev. xxiii. 22). With 
the loaves two lambs were oflPered as a 
peace-offering ; and all were waved before 
Jehovah, and given to the priests ; the 
loaves, being leavened, could not be offered 
on the altar. The other sacrifices were, a 
burnt-offering of a young bullock, two rams, 
and seven lambs, with a meat and drink- 
offering, and a kid for a sin-offering (Lev. 
xxiii. 18, 19). Till the pentecostal loaves 
were offered, the produce of the harvest 
might not be eaten, nor could any other 
first-fruits be offered. The whole ceremony 
was the completion of that dedication of the 
harvest to God, as its giver, and to whom 
both the land and the people were holy, 
which was begun by the offering of the 
wave-sheaf at the Passover. The interval 
is still regarded as a religious season. The 
Pentecost is the only one of the three great 
feasts which is not mentioned as the memo- 
rial of events in the history of the Jews. . 
But such a significance has been found in ) I 
the fact, that the Law was given from Sinai 
on the fiftieth day after the deliverance from 
Egypt (comp. Ex. xii. and xix.). In the 
Exodus, the people were offered to God, as 
living first-fruits ; at Sinai their conseciation 
to Him as a nation was completed. The 
typical significance of the Pentecost is made 
clear from the events of tlie day lecorded 



PENUEL 



517 



PERGAMOS 



\a the A.i.ts >f the Apostles (Acts ii.). The 
preceding Passover had been marked by 
the sacrifice upon the cross of the true 
Paschal Lamb, and by his offering to his 
Father as " the first-fruits of them that 
slept." The day of Pentecost found his 
disciples assembled at Jerusalem, like the 
[sraeliies before Sinai, waiting for " the 
promise of the Father." Again did God 
descend from heaven in fire, to pour forth 
that Holy Spirit which gives the spiritual 
discern aient of His law; and the converts 
to Peter's preaching were the first-fruits of 
the spiritual harvest, of which Christ had 
long before assured his disciples. Just as 
the appearance of God on Sinai was the 
birthday of the Jewish nation, so was that 
Pentecost the birthday of the Christian 
Church. If the feast of Pentecost stood 
without an organic connection with any 
other rites, we should have no certain war- 
rant in the Old Testament for regarding it 
as more than the divinely appointed solemn 
thanksgiving for the yearly supply of the 
most useful sort of food. But it was, as we 
have seen, essentially linked on to the Pass- 
over, that festival, which, above all others, 
exi)ressed the fact of a race chosen and 
separated from other nations. It was not 
an insulated day. It stood as the culmi- 
Qating point Df the Pentecostal season. If 
the offering of the omer was a supplication 
for the Divine blessing on the harvest which 
WAS just commencing, and the offering of 
the two loaves was a thanksgiving for its 
completion, each rite was brought into a 
higher significance in consequence of the 
omer forming an integral part of the Pass- 
over. The Pentecost was the last Jewish 
feast thai, Paul was anxious to keep (1 Cor. 
xvi. 8), and Whitsuntide, its successor, was 
the first annual festival adopted in the 
Christian Church. 

Penu'el. [Peniel.] 

Pe'or. 1. A mountain in Moab, from 
whence, after having ascended the lower or 
less sacred summits of Bamoth-Baal and 
Pisgah, the prophet Balaam was conducted 
by Balak for his final conjurations (Num. 
xxiii. 28 only). Peor was "facing Jeshi- 
mon." The same thing is said of Pisgah. 
But unfortunately we are as yet ignorant 
of the position of all three, so that nothing 
can be inferred from this specification. In 
me Ononuisticon it is stated to be above the 
town of Libias (the ancient Beth-aram), 
and opposite Jericho. 2. In four passages 
(Num. XXV. 18 twice; xxxi. 16; Josh. xxii. 
17; Peor occurs as a contraction for Baal- 
jt-or. [Baal.] 

Per'azim, Mount, a name which oc- 
curs in Is. xxviii. 21 only, — unless the 
place which it designates be identical with 
the Baal* Perazim mentioned tis the scene 
of one of David's victcries ov^cr the Pl\ilis- 



Pe'resh. The son of Machir by hi» 

wife Maachah (1 Chr. vii. 16). 

Pe'rez. The "children of Perti, ' oi 
Pharez, the son of Judah, appear to have 
been a family of importance for many cen- 
turies (1 Chr. xxvii. 3; Neh. xi. 4, 6). 

Pe'rez-UZ'za, 1 Chr. xiii. 11; and 

Pe'rez-uz'zah, 2 Sam. vi. 8. The title 
which David conferred on the threshing- 
floor of Nachon, or Cidon, in commemora- 
tion of the sudden death of Uzzah. 

Perfumes. The free use of perfum^^H 
was peculiarly grateful to the Orientals 
(Prov. xxvii. 9), whose olfactory nerves are 
more than usually sensitive to the offensive 
smells engendered by the heat of their 
climate. The Hebrews manufactured thei' 
perfumes chiefly from spices imported from 
Arabia, though to a certain extent also from 
aromatic plants growing in their own coun- 
try. Perfumes entered largely into the 
Temple service, in the two forms of incense 
and ointment (Ex. xxx. 22-38). Nor were 
they less used in private life ; not only were 
they applied to the person, but to garments 
(Ps. xlv. 8; Cant. iv. 11), and to articles 
of furniture, such as beds (Prov. vii. 17). 
On the arrival of a guest the same compli- 
ments were probably paid in ancient as in 
modern times (Dan. ii. 46). When a royal 
personage went abroad in his litter, attend- 
ants threw up " pillars of smoke " about his 
path (Cant. iii. 6). The use of perfumes 
was omitted in times of mourning, whence 
the allusion in Is. iii. 24. 

Per'ga, a city of Pamphylia (Acts xiii. 
13), situated on the river Cestius, at a dis- 
tance of 60 stadia from its mouth, and cele- 
brated in antiquity for the worship of Arte • 
mis (Diana). 

Per'gamos, a city of Mysia, about 3 
miles to the N. of the river Caicus, and 20 
miles from its present mouth. The name 
was originally given to a remarkable hill, 
presenting a conical appearance when 
viewed from the plain. It was the resi- 
dence of a dynasty of Greek princes, found- 
ed after the time of Alexander the Great, 
and usually called the Attalic dynasty, from 
its founder Attains. This Attalic dynasty 
terminated b. c. 133, when Attains III., dy- 
ing at an early age, made the Romans his 
heirs. His dominions formed the province 
of Asia. The sumptuousness of the At- 
talic princes had raised Pergamos to the 
rank of the first city in Asia as regards 
splendor. It became a city of temples, 
devested to a sensuous worship; and being 
in its origin, according to pagan notions, 
a sacred place, might not unnaturally be 
viewed by Jews and Jewish Cliristians ae 
one " where was the throne of Satan " 
(Rev. ii. 13). After the extinction of its 
independence, the sacred charactei' of Per- 
gamos seems to have been put even more 
prominently forward. In the time of Mar 



rETUHA 



51S 



PERSIA 



nal, Ab8culapms had acquired so much 
prouunence that he is called Pergameus 
deus. From the circumstance of this no- 
koriety of the Pergamene A(!sculapius, and 
from the serpent being his characteristic 
emblem, it has been supposed that the 
expressions " the throne of Satan " and 
" where Satan dwelleth," have an especial 
reference to this one pagan deity, and not 
to the whole city as a sort of focus of idol- 
atrous worship. But although undoubtedly 
the Aesculapius worship of Pergamos was 
the most famous, yet an inscription of the 
time of Marcus Antoninus distinctly puts 
Zeus, Athene, Dionysus, and Asclepius in 
a co-ordinate rank, as all being special 
tutelary deities of Pergamos. It seems 
unUkely, therefore, that the expressions 
above quoted should be so interpreted as 
to isolate one of them from the rest. It 
may be added, that the charge against a 
portion of the Pergamene Church, that 
some among them were of the school of 
Balaam, whose policy was to put a stum- 
bhng-block before the children of Israel, 
by inducing them to eat things sacrificed 
to idols and to commit fornication (Rev. ii. 
14), is in both its particulars very inappro- 
priate to the Aesculapian ritual. It points 
rather to the Dionysus and Aphrodite «ror- 
dhip. 

Peri'da. The children of Perida re- 
turned from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Neh. 
vii. 57). 

Per'izzite, The, and Per'izzites, one 
of the nations inhabiting the Land of Prom- 
ise before and at the time of its conquest 
by Israel. They are continually mentioned 
in the formula so frequently occurring to 
express the Promised Land (Gen. xv. 20; 
Ex. iii. 8, 17, xxiii. 23, xxxiii. 2, xxxiv. 11 ; 
Deut. vii. 1, xx. 17; Josh. iii. 10, ix. 1, 
xxiv. 11; Judg. iii. 5; Ezr. ix. 1; Neh. ix. 
8). They appear, however, with somewhat 
greater distinctness on several occasions 
(Gen. xiii. 7, xxxiv. 30; Judg. i. 4, 5; 2 
Esdr. i. 21). The notice in the book of 
Judges locates them in the southern part 
of the Holy Land. The signification of 
the name is not by any means clear. It 
possibly meant rustics, dwellers in open, 
un walled villages, which are denoted by a 
similar word. 

Persep'olis, mentioned only in 2 Mace. 
Ix. 2, was the capital of Persia Proper, and 
the occasional residence of the Persian 
court from the time of Darius Hystaspis, 
who seems to have been its founder, to the 
invasion of Alexander. Its wanton destruc- 
tion by that conqueror is well known. Its 
site is now called the Chehl-Minar, or Forty 
Pillars. Here, on a platform hewn out of 
the solid rock, the sides of which face the 
four cardinal points, are the remains of two 
(^reat palaces, built respectively by Darius 
Hyst&sfis and his son Xerxes, besides a 



number of other edifices, chitSy te? ple« 
They are of great extent and magniflceoce, 
covering an area of many acres. 

Per'seus, the eldest son of Philip V. 
and last king of Macedonia (b. c. 179--168;. 
The defeat of Perseus by the Romans pul 
an end to the independence of Macedonia, 
and extended even to Syria the terror of 
the Roman name (1 Mace. viii. 5). 

Per'sia, Persians. Persia Proper wai 
a tract of no very large dimensions on the 
Persian Gulf, which is still known as FarSy 
or Farsistan, a corruption of the ancient 
appellation. This tract was bounded, on 
the west, by Susiana or Elam, on the north 
by Media, on the south by the Persian Gulf, 
and on the east by Carmania. But the name 
is more commonly applied, both in Scrip- 
ture and by profane authors, to the entire 
tract which came by degrees to be included 
within the limits of the Persian Empire. 
This empire extended at one time from 
India on the east to Egypt and Thrace 
upon the west, and included, besides por- 
tions of Europe and Africa, the whole of 
Western Asia between the Black Sea, the 
Caucasus, the Caspian, and the Jaxartes 
upon the north, the Arabian desert, the 
Persian Gulf, and the Indian Ocean upon 
the south. The only passage in Scripture 
where Persia designates the tract which has 
been called above " Persia Proper " is Ez. 
xxxviii. 5. Elsewhere the Empire is in- 
tended. The Persians were of the same 
race as the Medes, both being branches of 
the great Aryan stock. 1. Character of 
the nation. — The Persians were a people 
of lively and impressible minds, brave and 
impetuous in war, witty, passionate, for 
Orientals truthful, not without some spirit 
of generosity, and of more intellectual ca- 
pacity than the generality of Asiatics. In 
the times anterior to Cyrus they were noted 
for the simplicity of their habits, which 
offered a strong contrast to the luxurious- 
ness of the Medes ; but from the date of 
the Median overthrow, this simplicity began 
to decline. Polygamy was commonly prac- 
tised among them. They were fond of the 
pleasures of the table. In war they fought 
bravely, but without discipline. 2. Reli- 
gion. — The religion which the Persians 
brought with them into Persia Prc>»er 
seems to have been of a very simple char- 
acter, differing from natural religion in 
httle, except that it was deeply tainted 
with Dualism. Like the other Aryans, the 
Persians worshipped one Supreme God, 
whom they called Aura-mazda (Oromas- 
d(;s) — a terra signifying (as is beUeved) 
" the Great Giver of Life." The royal in- 
scriptions rarely mentioned any other go J. 
Occasionally, however, they indicate a slight 
and modified polytheism. Oromasdes is 
" the chief of the gods," so that there are 
other gods besides him; and th& l^dKhebt 



PERSIA 



019 



PEKSIA 



of tlitsu is evidently Mithra, who is some- 
times invoked to protect the monarch, and 
is beyond a doubt identical with '• tlie sun." 
Entirely separate from these — their active 
resister and antagonist — was Ahriman 
( Arimanius) *' the Death-dealing " — the 
powerful, and (probal iy) self-existing Evil 
Spirit, from whom war, disease, frost, hail, 
poverty, sin, death, and all other evils, had 
their origin. The character of the original 
Persian worship was simple. They were 
not destita/:e of temples, as Herodotus as- 
serts ; but they liad probably no altars, and 
certainly no images. Neither do they ap- 
pear to have had any priests. 3. Language. 
— Their language was closely akin to the 
Sanscrit, or ancient language of India. 
Modern Persian is its degenerate repre- 
sentative, being, as it is, a motley idiom, 
largely impregnated with Arabic. 4. Di- 
ifision into tribes, Jfc. — Herodotus tells us 
that the Persians were divided into ten 
tribes, of which three were noble, three ag- 
ricultural, and four nomadic. 5. History. — 
riie history of Persia begins with their re- 
volt from the Medes and accession of Cyrus 
the Great, b. c. 558. Its success, by trans- 
ferring to Persia the dominion previously 
in the possession of the Medes, placed her 
at the head of an empire, the bounds of 
which were the Halys upon the west, 
the Euxine upon the north. Babylonia 
upon the south, and upon the east the 
salt desert of Iran. As usual in the 
East, this success led on to others. Cyrus 
defeated Croesus, and added the Lydian 
empire to his dominions. This conquest 
was followed closely by the submission of 
the Greek settlements on the Asiatic coast, 
and by the reduction of Caria and Lycia. 
The empire was soon afterwards extended 
greatly towards the north-east and east. 
In B. c. 539 or 538, Babylon was attacked, 
and after a stout defence fell before his irre- 
sistible bands. This victory first brought 
the Persians into contact with the Jews. 
The conquerors found in Babylon an op- 
pressed race — like themselves, abhorrers 
of idols — and professors of a religion in 
which to a great extent they could sympa- 
thize. This race Cyrus determined to re- 
store to their own country ; which he did 
b) the remarkal)le edict recorded in the 
first chapter of Ezra (Ezr. i. 2-4). He 
was slain in an expedition against the Mas- 
sagetae or the Derbices, after a reign of 
tweiity-nine years. Under his son and 
successor, Cambyses, the conquest of Egypt 
took place (b. c. 525). This prince ap- 
pears to be the Ahasuerus of Ezra (iv. 6). 
In the ab'>3nce of Cambyses with the army, 
% conspiracy was formed against him at 
court, and a Magian priest, Gomates by 
name, professing to be Smerdis, the son of 
Cyrus, wiion his brother, Cambyses, had 
put I J deatii «^ retly, obtained quiet pos- 



session of the throne. Cambyses, despair 
ing of tJie recovery of his crown, ended his 
life by suicide. His reign had lasted seven 
years and five months. Gomates the Ma- 
gian found himself thus, without a strug- 
gle, master of Persia (b. c. 522). His sit- 
uation, however, was one of great danger 
and difficulty. There is reason to believe 
that he owed his elevation to his fellow 
religionists, whose object in placing him 
upon the throne was to secure the triumph 
of Magianism over the Dualism of the 
Persians. He reversed the policy of Cyrus 
with respect to the Jews, and forbade by an 
edict the further building of the Temple 
(Ez. iv. 17-22). Darius, the son of Hys- 
taspis, headed a revolt against him, which 
in a short time was crowned with complete 
success. The reign of Gomates lasted 
seven months. The first efforts of Darius 
were directed to the re-establishment of 
the Oromasdian religion in all its purity. 
Appealed to, in his second year, by the 
Jews, who wished to resume the construction 
of thei» Temple, he not only allowed them, 
confirming the decree of Cyrus, but assist- 
ed the work by grants from his own reve- 
nues, whereby the Jews were able to com- 
plete the Temple as early as his sixth year 
(Ezr. vi. 1-15). During the first part of 
the reign of Darius the tranquillity of the 
empire was disturbed by numerous revolts. 
After five or six years of struggle, he be- 
came as firmly seated on his throne as any 
previous monarch. The latter part of his 
reign was, however, clouded by reverses. 
The disaster of Mardonius at Mount Athos 
was followed shortly by the defeat of Datis 
at Marathon ; and before any attempt could 
be made to avenge that blow, Egypt rose 
in revolt (b. c. 486), massacred its Persian 
garrison, and declared itself independent. 
When, after a reign of thirty-six years, 
the fourth Persian monarch died (b. c. 485), 
leaving his throne to a young prince of 
strong and ungoverned passions, it was ev- 
ident that the empire had reached its high- 
est point of greatness, and was already 
verging towards its decline. The first act 
of Xerxes was to reduce Egypt to subjec- 
tion (b. c. 484), after wliich he began at 
once to make preparations for his inva?ion 
of Grcb !e. It is probable that he was the 
Ahasuerus of Esther. It is unneces«ary tfl 
give an account of the well-known expedi- 
tion against Greece, which ended so disas- 
trously for the invaders. A conspiracy ii. 
,he seraglio having carried off Xerxes (b. 
c. tSo), Artaxerxes his son, called iT tiit 
Greeks " Long-Handed," succeedt d hmi, 
after an interval of seven months, during 
which the conspirator Artabanus occupied 
the throne. This Artaxerxes, who reigned 
forty years, is beyond a doubt the king of 
that name who stt )d in such a friendly re- 
lation towards Ezra v'Ezr. vii 11-28) and 



FERSIS 



520 



r'ETER 



Neliemiah (Neh. ii, 1-9, &c.). He is the 
last of the Persian kings who had any 
special connection with the Jews, and the 
last but one mentioned in Scripture. His 
(Successors were Xerxes II., Sogdianus, 
Darius Nothus, Artaxerxes Mnemon, Arta- 
xerxes Ochus, and Darius Codomannus, 
wIjo is probab] the " Darius the Persian " 
of Nsaeml'Ii ^^xii. 22). These monarchs 
reigned from b. c. 424 to b. c. 330. The 
collapse of the empire under the attack of 
Alexander is well known, and requires no 
description here. On the division of Alex- 
ander's dominions among his generals, Per- 
sia fell to the Seleucidae, under whom it 
continued till after the death of Antiochus 
Epiphanes, when the conquering Parthians 
ailvanced their frontier to the Euphrates, 
and the Persians became included among 
their subject-tribes (b. c. 1G4). Still their 
nittionaiity was not obliterated. In a. d. 
226, the Persians shook off the yoke of 
their opi^refsors, and once more became a 
nation. 

Per'sis, a Christian woman at Rome 
(Rom. xvi. 12) whom St. Paul salutes. 

PerU'da. The same as Perida (Ezr. 
li. 55). 

Pestilence. [Plague.] 

Pe'ter. His original name was Simon, 
I. e. " hearer." He was the son of a man 
named Jonas (Matt. xvi. 17 ; John i. 43, 
xxi. 16), and was brought up in his father's 
occupation, a fisherman on the sea of Ti- 
berias. He and his brother Andrew were 
partners of John and James, the sons of 
Zebedee, who had hired servants. The 
Apostle did not live, as a mere laboring 
man, in a hut by the sea-side, but lirst at 
Betlisaida, and afterwards in a house at 
Capernaum, belonging to himself or his 
mother-in-law, which must have been rath- 
er a large one, since he received in it not 
only our Lord and his fellow-disciples, but 
multitudes who were attracted by the mir- 
acles and preaching of Jesus. Ii s not 
probable that he and his brother were whol- 
ly uneducated. The statement in Acts iv. 
13, that "the council perceived they (i. e. 
Peter and John) were unlearned and igno- 
rant men," is not incompatible with this as- 
sumption. Tlie translation of the passage 
in the A. V. is rather exaggerated, the 
word rendered " unlearned " being nearly 
equivalent to "laymen," i. e. men of ordi- 
nary education, as contrasted with those 
who wtre specially trained in the schools 
jf the Rabbis. It is doubtful whether our 
Apo8tle was acquainted with Greek in early 
1 t'iv Within a few years after his call he 
seems to have conversed fluently in Greek 
with Cornelius. The style of both of Pe- 
ter's Epistles indicates a considerable knowl- 
edge of Greek — it is pure and accurate, 
and in grammatical structure equal to that 
sf Paul. That may, however, be account- 



ed for by the fact, for which there is wry 
ancient authority, that Peter employe I an 
interpreter in the composition of Lis Epis- 
tles, if not in his ordinary intercourse with 
foreigners. It is on the whole probable 
that he had some rudimental knowledge of 
Greek in early life, which may havp beer 
afterwards extended when the need wai 
felt. That he was an affectionate husband, 
married in early life to a wife who av^com- 
panied him in his Apostolic journey?, arc 
facts inferred from Scripture, while verj 
ancient traditions, recorded by Clement of 
Alexandria and by other early but less 
trustworthy writers, inform us that her name 
was Perpetua, that she bore a daughter, or 
perhaps other children, and suffered mar- 
tyrdom. He was probably between thirty 
and forty years of age at the date of his 
call. That call was preceded by a special 
preparation. Peter and his brother Andrew, 
together with their partners James and 
John, the sons of Zebedee, were discipleis 
of John the Baptist, when he was first called 
by our Lord. The particulars of tliis call 
are related with graphic minuteness by St. 
John. It was upon this occasion that Jesus 
gave Peter the name Cephas, a Syriac 
word answering to the Greek Peter, and 
signifying a 3tone or rock (John i. 35-42). 
This first call led to no immediate change 
in Peter's external position. He and l\is 
fellow-disciples looked henceforth upo^ our 
Lord as their teacher, but were not com-' 
raanded to follow him as regular disciples. 
They returned to Capernaum, wliere they 
pursued their usual business, waiting for a 
further intimation of His will. The second 
call is recorded by the other three Evange- 
lists ; the narrative of Luke being apparently 
supplementary to the brief, and, so to speak, 
official accounts given by Matthew and Mark 
It took place on the sea of Galilee near Ca- 
pernaum — where the four disciples, Peter 
and Andrew, James and John, were fishing. 
Peter and Andrew were first called. Our 
Lord then entered Simon Peter's boat and 
addressed the multitude on the shore. Im- 
mediately after that call our Lord wont to th*s 
house of Peter, where He wrought the mir* 
acle of healing on Peter's wife's mother. 
Some time was passed afterwards in attend- 
ance upon our Lord's public ministration!* 
in Galilee, Decapolis, Peraea, and Judaea. 
The special designation of Peter and hi» 
eleven fellow-disciples took place some- 
time afterwards, when they were set a}»art 
as our Lord's immediate attendants (s<ee 
Matt. X. 2-4; Mark iii. 13-19, — the most 
detailed account, — Luke v'l. 13). They ap 
pear then first to have received formally 
the name of Apostles, and from that timv 
Simon bore publicly, ani as it would «!eeni 
all b- t exclusively, the name Peter, which 
had hitherto been used rather as a charac- 
teristic appellation than as a proper raui-* 



■I 



PETER 



521 



PEIEB 



from tlii? time there can be no doubt that 
Peter lield the first place among the Apos- 
tles, to whatever cause his precedence is to 
be attributed. He is named first in every 
liit of the Apostles ; he is generally ad- 
dressed hj our Lord as their representa- 
tive; a: id jn the most solemn occasions he 
speaks m their name. Thus when the first 
^i ^at secession took place in consequence 
yf the oflence given by our Lord's mystic 
lisoourse at Capernaum (see John vi. 6G- 
!59), " Jesus said unto the twelve, Will ye 
also go away? Then Simon Peter an- 
swered Him, Lord, to wliom shall we go? 
Thou hast the words of eternal life : and 
we believe and are sure that Thou art that 
Christ, the Son of the living God." Thus 
again at Caesarea Philippi, St. Peter 
(speaking as before in the name of the 
twelve, though, as appears from our Lord's 
words, with a peculiar distinctness of per- 
sonal conviction) repeated that declaration, 
" Thou art the Christ, the Son of the liv- 
ing God." The confirmation of our Apostle 
in his special position in the Church, his 
identification with the rock on which that 
Church is founded, the ratification of the 
powers and duties attached to the apostolic 
)ffice, and the promise of permanence to 
.Le Church, followed as a reward of that 
confession. The early Church regarded 
St. Peter generally, and most especially on 
this occasion, as the representative of the 
apostolic body, a very distinct theory from 
that which makes him their head, or gov- 
ernor in Christ's stead. Primus inter pares 
Peter held no distinct office, and certainly 
never claimed any powers which did not 
belong equally to all his fellow-Apostles. 
This great triumph of Peter, however, 
brought other points ( f his character into 
strong relief. The distinction which he 
then received, and it may be his conscious- 
ness of ability, energy, zeal, and ab«clute 
devotion to Christ's person, seem to have 
developed a natural tendency to rashness 
and forwardness bordering upon presun.p- 
tion. On this occasion the exhibition of 
such feelings brought upon him the stroiiL?- 
dst reproof ever addressed to a disciple by 
our Lord. In his affection and self-confi- 
dence Peter ventured to reject as impossible 
the announcement of the sufferings and hu- 
miliation which Jesus predicted, and heard 
the sharp words — " Get thee behind me, Sa- 
tan ; thou art an offence unto me ; for thou 
wvorest not the things tha,t be of God, but 
those that be of men." It is remarkable that 
on other occasions when St. Peter signal- 
ized liis faith and devotion, he displayed 
»t the time, or immediately afterwards, a 
more than usual deficiency in spiritual dis- 
jernment and consistency. Thus a few 
days after that fall he was selected together 
with John and James to witness the trans- 
figuration of Christ ; but the words which 



he then uttered prove that he was flOiBplete* 
ly bewildered, and unable at the time to 
comprehend the meaning of the transaction. 
Thus again, when his zeal and courage 
prompted him to leave the ship and walk 
on the water to go to Jesus (Matt. xiv. 29), 
a sudden failure of faith withdrew the sus- 
taining power; he was about to sink, when 
he was at once reproved and saved by his 
Master. Towards the close of our Lord's 
ministry Peter's characteristics become 
especially prominent. Together with his 
brother, and the two sons of Zebedee, he 
listened to the last awful predictions and 
warnings delivered to the disciples, in ref- 
erence to the second advent (Matt. xxiv. 
3 ; Mark xiii. 3, who alone mentions these 
names; Luke xxi. 7). At the last suppei 
Peter seems to have been particularly ear- 
nest in the request that the traitor might be 
pointed out. After the supper his words 
drew out the meaning of the significant act 
of our Lord in washing His disciples' feet. 
Then too it was that he made those repeat- 
ed protestations of unalterable fidelity, so 
soon to be falsified by his miserable falL 
On the morning of the resurrection we have 
proof that Peter, though humbled, was not 
crushed by his fall. He and John were the 
first to visit the sepulchre ; he was the first 
who entered it. We are told by Luke and 
by Paul that Christ appeared to him first 
among the Apostles. It is observable, how- 
ever, that on that occasion he is called by 
his original name, Simon, not Peter; the 
higher designation was not restored until 
he had been publicly reinstituted, so to 
speak, by his Master. That reinstitution 
took place at the sea of Galilee (John xxi.), 
an event of the very highest import. Slower 
than John to recognize their Lord, Peter 
was the first to reach Him ; he brought the 
net to land. The thrice-repeated questioL 
of Christ referring doubtless to the three 
protestatio»s and denials, was thrice met 
by answers full of love and faith. He then 
received the formal commission to feed 
Christ's sheep, rather as one who had for- 
feited his place, and could not resume il 
without such an authorization. Then fol- 
lowed the prediction of his martyrdom, in 
vhich he was to find the fulfilment of his 
request to be permitted to follow the Lord, 
With this event closes the first part of 
Pev'er's history. Henceforth, he and his 
coileaOTCs were to establish and govern the 
Church founded by their Lord, without the 
suppc'r^. of His presence. The first part of 
the Acts d^ the Apostles is occupied by the 
record of tninsactions, in nearly all of 
which Peter rtands forth as the recognized 
leader of i\\o: Apostles. He is the most 
prominent pori'on m the greatest event after 
the resurrection. wh<=^n on the day of Pente- 
cost the Churijh was fitot invested with the 
plenitude of gifts and powers. The tiral 



PETEll 



*22 PLTER, FIRST EPISTLE OV 



miia«le after Pentecost was wrought by 
him (Acts iii.). This first miracle of heal- 
ing was soon followed by the first miracle 
of judgment. Peter was the minister in 
that transaction. [Ananias.] When the 
Gospel was first preached beyond the pre- 
cincts of Judaea, he and John were at once 
sent by the Apostles to confirm the converts 
at Samaria. Henceforth he remains prom- 
inent, but not exclusively prominent, among 
the piopagators of the Gospel. At Samaria 
be was confronted with Simon Magus, the 
first teacher of heresy. About three years 
later (compare Acts ix. 26, and Gal. i. 17, 
18) we have two accounts of the first meet- 
ing of Peter and Paul. This interview was 
followed by other events marking Peter's 
position — a general apostolical tour of vis- 
itation to the Churches hitherto established 
(Acts ix. 32), in the course of which two 
great miracles were wrought on Aeneas and 
Tabithi, and in connection with which the 
most signal transaction after the day of 
Pentecost is recorded, the baptism of Cor- 
nelius. That was the crown and consum- 
matlo?. of Peter's ministry. The establish- 
ment of a Church in great part of Gentile 
origiii at Antioch, and the mission of Bar- 
nabas, between whose family and Peter 
there were the bonds of near intimacy, set 
the seal upon the work thus inaugurated by 
Peter. This transaction was soon followed 
by the imprisonment of our Apostle. His 
miraculous deliverance marks the close of 
this second great period of his ministry. 
The special work assigned to him was com- 
pleted. From that time we have no con- 
tinuous history of him. It is quite clear 
that he retained his rank as the chief Apos- 
tle, equally so that he neither exercised nor 
claimed any right to control their proceed- 
ings. He left Jerusalem, but it is not said 
where he went. Certainly not to Rome, 
where there are no traces of his presence 
before the last years of his life ; he probably 
remained in Judaea ; six years later we find 
him once more at Jerusalem, when the 
Apo»tles and elders came together to consid- 
er the 4uestion whether converts should be 
circumcised. Peter took the lead in that 
discussion, and urged with remarkable co- 
gency the principles settled in the case of 
Cornelius. His arguments, adopted and 
enforced by James, decided that question 
at once and forever. It is a disputed point 
whether the meeting between Paul and 
Peter, of which we have an account in the 
Galatians (ii. 1-10) took place at this time, 
or on St. Paul's return from his great Mis- 
sionary Journey. The only point of real 
importance was certainly determined before 
the Apostles separated, the work of con- 
verting the Gentiles being henceforth spe- 
cially intrusted to Paul and Barnabas, 
wliile the charge of preacliing to the cir- 
eumcision was assigned to the elder Apos- 



tles, and more particularly to Peter ^Gal 
ii. 7-9). This arrangement cannot, I'ow- 
ever, have been an exclusive one. I'aul 
always addressed himself first to the Ji^w? 
in every city : Peter and his old colleagues 
undoubtedly admitted and sought to make 
converts among the Gentiles. It may have 
been in full force only when the old and 
new apostles resided in the same city 
Such at least was the case at Antiocb, 
where Peter went soon afterwards. From 
this time until the date of his Epistles, we 
have no distinct notices in Scripture of 
Peter's abode or work. Peter was prob- 
ably employed for the most part in build- 
ing up, and completing the organization of 
Christian communities in Palestine and the 
adjoining districts. There is, however, 
strong reason to believe that he visited 
Corinth at an early period. The name of 
Peter as founder, or joint founder, is not 
associated with any local Church save those 
of Corinth, Antioch, or Rome, by early 
ecclesiastical tradition. It may be con- 
sidered as a settled point that he did not 
visit Rome before the last year of his life ; 
but there is satisfactory evidence that he 
and Paul were the founders of that Church, 
and suffered death in that city. The time 
and manner of the Apostle's martyrdom 
are less certain. According to the early 
writers, he suffered at or about the sam^ 
time with Paul, and in the Neronian per- 
secution. All agree that he was crucified 
— The Apostle is said to have employed 
interpreters. Of far more importance is 
the statement that Mark wrote his Gospel 
under the teaching of Peter, or that he 
embodied in that Gospel the substance of 
our Apostle's oral instructions. [Mark.] 
The only written documents which Petei 
has left, are the First Epistle, about which 
no doubt has ever been entertained in tlie 
Church; and the Second, which has been 
a subject of earnest controversy. 

Peter, First Epistle of. The exter- 
nal evidence of authenticity is of the strong- 
est kind ; and the internal is equally strong 
It was addressed to the Churches of Asia 
Minor, which had for the most part been 
founded by Paul and his companions. Sup- 
posing it to have been written at Babylon, 
it is a probable conjecture that Silvanus, by 
whom it was transmitted to those Churches, 
had joined Peter after a tour of visitation, 
and that his account of the condition of tlie 
Christians in those districts determined the 
Apostle to write the Epistle. The objects 
of the Epistle were — 1. To comfort and 
strengthen the Christians in a season of 
severe trial. 2. To enforce the practical 
and spiritual duties involved in their call- 
ing. 3. To warn them against special 
temptations attached to their position. 4. 
To remove all doubt as to the soundness 
and completeness of the religious sy 'evi 



PETER, SECOND EPISTLE OF 523 



FlIALTl 



which they liad already received. Such an 
attestation was especially needed by the 
Hebrew Christians, who were wont to ap- 
peal from Paul's authority to that of the 
elder Apostles, and above all to that of 
Peter. The last, which is perhaps the very 
principal object, is kept in view throughout 
the Epistle, and is distinctly stated, ch. v. 
ver. 12. The harmony of such teaching 
with that of Paul is suflSciently obvious ; 
but the indications of originality and in- 
dependence of thought are at least equally 
conspicuous. He dwells more frequently 
than Paul upon the future manifestation of 
Christ, upon which he bases nearly all his 
exhortations to patience, self-control, and 
the discharge of all Christian duties. The 
Apostle's mind is full of one thought — the 
realization of Messianic hopes. In this he 
is the true representative of Israel, moved 
by those feelings which were best calculated 
to enable him to do his work as the Apos- 
tle of the circumcision. But while Peter 
thus shows himself a genuine Israelite, 
his teaching is directly opposed to Judaiz- 
ing tendencies. He belongs to the school, 
jr, to speak more correctly, is the leader 
of the school, which at once vindicates the 
unity of the Law and Gospel, and puts the 
superiority of the latter on its true basis — 
that of spiritual development. The Apos- 
tle of the circumcision says not a word in 
this Epistle of the perpetual obligation, the 
dignity, or even the bearings of the Mosaic 
Law. He is full of the Old Testament; 
his style and thoughts are charged with its 
imagery ; but he contemplates and applies 
its teaching in the light of the Gospel ; he 
regards the privileges and glory of the 
ancient people of God entirely in their 
spiritual development in the Church of 
Christ. 

Peter, Second Epistle of. The fol- 
lowing is a brief outline of its contents : 
The customary opening salutation is fol- 
lowed by an enumeration of Christian 
blessings and exhortation to Christian du- 
ties (i. 1-13). Referring then to his ap- 
proaching death, the Apostle assigns as 
grounds of assurance for believers his own 
personal testimony as eye-witness of the 
transfiguration, and the sure word of proph- 
ecy — that is, the testimony of the Holy 
Ghost (14-21). The danger of being mis- 
led by false prophets is dwelt upon with 
great earnestness throughout the second 
chapter, which is almost identical in lan- 
guage and subject with the Epistle of 
Jude. The overthrow of all opponents of 
Christian truth is predicted in connection 
vrith prophecies touching the second ad- 
vent of Christ, the destruction of the world 
by fire, and the promise of new heavens 
and a new earth wherein dwelleth right- 
eousness (iii.). — This Epistle of Peter 
presents questions of difficulty. We have 



few refere Qces to it in the m r itings of th« 
early Fatl. ers ; the style diff^TS ma ariallj 
from that of the First Epistle , and thf 
resemblance, amounting to a studied imi- 
tation, between this Epistle and that of 
Jude, seems scarcely reconcilable with th«= 
position of Peter. Doubts as to its genu- 
ineness were entertained by the early 
Church; in the time of Eusebius it waa 
reckoned among the disputed books, and 
was not formally admitted into the Canon 
until the year 393, at the Council of Hippo. 
These difficulties, however, are insufficient 
to justify more than hesitation in admitting 
its genuineness. Supposing, as some emi- 
nent critics have believed, that this Epistle 
was copied by St. Jude, we should have 
the strongest possible testimony to its au- 
thenticity ; but if, on the other hand, we 
accept the more general opinion of modern 
critics, that the writer of this Epistle copied 
St. Jude, the following considerations have 
great weight. It seems quite incredible 
that a forger, personating the chief among 
the Apostles, should select the least im- 
portant of all the Apostolical writings for 
imitation; whereas it is probable that St. 
Peter might choose to give the stamp of 
his personal authority to a document bear- 
ing so powerfully upon practical and doc- 
trinal errors in the Churches which he ad- 
dressed. The doubts as to the genuinenese 
of the Epistle appear to have originated with 
the critics of Alexandria, where, however, 
the Epistle itself was formally recognized 
at a very early period. The opinions of 
modern commentators may be summed up 
under three heads. Many reject the Epis- 
tle altogether as spurious. A few considei 
that the first and last chapters were written 
by Peter or under his dictation, but that the 
second chapter was interpolated. But a 
majority of names may be quoted in sup- 
port of the genuineness and authenticity 
of this Epistle. 

Pethahi'ah. 1. A priest, over the 
19th course in the reign of David (1 Chr, 
xxiv. 16). 2. A Levite in the time of 
Ezra, who had married a foreign wife (Ezr. 
x. 23). He is probably the same who if 
mentioned in Neh. ix. 5. 3. The son of 
Meshezabeel, and descendant of Zerab 
(Neh. xi. 24). 

Pe'thor, a town of Mesopotamia, where 
Balaam resided (Num. xxii. 5 ; Deut. xxiii. 
4). Its position is wholly unknown. 

Pethu'el. The father of the prophet 
Joel (Joel i. 1). 

Peultha'i. Properly " Peullethai ; " the 
eigiith son of Obed-edom (1 Chr. xxvi. 5). 

Pha'lec. Peleg the son of Eber (Luke 
iii. 35). 

Phal'lu. Pallu the son of Reuben is so 
called in the A. V. of Gen. xlvi. 9. 

Phal'ti. The son of Laish of Gallim. 
to whom Saul gave Michal in marriage 



PHALIIEL 



024 



FHAflAUil 



liter his mad jealousy ha J driven David 
Forth as an outlav;^ (1 Sam. xxv. 44). In 2 
Sam. iii. 15 he is called Phaltiel. With 
;bf^ CKception of this brief mention of his 
flame, and the touching little episode in 2 
Sam. iii. 16, nothing more is heard of 
Phalti. 

PLfcl'tiel. The same as Phajlti (2 
Sam. iii. 15). 

Phanu'el. The father of Anna, the 
prophetess of the tribe of Aser (Luke ii. 

JPharaoh. the common title of the na- 
tive kings of Egypt in the Bible, corre- 
sponding to p-KA or PH-RA, " the Sun," of 
the hieroglyphics. As several kings are 
only mentioned by the title " Pharaoh " in 
the Bible, it is important to endeavor to 
discriminate them : 1. The Pharaoh of 
Abraham. — At the time at which the pa- 
triarch went into Egypt, it is generally held 
that the country, or at least Lower Egypt, 
was ruled bv the Shepherd kings, of whom 
the first and most powerful line was the 
XV th dynasty, the undoubted territories of 
which would be first entered by one com- 
ing from the east. The date at which 
Abraham visited Egypt was about b. c. 
2081, which would accord with the time of 
Salatis, the head of the xvth dynasty, ac- 
cording to our reckoning. 2. The Pharaoh 
of Joseph. — The chief points for the iden- 
tification of the line to which this Pharaoh 
belonged, are that he was a despotic mon- 
iirch, ruling all Egypt, who followed Egyp- 
tian customs, but did not hesitate to set 
then aside when he thought fit; that he 
eeems lv. have desired to gain complete 
power over the Egyptians ; and that he fa- 
vored strangers. These particulars cer- 
tainly lend support to the idea that he was 
an Egyptianized foreigner rather tlian an 
Egyptian. Baron Bunsen supposed that 
he was Sesertesen I., the head of the xiith 
dynasty, on account of the mention in a 
hieroglyphic inscription of a famine in that 
king's reign. This identification, altliough 
reseiving some support from the statement 
of Herodotus, that Sesostris, a name rea- 
sonably traceable to Sesertesen, divided 
fche land and raised his chief revenue from 
the rent paid by the holders, must be 
abandoned, since the calamity recorded 
does not approach Joseph's famine in cliar- 
acter, and the age is almost certainly too 
'•'^mote. If, discarding the idea that Jo- 
seph's Pharaoh was an Eg}'ptian, we turn 
to the Did view that he was one of tlie 
Shepherd kings, a view almost inevitable 
«f we infer that he ruled during the Sliep- 
herd-period, we are struck with the fitness 
of all the circumstances of the Biblical nar- 
rative. It is stated b}' Eusebius tliat the 
Pharaoh to whom Jacob came was one of 
fche Shepherd kings, perliaps Apophis, who 
velougeti t<» the xvth djl asty. He appears 



to have reigned from Joseph's appomtmeni 
(or, perhaps, somewhat earlier) until Ja- 
cob's death, a period of at least twenty-six 
years, from about b. c. cir. 1876 to 1»50, 
and to have been the fifth or sixth king of 
the xvth dynasty. 3. The Pharaoh of the 
Oppression. — The first persecutor of the 
Israelites may be distinguished as the Pha- 
raoh of the Oppression, from the second, 
the Pharaoh of the Exodus, especially as 
he commenced, and probably long carried 
on, the persecution. The general view is 
that he was an Egyptian. He has been 
generally supposed to have been a king of 
the xviiith or xixth dynasty : we believe 
that he was of a line earlier than either. 
If a Shepherd, he must have been of the 
xvith or the xviith dynasty. The reign of 
this king probably commenced a little be- 
fore the birth of Moses, which we place 
B. c. 1732, and seems to have lasted up- 
wards of forty years, perhaps much more. 

4. The Pfiaraoh of the Exodus. — What is 
known of the Pharaoh of the Exodus is 
rather biographical than historical. He 
was reigning for about a year or more be- 
fore the Exodus, which we place b. c. 1652. 

5. Pharaoh, father-in-law of Mered. — In 
the genealogies of the tribe of Judah, men- 
tion is made of the daughter of a Pharaoh, 
married to an Israelite; " Bithiah the 
daughter of Pharaoh, which Mered took " 
(1 Chr. iv. 18). This marriage may tend to 
aid us in determining the age of the sojourn 
in P^gypt. It is perhaps less probable tiiai 
an Egyptian Pharaoh would have given his 
daughter in marriage to an Israelite, than 
that a Shepherd king would have done so, 
before the oppression. 6. Pharaoh, brother- 
in-law of Hadad the Edomite. — This king 
gave Hadad as his wife the sister of his own 
wife Tahpenes (1 K. xi. 18-20). He was 
probably a Tanite of the xxist dynasty. 7. 
Pharaoh, father-in-law of Solomon. — Tlie 
mention that the queen was brought into 
the city of David, while Solomon's h«iuse, 
and the Temple, and the city-wall were 
building, shows that the marriage took place 
not later than the eleventh year of the 
king, when the Temple was finished, hav- 
ing been commenced in the fourth 3 ear (1 
K. vi. 1, 37, 38). He was probably also a 
Tanite of the xxist dynasty, but it seems cer- 
tain not the Pharaoh wlio was reigning fvhen 
Hadad left Egypt. This Pharaoh led an 
expedition into Palestine (1 K. ix. 16). 8- 
Pharaoh, the opponent of Sennacherib. - 
This Pliaraoh (Is. xxxvi. 6) can only be 
the Setlios whom Hfodotus mentions at- 
the opponent of Sennacherib, and who njiy 
reasonably be supposed to be the Zet of 
Manetho, the last king of his xxiiid dy- 
nasty. Tirhakah, as an Ethiopian, whether 
then ruling in Egypt or not, is, like So, 
apparently lot called Pharaoh. 9. Pha 
raoh Nedi\ . — The first mention in th« 



FHARAOH 



525 



PHAKISEES 



Bible of a proper name with the title 
Phariioh is the case of Pharaoh Necho, 
who ip also called Necho, simply. This king 
was of the Salte xxvith dynasty, of which 
Manetho makes him either the fifth ruler 
or the sixth. Herodotus calls him Kekos, 
and aS'^igns to him a reign of 16 years, 
"'hich is confirmed by the monuments, 
lie seems to have been an enterprising 
king, as he is related to have attempted to 
complete the canal connecting the Red Sea 
with the Nile, and to have sent an expedi- 
tion of Phoenicians to circumnavigate Af- 
rica, which was successfully accomplished. 
At the connnencement of his reign (b. c. 
610) he made war against the king of As- 
syria, and, being encountered on his way 
bv Josiah, defeated and slew the king of 
Judah at Megiddo (2 K. xxiii. 29, 30; 2 
Chr. XXXV. 20-24). Necho seems to have 
soon returned to Egypt. Perhaps he was 
on his way thither when he deposed Jehoa- 
haz. The army was probably posted at 
Carchemish, and was there defeated by 
Nebuchadnezzar in the fourth year of 
Necho (b. c. 607), that king not being, as it 
seems, tlien at its head (Jer. xlvi. 1, 2, 6, 
10). This battle led to the loss of all the 
Asiatic dominions of Egypt (2 K. xxiv. 7). 
10. Pharaoh Hophra. — The next king of 
Egypt mentioned in the Bible is Pharaoh 
Uophra, the second successor of Necho, 
from whom he was separated by the six 
years' reign of Psammetichus II. He canie 
to the throne about b. c. 589, and ruled 19 
years. Herodotus, who calls him Apries, 
makes him son of Psammetichus II., whom 
he calls Psammis, and great-grandson of 
Psammetichus I. In the Bible it is related 
that Zedekiah. the last king of Judah, was 
aided by a Pharaoh against Nebuchad- 
nezzar, in fulfilment of a treaty, and that 
an army came out of Egypt, so that the 
Chaldeans were obliged to raise the siege 
of Jerusalem. The city was first besieged 
in the ninth year of Zedekiah, b. c. 590, 
and was captured in his eleventh year, b. c. 
588. It was evidently continuously invested 
for a length of time before it was taken, so 
that it is most probable that Pharaoh's ex- 
pedition took place during 590 or 589. 
There may, therefore, be some doubt 
whether Psammetichus II. be not the king 
here spoken of: but it must be remembered 
that the siege may be supposed to have 
lasted some time before the Egyptians 
could have heard of it and marched to 
relieve the city, and also that Hophra may 
have come to the throne as early as b. c 590. 
The Egyptian army returned withoui efiect- 
ing its purpose (Jer. xxvii. 5-8 ; Ez. xvii. 
11-18; comp. 2 K. xxv. 1-4). No subse- 
quent Pliaraoh is mentioned in Scripture, 
but liiere are predictions doubtless refer- 
ring to the misfortunes of later princes 
«Jtil the second Persian conquest, when 



the prophecy, " There shall In no more a 
prince of the land of Egypt " (Ex. xxx. 
13), was fulfilled. 

Pharaoh's Daughter. Three Egyp- 
tian princesses, daughtei's of Pharaohs, 
are mentioned in the Bible. 1. The pre- 
server of Moses, daughter of the Pharaoh 
who first oppressed the Israelites (Ex. ii 
5-10). 2. Bithiah, wife of Mered, an Is 
raelite, daughter of a Pharaoh of an uncer^ 
tain age, probably of about the time of the 
Exodus (1 Chr. iv. 18). [Pharaoh, No. 
5.] 3. A wife of Solomon, most probably 
daughter of a king of the xxist dynasty 
(1 K. iii. 1, vii. 8, ix. 24). [Pharaoh, 7.] 

Pharaoh, The Wife of. The wife of 
one Pharaoh, the king who received Hadad 
the Edomite, is mentioned in Scripture. 
She is called " queen," and her name 
Tahpcnes, is given. Her husband wa? 
most probably of the xxist dynasty. [Tah 
PENES ; Pharaoh, 6.] 

Pha'res, Pharez or Perez, the son of 
Judah (Matt. i. 3; Luke iii. 33). 

Pha'rez (Perez, 1 Chr. xxvii. 3 ; Pha- 
RES, Matt. i. 3; Luke iii. 33; 1 Esd. v. 5), 
twin son, with Zarah or Zerah, of Judah 
and Tamar his daughter-in-law. The cir- 
cumstances of his birth are d<3tailed in 
Gen. xxxviii. Pharez seems to have kept 
the right of primogeniture over his brother, 
as, in the genealogical lists, his name comes 
first. The house also which he founded 
was far more numerous and illustrious 
than that of the Zarhites. Its remarkable 
fertility is alluded to in Ruth iv. 12, "Let 
thy house be like the house of Pharez, 
whom Tamar bare unto Judah." After the 
death of Er and Onan without children, 
Pharez occupied the rank of Judah's seconcf 
son, and from two of his sons sprang two 
new cliief houses, those of the Hezroniten 
and Hamulites. From Hezron's second sop 
Ram, or Aram, sprang David and the kings 
of Judah, and eventually Jesus Christ. In 
the reign of David the house of Pharez 
seems to have been eminently distin- 
guished. 

Pharisees, a religious party or school 
amongst the Jews at the time of Christ, so 
called from Perishin, the Aramaic form of 
the Hebrew word Per'Ashim,, " separated." 
The name does not occur either in the Old 
Testament or in the Apocrypha ; but it is 
usually considered that the Pharisees were 
essentially the same with the Assideana 
(i. e. chasidiTn = godly men, saints) men- 
tioned in the 1st Book of Maccabees ii. 42, 
vii. 13-17, and in the 2d Book xiv. 6). A 
knowledge of the opinions and practices of 
this party at the time of Christ is of great 
importance for entering deeply into the 
genius of the Christian religion. A cursory 
perusal of the Gospels is suflBicient to show 
that Christ's teaching was in some respects 
thoroughly antagrnistic to theirs. lie de- 



PHARISEES 



526 



PHARISEES 



nounctid them in the bitterest language. 
(See Matt. xv. 7, 8, xxiii, 5, 13, 14, 15, 23; 
Mark vii. 6 ; Luke xi. 42-44, and compare 
Matt. vii. 1-5, xi. 29, xii. 19, 20; Luke vi. 
28, 37-42.) Indeed, it is difficult to avoid 
the conclusion that His repeated denuncia- 
tions of the Pharisees mainly exasperated 
tliem into taking measures for causing his 
death ; so that in one sense He may be said 
to have slied His blood, and to have laid 
doivn His lite, in protesting against their 
practice and spirit. (See especially Luke 
xi. 53, 54.) Hence, to understand the 
Pharisees is, by contrast, an aid towards 
understanding the spirit of uncorrupted 
Christianity. Authorities. — The sources 
of information respecting the Pharisees are 
mainly threefold. 1st. The writings of 
Josephus, who was himself a Pharisee 
( Vit. 2), and who in each of his great 
works professes to give a direct account of 
their opinions (^B. J. li. 8, § 2-14 ; Ant. xviii. 
1, § 2, and compare xiii. 10, § 5, 6, xvii. 2, 
§4, xiii. 16, §2, and Vit. 38). The value 
of Josephus' accounts would be much 
greater i^' he had not accommodated them, 
more or iess, to Greek ideas. 2dly. The 
New Testament, including St. Paul's Epis- 
tles, in addition to the Gospels and Acts 
of the Apostles. 3dly. The first portion 
of the Talmud, called the Mishna, or "sec- 
ond law." This is by far the most impor- 
tant source of information respecting the 
Phdiisees; and it may safely be asserted 
Jhat it is nearly impossible to have adequate 
conceptions respecting them, without con- 
(sultiu^ that work. It is a digest of the 
Jewish traditions, and a compendium of the 
A- hole ritual law, reduced to writing in its 
present form by Rabbi Jehudah the Holy, 
a Jew of great wealth and influence, who 
flourished in the 2d century. Referring to 
the Mishna for details, it is proposed in this 
article to give a general view of the pecu- 
liarities of the Pharisees. 1. The funda- 
mental principle of the Pharisees common 
to them with all orthodox modern Jews is, 
that by the side of the written law regarded 
is a summary of the principles and general 
laws of the Hebrew people, there was an 
oral law to complete and to explain the 
written law. It was an article of faith that 
in the Pentateuch there was no precept, 
and no regulation, ceremonial, doctrinal, 
or l<;gal, of whi",b God had not given to 
Moses all explanations necessary for their 
application, with the order to transmit them 
by word of uiouth. It is not to be supposed 
that all the traditions which bound the Phar- 
isees were believed t3 be direct revelations 
to Moses on Mount Sinai. Viewed as a 
▼hole, they treated men like children, for- 
malizmg and defining the minutest particu- 
lars of ritual observances. The expressions 
of " bondag*^," of " weak and beggarly ele- 
•uents," and of " burdetM too heavy for men 



to bear," faithfully represent the impre»« 
sion produ ced by their multiplicity . [Tal- 
mud.] I. The Pharisees formed a kind of 
society. A member was called a chdbSr, 
and those among the middle and lower 
classes who were not members were called 
" .he people of the land," or the vulgar. 
Each member undertook, in the presence 
of three other members, that he would re- 
main tru'; to the laws of the association. 
Perhaps some of the most characteristic 
laws of the Pharisees related to what wa« 
clean and unclean. According to the Levit- 
ical law, every unclean person was cut oflf 
from all religious privileges, and was re- 
garded as defiling the sanctuary of Jehovah 
(Num. xix. 20). On principles precisely 
similar to tl ose of the Levitical laws (Lev. 
XX. 25, xxii. 4-7), it was possible to incur 
these awful religious penalties either by 
eating or by touching what was unclean 
in the Pharisaical sense. One point alone 
raised an insuperable barrier between the 
free social intercourse of Jews and other 
nations. This point is, " that anything 
slaughtered by a heathen should be deemed 
unfit to be eaten, like the carcass of an 
animal that had died of itself, and like such 
carcass should pollute the person who 
carried it." On the reasonable assumption 
that under such circumstances animals used 
for food would be killed by Jewish slaugh- 
terers, regulations the most minute are laid 
down for their guidance. In reference, 
likewise, to touching what is unclean, the 
Mishna abounds with prohibitions and dis- 
tinctions no less minute. To any one fresh 
from the perusal of the regulations upon 
this subject in the Mishna, the words 
" Touch not, taste not, handle not," seem a 
correct but almost a pale summary of their 
drift and purpose (Col. ii. 21) ; and the 
stern antagonism becomes vividly visible 
between them and Him who proclaimed 
boldly that a man was defiled not by any- 
thing he ate, but by the bad thoughts of the 
heart alone (Matt. xv. 11) ; and who, even 
when the guest of a Pharisee, pointedly 
abstained from washing his hands before a 
meal, in order to rebuke the superstition 
which attached a moral value to such a cer- 
emonial act (see Luke xi. 37-40). It is 
proper to add that it would be a great mis- 
take to suppose that the Pharisees were 
wealthy and luxurious, much more that 
they had degenerated into the vices which 
were imputec* to some of the Roman popes 
and cardinals during the 200 years preced- 
ing the Reformation. Josephus compared 
the Pharisees to the sect of the Stoics. He 
says that they lived frugally, in no respect 
giving in to luxury, but that they followed 
the leadership of reason in what it had se- 
lected and transmitted as a good. Although 
there would be hypocrites among then., U 
would be unreasonable to cluirge all the 



PHARISEES 



527 



PHICHOL 



Pliarisees as a body with hypocrisy, in the 
sense wherein we at the present day use the 
word. They must be regarded as having 
been come of the most intense formalists 
wliooL the world has ever seen. It was 
alleged against them, on the highest spir- 
itual authority, that they " made the word 
of God of no effect by their traditions." 
This would be true in the largest sense, 
from the purest form of religion in the Old 
Testament being almost incompatible with 
such endless forms (Mic. vi. 8) ; but it was 
true in another sense, from some of the 
traditions being decidedly at variance with 
genuine religion. IE. One of the funda- 
mental doctrines of the Pharisees was a 
belief in a future state. They appear to 
have believed in a resurrection of the dead, 
very much in the same sense as the early 
Christians. This is in accordance with St. 
Paul's statement to the chief priests and 
council (Acts xxiii. 6), that he was a Phar- 
isee, the son of a Pharisee, and that he was 
called in question for the hope and res- 
urrection of the dead; and it is likewise 
almost implied in Christ's teaching, which 
ioes not insist on the doctrine of a future 
life as anything new, but assumes it as 
already adopted by his hearers, except by 
the Sadducees, although he condemns some 
unspiritual conceptions of its nature as er- 
roneous (Matt. xxii. 30 ; Mark xii. 25 ; Luke 
XX. 34-36). III. In reference to the opinions 
of the Pharisees concerning the freedom of 
the will, a dilBculty arises from the very 
prominent position which they occupy in 
the accounts of Josephus, whereas nothing 
vitalh essential to the peculiar doctrines 
of the Pharisees seems to depend on those 
opinions, and some of his expressions are 
Greek, rather than Hebrew. "There were 
three sects of the Jews," he says, " which 
had different conceptions respecting human 
affairs, of which one was called Pharisees, 
the second Sadducees, and the third Es- 
senes. The Pharisees say that some things, 
and not all things, are the work of Fate ; but 
that some things are in our own power to 
be and not to be. But the Essenes declare 
that Fate rules all things, and that nothing 
happens to man except by its decree. The 
Sadducees, on the other hand, take away 
Fate, holding that it is a thing of nought, 
and that human affairs do not depend upon 
*t ; but in their estimate all things are in 
the r>ower of ourselves, as being ourselves 
the causes of our good things, and meeting 
w^ith evils through our own inconsiderate- 
ness." In reference to this point, the opin- 
ion of Graetz seems not improbable, that 
the real difference between the Pharisees 
and Sadducees was at first practical and 
political. [Sadducees.] IV. In reference 
to the spirit of proselytism among the Phar- 
isees, «tliere is indisputable authority for the 
itatep^ent ihat it nrevailed to a very great 



extent at the time of Christ (Matt, xxiii 

15) ; and attention is now called to it on 
account of its probable importance in hav- 
ing paved the way for the early diffusion 
of Christianity. Jews at the time of Christ 
had become scattered over the fairest por- 
tions of the civiliziid world. On the day 
of Pentecost, Jews are said to have been 
assembled with one accord in one place 
at Jerusalem, " from every region under 
heaven." Moreover, the then existing regu- 
lations or customs of synagogues afforded 
facilities which do not exist now either in 
synagogues or Christian churches for pre- 
senting new views to a congregation (Actt 
xvii. 2; Luke iv. 16). Under such auspices 
the proselytizing spirit of the Pharisees 
inevitably stimulated a thirst for inquiry, 
and accustomed the Jews to theological 
controversies. Thus there existed prece- 
dents and favoring circumstances for efforts 
to make proselytes, when the greatest of 
all missionaries, a Jew by race, a Pharisee 
by education, a Greek by language, and a 
Roman citizen by birth, preaching the res- 
urrection of Jesus to those who for the 
most part already believed in the resurrec- 
tion of the dead, confronted the elaborate 
ritual-system of the written and oral law by 
a pure spiritual religion, and thus obtained 
the co-operation of many Jews themselves 
in breaking down every barrier betweep 
Jew, Pharisee, Greek, and Roman, and ii» 
endeavoring to unite all mankind by the 
brotlierhood of a common Christianity. 

Pha'rosh. Elsewhere Parosh (Ezr. 
viii. 3). 

Phar'par, the second of the " two riv- 
ers of Damascus " — Abana and Pharpai 
— alluded to by Naaman (2 K. v. 12). Tht 
two principal streams in the district ot 
Damascus are the Barada and the Awaj . 
the former being the Abana, and the lattei 
the Pharpar. The Awaj rises on the S.E 
slopes of Hermon, and flows into the mosi 
southerly of the three lakes or swamps o\ 
Damascus. 

Phar'zites, The. The descendants ol 
Pharez, the son of Judah (Num. xxvi. 20) 

Pha'seah. Paseah 2 (Neh. vii. 51). 

Phase'lis, a town on the coast of Asia 
Minor, on the confines of Lycia and Pam- 
phylia, and consequently ascribed by the 
ancient writers sometimes to one and some- 
times to the other (1 Mace. xv. 23). 

Phe'be. [Phoebe.] 

Pheni'ce. 1. See Phoenice. PnoB- 
NiciA. 2. (Acts xxvii. 12), more pioperlj? 
Phoenix, the name of a haven in Crete oh 
the south coast. The name was doubtles? 
derived from the Greek word f(jr the palm- 
tree, which Theophrastus says was indi- 
genous in the island. It is the modern 
Lutrd. 

Phi'cliol, chief captain of the army ol 
Abimelech, king of the Philistines of Gerar 



PHILADELPHIA 



528 



PHILIP THE APOSTLE 



lu the days of both Abraham (Gen. xxi. 22, 
32) and Isaac (xxvi. 26). 

jPhiladel'phia, a town on the confines 
of Lydia and Phrygia Catacecaumene, built 
by Attains II., king of Pergamus. It was 
situated on the lower slopes of Tmolus, 
and is still represented by a town called 
AUah-shehr (city of God). Its elevation is 
952 feet above the sea. The original popu- 
lation of Philadelphia seems to have been 
Mace Ionian : but there was, as appears from 
Rev. iii. 9, a synagogue of Hellenizing 
Jews there, as well as a Christian Church. 
The locality was subject to constant earth- 
quakes, which in the time of Strabo ren- 
dered even the town-walls of Philadelphia 
unsafe. The expense of reparation was 
constant, and hence perhaps the poverty of 
the members of the Christian Church (Rev. 
ni. 8). 

Phile'raon, the name of the Christian 
io whom Paul addressed his Epistle in be- 
half of Onesimus. He was a native prob- 
ably of Colossae, or at all events lived in 
that city when the Apostle wrote to him ; 
first, because Onesimus was a Colossian 
(Col. iv. 9) ; and secondly, because Archip- 
pus was a Colossian (Col. iv. 17), whom 
Paul associates with Philemon at the be- 
ginning of his letter (Philem. 1, 2). It is 
related that Philemon became bishop of 
Colossae, and died as a martyr under Nero. 
Ft is evident from the letter to him that 
Philemon was a man of property and influ- 
ence, since he is represented as the head of 
a numerous household, and as exercising 
an expensive liberality towards his friends 
and the poor in general. He was indebted 
to the Apostle Paul as the medium of his 
personal participation in the Gospel. It is 
not certain under what circumstances they 
became known to each other. It is evident 
that on becoming a disciple, he gave no 
common proof of the sincerity and power 
of his faith. His character, as shadowed 
forth in the epistle to him, is one of the 
noblest which the sacred record makes 
known to us. 

Philemon, The Epistle of Paul 
to, iri one of the letters which the Apostle 
wrote during his first captivity at Rome. 
The time when Paul wrote may be fixed 
with uiuch precision. The Apostle at the 
close of the letter expresses a hope of his 
speedy liberation. Presuming, therefore, 
that he had good reasons for such an ex- 
pectation, we may conclude that this letter 
was written by him about the year a. d. 63, 
3; earl} in a. d. 64. Nothing is wanted 
n» confirm the genuineness of the epistle. 
1 lio external testimony is unimpeachable. 
The Canon ot Muratori enumerates this as 
■me of Paul's epistles. Origen and Euse- 
oms include it among the universally ac- 
knowledged writings of the early Christian 
times. Nor does the epistle itself offer 



anything to conflict with this decision. Bam 
would divest it of its historical character, 
and make it the personified illustrbitioit, 
from some later writer, of the idea that 
Christianity unites and equalizes in a highei 
sense those whom outward circumstances 
have separated. He does not impugn the 
external evidence. But, not to leave liis 
theory wholly unsupported, he suggests 
some linguistic objections to Paul's author- 
ship of the letter, which must Le pro- 
nounced unfounded and frivolous. Our 
knowledge respecting the occasion and 
object of the letter we must derive from 
declarations or inferences furnished by the 
letter itself. Paul, so intimately connected 
with the master and the servant, was anx- 
ious naturally to eifect a reconciliation be- 
tween them. Paul used his influence with 
Onesimus (in ver. 12) to induce him to re- 
turn to Colossae, and place himself again 
at the disposal of his master. On his de- 
parture, Paul put into his hand this letter 
as evidence that Onesimus was a true and 
approved disciple of Christ, and entitled 
as such to be received, not as a servant, 
but above a servant, as a brother in the 
faith. He intercedes for him as his own 
child, promises reparation if he had done 
any wrong, demands for him not only a re- 
mission of all penalties, but the reception 
of sympathy, aflection. Christian brother- 
hood. The result of the appeal cannot be 
doubted. It may be assumed from the 
character of Philemon that the Apostle's 
intercession for Onesimus was not unavail- 
ing. The Epistle to Philemon has one 
peculiar feature — its aesthetical character 
it may be termed — which distinguishes it 
from all the other epistles. The writer had 
peculiar difiiculties to overcome ; but Paul, 
it is confessed, has shown a degree of self- 
denial and a tact in dealing with them, 
which in being equal to the occasion could 
hardly be greater. 

Phile'tus was possibly a disciple of Hy- 
menaeus, with whom he is associated in 2 
Tim. ii. 17, and who is named without him 
in an earlier Epistle (1 Tim. i. 20). They 
appear to have been persons who believed _ 
the Scriptures of the O. T., but misinter- I 
preted them, allegorizing away the doctrine ■ 
of the Resurrection, and resolving it all into 
figure and metaphor. The delivering over 
unto Satan seems to have been a form of 
excommunication declaring the person re- 
duced to the state of a heathen ; and in the 
Apostolical age it was accompanied with 
supernatural or miraculous efi'ects upon 
the bodies of the persons so delivered. A 

Philip the Apostle was of Beth- 1 
saida, the city of Andrew and Peter (Jolin 
i. 44), and apparently was among the Gali- 
laean peasants of that district who flocked 
to hear the preaching of the Baptist.. The 
manner in which St. John speaks of him. 



2 



Plin.IP THE EVANGELIST 529 



PHILIPPl 



clie repetition by him of the selfsame words 
with which Andrew had brought to Peter 
the good news that the Christ had at hist 
ajipeared. all indicate a previous friendship 
witii tl'e sons of Joivi and of Zebedee, and 
* consequent participation in their Messi- 
Hinc hopes. Tlie close union of the t^o in 
J )lin vi, and xii suggests that he may 'lave 
owfd to Andrew the first tidings that the 
hop? had been fulfilled. The statement 
tliat Jesus found him (John i. 43) implies 
i pievrious seeking. To him first in the 
whole circle of tlie disciples were spoken 
tlie wordb so full of meaning, " Follow 
Die " (Ibid.). As soon as he has learnt to 
know his Master, he is eager to communi- 
cate his di ?covery to another who had also 
shared the same expectations. He speaks 
to Nathanael, probably on his arrival in 
Cana (corap. Jolm xxi. 2), as though they 
had not selJom communed together, of the 
intimations of a better time, of a divine 
kingdom, wliich they found in their sacred 
books. In the lists of the twelve Apostles, 
in the Synoptic Gospels, his name is as 
uniformly at the head of the second group 
of four, as the name of Peter is at that of 
the firsi (Matt. x. 3; Mark iii. 18; Luke 
vi. 14) ; and the facts recorded by St. John 
give the reason of this priority. Philip 
a])parently was among the first company 
of disciples who were wi.h the Lord at the 
commencement of His ministry, at the 
marriage of Cana, on His first appearance 
as a propliet in Jerusalem (John ii.). When 
John was cast into prison, and the work of 
declaring the glad tidings of the kingdom 
required a new company of preachers, we 
may believe- that he, like his companions 
and friends, received a new call to a more 
constant di^cipleship (Matt. iv. 18-22). 
When the 1 welve were specially set apart 
for their oflice, he was numbered among 
them. Tiie lirst three Gospels tell us noth- 
ing more of him individually. St. John, 
with his chai acteristic fulness of personal 
reminiscences, records a few significant ut- 
terances (John vi. 5-9, xii. 20-22, xiv. 8). 
No other fact connected with the name of 
Philip is recorded in the Gospel?. He is 
among the company of disciples at Jerusa- 
lem after the Ascension (Acts i. 13), and 
on the day of Pentecost. After this all is 
uncertain and apocryphal. 

Philip the Evangelist is first men- 
tioned in the account of the dispute be- 
tween the Hebrew and Hellenistic disciples 
in Acts vi. He is one of the Seven ap- 
pointed to superintend the daily distribu- 
tion of food and alms, and so to remove all 
suspicion of partiality. Whether the office 
to which he was thus appointed gave liim 
the position and the title of a Deacon of the 
Church, or wa« special and extraordinary 
in i's character, must remain uncertain. 
The after-history of Puilip warrants the 
34 



be .ief, n any case, that his office was nc» 
simpl} that of the later Diaconaie. The 
persecution of which Saul was the leader 
must have stopped the " daily ministra- 
tions " of the Church. The teacliers win. 
had betiu most prominent were compelkid 
to take to flight, and Philip was among 
them. It is noticeable that the city of Sa- 
maria is the first scene of his activitj 
(Acts viii.). He is the precursor of 8i. 
Paul in his work, as Stephen had been io 
his teaching. It falls to his lot, rati if i 
than to that of an Apostle, to take that fint 
step in the victory over Jewish prejudice 
and the expansion of the Church, accord- 
ing to its Lord's command. The ' scene 
which brings Philip and Simon the Sorcerer 
into contact with each other, in which the 
magician has to acknowledge a power over 
nature greater than his own, is interesting, 
rather as belonging to the life of the here- 
siarch than to that of the Evangelist. This 
step is followed by another. He is directed 
by an angel of the Lord to take the road 
that led down from Jerusalem to Gaza on 
the way to Egypt. Here he met the Ethio- 
pian eunuch (Acts vi. 26, foil.). The his- 
tory that follows is interesting as one of 
the few records in the N. T. of the process 
of individual conversion. A brief sen- 
tence tells us that Philip continued his 
work as a preacher at Azotus (Ashdod), and 
among the other cities that had formerly 
belonged to the Philistines, and, following 
the coast-line, came to Caesarea. Then 
for a long period, not less than eighteen or 
nineteen years, we lose sight of him. Tho 
last glimpse of him in the N. T. is in the 
account of St. Paul's journey to Jerusalem. 
It is to his house, as to one well known to 
them, that St. Paul and his companions 
turn for shelter. He has four daughters, 
who possess the gift of prophetic utterance, 
and who apparently give themselves to the 
work of teaching instead of entering on 
the life of home (Acts xxi. 8, 9). He is 
visited by the prophets and elders of Jeru- 
salem, One tradition places the scene of 
his death at Hierapolis in Phrygia. Ac- 
cording to another, he died Bishop of 
Tralles. The house in which he and his 
daughters had lived was pointed out to 
travellers in the time of Jerome. 
Philip Herod I., II. [Herod. 1 
Philip'pi, a city of Macedonia, about 
nine miles from the sea, to the N. W. of 
the island of Thasos, which is twelve miles 
distant from its port Neapolis, the modnrn- 
Kavalla. It is situated in a plain between 
the ranges of Pangaeus and Haenms. St. 
Paul, when, on his first visit to Macedonia 
in company with Silas, he embarked at^ 
Troas, made a straight run to Saraotlirace, 
and the next day to Neapolis, and from* 
thence to Philippi (Acts xvi. 11, 12',. The 
Philippi which St. Paul visitcvl was a Ro- 



PHILIPPIANS 



630 



PHILIPPIANS 



man colony founded by Augustus, and the 
remains which strew the ground near the 
modern Turkish viUage Bereketli are no 
doubt derived from that city. The original 
town, built by Pliilip of Macedonia, was 
probably not exactly on the same site. 
Philip, when he acquired possession of the 
site, found there a town named Datus or 
Datum, which was in all probability in its 
orig-iii a factory of the Phoenicians, who 
were tlie first that worked the gold-mines 
in the mountains here, as in the neighbor- 
ing Thasos. The proximity of the gold- 
mines was of course the origin of so large 
a city as Philippi, but the plain in which it 
lies is di" extraordinary fertility. The posi- 
tion, too, was on the main road from Rome 
to Asia, the Via Egnatia, which from Thes- 
salonica to Constantinople followed the 
^'a^ne course as the existing post-road. On 
■St. Paul's visits to Philippi, see the follow- 
ing article. 

Philippians, Epistle to the, was 
written by St. Paul from Rome in a. d. 62 
or G3. 1. The canonical authority, Pauline 
authorship and integrity of this Epistle were 
unanimously acknowledged up to the end 
of the 18th century. Marcion (a. d. 140) 
in tlie earliest known Canon held common 
ground witli the Church touching the au- 
thority of this Epistle : it appears in the 
Muratorian Fragment ; among the " ac- 
knowledged " books in Eusebius ; in the 
lists of the Council of Laodicea, a. d. 365, 
and the Synod of Hippo, 393 ; and in all 
subs quent lists, as well as in the Peshito 
and later versions. Even contemporary 
evidence may be claimed for it. Philippian 
Christians who had contributed to the col- 
lections for St. Paul's support at Rome, 
who had been eye and ear-witnesses of the 
return of Epaphroditus and the first read- 
ing of St. Paul's Epistle, may have been 
still alive at Philippi when Polycarp wrote 
(a. d. 107) his letter to them, in which (ch. 
2, 3) he refers to St. Paul's Epistle as a 
well-known distinction belonging to the 
Pliilippian Church. It is quoted as St. 
Paul's by Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria, 
and TertuUian. A quotation from it (Phil. 
ii. 6) is found in the Epistle of the Churches 
of Lyons and Vienne, a. d. 177. The tes- 
timonies of later writers are innumerable. 
But F. C. Baur, followed by Schwegler, 
has argued from the phraseology of the 
Epistle and other internal marks, that it is 
iJie wo.-k not of St. Paul, but of some 
Gnostic ft rger in the 2d century. 2. Where 
written. — The constant tradition that this 
Epistle was written at Rome by St. Paul in 
fiis captivity, was impugned first by Oeder 
(1731), who, disregarding the fact that the 
Apostle was in prison (i. 7, 13, 14) when 
he wrote, imagined that he was at Corinth ; 
and then by Paulus (1799), Schulz (1829), 
Bottger ( 1837 ) iuid RUliet C1841,, in whose 



opinion the Epistle was written during th« 
Apostle's confinement at Caesarea (Act* 
xxiv. 23) ; but the references to the " pal- 
ace " (praetorium, i. 13), and to "Caesar's 
household " (iv. 22), seem to point to Rv*n?c 
rather than to Caesarea. St. Paul's con- 
nection with Pliilippi was of a peculiai 
character, which gave rise to the wvitinf 
of this Epistle. St. Paul entered its walls, 
a. d. 52 (Acts xvi. 12). There, at a grealei 
distance from Jerusalem than any Apotttlti 
had yet penetrated, the long-restrained en- 
ergy of St. Paul was again employed in lay- 
ing the foundation of a Christian Charch. 
Philippi was endeared to St. Paul, not only 
by the hospitality of Lydia, the deep sym- 
pathy of the converts, and the remarkable 
miracle which set a seal on his preaching, 
but also by the successful exercise of his 
missionary activity after a long suspense, 
and by the happy consequences of his un- 
daunted endurance of ignominies, which 
remained in his memory (Phil. i. 30) after 
the long interval of eleven years. Leaving 
Timothy and Luke to watch over the infant 
Church, Paul and Silas went to Thessalo- 
nica (1 Thess. ii. 2), whither they were fol- 
lowed by the alms of the Pliilippians (Phil. 
iv. 16), and thence southwards. After the 
lapse of five years, spent chiefly at Corinth 
and Ephesus, St. Paul passed through Mace- 
donia, A. D. 57, on his way to Greece, and 
probably visited Philippi for the second 
time, and was there joined by Timothy. Hf 
wrote at Philippi his second Epistle to the 
Corinthians. On returning from Greece 
(Acts XX. 4), he again found a refuge 
among his faithful Philippians, where he 
spent some days at Easter, a. d. 58, with 
St. Luke, who accompanied him whfn he 
sailed from Neapolis. Once more, >n his 
Roman capti-^?ty (a. d. 62) their caie of 
him revived again. They sent Epa )]iro- 
ditus, bearing their alms for the Apostle's 
support, and ready also to tender his per- 
sonal service (Phil. ii. 25). St. Paul'f aim 
in writing is plainly tliis : while acki; »v 1- 
edging the alms of the Philippians ana the 
personal services of their messengei to 
give them some information respecting Idi 
own condition, and some advice respecfiig 
theirs. After the inscription (i. 1, 2) in 
which Timothy as the second father of the 
Church is joined with Paul, he sets fo tk 
his own condition (i. 3-26), his prayers, 
care, and wishes for his Pliilipi)ians, Witt 
the troubles and uncertainty of his impi is- 
onment, and his hope of eventually see;n^ 
them again. Then (i. 27-ii. 18) he exhofU 
them to those particular virtues which he 
would rejoice to see them practising at ihe 
present time. He hopes soon to hear a 
good report of them (ii. 19-30), either by 
sending Timothy, or by going himself tn 
tliem, as he now sends Epaphroditus, who8# 
diliijent service is hitf'alv commended. R«^ 



PniLISTlA 



531 



PHILISTINES 



ferting (iii. 1-21) to the tone of joy which 
runs through the preceding descriptions and 
exhortations — as in i. 4, 18, 25, ii. 2, 16, 17, 
18, 28 — he bids them take heed that their 
joy bo in the Lord, and -warns them against 
admitting itinerant Judaizing teachers, the 
tendency of whose doctrine was towards a 
eain confidence in mere earthly things ; in 
contrast to this, he exhorts them to follow 
h\m in placing their trust humbly but en- 
tirely in Christ, and in pressing forward 
in their Christian course, with the Resur- 
rection-day constantly before their minds. 
Again (iv. 1-9), adverting to their position 
in the inidst of unbelievers, he beseeches 
them, even with personal appeals, to be 
firm, united, joyful in the Lord ; to be full 
of prayer and peace ; and to lead such a life 
as must approve itself to the moral sense 
of all men. Lastly (iv. 10-23) he thanks 
them for the contribution sent by Epaphro- 
rlitus for his support, and concludes with 
salutations and a benediction. Though we 
cannot trace the immediate effect of St. 
Paul's Epistle on the Philippians, yet no 
cne can doubt that it contributed to form 
the character of their church, as it was in 
the time of Polycarp. It is evident from 
Polycarp's Epistle that the Church, by the 
grace of God and the guidance of the Apos- 
tle, had passed through those trials of which 
St. Paul warned it, and had not gone back 
from the high degree of Christian attain- 
ments which it reached under St. Paul's 
oraf and written teaching (Polyc. i., iii., ix., 
"ci.). Strangely full of joy and thanksgiv- 
ing amidst adversity, like the Apostle's mid- 
night hymn from the depth of his Philippian 
dimgeon, this Epistle went forth from his 
prison at Rome. In most other epistles he 
writes with a sustained effort to instruct, 
or with sorrow, or with indignation ; he is 
striving to supply imperfect, or to correct 
erroneous teaching, to put down scandalous 
impurity, or to heal schism in the Church 
which he addresses. But in this Epistle, 
though he knew the Philippians intimately, 
and was not blind to the faults and tenden- 
cies to fault of some of them, yet he men- 
tion.s no evil so characteristic of the whole 
Clmrch as to call for general censure on 
his part, or amendment on theirs. Of all 
hi.> Epistles to Churches, none has so little 
i^f an official character as this. 

Philis'tia (Heb. Pelesheth). The word 
fhus translated (in Ps. Ix. 8, Ixxxvii. 4, 
oviii 9) is hi the original identical with 
tl^at -IseAvherj rendered Palestine. 

Philis'tines. The origin of the Philis- 
cines is nowhere expressly stated in the 
bible ; but as the prophets describe them 
as " the Philistines from Caphtor " (Am. ix. 
7), and " the remnant of the maritime dis- 
trict of Caphtor " (J(;r. xlvii. 4), it is primd 
facie probable that they were the " Caph- 

nnis whicli came »ut of Caphtor" who 



expelled the Avira fiom their territory ana 
occupied it in their place (Deut. ii. 23), 
and that these again were the Caphtoriiu 
mentioned in the Mosaic genealogical table 
among the descendants of Mizraim (Gen. x. 
14). But in establishing this conclusion a 
difficulty arises out of the language of th<* 
Philistines ; for while the Caphtorim were 
Hamitic, the Philistine language is held to 
have been Semitic. This difficulty, howev- 
er, may be met by assuming either that the 
Caphtorim adopted the language of the 
conquered Avim, or that they diverged 
from the Hamitic stock at a period when 
the distinctive features of Hamitism and 
Semitism were yet in embryo. It has 
been generally assumed that Caphtor rep- 
resents Crete, and that the Philistines mi- 
grated from that island, either directly or 
through Egypt, into Palestine. But the 
name Ca,phtor is more probably identified 
with the Egyptian Coptos. [Caphtor.] 
The Cretan origin of the Philistines has been 
deduced, not so much from the name Caph- 
tor, as from that of the Cherethites. This 
name in its Hebrew form bears a close re- 
semblance to Crete, and is rendered Cretans 
in the LXX. But the mere coincidence of 
the names cannot pass for much without 
some corroborative testimony. Without 
therefore asserting that migrations may nol 
have taken place from Crete to Philistia, 
we hold that the evidence adduced to prove 
that they did is insufficient. — The Philis- 
tines must have settled in the land of 
Canaan before the time of Abraham; for 
they are noticed in his day as a pastoral 
tribe in the neighborhood of Gerar (Gen. 
xxi. 32, 34, xxvi. 1, 8). Between the times 
of Abraham and Joshua, the Philistines had 
changed their quarters, and had advanced 
northwards into the plain of Philistia. 
This plain has been in all ages remark- 
able for the extreme richness of its soil 
It was also adapted to the growth of mill 
tary power ; for while the plain itself per- 
mitted the use of war-chariots, which were 
the chief arm of offence, the occasional 
elevations which rise out of it offered se- 
cure sites for towns and strongholds. It 
was, niorever, a commercial country : from 
its position it must have been at all times 
the great thoroughfare between Phoenicia 
and Syria in the north, and Egypt and 
Arabia in the south. They had at an early 
period attained proficiency in the arts of 
peace. Their wealth was abundant (Judg. 
xvi. 5, 18), and they appear in all respects 
to have been a prosperous people. Pos- 
sessed of such elements of power, the 
Philistines had attained in the time of the 
Judges an important position among East- 
ern nations. About b. c. 1209 we find 
them engaged in successful war with the 
Sidonians (Justin, xviii. 3). The territory 
of the Philistines having been once oc- 



FHIL1STINE8 



53*2 



PHILIP TINES 



eupied by the Canaanites, formed a portion 
of the promised land, and was assigned to 
the tribe of Judah (Josh. xv. 2, 12, 45-47). 
No portion, however, of it was conquered 
in the lifetime of Joshua (Josh. xiii. 2), and 
even after his death no permanent con- 
qur>st was eflfected (Judg. iii. 3), though 
we are informed that the three cities of 
Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron were taken 
(Judg. i. 18). The Philistines soon recov- 
ered these, and commenced an aggressive 
policy against the Israelites, by which they 
gained a complete ascendency over them. 
Individual heroes were raised up from time 
to time, such as Shamgar the son of Anath 
(Judg. iii. 31), and still more, Samson 
(Judg. xiii.-xvi.) ; but neither of these men 
succeeded in permanently throwing off the 
yoke. Under Eli there was an organized 
but unsuccessful resistance to the encroach- 
ments of the Philistines, who were met at 
Aphek (1 Sam. iv. 1). The production of 
the ark on this occasion demonstrates the 
greatness of the emergency, and its loss 
marked the lowest depth of Israel's degra- 
dation. The next action took place under 
Samuel's leadership, and the tide of suc- 
cess turned in Israel's favor. The Israel- 
ites now attributed their past weakness to 
their want of unity, and they desired a 
king, with the special object of leading 
them against the foe (1 Sam. viii. 20). 
Saul threw off the yoke ; and the Philis- 
tines were defeated with great slaughter at 
Geba (1 Sam. xiii., xiv.). They made no 
attempt to regain their supremacy for about 
25 years, and the scene of the next con- 
test shows the altered strength of the two 
parties : it was no longer in the central 
country, but in a ravine leading down to 
the Philistine plain, the valley of Elah, the 
position of which is about 14 miles S. W. 
of Jerusalem : on this occasion the prowess 
of young David secured success to Israel, 
and the foe was pursued to the gates of 
Gath and Ekron (1 Sam. xvii.). The pow- 
er of the Philistines was, however, still in- 
tact on their own territory. The border 
warfare was continued. The scene of the 
next conflict was far to the north, in the 
valley of Esdraelon. The battle on this 
occasion proved disastrous to the Israelites ; 
Saul himself perished, and the Philistines 
penetrated across the Jordan, and occupied 
the forsaken cities (1 Sam. xxxi. 1-7). On 
the appointment of David to be king, he 
twice attacked them, and on each occasion 
with sigi^al success, in the first case cap- 
turing their images, in the second pursuing 
tiiem " from Geba until thou come to 
Gazer" (2 Sam. v. 17-25; 1 Chr. xiv. 
8-16). Henceforth the Israelites appear 
as the aggressors : about seven years after 
the defeat at Repliaira, David, who had now 
consolidated his power, attacked them on 
their own soil, and took Gath with its de- 



pendei c:es (I Chr. xviii. 1), and thus '^ac- 
cording to one interpretation of the obscure 
expression " Metheg-ammah " in 2 Sam. 
viii. 1) "he took the arm-bridle out of th«? 
hand of the Philistines," meaning that their 
ascendency was utterly broken. The whole 
of Philistia was included in Solomrn'p em- 
pire. The division of the empire at Sol- 
omon's death was favorable to t* e Plii- 
listine cause : Rehoboam secured ciimself 
against them by fortifying Gath an.l other 
cities bordering on the plain (2 Chr. xi. 8) : 
the Israelite monarchs were either not ro 
prudent or not so powerful, for tliey al- 
lowed the Philistines to get hold <»f Gib- 
bethon (1 K. xv. 27, xvi. 15). Judab 
meanwhile had lost the tribute (2 Chr. xvii. 
11). The increasing weakness of the Je\yish 
monarchy under the attacks of Hazae). ^ed 
to the recovery of Gath, which was e'fier- 
wards dismantled and probably destroy**! by 
Uzziah (2 Chr. xxvi. 6; 2 K. xii. 17). W'i 
have reason to suppose that the Philis incn 
were kept in subjection until the time o< 
Ahaz (2 Chr. xxviii. 18). A few yeaiB 
later, the Philistines, in conjunction with 
the Syrians and Assyrians, and perhaps »s 
the subject-allies of the latter, carried on a 
series of attacks on the kingdom of Israol 
(Is. ix. 11, 12). Hezekiah formed an alli- 
ance with the Egyptians, as a counterpoisjc 
to the Assyrians, and the possession of Phi- 
listia became henceforth the turning-point of 
the struggle between the two great empy-ee 
of the East. The Assyrians under Tartan, 
the general of Sargon, made an expedition 
against Egypt, and took Ashdod, as the 
key of that country (Is. xx. 1, 4, 5). Un- 
der Sennacherib Philistia was again the 
scene of important operations. The As- 
syrian supremacy was restored by Esar- 
haddon, and it seems probable that the As- 
syrians retained their hold on Ashdod until 
its capture, after a long siege, by Psammet- 
ichus. It was about this time that Philis- 
tia was traversed by a vast Scythian horde 
on their way to Egypt. The Egyptian as- 
cendency was not as yet re-established, for 
we find the next king, Neco, compelled to 
besiege Gaza on his return from the battle 
of Megiddo. After the death of Neco, the 
contest was renewed between the Egyptians 
and the Chaldaeans under Nebuchadnezzar, 
and the result was specially disastrous to 
the Pliilistines. The "old hatred" that 
the Philistines bore to the Jews was exhib- 
ited in acts of hostility at the time of the 
Bttbylonish captivity (Ez. xxv. 15-17) ; but 
on the return this was somewhat abated, 
for some of the Jews married PhilistiaL 
women, to the great scandal of their rulers 
(Neb. xiii. 23, 24). From this time the 
history of Philistia is absorbed in the strug- 
gles of the neighboring kingdoms. The 
latest notices of the Pliilistines as a nation 
occur in 1 Mace, iii.-v With regard to 



flllLOLOGUS 



533 



PHILOSOPHY 



ch»; institutions of the I'hilistines our infor- 
maiion is very scanty. The five chief 
cities had, as early as the days of Joshua, 
constituted themselves into a confederacy, 
restricted, however, in all probability, to 
matters of offence and defence. Each was 
under the government of a prince (Josh. xiii. 
3; Judg. iii. 3, &c.; 1 Sam. xviii. 30, xxix. 
6), and each possessed its own territory. 
The Philistines appear to have been deep- 
Ij imbued with superstition : they carried 
their idols with them on their campaigns (2 
Sam. V. 21), and proclaimed their victories 
in their presence (1 Sam. xxxi. 9). The 
gi^ds whom they chiefly worshipped were 
Dagon (Judg. xvi. 23 ; 1 Sam. v. 3-5 ; 1 
Chr. X. 10 ; 1 Mace. x. 83) ; Ashtaroth (1 
Sam. xxxi. 10 ; Herod, i. 105) ; and Baal- 
zebub (2 K. i. 2-6). 

Pllilol'OguS, a Christian at Rome to 
whom St. Paul sends his salutation (Rom. 
xvi. 15). 

Philosophy. It is the object of the 
following article to give some account (I.) 
of that development of thought among the 
Jews which answered to the philosophy 
of the West; (II.) of the recognition of 
the preparatory (propaedeutic) office of 
Greek philosophy in relation to Christian- 
ity; (III.) of the systematic progress of 
Greek philosophy as forming a complete 
whole ; and (IV.) of the contact of Chris- 
tidX-ity with philosophy. I. The Philo- 
somic Discipline of the Jews. — Phi- 
losophy, if we limit the word strictly to de- 
scribe the free pursuit of knowledge of which 
truth is the one complete end, is essentially 
of Western growth. In the East the search 
after wisdom has always been connected 
with practice. The history of the Jews 
offers no exception to this remark : there 
is no Jewish philosophy, properly so called. 
The method of Greece was to proceed from 
life to God; the method of Israel (so to 
speak) was to proceed from God to life. 
The axioms of one system are the conclu- 
sions of the other. The one led to the suc- 
cessive abandonment of the noblest domains 
of science which man had claimed original- 
ly as his own, till it left bare systems of 
morality ; the other, in the fulness of time, 
prepared many to welcome the Christ — 
the Truth. The philosophy of the Jews, 
using the word in a large sense, is to be 
sought for rather in the progress of the 
dational life than in special books. Step 
by step the idea of the family was raised 
into that of the people ; end the kingdom 
furnished the basis of those wider promises 
which included all nations in one kingdom 
of heaven. The social, the political, the 
eosmical relations of man were traced out 
gradually in relation to God. The philoso- 
phy of the Jews is thus essentially a moral 
p.hilosoj»hy, resting on a definite connection 
with (roi Thp doctiiucs of Creation and 



Providence, of an Infinite Diriiio Person, 
and of a responsible human will, which 
elsewhere form the ultimate limits of spec- 
ulation, are here assumed at the outset. 
The Psalms, which, among the other in- 
finite lessons which they convey, give a 
deep insight into the need of a personal 
apprehension of truth, everywhere declare 
the absolute sovereignty of God over the 
material and moral worlds. One man 
among all is distinguished among the Jews 
as "the wise man." The description vrhich 
is given of his writings serves as a com- 
mentary on the national view of philosophy 
(1 K. iv. 30-33). The lesson of practical 
duty, the full utterance of " a large heart" 
(Ibid. 29), the careful study of God's crea- 
tures : this is the sum of wisdom. Yet ic 
fact the very practical aim of this philoso- 
phy leads to the revelation of the most sub- 
lime truth. Wisdom was gradually felt to 
be a Person, throned by God, and holding 
converse with men (Prov. viii.). She was 
seen to stand in open enmity with "the 
strange woman," who sought to draw them 
aside bj' sensuous attractions ; and thus a 
new step was made towards the central 
doctrine of Christianity — the Incarnation 
of the Word. Two books of the Bible, 
Job and Ecclesiastes, of which the latter 
at any rate belongs to the period of the 
close of the kingdom, approach more near- 
ly than any others to the type of philo- 
sophical discussions. But in both the prob- 
lem is moral, and not metaphysical. The 
one deals with the evils which afflict " the 
perfect and upright; " the other with the 
vanity of all the pursuits and pleasures of 
earth. The Captivity necessarily exercised 
a profound influence upon Jewish thought. 
The teaching of Persia seems to have been 
designed to supply important elements in 
the education of the chosen people. But it 
did yet more than this. The contact of the 
Jews with Persia thus gave rise to a tra- 
ditional mysticism. Their contact with 
Greece was marked by the rise of distinct 
sects. In the third century b. c. the great 
doctor Antigonus of Socho bears a Greek 
name, and popular belief pointed to him a? 
the teacher of Sadoc and Boethus, the sup- 
posed founders of Jewish rationalism. At 
any rate, we may date from this time the 
twofold division of Jewish speculation. 
The Sadducees appear as the supporters of 
human freedom in its widest scope ; the 
Pharisees of a religious Stoicism. At a 
later time the cycle of doctrine was com- 
pleted, when by a natural reaction the Es- 
senes established a mystic Asceticism. II. 
The Patristic RECOGNiTioif of the Pro- 
paedeutic Office of Greek Philosophit. 
— The Divine discipline of the Jews was 
in nature essentially moral. The lessons 
which it was designed to teach were em- 
bodied in the family and the na^i'm. Yet 



rHlLOSOPHY 



634 



PHILOSOPHY 



ttiifi was not in itself a complete discipline 
of our uatuve. The reason, no less than 
the will and the affections, had an office to 
discharge in preparing man for the Incar- 
nation. The process and the issue in the 
two cases were widely different, but they 
were in some sense comjilementary. Phi- 
losopjiy failed as a religious teacher prac- 
tically (liom. i. 21, 22), but it bore noble 
witness to an inward law (Rom. ii. 14, 15). 
In its purest and grandest forms it was " a 
schoolmaster to bring men to Christ." This 
function of ancient philosophy is distinctly 
recognized by many of the greatest of the 
fathers. The use which was made of 
heathen speculation by heretical writers 
was one great cause of its disparagement 
by their catholic antagonists. This variety 
of judgment in the heat of controversy was 
inevitable. The full importance of the 
history of ancient Philosophy was then first 
seen when all rivalry was over, and it be- 
came possible to contemplate it as a whole, 
animated by a great law, often trembling 
on the verge of Truth, and sometimes by 
a " bold venture " claiming the heritage of 
Faith. III. The Development of Greek 
Philosophy. — The various attempts which 
have been made to derive Western Phi- 
losophy from Eastern sources have signal- 
ly failed. It is true that in some degree 
the character of Greek speculation may 
have been influenced, at least in its earliest 
stages, by religious ideas which were origi- 
nally introduced from the East ; but this 
indirect influence does not aflect the real 
originality of the great Greek teachers. 
The very value of Greek teaching lies in 
the fact that it was, as far as is possible, a 
result of simple Reason, or, if Faith as- 
serts its prerogative, the distinction is 
sharply marked. Of the various classifi- 
cations of the Greek schools which have 
been proposed, the simplest and truest 
^eems to be that which divides the history 
•)f Philosophy into three great periods, the 
first reaching to the era of the Sophists, 
tlie next to the death of Aristotle, the third 
to the Christian era. In the first period 
tlie world objectively is the great centre 
of inquiry : in the second, the " ideas " of 
things, truth, and being; in the third, the 
chief interest of philosophy falls back upon 
the practical conduct of life. After the 
Christian era philosophy ceased to have 
any true vitality in Greece, but it made 
fresh efforts to meet the ohanged conditions 
of life at Alexandria and Rome. 1. The 
pre- Socraiic Schools. — The first Greek phi- 
losophy was little more than an attempt to 
folio .V out in thought the mythic cosmogo- 
nies of earlier poets. What is the one per- 
manent element which underlies the chan- 
ging forms of things? — this was the pri- 
mary inquiry, to which the Ionic school en- 
ioavored to fin i an answer. 7'hales ^cir. 



B. c. 639-543) pointed to moisture 'waten 
as the one source and supportor of life. 
Anaximenes (cir. b. c. 620-480) substitut- 
ed air for water. At a much later datt* 
(cir. B. c. 450) Diogenes of Apollonia 
represented this elementary " air " as en- 
dowed with intelligence. 2. Tht S^cvatic 
Schools. — In the second period of Greek 
philosophy the scene and subjt:ct weie both 
changed. A philosophy of ideas, using 
the term in its widest sense, succcided a 
philosophy of nature. In three geneia- 
tions Greek speculation reached its great- 
est glory in the teaching of Socrates, Plato, 
and Aristotle. The famous sentence in 
which Aristotle characterizes the teach- 
ing of Socrates (b. c. 468-399) places his 
scientific position in the clearest light. 
There are two things, he says, which we 
may rightly attribute to Socrates — induc- 
tive reasoning and general definition. By 
the first he endeavored to discover the per 
manent element which underlies the chan 
ging forms of appearances and the varietien 
of opinion : by the second he fixed the truth 
which he had thus gained. But, besides 
this, Socrates rendered another service to 
truth. Ethics occupied in his investiga- 
tions the primary place which had hitherto 
been held by Pliysics. The great aim of 
his induction was to establish the sover- 
eignty of Virtue. He affirmed the exis^ 
ence of a univei'sal law of right and wrong 
He connected philosophy with action, both 
in detail and ia general. On the one ?ide 
he upheld the supremacy of Conscience, on 
the other the working of Providence. 3. 
The post- Socratic Schools. — After Aris- 
totle, Philosophy took a new direction. 
Speculation became mainly personal. Ep- 
icurus (b. c. 352-270) defined tlie object 
of Pliilosophy to be the attainment of a 
happy life. The pursuit of truth for its 
own sake he regarded as superfluous. He 
rejected dialectics as a useless study, and 
accepted the senses, in the widest accepta 
tion of the term, as the criterion of truth. 
But he differed widely from the Cyrenaics 
in his view of happiness. The happiness 
at which the wise man aims is to be found, 
he said, not in momentary gratification, hut 
in life-long pleasure. All things were sup- 
posed to come into being by chance, and so 
pass away. The individual was left master 
of his own life. While Epicurus asserted 
in this manner the claims of one part of 
man's nature in the conduct of life, Zeno, 
of Citium (cir. b. c. 280), with equal par- 
tiality, advocated a purely spiritual (intel- 
lectual) morality. The opposition between 
the two was comp lete. The infinite, chance- 
formed worlds of the one stand over against 
the one harmonious world of the other. 
On the one side are Gods regardless of 
material things, on the other a BeioR per- 
meating and vivifying all creation. TUi* 



FHIKEIIAS 



D30 



PHOENICE 



Aiffert.nce uecessarily found its chief ex- 
pression ill Ethics. IV. Christiantt V in 
Contact with Ancient Philosophy — 
The only direct trace of the contact of 
Christianity with Western Philosophy in 
the N T. is in the account of St. Paul's visit 
to Ath.in6 (Acts xvii. 18), and there is noth- 
ing in the apostolic writings to show that 
it exefcis3d any important influence upon 
Uie early Church (conip. 1 Cor. i. 22-24). 
But it was otherwise with Eastern specula- 
tion y hich penetrated more deeply through 
th<? mass of the people. The " philoso- 
phy ' against which the Colossians were 
warned (Col. ii. 8) seems undoubtedly to 
luiv-a been of Eastern origin, containing 
ttleiujiits similar to those which were after- 
wards embodied in various shapes of 
Gnosticism, as a selfish asceticism, and a 
superstitious reverence for angels (Col. ii. 
16-23) ; and in the Epistles to Timothy, ad- 
dressed to Ephesus, in which city St. Paul 
anticipated the rise of false teaching (Acts 
XX. 30), two distinct forms of error may be 
traced in addition to Judaism, due more or 
less to the same influence. The writings 
of the sub-apostolic age, with the exception 
of the famous anecdote of Justin Martyr 
{Dial. 2-4), throw little light upon the 
relations of Christianity and Philosophy. 
Christian Philosophy may be in one sense 
a contradiction in terms, for Christianity 
confessedly derives its first principles from 
rev illation, and not from simple reason; 
but there is no less a true Philosophy of 
Cliristianity, which aims to show how com- 
pletely these meet the instincts and aspira- 
ti<ms of all ages. The exposition of such 
a Philosophy would be the work of a mod- 
ern Origen 

Phin'ehas. l. Son of Eleazar and 
grandson of Aaron (Ex. vi. 25) . He is mem- 
orable for having while quite a youth, by 
his zeal and energy at the critical moment 
of the licentious idolatry of Shittim, ap- 
peased the divine wrath, and put a stop to 
the plague which was destroying the nation 
(Num. XXV. 7). For this he was rewarded 
by the special approbation of Jehovah, and 
by a promise that the priesthood should 
remain in his family forever (10-13). He 
was appointed to accompany as priest the 
expedition by which the Midianites were 
destroyed (xxxi. 6). Many years later he 
also beaded the party who were despatched 
from Shiloh to remonstrate against tlie 
Jiltar whicli the trans Jordanic tribes were 
reported to have built near Jordan (J osh. 
sxii. 13-32). In the partition of the coun- 
try he rer^eived an allotment of his own — 
A hill on Mount Ephraim which bore his 
name. After Eleazai's death he became 
higb-pri(;8t — the 3d of the series. In this 
capacity he is introduced as giving the 
oracle to the nation during the whole strug- 
g\t. V ''.h the BenJ9mit£3 on the matter of 



Gibeah (Judg. xx. 28). The verse wnlo.^ 
closes the Book of Joshua is ascribed to 
Phinehas, as the description of the death 
of Moses at the end of Deuteronomy is \.<\ 
Joshua. The tomb of Phinehas, a olaee 
of great resort to both Jews and Samari- 
tans, is shown at Awertah, four miles S. E 
of J^aUus. 2. Second son of Eli (1 Sam. 
i. 3, ii. 34, iv. 4, 11, 17, 19, xiv. 3). Phinehas 
was killed with his brother by the Philis- 
tines when the ark was captured. [Eli.] 
3. A Levite of Ezra's time (Ezr. viii. 33\ 
unless the meaning be that Eleazar was kA 
the family of the great Pliinehas. 

Phle'gon. A Christian at Rome whom 
St. Paul salutes (Rom. xvi. 14). Fseudo- 
Hippolytus makes him one of the seventy 
disciples and bishop of Marathon. 

Phoe'be, the first, and one of the most 
important, of the Christian persons the de- 
tailed mention of whoni fills nearly all the 
last chapter of the Epistle to the Romans. 
What is said of her (Rom. xvi. 1, 2) is 
worthy of especial notice, because of its 
bearing on the question of the deaconesses 
of the Apostolic Church. 

Phoeni'ce, Phoenie'ia, a tract of 
country, of which Tyre and Sidon were th« 
principal cities, to the north of Palestine, 
along the coast of the Mediterranean Sea; 
bounded by that sea on the west, and by the 
mountain range of Lebanon on the east. 
The name was not the one by which its 
native inhabitants called it, but was given 
to it by the Greeks, from the Greek word 
for the palm-tree. The native name of 
Phoenicia was Kenaan {Canaan) or KnA, 
signifying lowland, so named in contrast 
to the adjoining Aram, i. e. highland, tht 
Hebrew name of Syria. The length of 
coast to which the name of Phoenicia was 
applied varied at different times. 1. What 
may be termed Phoenicia proper was a nar- 
row undulating plain, extending from the 
pass of Eds el-Beydd ov Ahyad, the " Prom- 
ontorium Album " of the ancients, about 
six miles south of Tyre, to the Nahr el- 
Auly, the ancient Bostrenus, two miles 
north of Sidon. The plain is only 28 miles 
in length. Its average breadth is about a 
mile ; but near Sidon, the mountains retreat 
to a distance of 2 miles, and near Tyre to 
a distance of 5 miles. 2. A longer district 
which afterwards became entitled to '.he 
name of Phoenicia, extended up the ( :ast 
to a point marked by the island of Ara lus, 
and by Antaradus towards the nort.'i ; tlu 
southern boundary remaining tlie same a.s 
in Phoenicia Proper. Phoenicia, thus de- 
fined, is estimated to have betn about IL'U 
miles in length: rhile its breadth, betw?en 
Lebanon and the sea, never exceeded 20 
miles, and was generally much less. Scai cc- 
ly 16 geographical miles farther north than 
Sidon was Berytus, \^ith a roadstead so 
well suited for t^^e numosea ( f moderfc 



PHOENICE 



536 



PHOENICE 



aayigaticii, that, under the modem name 
»f Beirovt, it has ecHpsed both Sidon and 
Tyre as an emporium for Syria. Still far- 
ther north was Byblus, the Gebal of the 
Bible (Ez. xxvii. 9), inhabited by seamen 
ftnd calkers. It still retains in Arabic the 
kindred name of Jeheil. Then came Trip- 
ulis (now Tardbulus), said to have been 
■founded by colonists from Tyre, Sidon, and 
ira.lus, with three distinct towns. And 
lastly, towards the extreme point north was 
Aradus itself, the Arvad of Gen. x. 18, and 
Ez. xxvii. 8 ; situated, like Tyre, on a small 
island near the mainland, and founded by 
exiles from Sidon. The whole of Phoe- 
ai(;ia Proper is well watered by various 
streams from the adjoining hills. The 
havens of Tyre and Sidon afforded water 
of sufficient depth for all the requirements 
of ancient navigation, and the neighboring 
range of the Lebanon, in its extensive for- 
ests, furnished what then seemed a nearly 
inexhaustible supply of timber for ship- 
building. In reference to the period when 
the Phoenicians had lost their independence, 
scarcely any two Greek and Roman writers 
give precisely the same geographical boun- 
daries to Phoenicia. In the Apocrypha, it 
is not defined, though spoken of as being, 
with Coele- Syria, unjier one military com- 
mander (2 Mace. iii. 5, 8, viii. 8, x. 11 ; 
3 Mace iii. 15). In the New Testament, 
the word occurs only in three passages. 
Acts xi. 19, XV. 3, xxi. 2 ; and not one 
of these affords a cl^ew as to how far the 
writer deemed Phoenicia to extend. The 
Phoenicians spoke a branch of the Semitic 
language so closely allied to Hebrew, that 
Phoenician and Hebrew, though different 
dialects, may practically be regarded as the 
same language. Concerning the original 
race to which the Phoenicians belonged, 
nothing can be known with certainty, be- 
cause they are found already established 
along the Mediterranean Sea at the earliest 
dawn of authentic history, and for centuries 
afterwards there is no record of their origin. 
According to Herodotus (vii. 89), they said 
of themselves in his time that they came in 
lays of old from the shores of the Red Sea ; 
and in this there would be nothing in the 
slightest degree improbable, as they spoke 
a language cognate to that of the Arabians, 
who inhabited the east coast of that sea. 
Still neither the truth nor the falsehood of 
the tradition can now be proved. But there 
is one point respecting their race which can 
be proved to be in the highest degree prob- 
able, and which has peculiar interest as 
bearing on the Jews, viz. that the Plioeni- 
cians were of the same race as the Ca- 
naanites. In regard to Phoenician trade, 
connected with the Israelites, it must be 
recollected that up to the time of David, 
not one of the twelve tribes seems to have 
posi^ssed a single harbor oa the sea-coast: 



it was impossible therefore that they could 
become a commercial people. But from 
the time that David liad conquered E'loni, 
an opening for trade was afforded to the 
Israelites. The command of Eziongeber 
near Elnth, in the land ol Edoin. enabl.?d 
them to engage in tlie navigation ol the Red 
Sea. As they were novices, however at 
sailing, and as the Plioenicians, during the 
period of the independence of Edom, wer«' 
probably allowed to trade from Ezion-geber, 
it was pohtio in Solomon to permit the 
Phoenicians of Tyre to have docks, and 
build ships at Ezion-geber on corxdition 
that his sailors and vessels might have the 
benefit of their experience. The results 
seem to have been strikingly successful. 
The religion of the Phoenicians, opposed 
to Monotheism, was a Pantheistical person- 
ification of the forces of nature, and in its 
most philosophical shadowing forth of the 
Supreme powers, it may be said to have 
represented the male and female principles 
of production. In its popular form, it was 
especially a worship of the sun, moon, and 
five planets, or, as it might have been ex- 
pressed according to ancient notions, of 
the seven planets — the most beautiful, and 
perhaps the most natural, form of idolatrj 
ever presented to the human imagination. 
These planets, however, were not regard- 
ed as lifeless globes of matter, obedient to 
physical laws, but as intelligent animated 
powers, influencing the human will, and 
controlling human destinies. It will be 
proper here to point out certain effects 
which the circumstance of their being wor- 
sliipped in Phoenicia produced upon the 
Hebrews. 1. In the first place, their wor- 
ship was a constant temptation to Poly- 
theism and idolatry. It can scarcely be 
doubted that the Phoenicians, as a great 
commercial people, were more generally 
intelligent, and as we should now say civil- 
ized, than the inland agricultural popula 
tion of Palestine. When the simple-mind- 
ed Jews, therefore, came in contact with a 
people more versatile, and, apparently, more 
enlightened than themselves, but who nev- 
ertheless, either in a philosophical or in a 
popular form, admitted a system of Poly- 
theism, an influence would be exerted on 
JeM'ish minds, tending to make them regard 
their exclusive devotion to their own one 
God, Jehovah, however transcendent His 
attributes, as unsocial and morose. 2. Th? 
Phoenician religion was likewise in other 
respects deleterious to the inhabitants of 
Palestine, being in some points essential i*' 
demoralizing. For example, it sanctioned 
the dreadful superstition of burning children 
as sacrifices to a Phoenician god. Agair. 
parts of the Phoenician religion, especially 
the worship of Astarte, tended to encourage 
dissoluteness in the relations of the sexes, 
and even to sanctify impurities of the mofl 



PHRYGIA 



537 



PIETY 



ftboniiiiable description. The only other 
fact respecting the Phoenicians that need 
be mentioned here is, that the invention 
of letters was universally asserted by the 
Greeks and Radians to have been commu- 
nicated by the Phoenicians to the Greeks. 
The names of the letters in the Hebrew 
alphabet are ii accordance with this belief. 
Moreover, as t^ writing, the ancient Hebrew 
U tttTs, substantially the same as Phoenician, 
igree closely with ancient Greek letters. 
For further details respecting the Phoeni- 
cirifis, see Tyre and Zidon. 

Phryg'ia. Perhaps there is no geo- 
graphical term in the New Testament which 
is less capable of an exact definition. In fact 
there was no Roman province of Phrygia 
till considerably after the first establish- 
ment of Christianity in the peninsula of 
Asia Minor. The word was rather eth- 
nological than political, and denoted, in a 
vague manner, the western part of the 
central region of that peninsula. Accord- 
ingly, in two of the three places where it 
is used, it is mentioned in a manner not 
intended to be precise (Acts xvi. 6, xviii. 
23). By Phrygia we must understand an 
extensive district in Asia Minor, which con- 
tributed portions to several Roman prov- 
inces, and varying portions at different 
times. 

Phu'rah, Gideon's servant, probably 
his armor-bearer (comp. 1 Sam. xiv. 1), 
who accompanied him in his midnight visit 
to the camp of the Midianites (Judg. vii. 
10, 11). 
Phu'rini; Esth. xi. 1. [Purim.] 
Phut, Put, the third name in the list 
of the sons of Ham (Gen. x. 6 ; 1 Chr. i. 8), 
elsewhere applied to an African country or 
people. The few mentions of Phut in the 
Bible clearly indicate a country or people 
of Africa, and, it must be added, probably 
not far from Egypt (Is. Ixvi. 19 ; Nah. iii. 
9 ; Jer. xlvi. 9 ; Ez. xxvii. 10, xxx. 5, 
xxxviii. 5). From these passages we can- 
not infer anything as to the exact position 
of this country or people ; unless indeed 
in Nahum, Cush and Phut, Mizraim and 
Lubim, are respectively connected, which 
might indicate a position south of Egypt 
d?hu'vall, one of the sons of Issachar 
(Gen. xlvi. 13), and founder of the family 
of the PuNiTES. 
Phygel'lus. [Hermogenes.] 
Phylactery. [Frontlets.] 
Pi-be 'seth, a town of Lower Egypt, 
.nentioned in Ez. xxx. 17, the same as Bu- 
bastis, which was situate on the west bank 
of the P?lusia : branch of the Nile, about 40 
miles fiom Memphis. 

Picture. In two of the three passages 
in which "" picture " is used in the A. V. it 
denotes idolatrous representations, either 
iiidepenJont images, or more usnaliy stones 
''*' portrayed," i. e. sculptured in low relief, 



or engraved and colored (Ez. xxiii. 14, 
Layard, Mn. Sj- Bab. ii. 306, 308). Mov- 
: able pictures, in the modern sense, were 
doubtless unknown to the Jews. The 
j " pictures of silver ' of Prov. xxv. 11, were 
' probably wall-surfacos or cornices with car- 
vings. 

Piece of Gold. The A. V. in render- 
ing the elliptical expression " six thousand 
of gold," in a passage respecting Naaman, 
relating that he " took with him ten talents 
of silver, and six tliousand of gold, and ten 
changes of raiment " (2 K. v. 5), supplies 
" pieces " as the word understood. The 
rendering " pieces of gold" is very doubt- 
ful; and "shekels of gold," as designating 
the value of the whole quantity, not indi- 
vidual pieces, is preferable. 

Piece of Silver. The passages in thw 
O. T. and those in the N. T. in which the 
A. V. uses this term, must be separately 
considered. I. In the O. T. the word 
" pieces " is used in the A. V. for a word 
understood in the Hebrew, if we except one 
case to be afterwards noticed. The phrase 
is always "a thousand" or the like " of 
silver" (Gen. xx. 16, xxxvii. 28, xlv. 22; 
Judg. ix. 4, xvi. 5 ; 2 K. vi. 25 ; Hos. iii. 2 ; 
Zech. xi. 12, 13). In similar passages the 
word "shekels" occurs in the Hebrew. 
There are other passages in which the A. 
V. supplies the word " shekels " instead of 
"pieces" (Deut. xxii. 19, 29; Judg. xvii. 
2, 3, 4, 10; 2 Sam. xviii. 11, 12), and of 
these the first two require this to be done. 
The shekel, be it remembered, was the 
common weight for money, and therefore 
most likely to be understood in an elliptical 
phrase. The exceptional case in which a 
word corresponding to " pieces " is found 
in the Hebrew is in the Psalms (Ixviii. 30, 
Heb. 31). The word rats, which occurs 
nowhere else, if it preserve its radica' 
meaning, must signify a piece broken off 
or a fragment ; there is no reason to sup 
pose that a coin is meant. II. In the N. T. 
two words are rendered by the phrase 
" piece of silver : " 1. Drachma (Luke 
XV. 8, 9), which was a Greek silver coin, 
equivalent, at the time of St. Luke, to the 
Roman denarius. 2. Silver only occurs in 
the account of the betrayal of our Lord foi 
" thirty pieces of silver " (Matt. xxvi. 16, 
xxvii. 3, 5, 6, 9). It is difficult to ascertain 
what coins are here intended. If the most 
common silver pieces be meart, they would 
be denarii. The parallel passage in Zech- 
ariah (xi. 12, 13) must, however, be taken 
into consideration, whore shekels must be 
understood. It is more probable that the 
thirty pieces of silver were tetradrachms 
than that they were denarii. 

Piety. This word oc^^irs but once iii 
the A. V. : " Let them learn first to show 
piety at home," better, " towards their ow» 
household ■' (1 Tin. v. 4) The c'iri(jeo* 



PIGEON 



088 



PILLED 



ibis word here instead of the more usual 
equivalents of " godliness," " reverence, " 
and the like, was probably determined by 
the special sense of pietas, as " erga pa- 
rtntes," i. e. towards parents. 

Pigeon. [TuRTLK-DovE.] 

Pi-hahi'roth, a place before or at 
which the Israelites encamped, at the close 
if the third march from Rameses, wht?n 
^.hey went out of Egypt (Ex. xiv. 2, 9; 
iVum. xxiii. 7, 8). It is an Egyptian word, 
signifying "the place where sedge grows." 

Pi'late, Pon'tius. The name indi- 
cates that he was connected, by descent or 
adoption, vrith the gens of tlie Pontii, first 
conspicuous in Roman history in the person 
of C. Pontius Telesinus, the great Samnite 
general. He was the sixth Roman procu- 
rator of Judaea, and under him our Lord 
worked, suffered, and died, as we learn, 
not only from Scripture, but from Tacitus 
{Aim. XV. 44). He was appointed a. b. 
25-6, in the 12th year of Tiberius. His 
arbitrary administration nearly drove the 
Jews to insurrection on two or three occa- 
sions. One of his first acts was to remove 
the headquarters of the army from Caesarea 
to Jerusalem. The soldiers of course took 
with them their standards, bearing the im- 
age of the emperor, into the Holy City. No 
previous governor had ventured on such 
xn outrage. The people poured down in 
crowds to Caesarea, where the procurator 
was then residing, and besought him to 
remove the images. After five days of dis- 
cussion hf gave the signal to some concealed 
soldiers to surround the petitioners, and put 
them to death unless they ceased to trouble 
him; but this only strengthened their de- 
termination, and they declared themselves 
ready rather to submit to death than forego 
their resistance to an idolatrous innovation. 
Pilate then yielded, and the standards were 
by Ms orders brought down to Caesarea. 
His slaughter of certain Galileans (Luke 
xiii. 1) led to some remarks from our Lord 
on tie connection between sin and calam- 
ity. It must have occurred at some feast 
at Jerusalem, in the outer court of the 
Temple. It was the custom for the procu- 
rators to reside at Jerusalem during the 
great feasts, to preserve order, and accord- 
ingly, at the time of our Lord's last pass- 
over, Pilate was occupying his oflBicial res- 
idence in Herod's palace. The history 
of his condemnation of our Lord is related 
fully elsewhere. [Jesds Christ, p. 291.] 
We learn from Josephus that Pilate's anxi- 
ety to avoid giving offence to Caesar did 
not save him from political disaster. Tlie 
Samaritans were unquiet and rebellious — 
Pilate led his troops against them, and de- 
feated them easily enough. The Samari- 
tans complained to Vitellius, now president 
of Syria, and he sent Pilate to Rome to 
unswer their accusation* before the emper- 



or. When he leactiedit he found Tiberi^M 
deal, and Caius (Caligula) on the throne, 
A. D. 36. Eusebius adds that soon after- 
wards, "wearied with misfortunes," lie 
killed himself. As to the scene of hia 
death there are various traditions. One 
is, that he was banished to Vienna iiillob- 
rogum (Vienne on the Rhone), where a 
singular monument — a pyrami i on a quad- 
rangular base, 52 feet high — is called Pon- 
tius Pilate's tomb. Another is, that he 
sought to hide his sorrows on the moun- 
tain by the Lake of Lucerne, now called 
Mount Pilatus ; and there, after spending 
years in its recesses, in remorse and de- 
spair rather than penitence, plunged into 
the dismal lake which occupies its sum- 
mit. We learn from the Fathers that 
Pilate made an official report to Tiberius 
of our Lord's tr.^al and condemnation; but 
the Acta Pilati now extant in Greek, and 
two Latin epistles from him to the emperor, 
are certainly spurious. 

Pil'dash, one of the eight sons of Na- 
hor, Abraham's brother, by his wife and 
niece, Milcah (Gen. xxii. 22). 

Pil'eha, the name of one of the chief 
of the people, probably a family, who 
signed the covenant with Nehemiah (Ntih. 
X. 24). 

Pillar. The notion of a pillar is of a 
shaft or isolated pile, either supporting ui 
not supporting a roof. But perhaps the 
earliest application of the pillar was the vo- 
tive or monumental. This in early times 
con?iated of nothing but a single stone, or 
pile oi stones (Gen. xxviii. 18, xxxi. 46, 
&c.). The stone Ezel (1 Sam xx. 19"' 
was probably a terminal stone, or a way- 
mark. The "place" set up by Saul (.1 
Sam. XV. 12) is explained by St. Jerome to 
be a trophy. So also Jacob set up a pillar 
over Rachel's grave (Gen. xxxv. 20). The 
monolithic tombs and obelisks of Petra are 
instances of similar usage. Lastly, the 
figurative use of the term "pillar," in ref- 
erence to the cloud and fire accompanying 
the Israelites on their march, or as in Cant 
iii. 6, and Rev. x. 1, is plainly derived from 
the notion of an isolated column not sup- 
porting a roof. 

Pillar, Plain of the, or rather " oak 
of the pillar " — that being the real signifi- 
cation of the Hebrew word el6n. A tree 
which stood near Shechem, and at which 
the men of Shechem and the house of Millo 
assembled to crow \ Abimelech son of Gid- 
eon (Judg. ix. 6). 

Pilled (Gen. xxx. 37, 38) : Feelei> 
(Is. xviii. 2; Ez. xxix. 18). The verb 
"to pill " appears in old Eng. as identical 
in meaning with " to peel = to fetrip," and 
in this sense is used in the above passage? 
from Gen. Of the next stage in its mean - 
ing as = plunder, we have traces in th«f 
words "pillage," "pilfer." In the Eng 



PILTAI 



039 



PITCH 



Use of tue 17th century " peel " was u&cd 
for the latter signification. 

Pil'tai, the representative of the priestly 
house of Moadiah, or Maadiah, in the time 
of Joiakim the son of Jeshua (Neh. xii. 17). 

Pine-tree. 1. Heb. Tidhdr (Is. xli. 
19. Ix. 13). What tree is intended is not 
certain; but the rendering "pine" seems 
least probable of any. 2. Shemen (Neh. 
viii. 15) is probably the wild olive. 

Pinnacle of the Temple (Matt. iv. 5 ; 
Luke iv. 9). The Greek word ought to be 
rendered not a pinnacle, but the pinnacle. 
The only part of the Temple which answered 
to the modern sense of pinnacle was the 
golden spikes erected on the roof to pre- 
vent birds from settling there. Perhaps 
the word means the battlement ordered by 
law to be added to every roof. 

Pi'non, one of the "dukes" of Edom; 
that is, head or founder of a tribe of that 
nation (Gen. xxxvi. 41; 1 Chr. i. 52). 

Pipe (Heb. chdlil). The Hebrew word 
so rendered is derived from a root signify- 
ing " to bore, perforate," and is represent- 
ed with sufficient correctness by the Eng- 
lish "pipe" or "flute/' as in the margin 
of 1 K. i. 40. It is one- of the simplest, and 
therefore probably one of the oldest of 
rajaical instruments. It is associated with 
tlio tabret as an instrument of a peaceful 
Bijd social character. The pipe and tabret 
were used at the banquets of the Hebrews 
(Is. V. 12), and accompanied the simpler 
religious services, when the young prophets, 
returning from the high-place, caught their 
inspiration from the harmony (1 Sam. x. 
5) ; or the pilgrims, on their way to the 
great festivals of their ritual, beguiled the 
weariness of the march with psalms sung 
to the simple music of the pipe (Is. xxx. 
29). The sound of the pipe was apparent- 
ly a soft wailing note, which made it appro- 
priate to be used in mourning and at funer- 
als (Matt. ix. 23), and in the lament of the 
prophet over the destruction of Moab (Jer. 
xlviii. 36). It was even used in the Tem- 
ple choir, as appears from Ps. Ixxxvii. 7, 
where "the players on instruments" are 
properly "pipers." Twelve days in the 
year, according to the Mishna, the pipes 
sounded before the altar. They were of 
reed, and not of copper or bronze, because 
the former gave a softer sound. Of these 
jiere were not less than two nor more than 
twelve. In later times the funeral and 
death-bed were never without the profes- 
sional pipers or flute-players (Matt. ix. 
23), a custom which still exists. In the 
social and festive life of the Egyptians the 
pipe played as prominent a part as among 
Uie Hebrews. 

Pi'ram. The Amorite king of Jarmuth 
at the time of Joshua's conquest of Canaan 
(Josh. X. 3, 27). 

Pir'athon, " in the land of Ephraim in 



the mok Jl of . \e Amalekitc , " a pla* e in 
Judg. xii. 15. Its site, now called Fer ata, 
is about one mile and a half S. of the road 
from Jaffa, by Ilahleh, to Nahlils. Pira- 
thonites are mentioned in Judg. xii. 13, 15, 
and 1 Clir. xxvii. 14. 

Pir'athonite, the native of, or dwcUoi 
in, PiRATHON. Two such are named iu thft 
Bible. 1- Abdon ben-llillel (Judg. xii. 
13, 15). 2. From the same place came 
" Benaiali the Pirathonite of the children 
of Ephraim " (1 Chr. xxvii. 14). 

Pis'gah (Num. xxi. 20, xxiii. 14 ; Deut. 
iii. 27, xxxiv. 1), a mountain range or dis- 
trict, the same as, or a part of, that called 
the mountains of Abarim (comp. Deut. 
xxxii. 49 with xxxiv. 1). It lay on the 
east of Jordan, contiguous to the field of 
Moab, and immediately opposite Jericho. 
Its highest point or summit — its "head" 
— was the Mount Nebo. If it was a proper 
name, we can only conjecture that it de- 
noted the whole or part of the range of the 
highlands on the east of the lower Jordan. 
No traces of the name Pisgah have been 
met with in later times on the east of Jor- 
dan, but in the Arabic garb of Ras el-Fesh- 
kah (almost identical with the Hebrew 
Kosh hap-pisgah) it is attached to a well- 
known headland on the north-western end 
of the Dead Sea, a mass of mountain on 
wliich is situated the great Mussulman 
sanctuary of Neby Musa (Moses). This 
association of the names of Moses and Pis- 
gah on the west side of the Dead Sea is 
extremely startling. No explanation of it 
lias yet been offered. — Ashdoth-Pisgah is 
noticed under its own head. 

Pisid'ia was a district in Asia Minor, N. 
of Pamphylia, and reached to, and was 
partly included in, Phrygia. Thus Anti- 
ocH IN PisiDiA was sometimes called a 
Phrygian town. St. Paul passed through 
Pisidia twice, with Barnabas, on the first 
missionary journey, i. e. both iu going from 
Perga to IcoNiUM (Acts xiii. 13, 14, 51), 
and in returning (xiv. 21, 24, 25 ; compare 
2 Tim. iii. 11). It is probable also that he 
traversed the northern part of the district, 
with Silas and Timotheus, on the second 
missionary journey (xvi. 6) : but the word 
Pisidia does not occur except in reference 
to the former journey. 

Pi'son. [Eden.] 

Pit. [Hell.] 

Pitch. The three Hebrew words all 
represent the same object, viz. mineral 
pitch or asphalt, in its different aspects. 
Asphalt is an opaque, inflammable sub- 
stance, which bubbles up from subterranean 
fountains in a liquid state, and hardens by 
exposure to the air, but readily melts under 
the influence of heat. In the latter state it 
is very tenacious, and was used as a cement 
in lieu of mortar in Babylonia (Gen. xi. 3), 
as well as for coating the outsides of vessels 



PITCHER 



640 



PLAGUES 



(Geii. vi. 14;, and particularly for making 
the papyrus boats of the Egyptians water- 
tight Ex. ii. 3). The Jews and Arabians 
got their supply in large quantities from 
the Dead Sea, which hence received its 
'classical name of Lacus Asphaltites. 

Pitetier. The word " pitcher " is used 
iii i. V. to denote the water-jars or pitchers 
with one or two handles, used chiefly by 
women for carrying water, as in the story 
of Rebekali (Gen. xxiv. 15-20; but see 
Mark xiv. 13; Luke xxii. 10). This prac- 
tice has been, and is still usual both in the 
East and elsewhere. The vessels used for 
the purpose are generally carried on the 
head or the shoulder. The Bedouin women 
commonly use skin-bottles. Such was the 
" bottle " carried by Hagar (Gen. xxi, 14). 
The same word is used of the pitchers em- 
ployed by Gideon's 300 men (Judg. vii. 16). 

Pi'thom, one of the store-cities built 
by the Israelites for the first oppressor, the 
Pharaoh " which knew not Joseph " (Ex. i. 
11). It iis probably the Patumus of Herod- 
otus (ii. ^59), a town on the borders of 
Egypt, near which Necho constructed a 
canal from the Nile to the Arabian Gulf. 

Pi'thon. One of the four sons of Mi- 
cab, the son of Mephibosheth (1 Chr. viii. 
85, ix. 41). 

Plague, The. Several Hebrew words 
aie translated " pestilence " or " plague ; " 
but not one of these words can be consid- 
ered as designating by its signification the 
lisease now called the Plague. Whether 
the disease be mentioned must be judged 
from the sense of passages, not from the 
sense of words. Those pestilences which 
were sent as special judgments, and were 
either supernaturally rapid in their effects, 
or in addition directed against particular 
culpriis, are beyond the reach of human 
inquiry. But we also read of pestilences 
which, although sent as judgments, have 
the characteristics of modern epidemics, 
not being rapid beyond nature, nor directed 
against individuals (Lev. xxvi. 25 ; Deut. 
xxviii. 21). In neither of these passages 
does it seem certain that the Plague is 
specified. The notices in the prophets 
present the same diiOSculty. Hezekiah's 
disease has be en thought to have been the 
Plague, and its fatal nature, as well as the 
mention of a boil, makes this not improba- 
ble. On the other hand, there is no men- 
tion of a pestilence among his people at the 
time. 

Plagues, The Ten. The occasion on 
«rhich the plagues were sent is described in 
Ex.iii.-xii. 1. The Plague of Blood. — When 
Moses and Aaron came before Pharaoh, a 
Qnracle was req lired of them. Then Aaron's 
rod became " a serpent" (A. V.), or rather 
"a crocodile." Its being changed into an 
animal reverenced ty all the Egyptians, or 
bjf sonit of them, would have been an espe- 



cial warning to Pharaoh. The Egyptian 
magicians called by the king produced what 
seemed to be the same wonder, yet Aaron's 
rod swallowed up the others (vii. 3-12). 
This passage, taken alone, would appear to 
indicate that the magicians succeeded in 
working wonders, but, if it is compared 
with the others which relate their opposi- 
tion on the occasions of the first three 
plagues, a contrary inference seems mere 
reasonable. A comparison with other pafe 
sages strengthens us in the inference that 
the magicians succeeded merely by jug 
gling. After this warning to Pharaoh, Aaron, 
at the word of Moses, waved his rod over the 
Nile, and the river was turned into blood, 
with all its canals and reservoirs, and every 
vessel of water drawn from them ; the fish 
died, and the river stank. The Egyptians 
could not drink of it, and digged around it 
for water. This plague was doubly humii 
iating to the religion of the country, as the 
Nile was held sacred, as well as some kinds 
of its fish, not to speak of the crocodiles, 
which probably were destroyed (Ex. vii. 
16-25). Those who have endeavored to 
explain this plague by natural causes, have 
referred to the changes of color to which 
the Nile is subject, the appearance of the 
Red Sea, and the so-called rain and dew 
of blood of the middle ages ; the last two 
occasioned by small fungi of very rapid 
growth. But such theories do not explain 
why the wonder happened at a time of yeai 
when the Nile is most clear, nor why it 
killed the fish and made the water unfit to 
be drunk. 2. The Plague of Frogs. — When 
seven days had passed after the first plague, 
the river and all the open waters of Egypt 
brought forth countless frogs, which not 
only covered the land, but filled the houses, 
even in their driest parts and vessels, for 
the ovens and kneading-troughs are speci- 
fied. This must have been an especially 
trying judgment to the Egyptians, as frogs 
were included among the sacred animals 
(Ex. viii. 1-15). 3. The Plague of Lice.— 
The dry land was now smitten by the rou, 
and its veiy dust seemed turned into minute 
noxious insects, so thickly did they swarra 
on man and beast, or rather "w" them. 
The scrupulous cleanliness of the Egyp- 
tians woul'J add intolerably to the bodil} 
distress of tnis plague, by which also they 
again incurred religious defilement. As to 
the species of the vermin there seems no 
reason to disturb the authorized translation 
of the word. The magicians, who had im- 
itated by their enchantments the two previ- 
ous miracles, were now foiled. They struck A i 
the ground, as Aaron did, and repeated theii t 
own incantations, but it was without effect 
(Ex viii 16-19). 4. The Plague of Flies. 
— After t' e rirer and the land, the air was 
smitter, being filled with winged insect*^, 
which swarmed in the he uses and devoured 



PLAGUES 



541 



PLAINS 



the Unnd, but Goshen was exeniptud from 
the plague. The word translated " swarms 
of flies " most probably denotes the great 
Egyptian beetle {^scarabaeus-sacer), which is 
constantly represented in their sculptures. 
Besides the anncying and destructive hab- 
its of its tribe, it was an object of worship, 
ami thus the Egyptians were again scourged 
by their own superstitions (Ex. viii. 20- 
32). 5. The Plague of the Murrain of 
Beasts. — Still coming closer and closer to 
the Egyptians, God sent a disease upon 
the cattle, which were not only their prop- 
erty, but their deities. At the precise time 
of which Moses forewarned Pharaoh, all 
the cattle of the Egyptians were smitten 
with a murrain and died, but not one of 
the cattle of the Israelites suffered (Ex. ix. 
1-7) . 6. The Plague of Boils. — From the 
cattle, the hand of God was extended to 
their own persons. Moses and Aaron were 
commanded to take ashes of the furnace, 
and to " sprinkle it toward the heaven in 
the sight of Pharaoh." It was to become 
" small dust " throughout Egypt, and " be 
a boil breaking forth [with] blains upon 
man and upon beast" (Ex. ix. 8-12). 
This accordingly came to pass. The plague 
seems to have been the black leprosy, a 
fearful kind of elephantiasis, which was 
long remembered as " the botch of Egypt " 
(Deut. xxviii. 27, 35). 7. Jlie Plague of 
Hail. — The account of the seventh plague 
is preceded by a warning, which Moses 
was commanded to deliver to Pharaoh, re- 
specting the terrible nature of the plagues 
that were to ensue if he remained obsti- 
nate. Man and beast were smitten, and 
the herbs and every tree broken, save in 
the land of Goshen. The ruin caused by 
the hail was evidently far greater than that 
effected by any of the earlier plagues. 
Hail is now extremely rare, but not un- 
known, in Egypt, and it is interesting that 
the narrative seems to imply that it some- 
times falls there (Ex. ix. 13-34). 8. The 
Plague of Locusts. — The severity of this 
plague can be well understood by those 
who have been in Egypt in a part of the 
country where a flight of locusts has alight- 
ed. In this case the plague was greater 
ihan an ordinary visitation, since it extend- 
ed over a far wider space, rather than be- 
cause it was more intense ; for it is impos- 
sible to imagine any more complete de- 
struction than that always caused by a 
swarm of locusts (Ex. x. 1-20). 9. The 
Plague of Darkness. — ** There was a thick 
darkness in all the land of Egypt three 
days;" while "all the children of Israel 
had light in their dwellings." It has been 
illustrated by reference to the Samoom and 
the hot wind of the Khamaseen. The for- 
mer is a sand-storm which occurs in the 
desert, seldom lasting more than a quarter 
of an hour or twenty minutes, but for the 



time often causing the darkness of twibght, 
and affecting man and beast. The hot 
wind of the Kharadseen usually blows for 
three days and nights, and carries so much 
sand with it, that it produces the appear- 
ance of a yellow fog. It thus resembles 
the Samoom, though far less powerful and 
far less distressing in its effects. It is not 
known to cause actual darkness. The 
plague may have been an extremely severe 
sand-storm, miraculous in its violence and 
duration, for the length of three days does 
not make it natural, since the severe storms 
are always very brief (Ex. x. 21-29). 10 
The Death of the Firstborn. — Before th(,» 
tenth plague Moses went to warn Piiaraoh. 
" Thus saith the Lord, About midnight will 
I go out into the midst of Egypt ; and all 
the firstborn in the land of Egypt shall die, 
from the firstborn of Pharaoh that sittetb 
upon his throne, even to the firstborn of 
the maidservant that is behind the mill-, 
and all the firstborn of beasts " (Ex. xi. 4, 
5). The clearly miraculous nature of thii 
plague, in its severity, its falling upon man 
and beast, and the singling out of the firs't- 
born, puts it wholly beyond comparison with 
any natural pestilence, even the severest 
recorded in history, whether of the pecullir 
Egyptian Plague, or other like epidemics. 
The history of the ten plagues strictly ends 
with the death of the firstborn. The grad- 
ual increase in severity of the plagues is 
perhaps the best key to their meaning. 
They seem to have been sent as warnings 
to the oppressor, to afford him a means of 
seeing God's will and an opportunity of 
repenting before Egypt was ruined. The 
lesson that Pharaoh's career teaches ua 
seems to be, that there are men whom the 
most signal judgments do not affect so as to 
cause any lasting repentance. 

Plains. This one term does duty in the 
Authorized Version for no less than seven 
distinct Hebrew words. 1. Abil. — This 
word perhaps answers more nearly to our 
word " meadow " than any other. It occurs 
in the names of Abel-maim, Abel-meho- 
LAH, Abel-shittim, and is rendered ' ' plain " 
in Judg. xi. 33, " plain of vineyards." 2. 
Bik'dh. — Fortunately we are able to iden- 
tify the most remarkable of the BWdhs of 
the Bible, and thus to ascertain the force 
of the term. The great Plain or Valley 
of Coele-Syria, the " hollow land" of the 
Greeks, which separates the two ranges of 
Lebanon and Antilebanon, is the most re- 
markable of them all. Out of Palestine 
we find denoted by the word BWdh the 
"plain of the land of Shinar" (Gen. xi. 2), 
the " plain of Mesopotamia" (Ez. iii. 22, 
23, viii. 4, xxxvii. 1, 2), and the " plain in 
the province of Dura" (Dan. iii. 1). 3 
Ha-Shefeldh, the invariable designation of 
tlie depressed, flat or gently undulating re- 
gion which intervened between the higfi- 



FLEDGE 



542 



POETRY 



lauds of Judah and the Mediterranean and 
was commonly in possession of the Ph.lis- 
tines. 4. Elon. — Our translators have uni- 
formly rendered this Arord " plain." But this 
is not the verdict of the majority or the most 
crustworthy of tiie ancient versions. They 
regard the word as meaning an " oak " or 
" grove of oaks," a rendering supported by 
nearly all the commentators and lexicogra- 
phers of the present day. The passages in 
^hich the word occurs erroneously trans- 
lated "plain," are as follows : — Plain of 
Moreh (Gen. xii. 6 ; Deut. xi. 30), Plain of 
Mamre (Gen. xiii. 18, xiv. 13, xviii. 1), 
Plain of Zaanaim (Judg. iv. 11), Plain of 
tlie Pillar (Judg. ix. G), Plain of Meonenim 
(ix. 37), Plain of Talwr (1 Sam. x. 3). 

Pledge. [Loan.] 

Pleiades. The Heb. word (cimdh) so 
rendered occurs in Job ix. 9, xxxviii. 31, 
and Am, v. 8. In the last passage our A. 
V. has "the seven stars," although the Ge- 
neva version translates the word " Pleia- 
"ies " as in the other cases. 

Plough. [Agriculture.] 

Poch'ereth. The children of Poch- 
ereth of Zebaim were among the children of 
Solomon's servants who returned with Ze- 
fubhabel (Ezr. ii. 57; Neh. vii. 59). 

Poetry, Hebrew. The attributes 
A^hich are common to all poetry, and which 
die poetry of the Hebrews possesses in a 
higher degree perhaps than the literature 
of any other people, it is unnecessary 
nere to describe. But the points of con- 
trast are so numerous, and the peculiarities 
vhich distinguish Hebrew poetry so re- 
markable, that these alone require a full 
ind careful consideration. Of the three 
feinds of poetry which are illustrated by 
the Hebrew literature, the lyric occupies 
the foremost place. The Shemitic nations 
have nothing approaching to an epic poem, 
and in proportion to this defect the lyric 
element prevailed more greatly, commen- 
cing in the pre-Mosaic times, flourishing in 
rude vigor during the earlier periods of the 
Judges, the heroic age of the Hebrews, 
•growing with the nation's growth and 
(Strengthening with its strength, till it 
reached its highest excellence in David, 
the warrior-poet, and from thenceforth be- 
gan slowly to decline. Gnomic poetry is 
the product of a more advanced age. It 
irises from the desire felt by the poet to 
express the results of the accumulated ex- 
periences of life in a form of beauty and 
permanence. It gives expression, not like 
the lyric to the sudden and impassioned 
feelings of the moment, but to calm and 
philosophic reflection. Being less sponta- 
Qeous in its origin, its form is of a neces- 
sity more artificial. We meet with it at 
intervals up to the time of the Captivity, 
and, as it is chiefly characteristic of the age 
of the monarchy, Ewahl has appropriately 



I designated this era the " artifid&l period" 
I of Hebrew poetry. From the end of the 
8th century b. c. the decline of the nation 
was rapid, and with its glory departed the 
chief glories of its literature. After the 
Captivity we have nothing but the poems 
which formed part of the liturgical servi(;e8 
of the Temple. Whether dramatic poetry 
properly so called, ever existed among tht 
Hebrews, is, to say the least, extremeh 
doubtful. In the opinion of some writer? 
the Song of Songs, in its external form, is 
a rude drama, designed for a simple stage. 
But the evidence for this view is extremely 
slight. I. Lyrical Poetry. — The litera- 
ture of the Hebrews abounds with illus- 
trations of all forms of lyrical poetry, in 
its most manifold and wide-embracing com- 
pass, from such short ejaculations as the 
songs of the two Lamechs and Ps. xv., 
cxvii., and others, to the longer chants of 
victory and thanksgiving, like the songs ol 
Deborah and David (Judg. v. ; Ps. xviii.). 
II. Gnomic Poetry. — The second grand 
division of Hebrew poetry is occupied by a 
class of poems which are peculiarly She- 
mitic, and which represent the nearest ap- 
proaches made by the people of that race 
to anything like philosophic thought. Rea- 
soning there is none : we have only results, 
and those rather the product of observatior 
and reflection than of induction or argu- 
mentation. As lyric poetry is the expres- 
sion of the poet's own feelings and im- 
pulses, so gnomic poetry is the form in 
which the desire of conmiunicating knoM l- 
edge to others finds vent. Its germs are 
the floating proverbs which pass current in 
the mouths of the people, and embody the 
experiences of many with the wit of one. 
The utterer of sententious sayings was to 
the Hebrews the wise man, the philosophrr. 
Of the earlier isolated proverbs but few 
examples remain. III. Dramatic Poetry. 
— It is impossible to assert that no form of 
the drama existed among the Hebrew peo- 
ple. It is unquestionably true, as Ewald 
observes, that the Arab reciters of ro- 
mances will many times in their own per- 
sons act out a complete drama in recitation, 
changing their voice and gestures with the 
change of person and subject. Something 
of this kind may possibly have existed 
among the Hebrews ; but there is no evi- 
dence that it did exist, nor any grounds for 
making even a probable conjecture with re- 
gard to it. But the mere fact of the exist- 
ence of these rude exhibitions among the 
Arabs and Egyptians of the present day is 
of no weight when the question to be de- 
cided is, whether the Song of Songs was 
designed to be so represented, as a simple 
pastoral drama, or whether the Book of 
Job is a dramatic poem or not. Inasmucb 
as it represents an action and a progress, 
it is a drama as truly and really as any 



POETRY 



54a 



i*ONTUS 



poem can be which develops the vrorking 
of passion, and the alternations of taith, 
hope, distrust, triumphant confidence, and 
black despair, in the struggle which it de- 
picts the human mind as engaged in, wliile 
attempting to solve one of the most in- 
tricate problems it can be called upon to 
regard. It is a drama as life is a drama, 
the most powerful of all tragedies ; but 
;hat it is a dramatic poem, intended to be 
represented upon a stage, or capable of 
ber.g #3 represented, may be confidently 
denied. One characteristic of Hebrew poe- 
try, not indeed peculiar to it, but shared 
by it in common with the literature of other 
nations, is its intensely national and local 
coloring. The writers were Hebrews of 
the Hebrews, drawing their inspiration from 
the mountains and rivers of Palestine, 
which they have immortalized in their poetic 
igures, and even while uttering the sub- 
limest and nUjKt universal truths never for- 
getting their awn nationality in its nar- 
row^est and intensest form. Examples of 
this remarkable characteristic of the He- 
brew poets stand thick upon every page 
of their writing:^, fCnd in striking contrast 
to the vague generalizations of the Indian 
philosophic poetry. But the form of He- 
brew poetry i;* its distinguishing charac- 
teristic, and what this form is, has been a 
vexed question for many ages. The Ther- 
apentae, as described by Fhilo, sang hymns 
and psalms of thanksgiving to God, in 
d'vers measures and strains; and these 
were ei»^her new or ancient ones composed 
by the old poets, who had left behind 
them measures and melodies of trimeter 
verses. According to Josephus, the Song 
of Moses at the Red Sea (Ex. xv.) was 
composed in t!ik? hexameter measure ; and 
again, the song hi Deut. xxxii. is described 
as a hexameter poem. The Psalms of 
David were in various metres, some trime- 
ters and some pentameters. Eusebius char- 
acterizes the great Song of Moses and the 
I18th (119th) Psalm as metrical compo- 
sitions in what the Greeks call the heroic 
metre. They are said to be hexameters of 
sixteen syllables. The other verse compo- 
sitions of the Hebrews are said to be in 
trimeters. The opinions of Lowth, with 
regard to Hebrew metre, are summed up 
by Jebb (Sacr. Lit. p. 16) as follows : " He 
begins by asserting, that certain of the He- 
brew writings are not only animated with 
the true poetic spirit, but, in some degree, 
couched in poetic numbers ; yet he allows 
that the quantity, the rhythm, or modulation 
of Hebrew poetry not only is unknown, 
but admits of no investigation by human 
art or industry ; he barely maintains the 
credibility of attention having been paid to 
aumbersor feet in their compositions; and, 
at the same time, he confesses the utter 
•i.ipo88ir)ility of determining whether He- 



brew poetry was modulated by the eai 
alone, or according to any definite and set- 
tled rules of prosody." 

Pollux. [Castor and Pollux.] 

Polygamy. [Marriage.] 

Pomegranate. Tlie pomegranate wa« 
early cultivated in Egypt ; hence the com- 
plaint of the Israelites in the wilderness »f 
Zin (Num. xx. 5), this " is no place of figs, 
or of vines, or of pomegranates." The 
tree, with its characteristic calyx-crowned 
fruit, is easily recognized on the Egyptian 
sculptures. Mention is made jf " an or- 
chard of pomegranates " in Cant. iv. 13. 




Pomegranate {Pwtiea gremmtwmy. 

Carved figures of the pomegranate adornea 
the tops of the pillars in Solc^mon's Temple 
(1 K. vii. 18, 20, &c.) and worked repre 
sentations of this fruit, in blue, purple, and 
scarlet, ornamented '.he hem of the robe of 
the ephod (Ex. xxviii. 33, 34). The pome- 
granate-tree {Puni-ca granatur^^ derives 
its name from the Latin pomum aranatimi, 
" grained apple." The Romans gave it the 
name of Punica, as the tree was introduced 
from Carthage. 

Pommels, only in 2 Chr. iv. 1*?, 13. In 
1 K. vii. 41, "bowls." The word signifies 
convex projections belonging to the capi- 
tals of pillars. 

Por.d. The ponds of Egypt (Ex. \ni. 
19, \n\. 5) were doubtless water left by the 
inundation of the Nile. Ponds for fish are 
mentioned in Is. xix. 10. 

Poa'tius Pilate. [Pilate.] 

Pon'tus, a large district in the north of 
Asia Minor, extending along the coast of 
the Pontus Euxinus, from which circum- 
stance the name was derived. It is three 
times mentionad in the N. T. (Acts ii. 9 
10. xviii. 2: 1 P«»t. i. 1;. All these pa» 



POOL 



544 



POTIPHAK 



sages agree in showing that there were 
many Jewish residents in the district. As 
to the annals of Pontus, the one brilliant 
passage of its history is the life of the 
great Mithridates. Under Nero the whole 
region was made a Roman province, bear- 
ing the name of Pontus. 

Pool. Pools, like the tanks of India, 
are in many parts of Palestine and Syria 
tlie only resource for water during the dry 
soason, and the failure of them involves 
drought and calamity (Is. xlii. 15). Of 
the various pools mentioned in Scripture, 
pernaps the most celebrated are the pools 
of Solomon near Bethlehem, called by the 
A.rabs el-Burak, from which an aqueduct 
<ras carried which still supplies Jerusalem 
«rith water (Eccl. ii. 6 ; Ecclus. xxiv. 30, 
81). 

Poor. The general kindly spirit of the 
law towards the poor is sufficiently shown 
'3y such passages as Deut. xv. 7, for the 
reason that (ver. 11) " the poor shall 
never cease out of the land." Among the 
special enactments in their favor the fol- 
lowing must be mentioned : 1. The right 
of gleaning (Lev. xix. 9, 10; Deut. xxiv. 
19, 21). 2. From the produce of the land 
In sabbatical years, the poor and the stran- 
ger were to have their portion (Ex. xxiii. 
11; Lev. XXV. 6). 3. Re-entry upon land 
in the jubilee year, with the limitation as to 
town homes (Lev. xxv. 25-30). 4. Prohi- 
bition of usury, and of retention of pledges 
(Lev. xxv. 35, 37; Ex. xxii. 25-27, &c.). 
5. Permanent bondage forbidden, and manu- 
mission of Hebrew bondsmen or bondswo- 
men enjoined in the sabbatical and jubilee 
fears (Deut. xv. 12-15 ; Lev. xxv. 39-42, 
1:7-54). 6. Portions from the tithes to be 
shared by the poor after the Levites (Deut. 
dv. 28,*xxvi. 12, 13). 7. The poor to 
partake in entertainments at the feasts of 
Weeks and Tabernacles (Deut. xvi. 11, 14 ; 
3ee Neh. viii. 10). 8. Daily payment of 
w^ages (Lev. xix. 13). Principles similar 
\o those laid down by Moses are incul- 
cai'id in the New Testament, as Luke iii. 
II, xiv. 13; Acts vi. 1; Gal. ii. 10; James 
ii. 15. 

Poplar, the rendering of the Hebrew 
word libneh, which occurs in Gen. xxx. 37, 
and Hos. iv. 13. Several authorities are in 
favor of the rendering of the A. V., and 
think the "white poplar" {Populus alba) 
is the tree denoted ; others understand the 
'storax tree" {Styrax officinale^ Linn.). 
Both poplars and styrax or storax trees are 
common in Palestine, and either would suit 
the passages where the Heb. term occurs. 
Storax is mentioned in Ecclus. xxiv. 15, to- 
gether with other aromatic substances. The 
Styrax officinale is a shrub from nine to 
twelve feet high, with ovate leaves, which 
are white underneath ; the flowers are in 
racemes, and are white or cream-colored. 



The white appearance agrees with the ety 
mology of the Heb. bi^neh. 

Por'atha. One of the ten sons o*" 
Haman slain by the Jews in Shushan thf 
palace (Esth. ix.^8). 

Porch. 1. ITlam, or 'Uldm (1 Clip, 
xxviii. 11). 2. Misderdn MaTn (Judg. iii 
23), strictly a vestibule, was probablj' a 
sort of veranda chamber in the works of 
Solomon, open in front and at the sides, 
but capable of being enclosed with awn- 
ings or curtains. The porch (Matt. xxvi. 
71) may have been the passage from the 
street into the first court of the house, in 
which, in Eastern houses, is the mastdbah 
or stone bench, for the porter or persons 
waiting, and where also the master of the 
house often receives visitors and transacts 
business. 

Por'cius Fes'tus. [Festus.] 

Porter. This word when used in the 
A. V. does not bear its modern signification 
of a carrier of burdens, but denotes in 
every case a gate-keeper, from the Latin 
portarius, the man who attended to the 
porta, or gate. 

Possession. [Demoniacs.] 

Post. Probably, as Gesenius argues, 
the door-case of a door, including the 
lintel and side-posts. The posts of the 
doors of the Temple were of olive-wood 
(1 K. vi. 33). 

Pot. The term "pot" is applicable to 
so many sorts of vessels, that it can scarce- 
ly be restricted to any one in particular. 
1. Asitc (2 K. iv. 2), an earthen jar, d-3ep 
and narrow, without handles, probably like 
the Roman and Egyptian amphora, insert- 
ed in a stand of wood or stone. 2. Chere» 
an earthen vessel for stewing or seething 
(Ez. iv. 9; Lev. vi. 28). 3. Dnd, a vessel 
for culinary purposes, perhaps of smaller 
size (1 Sam. ii. 14). The "pots" set be 
fore the Rechabites (Jer. xxxv. 5) were 
probably bulging jars or bowls. The water- 
pots of Cana appear to have been large 
amphorae, such as are in use at the present 
day in Syria. These were of stone or hard 
earthen ware. The water-pot of the Sa- 
maritan woman may have been a leathern 
bucket, such as Bedouin women use. 

Pot'iphar, an Egyptian name, also 
written Potipherah, signifies "Belonging 
to the Son." Potiphar, with whom the his- 
tory of Joseph is connected, is described 
as "an officer of Pharaoh, chief of the 
executioners, an Egyptian " (Gen. xxxix. 
1 ; comp. xxxvii. 36). He is called an 
Egyptian, though his master was probably 
a Shepherd-king of the xvth dynasly. He 
appears to have been a wealthy man (xxxix. 
4-6). The view we have cf Potiphar's 
household is exactly in accordance with the 
representations on the monuments. When 
Joseph was accused, his nmster contented 
himself with casting him into prison CIS- 



I 



1 



POTIPHERAH 



545 



PRAETOKHJM 



20). After tl:is we hear no more ol Poti- 
phar. [Josr-PH.] 

Potipherah was priest or prince of 
On, a. id his daughter Asonath was given 
Joseph U) wife by Pharaoh (Gen. xli. 45, 
aU. xJvi. 20). 

P:,tshord., also in A. V. "sherd," a 
broken piece of earthen ware (Prov. xxvi. 
23). 

Potter's Field, The. A piece of 
ground w^hich, according to the statement of 
St. Matthew (xxvii. 7), was purchased by 
r.he priests w ith the thirty piece? of silver 
rejected by Judas, and converted into a buri- 
al-place for Jews not belonging to the city. 
St. Matthew adduces this (ver. 9) as a ful- 
filment of an ancient prediction. What that 
prediction was, and whv> inade it, is not, 
however, at all clear. St. Matlb^'*^ names 
Jeremiah ; but there is no passage 1^ the 
Book of Jeremiah, as we possess it, it • 
sembling that which he gives ; and that in 
Zechariah (xi. 12) which is usually suu- 
posed to be alluded to, has only a very im- 
perfect likeness to it. Three explanations 
suggest themselves : 1. That the Evang»'l- 
ist unintentionally substituted the name of 
Jeremiah for that of Zechariah, at the same 
time altering the passage to suit his imme- 
diate object. 2. That this portion of the 
Book of Zechariah was in the time of St. 
Matthew attributed to Jeremiah. 3. Tha* 
the reference is to some passage of Jere 
miah which has been lost from its place iji 
his book, and exists only in the Evangelist 
Some support is aflbrded to this view by 
the fact that potters and the localities oc- 



cupied by them are twice alluded to bj 
Jeremiah. Its partial correspondemre with 
Zec'.i. xi. 12, 13, is no argument against its 
having at one time formed a part of the 
, prophecy of Jeremiah : for it is well known 
j to every student of the Bible that similar 
correspondences are continually found in 
the prophets. See, for instance, Jer. xlviii. 
45, comp. with Num. xxi. 27, 28, xxiv. 1 7 ; 
Jer. xli"^ . 27, comp. with Am. i. 4. [Ac el- 

DAMA.] 

Pottery. The art of pottery is one t»f 
the most common and most ancient of all 
manulactures. It is abundantly evident, 
both that the Hebrews used earthen-war« 
vessels in tl e wilderness, and that the 
potter's trad«j was afterwards carried on 
in Palestine They had themselves been 
conrerned in the potter's trade in Egypt 
(Ps Ixxxi. 6), and the wall-paintings mi- 
'^Mtely illu.5trate the Egyptian process. The 
I cIh^ '^-hen dug, was trodden by men's feet 
I so as iv, form a paste (Is. xli. 25 ; Wisd. 
I XY. 7 J ; tht,- nlaced by the potter on the 
I wheel beside wi-i^'b he sat, and shaped by 
I him With his hands How early the wheel 
j jame in use in Palesiii.r we know not, but 
it seems likely that it \»iif adopted from 
Egypt (Is. xlv. 9; Jer. xviii. 3). The 
, vessel was then smoothed and coated with 
I a glaze, and finally burnt in a furnace. 
I There was at Jerusalem a royal establish- 
I ment of potters (1 Chr. iv. 23), froia 
I whose employment, and from the frag- 
ments cast away in the process, the Pot- 
ter's Field perhaps received its name (I». 
XXX. 14). 




Egyptian Pottery. (Wilkinson.) 



Pound. 1. A weight. See Weights 
AND Measures. 2. A money of account, 
mentioned in the parable of the Ten Pounds 
(Luke xix. 12-27), as the talent is in the 
parable of the Talents (Matt, xxv.' 14-30). 
The reference appears to be to a Greek 
pound, a weight used as a money of ac- 
count, of which sixty went to the talent, 
the weight depending upon the weight of 
the talent. 

PraetO'rium. The headquarters of 
the lioman military governor, wherever 
he happened to be. In time of peace 
some one of the best buildings of the city, 
irhicL was the residence of the proconsul 
or praetor, was selected for th's purpose. 
85 



Thus at Caesarea that of Herod the Great 
was occupied by Felix (Acts xxiii. 35) ; 
and at Jerusalem the new palace erected 
by the same prince was the residence of 
Pilate. After the Roman power was es- 
tablished in Judaea, a Roman guard was 
always maintained in the Antonia, the 
commander of which for the time being 
seems to be the official termed oT^uT)jy<>$ 
rov itoov in the Gospels and Acts. The 
Praetorian camp at Rome, to which St. 
Paul refers (Phil. i. 13), was erected by 
the Emperor Tiberius, acting under tlie 
advice of Sejanus. It stood outside the 
walls, at some distance short of the fourth 
milestone, and near either to the SalariaD 



PKAYER 



&46 



PRAYEll 



or ihe NoiiKjrtane road. From the first, 
buildings must have sprung up near it for 
sutlers and others. St. I'aul appears to 
have been permitted, for the space of two 
years, to lodge, po to speak, " within the 
rules" of tne Praetorium (Acts xxviii. 30), 
although still under the custody of a sol- 
dier. 

Prayer. The object of this article will 
be to touch briefly on, (1.) The doctrine of 
Scripture, as to the nature and efficacy of 
pra^-er ; (2.) Its directions as to time, place, 
and manner of prayer; (3.) Its types and 
exani])les of prayer. (1.) Scripture does 
not give any theoretical explanation of the 
mystery which attaches to prayer. The 
difficulty of understanding its real efficacy 
arises chiefly from two sources : from the 
belief that man lives under general laws, 
which in all cases must be fulfilled unal- 
terably ; and the opposing belief that he is 
master of his own destiny, and need pray 
for no external blessing. Now, Scripture, 
while, by the dbctrine of spiritual influ- 
ence, it entirely disposes of the latter diffi- 
culty, does not so entirely solve that part 
of the mystery which depends on the na- 
ture of God. It places it clearly before 
us, and emphasizes most strongly those 
doctrines on which the difficulty turns. 
Y^et, while this is so, on the other hand the 
instinct of prayer is solemnly sanctioned 
and enforced in every page. Not only is 
its subjective effect asserted, but its real 
objective efficacy, as a means appointed by 
God for obtaining blessing, is both implied 
and expressed in the plainest terms. Thus, 
as usual in the case of such mysteries, the 
two apparently opposite truths are empha- 
sized, because the}' are needful to man's 
conception of his relation to God; their 
reconcilement is not, perhaps cannot be, 
fully revealed. For, in fact, it is involved 
in that inscrutable mystery which attends 
on the conception of any free action of 
man as necessary for the working out of 
the general laws of God's unchangeable 
will. At the same time it is clearly im- 
plied that such a reconcilement exists, and 
that all the apparently isolated and inde- 
pendent exertions of man's spirit in prayer 
are in some way perfectly subordinated to 
the one supreme will of God, so as to form 
a part of His scheme of providence. It is 
also implied that the key to the mystery 
lies in the fact of man's spiritual unity with 
God in Christ, and of the consequent gift 
of the Holy Spirit. So also is it said of 
the spiritual influence of the Holy Ghost 
on each individual mind, that while "we 
know not what to pray for," the indwelling 
" Spirit makes intercession for the saints, 
according to the will of God^" (Rom. viii. 
20, 27). Here, as probably in all other 
jases, the action of the Holy Spirit on the 
toul \m to fref aisorta what the laws of na- 



ture are to things inanic ate, and j^ the 
power which harmonizes free indi>iduai 
action with the universal v ill of God. (2.) 
There are no directions as to prayer giveD 
in the Mosaic law : the duty is rather taken 
for granted, as an adjunct :o sacrifice, thar 
enforced or elaborated. It is hardly coD' 
ceivable that, even from the beginning, 
public prayer did not follow every public 
sacrifice. Such a practice is alluded to ai 
common in Luke i. 10; and in one in- 
stance, at the offering of the first-fruits, it 
was ordained in a striking form (Deut 
xxvi. 12-15). In later times it certainly 
grew into a regular service, both in the 
Temple and in the Synagogue. But, be- 
sides this public prayer, it was the custom 
of all at Jerusalem to go up to the Temple, 
at regular hours if possible, for private 
prayer (see Luke xviii. 10; Acts iii. 1) ; 
and those who were absent were wont to 
" open their windows towards Jerusalem," 
and pray "towards" the place of God':; 
Presence (1 K. viii. 46-49; Dan. vi. 10 j 
Ps. V. 7, xxviii. 2, cxxxviii. 2). The regu- 
lar hours of prayer seem to have been thrcj 
(see Ps. Iv. 17; Dan. vi. 10), "the even- 
ing," that is, the ninth hour (Acts iii. 1, s. 
3), the hour of the evening sacrifice (Dan. 
ix. 21) ; the " morning," that is, the thir-il 
hour (Acts ii. 15), that of the morning sac- 
rifice; and the sixth hour, or "noonday.* 
Grace before meat would seem to hav« 
been a common practice (see Matt. xv. 36 ; 
Acts xxvii. 35). The posture of prayei 
among the Jews seems to have been most 
often standing (1 Sam. i. 26; Matt. vi. 5; 
Mark xi. 25; Luke xviii. 11); unless the 
prayer were offered with especial solem- 
nity, and humiliation, which was naturally 
expressed by kneeling (1 K. viii. 54; 
comp. 2 Chr. vi. 13; Ezr. ix. 5; Ps. xcv. 
6; Dan. vi. 10), or prostration (Josh, 
vii. 6; IK. xviii. 42; Neh. viii. 6).— 
The only Form of Prayer given for per- 
petual use in the 0. T. is the one in Deut. 
xxvi. 5-15, connected with the offering of 
tithes and first-fruits, and containing in 
simple form the important elements of 
prayer, acknowledgment of God's mercy, 
self-dedication, and prayer for future bless- 
ing. To this may perhaps be added the 
threefold blessing of Num. vi. 24-26, 
couched as it is in a precatory form, and 
the short prayer of Moses (Num. x. 35, 
36) at the moving and resting of the cloud, 
the former of which was the germ of the 
68th Psalm. Bu*. of the prayers recorded 
in the O. T., the two most remarkable are 
those of Solomon at the dedication of the 
Temple (1 K. viii. 23-53), and of Joshua 
the high priest, and his colleagues, aftei 
the captivity (Neh. ix. 5-38). — It appears 
from the question of the disciples in Luke 
xi. 1, and from Jewish tradition, that the 
chief teachers of the day g/ive special form* 



PKESENTS 



547 



PRIEST 



of prayer to their disciples, is the badge 
of their discipieship and the best fruits of 
tbfir leai'uing. All Christian prayer is, 
of course, based on the Lord''' Prayer ; but 
ite spirit is also guided by that of His 
prayer it Gethsemane, and of the prayer 
recorded by St. John (ch. xvii.)? the begin- 
ning of His great work of intercession. 
The influence oi these prayers is more dis- 
tinctly traced in the prayers contained in 
the Epistles (see Eph. iii. 14-21 : Rom. 
xvi. 25.-27: Phil. i. 3-11; Col. i. 9-15; 
H^b. xiii. 20, 21; 1 Pet. v. 10, 11, &c.), 
than in those recorded in the Acts. The 
public prayer probably in the first instance 
took much of its form and style from the 
prayers of the synagogues. In the record 
of prayers accepted and granted by God, 
we observe, as always, a special adaptation 
to the period of His dispensation to which 
they belong. In the patriarchal period, 
they have the simple and child-like tone of 
domestic supplication for the simple and 
apparently trivial incidents of domestic 
life. In the Mosaic period they assume a 
more solemn tone and a national bearing, 
chiefly that of direct intercession for the 
chosen people. More rarely are they for 
individuals. A special class are those 
which precede and refer to the exercise of 
miraculous power. In the New Testament 
they have a more directly spiritual bearing. 
It would seem the intention of Holy Scrip- 
ture to encourage all prayer, more espe- 
cially intercession, in aU relations, and for 
all righteous objects. 

Presents. [Gifts.] 

President. SArac, or Sdrecd, only 
used Dan. vi., the Chaldee equivalent for 
Hebrew ShdUr, probably from Sara, Zend. 
a " head." 

Priest. The English word is derived 
from the Greek Presbyter, signifying an 
" elder " (Heb. cdUn). Origin. — The idea 
of a priesthood connects itself, in all its 
forms, pure or corrupted, with the con- 
sciousness, more or less distinct, of sin. 
Men feel that they have broken a law. 
The power above them is holier than they 
are, and they dare not approach it. They 
crave for the intervention of some one of 
whom they can think as likely to be more 
acceptable than themselves. He must oflfer 
up their prayers, thanksgivings, sacrifices. 
He becomes their representative in " things 
pertaining unto God." He may become 
also (though this does not always follow) 
the representative of God to man. The 
functions of the priest and prophet may 
exist in the same person. No trace of an 
hereditary or caste-priesthood meets us in 
the worship of the patriarchal age. Once, 
and once only, does the word Cdhin meet 
us as belonging to a ritual earlier than the 
time of Abraham. Melchizedek is " the 
priest of the most high God " TGen. xiv. 



18). In the worship of the patriarchs them 
selves, the chief of the family, as such, 
acted as the priest. The oflSce descended 
with the birthright, and might apparentlj 
be transferred with it. The Priesthood 
was first established in the family of Aaron, 
and all the sons of Aaron were priests. 
They stood between the High Priest on the 
one hand and the Levites on the other. 
[High Pkiest ; Levites.] The ceremony 
of their consecration is described in Ex. 
xxix., Lev. viii. The dress which they 
wore during their ministrations consisted 
of linen drawers, with a close-fitting cas- 
sock, also of linen, white, but with a dia- 
mond or chess-board pattern on it. This 
came nearly to the feet, and was to be worn 
in its garment shape (comp. John xix. 23). 
The white cassock was gathered round the 
body with a girdle of needlework, into 
which, as in the more gorgeous belt of the 
High JPriest, blue, purple, and scarlet, were 
intermingled with white, and worked in the 
form of flowers (Ex. xxviii. 39, 40, xxxix. 
2; Ezek. xliv. 17-19). Upon their heads 
they were to wear caps or bonnets in the 
form of a cup-shaped flower, also of fine 
linen. In all their acts of ministration they 
were to be barefooted. Before they en^ 




Dress of Egyptian High-priest. 

tered the Tabernacle they were to waab 
their hands and their feet (Ex. xxx. 17-21, 
xl. 30-32). During the time of their min- 
istration they were to drink no wine or 
strong drink (Lev. x. 9 ; Ez. xliv. 21). Ex- 
cept in the case of the nearest relationships 
(six degrees aj'e specified. Lev. xxi. 1-5 ; Ez. 
xliv. 25), they were to make no mourning 
for the dead. They were not to shave their 
heads. They were to go through their 
ministrations with the serenity of a rever 
ential awe, not with the orgiastic wildnest 
which led the priests of Baal in their despaii 
to make cuttings 'n their flesh (Lev. xix 



PKIEST 



548 



TRIEST 



28 ; IK. xviii. 28). They were forbidden to 
marrj' an unchaste woman, or one who had 
been divorced, or the widow of any but a 
priest (Lev. xxi. 7, 14; Ezek. xliv. 22). 
Their chief duties were to watch over the 
fire on the altar of burnt-offerings, and to 
keep it burning evermore both by day and 
night (Lev. vi. 12; 2 Chr. xiii. 11), to feed 
the golden lamp outside the vail with oil 
(Ex. xxvii. 20, 21 ; Lev. xxiv. 2), to offer 
the morniiig and evening sacrifices, each 
accompanied with a meat-offering and a 
drink-offering, at the door of the tabernacle 
(Ex. xxix. 38-44). They were also to teach 
the children of Israel the statutes of the 
Lord (Lev. x. 11; Deut. xxxiii. 10; 2 Chr. 
XV. 3; Ezek. xliv. 23, 24). During the 
journeys in the wilderness it belonged to 
them to cover the ark and all the vessels 
of the sanctuary with a purple or scarlet 
cloth before the Levites might approach 
them (Num. iv. 5-15). As the people 
started on each day's march they were to 
Mow ** an alarm " with long silver trumpets 
(Num. X. 1-8). Other instruments of music 
might be used by the more highly-trained 
Levites and the schools of the prophets, but 
the trumpets belonged only to the priests. 
The presence of the priests on the field of 
battle (1 Chr. xii. 23, 27; 2 Chr. xx. 21, 
22) led, in the later periods of Jewish his- 
tory, to the special appointment at such 
times of a war-priest. Other functions were 
hinted at in Deuteronomy which might have 
given them greater influence as the educa- 
tors and civilizers of the people. They were 
to act (whether individually or collectively 
does not distinctly appear) as a court of 
appeal in the more difficult controversies in 
criminal or civil cases (Deut. xvii. 8-13). 
It must remain doubtful, however, how far 
this order kept its ground during the storms 
and changes that followed. Functions 
such as these were clearly incompatible with 
the common activities of men. On these 
grounds therefore a distinct provision was 
made for them. This consisted — (1) of 
one tenth of the tithes which the people 
paid to the Levites, i. e. one percent, on the 
whole produce of the country (Num. xviii. 
26-28). (2) Of a special tithe every third 
year (Deut. xiv. 28, xxvi. 12). (3) Of the 
redemption-money, paid at the fixed rate 
of five shekels a head, for the first-born of 
man or beast (Num. xviii. 14-19). (4) Of 
cne redemption-money paid in like manner 
for men or things specially dedicated to the 
Lord (Lev. xxvii.). (6) Of spoil, captives, 
cattle, and the like, taken in war (Num. 
xxxi. 25-47). (6) Of the shew-bread, the 
flesh of the burnt-offerings, peace-offerings, 
trespass-offerings (Num. xviii. 8-14; Lev. 
vi. 2Q, 29, vii. 6-10), and, in particular, the 
heave-shoulder and the wave-breast (Lev. 
X. 12-15). (7) Of an undefined amount 
of the first-fruits of corn, wine, and oil 



(Ex. xxiii. If), Lev. ii. 14; Deut. xrvi. 1 
10). Of same of these, as "most holy,* 
none but the priests were to partuke (Lev. 
vi. 29). It was lawfu) for tleir sons and 
daughters (Ler. x. 14), and oven in some 
cases for their home-bom slaves, to eat of 
others (Lev. xxii. 11). The stranger and 
the hired servant were in all eases excluded 
(Lev. xxii. 10). (8) On their settlement 
in Canaan the priestly families had thirteen 
cities assigned them, with *' suburbs " or 
pasture-grounds for their flocks (Josh. xxi. 
13-19). These provisions were obviously 
intended to secure the religion of Israel 
against the dangers of a caste of pauper- 
priests, needy and dependent, and unable 
to bear their witness to the true faith. They 
were, on the other hand, as far as possible 
removed from the condition of a wealthy 
order. The standard of a priest's income, 
even in the earliest days after the settle- 
ment in Canaan, was miserably low (Judg. 
xvii. 10). The earliest historical trace of 
any division of the priesthood, and cor- 
responding cycle of services, belongs to the 
time of David. The priesthood was then 
divided into the four and twenty "courses" 
or orders (1 Chr. xxiv. 1-19 ; 2 Chr. xxiii. 
8; Luke i. 5), each of which was to servo 
in rotation for one week, while the further 
assignment of special services during the 
week was determined by lot (Luke i. 9). 
Each course appears to have commenced 
its work on the Sabbath, the outgoing 
priests taking the morning sacrifice, and 
leaving that of the evening to their succes- 
sors (2 Chr. xxiii. 8). In this division, 
however, the two great priestly houses did 
not stand on an equality. The descendants 
of Ithamar were found to have fewer rep- 
resentatives than those of Eleazar, and 
sixteen courses accordingly were assigned 
to the latter, eight only to the former (1 
Chr. xxiv. 4). The division thus instituted 
was confirmed by Solomon, and continued 
to be recognized as the typical number of 
the priesthood. On the return from the 
captivity there were found but four courses 
out of the twenty-four, each containing, in 
round numbers, about a thousand (Ezr. ii. 
36-39). Out of these, however, to revive 
at least the idea of the old organization, the 
four and twenty courses were reconstituted 
(comp. Luke i. 5), bearing the same name? 
as before, and so continued till the destruc- 
tion of Jerusalem. If we may accept the 
numbers given by Jewish writers as at all 
trustworthy, the proportion of the priest- 
hood to the population of Palestine, during 
the last century of their existence as au 
order, must have been far greater than that 
of the clergy has ever been in any Christian 
nation. Over and above those that wero 
scattered in the country and took their turn . 
there were not fewer than 24,000 stationed 
permanently at Jerusalem, and 12,uO0 a* 



FRIEST 



049 



PROCURATOR 



«erioho. It vras almost inevitable that the 
great ria.?s 3f the order, under such cir- 
cumstances, should sink in character and 
reputation. The reigns of the two kings 
David and Solomon were the culminating 
{■eriod of the glory of the Jewish priest- 
hood. The position of the priests under 
the monarchy of Judah deserves a closer 
examination than it has yet received. For 
.very week of service in the Temple there 
were twenty-three weeks in which they had 
no appointed work. To what employment 
could they turn? (1) The more devout 
and thoughtful found, probably, in the 
Bchools of the prophets that which satisfied 
them. They became teaching priests (2 
Chr. XV. 3), students, and interpreters of 
the Divine Law. (2) Some perhaps served 
in the king's army. (3) A few chosen ones 
might enter more deeply into the divine 
life, and so receive, like Zechariah, Jere- 
miah, Ezekiel, a special call to the office 
of a prophet. (4) We can hardly escape 
the conclusion that many did their work in 
the Temple of Jehovah with a divided alle- 
giance, and acted at other times as priests 
of the high-places. Those who ceased to 
be true shepherds of the people found noth- 
ing in their ritual to sustain or elevate them. 
They became as sensual, covetous, tyran- 
nical, as ever the clergy of the Christian 
CLarch became in its darkest periods ; con- 
spicuous as drunkards and adulterers (Is. 
Kxvui. 7, 8, Ivi. 10-12). The prophetic 
order, instead of acting as a check, became 
sharers in the corruption (Jer. v. 31 ; Lam. 
IV. 13; Zeph. iii. 4). It will be interesting 
to bring together the few facts that indicate 
their position in the N. T. period of their 
history. The number scattered throughout 
Palestine was, as has been stated, very 
large. Of these the greater number were 
poor and ignorant. The priestly order, like 
the nation, was divided between contending 
sects. In the scenes of the last tragedy of 
Jewish hisiory the order passes away, with- 
out honor, " dying as a fool dieth." The 
high-priesthood is given to the lowest and 
vilest of the adherents of the frenzied Zeal- 
ots. Other piiests appear as deserting to 
the enemy. The destruction of Jerusalem 
deprived the order at one blow of all but 
an honorary distinction. Their occupation 
was gone. Many families must have alto- 
gether lost tlieir genealogies. The lan- 
guage of the N. T. writers in relation to 
the priesthood ought not to be passed over. 
They recognize in Christ, the first-born, the 
king, the Anointed, the representative of 
the true primeval priesthood after the or- 
der of Melchizedek (Heb. vii., viii.),from 
which that of Aaron, however necessary 
for the time, is now seen to have been a 
deflection. But there is no trace of an 
order in the new Christian society, bearing 
ih« namy and exfrcisingfuucMonii like those 



of the priests of the older Covenant. The 
idea which pervades the teaching of the 
Epistles is that of a universal priesthood. 
It was the thought of a succeeding age thai 
the old classification of the high-priest, 
priests, and Levites was reproduced in the 
bishops, priests, and deacons of the Chris 
tian Church. 

Prince, Princess. The only speciai 
uses of the word " prince " are — 1. 
" Princes of provinces" (1 K. xx. 14), who 
were probably local governors or magis- 
trates. 2. The "princes" mentioned m 
Dan. vi. 1 (see Esth. i. 1) were the prede- 
cessors of the satraps of Darius Hystaspis. 

Pris'ca (2 Tim. iv. 19) or Priscil'la. 
[Aquila.] To what has been said else- 
where under the head of Aquila the follow- 
ing may be added. We find that the name 
of the wife is placed before that of the hus- 
band in Rom. xvi. 3, 2 Tim. iv. 19, and 
(according to some of tht; best MSS.) in 
Acts xviii. 26. Hence we should be dis- 
posed to conclude that I'riscilla was the 
more energetic character of the two. In 
fact we may say that Priscilla is the ex- 
ample of what the married woman may do 
for the general service of the Church, in 
conjunction with home duties, as Phoebb 
is the type of the unmarried servant of the 
Church, or deaconess. 

Prison. For imprisonment as a pun- 
ishment, see Punishments. During the 
wandering in the desert we read on two 
occasions of confinement "in ward" (Lev. 
xxiv. 12 ; Num. xv. 34) ; but as imprison- 
ment was not directed by the Law, so we 
hear of none tiU the time of the kings, when 
the prison appears as an appendage to tho 
palace, or a special part of it (1 K. xxii. 27). 

Proch'orus, one of the seven deacons, 
being the third on the list, and named next 
after Stephen and Philip (Acts vi. 5) . 

Proconsul. The Greek av^rTtarof, for 
which this is the true equivalent, is ren- 
dered uniformly "deputy" in the A. V. of 
Acts xiii. 7, 8, 12, xix. 38 ; and the deriveu 
verb av&vnuTei'tj) in Acts xviii. 12, is trans- 
lated "to be deputy." At the division of 
the Roman provinces by Augustus, in the 
year b. c. 27, into Senatorial and Imperial, 
the emperor assigned to the senate such 
portions of territory as were peaceable, and 
could be held without force of arms. Over 
these senatorial provinces the senate ap- 
pointed by lot yearly an officer, vrho was 
called " proconsxil," and who exercised 
purely civil functions. The provinces were 
in consequence called " proconsular." 

Procurator. The Greek >]ytfi<ijv, ren- 
dered "governor" in the A. V., is applied 
in the N. T. to the officer who presided over 
the imperial province of Judaea. It is used 
of Pontius Pilate (Matt, xxvii.), of Felix 
(Acts xxiii., xxiv.), and of Festus (Acts 
vxvi. 30). In all these cases tho Vnlgat* 



FKOPHET 



55U 



PROPHET 



equivalent is praeses. The office of proc- 
urator is mentioned in Luke iii. 1. It is 
explained, under Proconsul, that after the 
battle of Actium (b. c. 27) the provinces 
of the Roman empire were divided by 
Augustus into two portions, giving some to 
tlie senate, and reserving to himself the 
rest. The imperial provinces were admin- 
istered by Legati. No quaestor came into 
ihe emperor's provinces, but the property 
and revenues of the imperial treasury were 
administered by Procuratores. Sometimes 
a province was governed by a procurator 
with the functions of a Legatus. This 
was especially the case with the smaller 
provinces and the outlying districts of 
a larger province ; and such is the re- 
lation in which Judaea stood to Syria. 
The headquarters of the procurator were 
at Caesarea (Acts xxiii. 23), where he 
had a judgment-seat (Acts xxv. 6) in 
the audience chamber (Acts xxv. 23), 
and was assisted by a council (Acts xxv. 
12), whom he consulted in cases of diffi- 
culty. In the N. T. we see the procurator 
only in his judicial capacity. Thus Christ 
is brought before Pontius Pilate as a politi- 
cal offender (Matt, xxvii. 2, 11), and the 
accusation is heard by the procurator, who 
is seated on the judgment seat (Matt, 
xxvii. 19). Fehx heard St. Paul's accusa- 
tion and defence from the judgment seat at 
Caesarea (Acts xxiv.) ; and St. Paul calls 
him "indge" (Acts xxiv. 10), as if this 
term described his chief functions. The 
procurator is again alluded to in his judicial 
capacity in 1 Pet. ii. 14. He was attended 
by a cohort as body-guard (Matt, xxvii. 27), 
*nd apparently went up to Jerusalem at the 
time of the high festivals, and there resided 
at the palace of Herod, in which was the 
oraetorium, or "judgment hall," as it is 
rendered in the A. V. (Matt, xxvii. 27; 
Mark xv. 16 ; comp. Acts xxiii. 35). 

Prophet. The ordinary Hebrew word 
for prophet is ndbi, derived from a verb 
signifying " to bubble forth " like a foun- 
tain. Hence the word means one who an- 
nounces or pours forth the declarations of 
God. The English word comes from the 
Greek Prophetes (^rtQotju'iXtjg), which signi- 
fies in classical Greek one who speaks for 
another, specially one who speaks for a 
god, and so interprets his will to man. 
Hence its essential meaning is "an inter- 
preter." The use of the word in its modern 
sense as " one who predicts " is post-clas- 
sical. Ihe larger sense of interpretation 
has not, however, been lost. In fact the 
English word Prophet has always been used 
in a larger and in a closer sense. The dif- 
ferent meanings, or shades of meaning, in 
which the abstract noun is employed in 
Scripture, have been drawn out by Locke 
as follows :--" Prophecy comprehends 
three things: prediction; singing bv the 



dictate of the Spirit; and undorstandu.{j 
and explaining the mysterious, hidden sensf 
of Scripture, by an immediate illumination 
and motion of the Spirit." — The sacerdotal 
order was originally the instrument by 
which the membeis of the Jewish Theoc- 
racy were taught and governed in things 
spiritual. Teaching by act and teaching 
by word were alike their task. But during 
the time of the Judges, the priesthood sank 
into a state of degeneracy, and the people 
were no longer affected by the acted les- 
sons of the ceremonial service. They re- 
quired less enigmatic warnings and exhor- 
tations. Under these circumstances a new 
moral power was evoked — the Prophetic 
Order. Samuel, himself a Levite, of the 
family of Kohath (1 Chr. vi. 28), and al- 
most certainly a priest, was the instrument 
used at once for effecting a reform in the 
sacerdotal order (1 Chr. ix. 22), and for 
giving to the prophets a position of im- 
portance which they had never before held. 
Nevertheless, it is not to be supposed that 
Samuel created the prophetic order as a 
new thing before unknown. The germs 
both of the prophetic and of the regal 
order are found in the Law as given to the 
Israelites by Moses (Deut. xiii. 1, xviii. 20, 
xvii. 18), but they were not yet developed, 
because there was not yet the demand for 
them. Samuel took measures to make his 
work of restoration permanent as well as 
effective for the moment. For this purpose 
he instituted Companies, or Colleges of 
Prophets. One we find in his lifetime at 
Ramah (1 Sam. xix. 19, 20) ; others after- 
wards at Bethel (2 K. ii. 3), Jericho (2 K. 
ii. 5), Gilgal (2 K. iv. 38), and elsewhere 
(2 K. vi. 1). Their constitution and object 
were similar to those of Theological Col- 
leges. Into them were gathered promising 
students, and here they were trained for 
the office which they were afterwards des- 
tined to fulfil. So successful were these 
institutions, that from the time of Samuel 
to the closing of the Canon of the Old 
Testament, there seems never to have been 
wanting a due supply of men to keep up 
the line of official prophets. Their chief 
subject of study was, no doubt, the Law 
and its interpretation ; oral, as distinct from 
symbolical, teaching being henceforth tacit- 
ly transferred from the priestly to the prO' 
phetical order. Subsidiary subjects of in- 
struction were music and sacred poetry, 
both of which had been connected with 
prophecy from the time of Moses (Ex. xv. 
20) and the Judges (Judg. iv. 4, v. 1). But 
to belong to the prophetic order and to pos- 
sess the prophetic gift are not converti- 
ble terms. Generally, the inspired proph- 
et came from the College of the Proph- 
ets, and belonged to the prophetic order, 
but this was not always the case. Thri 
Amps, though called to the prophetic ajficf 



m\ 



rilOPHlCT 



551 



PKUPliE'J 



iiJ nU be.obg to the proplietic order (Am. 
vii. 14). The sixteen prophets whose books 
are in the Canon have therefore that place 
of honor, because they were endowed with 
the prophetic gift as well as ordinarily (so 
far as we know") belonging to the prophetic 
order. What then are the characteristics 
ol th'? sixteen prophets, thus called and com- 
missioned, and intrustr i with the messages 
of God to His people? (1.) They were the 
GAtional poets of Judaea. (2.) They were 
annalists and historians. A great portion 
of Isaiah, of Jeremiah, of Daniel, of Jonah, 
ol tlaggai,is direct or indirect history, (3.) 
TKey were preachers of patriotism ; their 
f atriotism being founded on the religious 
motive. (4.) They were preachers of morals 
Bald of spiritual religion. The system of 
morals put forward by the prophets, if not 
higher, or sterner, or purer than that of the 
Law, is more plainly declared, and with 
igreibter, because now more needed, vehe- 
Qienv.e of diction. (5.) They were extraor- 
dinary, but yet authorized exponents of 
the Law. (6.) They held a pastoral or 
quasi-pastoral office. (7.) They were a 
political power in the state. (8.) But tlie 
prophets were something more than na- 
tional poets and annalists, preachers of 
patriotism, moral teachers, exponents of 
the Law, pastors, and poHticians. Their 
most essential characteristic is, that they 
were instruments of revealing God's will 
to man, as in other ways, so specially by 
predicting future events, and, in particular, 
by foretelling the incarnation of the Lord 
Jesus Christ, and the redemption effected 
by Him We have a series of prophecies 
which a.i o applicable to the person and 
earthly life of Jesus Christ as to be thereby 
shown to have been designed to apply to 
Him. And if they were designed to 
api'}y to Him, prophetical prediction is 
proA ed. Objections have been urged. We 
notice only one, viz. vagueness. It has 
been said that the prophecies are too darkly 
and vaguely worded to be proved predic- 
tive by the events which they are alleged to 
foretell. But to this might be answered, 
1. That God never forces men to believe, 
but that there is such a union of definite- 
aess and vagueness in the prophecies as to 
enable those who are willing to discover 
the truth, while the wilfully blind are not 
forcibly constrained to see it. 2. That, 
had the prophecies been couched in the 
form of direct declarations, their fulfilment 1 
would have thereby been rendered impos- ' 
sible, < r, at least, capable of frustration. 
3. That the effect »f prophecy would have 
been far less beneficdal to believers, as 
being less adapted to keep them in a state 
of constant expectation. 4. That the Mes- 
siah of rev(-lation could not be so clearly 
portrayed in his varied character as God and 
Wan, as I'lophel, Priest and King "f he had 



been the mere " teacher." 5. That ttiestai* 
of the Prophets, at the time of receiving 
the Divine revelation, was such as neces- 
sarily to make their predictions friigmen- 
tary, figurative, and abstracted from the 
relations of tin>e. 6. That some portions 
of the prophecies were intended to be of 
double application, and some portions to 
be understood only on their fulfilment (c(. 
John xiv. 29; Ez. xxxvi. 33). We leaio 
from Holy Scripture that it was by the 
agency of the Spirit of God that the proph f 
ets received the divine communication. 
But the means by which the Divine Spirit 
communicated with tlie human spirit, and 
the conditions of the human spirit under 
which the Divine communications Mfere re- 
ceived, have not been clearly declared to 
us. They are, however, indicated. In 
Num. xii. 6-8 we have an exhaustive di- 
vision of the different ways in which the 
revelations of God are made to man. 1. 
Direct declaration and manifestation: "I 
will speak mouth to mouth, apparently, 
and the similitude of the Lord shall he be- 
hold." 2. Vision. 3. Dream. But though 
it must be allowed that Scripture language 
seems to point out the state of dream and 
of trance, or ecstasy, as a condition in 
which the human instrument received the 
Divine communications, it does not follow 
that all tlie prophetic revelations were thus 
made. Had the prophets a full knowledge 
of that which tliey predicted? It follows 
from what we have already said that they 
had not, and could not have. They were 
the "spokesmen" of God (Ex. vii. 1), the 
" mouth " by which His words were uttered, 
or they were enabled to view, and empow- 
ered to describe, pictures presented to their 
spiritual intuition ; but there are no grounds 
for believing that, contemporaneously with 
this miracle, there was wrought another 
miracle, enlarging the understanding of 
the prophet so as to grasp the whole of the 
Divine counsels which he was gazing into, 
or which ht- was the instrument of enun- 
ciating. Of the sixteen Prophets, four 
are usually called the Great Prophets, 
namely, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiei, and 
Daniel; and twelve the Miner Prophets,. 
namely, Hosea, Joel, Amos, Obadiah* 
Jonah, Micah, Nahum, llabakkuk, Zeph- 
aniah, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi. Thet 
may be divided into four groupt; : tL^ 
Prophets of the Northern Kingdom — Ho* 
sea, Amos, Joel, Jonah; the Prophets (-1 
the Southern Kingdom — Isaiah, Jeremiah, 
Obadiah, Micah, Nahum, Habakkuk Z( jih • 
aniah ; the Prophets of the Capti vhy - 
Ezekiei and Daniel; the Prophets of tin- 
Return — Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi. 
They may be arranged in the following 
chronological order : namely, Joel, Jonaii, 
Hosea, Amos, Isaiah, Micah, Nahum, Zeph- 
aniah. Habakkuk, Obadiah, Jereaia'i. "Eter- 



I'KUPHET 



552 



PROSELYTES 



kicl, Daniel, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi. 
Use of Prophecy. — Predictive prophecy is 
at once a part and an evidence of revela- 
tion : at the time that it is delivered, and 
until its fulfilment, a part ; after it has been 
fulfilled, an evidence. St. Peter (2 Ep. i. 
19) describes it as *'a light shining in a 
dark place," or " a taper glimpiering where 
there is nothing to reflect its rays," that is, 
throwing s )nie light, but only a feeble light 
as compared with what is shed from the 
Gospel history. But after fulfilment, St. 
Peter says "the word of prophecy" be- 
comes " more sure " than it was before ; 
that is, it is no longer merely a feeble light 
to guide, but it is a firm ground of confi- 
dence, and, combined with the apostolic 
testimony, serves as a trustworthy evidence 
of the faith. As an evidence, fulfilled 
prophecy is as satisfactory as anything can 
be for who can know the future except the 
Ruler who disposes future events? and 
from whom can come prediction except 
from Him who knows the future ? Devel- 
opment of Messianic Prophecy. — Predic- 
tion, in the shape of promise and threaten- 
ing, begins with the Book of Genesis. 
Immediately upon the Fall, hopes of re- 
covery and salvation are held out, but the 
manner in which this salvation is to be 
effected is left altogether indefinite. All 
that is At first declared is, that it shall come 
through a child of woman (Gen. iii. 15). 
By degrees the area is limited : it is to 
come through the family of Shem (Gen. ix. 
26), through the family of Abraham (Gen. 
vii. 3), of Isaac (Gen. xxii. 18), of Jacob 
(Gen. xxviii. 14), of Judah (xlix. 10). 
Balaam seems to say that it will be wrought 
by a warlike Israelitish King (Num. xxiv. 
17) ; Jacob, by a peaceful Ruler of the earth 
(Gen. xlix. 10) ; Moses, by a Prophet like 
himself, i. e. a revealer of a new religious 
dispensation (Deut. xviii. 15). Nathan's 
announcement (2 Sam. vii. 16) determines 
further that the salvation is to come through 
the house of David, and through a descend- 
ant of David who shall be himself a king. 
This promise is developed by David him- 
self in the Messianic Psalms. Pss. xviii. 
and Ixi are founded on the promise com- 
muiicated by Nathan, and do not go beyond 
the announcement made by Nathan. The 
9aiT. : Jiay be said of Ps. Ixxxix., which 
wa« composed by a later writer. Pss. ii. 
•Ji J ex. rest upon the same promise as their 
foundation, but add new features to it. 
The Son ol David is to be the Son of God 
(ii. 7), the Anointed of the Lord (ii. 2), not 
only the King of Zion (ii. 6, ex. 1), but the 
Inheritor and Lord of the whole earth (ii. 
8. ex. 6), and besides this, a Priest forever 
after the order of Melchizedek (ex. 4). At 
the same time, he is, as typified by his pro- 
genitor, to be full of suff'ering and affliction 
(Pss. xxii., Ixxi., cii., cix.) ; brought down 



to the grave, yet raised to liift without 
seeing corruption (Ps. xvi.). In Pss. xlv., 
Ixxii., the sons of Korah and Solomon 
describe his peaceful reign. Between Solo- 
mon and Hezekiah intervened some 20C 
years, during which the voice of propliecy 
was silent. The Messianic conception en- 
tertained at this time by the Jews might 
have been that of a King of the royal 
house of David, who would arise, and gathei 
under his peaceful sceptre his own people 
and strangers. SuflScient allusion to hia 
prophetical and priestly oflices had been 
made to create thoughtful consideration, 
but as yet there was no clear delineation of 
him in these characters. It was reserved 
for the Prophets to bring out these features 
more distinctly. In this great period of 
prophetism there is no longer any chrono- 
logical development of Messianic Prophecy, 
as in the earlier period previous lo Solo- 
mon. Each prophet adds a feature, one 
more, another less clearly : combine the 
feature, and we have the portrait; but it 
does not grow gradually and perceptibly 
under the hands of the several artists. 
Its culminating point is found in the 
prophecy contained in Is. Iii. 13-15. and liii. 
Prophets of the Nev) Testament. So far 
as their predictive powers arp concerned, 
the Old Testament prophets find their New 
Testament counterpart in the writer of the 
Apocalypse ; but in their general character, 
as specially illumined revealers of God's 
will, their counterpart will rather be found, 
first in the Great Propliet of the Church, 
and his forerunner John the Baptist, and 
next in all tliose persons who were endowed 
with the extraordinary gifts of the Spirit 
in the Apostolic age, the speakers with 
tongues and the interpreters of tongues, the 
prophets and the iliscerners of spirits, the 
teachers and workers of miracles (1 Cor. 
xii. 10, 28). That predictive powers did 
occasionally exist in the N. T. prophets is 
proved by the case of Agabus (Acts xi. 28), 
but this was not their characteristic. The 
prophets of the N. T. were supernaturally- 
illuminated expounders and preachers. 

Proselytes. The flebrew word thug 
translated is in the A V. commonly ren- 
dered "stranger" (Gem xv. 13; Ex. iL 
22; Is. v. 17, &c.). In the N. T. the A. V. 
has taken the word in a more restricted 
meaning, and translated it accordingly (Matt, 
xxiii. 15; Acts ii. 10, vi 5). The Cherb- 
THiTES and Pelethites consisted probably 
of foreigners who had been attracted to the 
service of David, and were content for ii 
to adopt the religion of their njaster. A 
convert of another kind, the type, as it hfus 
been thought, of the later pioselytes of tht- 
gate, is lT)und in Naaraan the Syrian (2 K 
V. 15, 18), recognizing Jehovah as his God, 
yet not binding himself to any rigorous 
obserk^ar.ce of tbe La»v. T'he Di3p?»»io» 



PKCJSEA.YTES 



55iJ 



t-ROSELYTES 



o( the Jews in foreign countries, which has 
been spoken of elsewhere [Dispebsion, 
The] enabled them to make many con- 
verts to their faith. The converts who 
where thus attracted, joined, with varying 
strictntss, in the worship of the Jews. In 
Palestine itself, even Roman centurions 
learnt to love the conquered nation, built 
lynagoguys for them (Luke vii. 5), fasted 
jnd prayed, and gave alms after the pattern 
»f the strictest Jews (Acts x. 2, 30), and 
became preachers of tlie new faith to the 
soldiers under theta db. v. 7). Such men, 
Jrawn by what was best in Judaism, were 
naturally among the readiest receivers of 
the ne'v truth which rose out of it, and 
became, in many cases, the nucleus of a 
Gentile Church. Proselytism had, how- 
ever, its darker side. The Jews of Pales- 
tine were eager to spread their faith by the 
same weapons as those with which they 
had defended it. The Idumaeans had the 
alternative offered them by John Hyrca- 
nus of death, exile, or circumcision. The 
Ituraeans were converted in the same way 
by Aristobulus. Where force wo.s not in 
their power, they obtained their ends by 
the most unscrupulous fraud. Those who 
were most active in proselytizing were pre- 
cisely those from whose teaching all that 
was most true and living had departed. 
The vices of the Jew were ingrafted on 
the vices of the heathen. A repulsive 
casuistry released the convert from obli- 
gations which he had before recognized, 
while in other things he was bound, hand 
and foot, to an unhealthy superstition. It 
was no wonder that he became " twofold 
more the child of hell " (Matt, xxiii. 15) 
than the Pharisees themselves. The posi- 
tion of such proselytes was indeed every 
way pitiable. At Rome, and in other large 
cities, they became the butts of popular 
scurrility.* Among the Jews themselves 
their case was not much better. For the 
most part the convert gained but little 
honor, even from those who gloried in hav- 
ing brought him over to their sect and party. 
The popular Jewish feeling about them was 
like the nopular Christian feeling about a 
converted Jew. The better Rabbis did 
their best to ^juard against these evils. 
Anxious to exclude all unworthy converts, 
they grouped them, according to their 
motives, with a somewhat quaint classifica- 
tion. (1.) Ijove-proselytes, where they 
ware drawn by the hope of gaining the 
beloved one;. (2.) Man-for-Woman or 
Woman fur-Man proselytes, where the 
husband followed the religion of the wife, 
OT coi-versely. (3.) Esther-proselytes, 
where conformity was assumed to escape 
danger, as in the original Purim (Estli. 
nii. 17). (4.) King's-table-proselytes, who 

• The words "curtui," " verpeo," met them at every cor- 
Mi iHor. Sat. i. 4. 142 : Mart. vii. 29. 31. 81. zi. 95. xiL 37). 



were led by the hope of court favor and 
promotion, like the converts under David 
and Solomon. (5). Lion-proselytes, where 
the conversion originated in a superstitious 
dread of a divine judgment, as with the 
Samaritans of 2 K. xvii. 26. None of these 
were regarded as fit for admission within 
the covenant. — We find in the Talmud a 
, distinction between Proselytes of the Gate 
j and Proselytes of Righieousness. 1. The 
term Proselytes of the Gate was derived 
j from the frequently occurring description 
I in the Law, " the stranger that is within 
thy gates " (Ex. xx. 10, &c.). Converts of 
this class were not bound by circumcision 
and the other special laws of the Mosaic 
©ode. It was enough for them to observe 
the seven precepts of Noah — i. e. the six 
supposed to have been given to Adam, (1) 
against idolatry, (2) against blaspheming, 
(3) against bloodshed, (4) against unclean- 
ness (5) against theft, (6) of obedience, with 
(7) the prohibition of " flesh with the blood 
thereof" given to Noah. The proselyte 
was not to claim the privileges of an 
Israelite, might not redeem his first-born, 
or pay the half-shekel. He was forbidden 
to study the Law under pain of death. 
The later Rabbis insisted that the profes- 
sion of his faith should be made solemnly 
in the presence of three witnesses. The 
Jubilee was the proper season for his 
admission. All this seems so full and pre- 
cise that it has led many writers to look 
on it as representing a reality ; and mast 
commentators accordingly have seen these 
Proselytes of the Gate in the " religious 
proselytes," " the devout persons," " de- 
vout men " of the Acts (Acts xiii. 43, xvii. 
4, 17, ii. 5). It remains doubtful, however, 
whether it was ever more than a paper 
scheme of what ought to be, disguising 
itself as having actually been. 2. The 
Proselytes of Righteousness, known also as 
P] oselytes of tlie Covenant, were perfect 
Israelites. We learn from the Talmud 
that, in addition to circumcision, baptism 
was also required to complete their admis- 
sion to the faith. The proselyte was placed 
in a tank or pool, up to his neck in water. 
His teachers, who now acted as his spon- 
sors, repeated the great commandments of 
the Law. The baptism was followed, as 
long as the Temple stood, by the offering 
or Corban. — This account suggests many 
questions of grave interest. Was this rit- 
ual observed as early as the commence- 
ment of the first century? If so, was the 
baptism of John, or that of the Christian 
Church, in any way derived from, or con- 
nected with, the baptism of proselytes ? If 
not, was the latter in any way borrowed 
from the former? It will be enough tc 
sum up the con<;lusions which seora fairly 
to be drawn from the controversy on this 
subject. (1.) There is no direct ev idenc* 



i'KOVERBS, BOOK OF 



654 



PHOVINCE 



oC the practice being in use before the ie- 
struction of Jerusalem. (2.) The negative 
argument drawn from the silence of the O. 
T., of the Apocrypha, of Philo, and of Jo- 
sephus, is almost decisive against the be- 
lief that there was, in their time, a baptism 
of proselytes with as much importance at- 
tached 10 it as ve find in the Talmudists. 
(3.) It is probable, however, that there 
was a baptism in use at a period consider- 
ably earlier than that fur which we have 
diie:;t evidence. (4.) The history of the 
N. T. itself suggests the existence of such 
a custom. A sign is seldom chosen unless 
it already has a meaning for those to whom 
it is addrfissed. The fitness of the sign in 
tJ/is case would be in proportion to tjie as- 
sociations already connected with it. The 
question of the Priests and Levites, " Why 
iaptizest thou then ? " (John i. 25) implies 
*hat they wondered, not at the thing itself, 
but at its being done for Israelites by one 
who disclaimed the names which, in their 
eyes, would have justified the introduction 
of a new order. 

Proverbs, Book of. The canonicity 
of the Book of Proverbs has never been 
disputed except by the Jews themselves. 
It appears to have been one of the points 
urged by the school of Shammai, that the 
contradictions in the Book of Proverbs ren- 
dered it apocryphal. It occurs in all the 
Jewish lists of canonical books, and is 
reckoned among what are called the " writ- 
ings " {ccthubtm) or Hagiographa, which 
form the third great division of the Hebrew 
Scriptures. The superscriptions which are 
oflixed to several portions of the Book, in 
I. 1, X. 1, XXV. 1, attribute the authorship 
of those portions to Solomon, the son of 
David, king of Israel. With the exception 
of the last two cliapters, which are distinct- 
ly assigned to other authors, it is probable 
that the statement of the superscriptions is 
in the main correct, and that the majority 
of the Proverbs contained in the book were 
uttered or collected by Solomon. Speak- 
ing roughly, the book consists of three main 
divisions, with two appendices. 1. Chaps. 
i.-ix. form a connected didactic poem, in 
which Wisdom is praised and the youth 
exh:rted to devote himself to her. This 
portion is preceded by an introduction and 
title describing the character and general 
aim of the book. 2. Chaps, x.-xxiv., with 
the title, " The Proverbs of Solomon," con- 
sist of three parts : x. l.-xxii. 16, a collec- 
tion of single proverbs, and detached sen- 
tences out of the region of moral teaching 
and worldly prudence ; xxii. 17-xxiv. 21, a 
more connected didactic poem, with an in- 
iroduction, xxii 17-22, which contains pre- 
cepts of righteousness and prudence : xxiv. 
23-34, with the inscription, "These also be- 
long to the wise," a collection of uncon- 
Aected maxims, which serve as an appendix 



to the prejevlii g. Then follows the third 
division, xxv.-xxix., which, acco'-diug to 
the superscription, professes to be a collec- 
tion of Solomon's proverbs, consisting of 
single sentences, which the men of the 
court of Hezekiah copied out. The first 
appendix, ch. xxx., " The words of Agur. 
the son of Jakeh," is a collection of partly 
proverbial and partly enigmatical sayings j 
the second, ch. xxxi., ib divided into twc 
parts, *' The words of king Lemuel " (1-6), 
and an alphabetical acrostic in praise of a 
virtuous woman, which occupies the rest of 
the chapter. Who was Agur, and who was 
Jakeh, are questions which have been often 
asked, and never satisfactorily answered. 
All that can be said of him is, that he is an 
unknown Hebrew sage, the son of an equal- 
ly unknown Jakeh, and that he lived aftei 
the time of Hezekiah. Lemuel, like Agur, 
is unknown. It is even uncertain whether 
he is to be regarded as a real personage, or 
whether the name is merely symbolical. 
If the present text be retained, it is diflScull 
to see what other conclusion can be arrived 
at. If Lemuel were a real personage, he 
must have been a foreign neighbor-king, or 
the chief of a nomade tribe ; and in this 
case the proverbs attributed to him must 
have come to the Hebrews from a foreign 
source, which is higlily improbable, and 
contrary to all we know of the people. 
The Proverbs are frequently quoted or al- 
luded to in the New Testament, and the 
canonicity of the book thereby <;onfirmed. 
The following is a list of the principal pas- 
sages : — 



I 



>rov. i. 16 


compare 


Rom. iii. 10, Ifi. 


iii. 7 




" 


Rom. xii. 16. 


iu. U, 12 




** 


Ueb. xii. 5, 6; see also Bev. in. 

19. 


iiL34 




»' 


Jam. IV. 6. 


X. 12 




" 


1 Pet. iv. S. 


xi.32 




'• 


1 Pet. iv. 18. 


xviL 13 • 




" 


Rom. xii. 17 ; 1 Thew. ▼. U ; 1 Fat 

iii. 9. 


xvii. 27 




" 


Jam. i. 19. 


XX. 9 




" 


1 John i. 8. 


XX. 20 




•' 


Matt. XV. 4; Mark Tii. IB. 


xxii. 8(LXX.) 




2 Cor. ix. 7. 


XXV. 21. 22 




*' 


Rom. xii. 20. 


XX vi. 11 




" 


2 Pet. ii. 22. 


xxvii, 1 




" 


Jam. iv. 13, 14 



Province. It is not intended here to 
do more than indicate the points of contact 
which this word presents with Biblical his- 
tory and literature. (1.) In the O. T. it 
appears in connection with the wars be- 
tween Ahab and Benhadad (1 K. xx. 14, 
15, 19). The victory of the former is 
gained chiefly " by the young men of the 
princes of the provinces," i.e., probablj , cf 
the chiefs of tribes in the Gilead country. 
(2.) More commonly the word is used of 
the divisions of the Chaldaean (Dan. ii. 49, 
iii. 1, 30) and the Persian kingdoms (Ezr. 
ii. 1 ; Neh. vii. 6 ; Esth. i. 1, 22, ii. 3, &c.;. 
In the N. T. we are brought into contaci 
with the administration of the provinces of 
the Roman empire. The classif i'.ation of 



J 



PSALMS.. BOOK OF 



556 



PSALMS, BOOK OF 



prorinces supposed to need military con- 
trol, and therefore placed under the im- 
mediate government of the Caesar, and 
those still belonging theoretically to the 
republic, and administered by the senate ; 
and of the latter again into proconsular 
and praetorian, is recognized, more or less 
distinctly, in the Gospels and the Acts [Pro- 
consul; Procdrator.] The oTQaiyiyoi of 
Acts xvi. 22 (" magistrates," A. V.), on the 
other hand, were the duumviri, or praetors 
of a Roman colony. The right of any Ro- 
man citizen to appeal from a provincial gov- 
ernor to tlie emperor meets us as asserted 
by St. Paul (Acts xxv. 11). In the coun- 
cil of Acts xxv. 12 we recognize the assess- 
ors who were appointed to take part in the 
judicial functions of tlie governor. 

Psalms, Book of. The present He- 
brew name of the Book is Tehillim, 
"Praises." But in the actual superscrip- 
tions of the psalms the word Tehilldh is 
applied only to one, Ps. cxlv., which is in- 
deed emphatically a praise-hymn. The 
LXX. entitled them ipaiuoi, or "Psalms." 
The Christian Church obvioasly received 
the Psalter from the Jews not only as •a 
constituent portion of the sacred volume 
of Holy Scripture, but also as the liturgi- 
cal hymn-book which the Jewish Church 
had regularly used in the Temple. The 
book contains 150 Psalms, and may be 
divided into five great divisions or books, 
which must have been originally formed at 
different periods. This is by various fur- 
ther considerations rendered all but certain. 
Thus, there is a remarkable difference be- 
tween the several books in their use of the 
divine names Jehovah and Elohim, to des- 
ignate Almighty God. In Book I. (i.-xli.) 
the former name prevails : it is found 272 
times, while Elohim occurs but 15 times. 
In Book II. (xlii.-lxxii.), Elohim is found 
more than five times as often as Jehovah. 
In Book III, (Ixxiii.-lxxxix.), the prepon- 
derance of Elohim in the earlier is balanced 
by that of Jehovah in the latter psalms of 
the book. In Book IV. (xc.-cvi.) the 
name Jehovah is exclusively employed; 
and 80 also, virtually, in Book V. (cvii.- 
cl.), Elohim being there found only in two 
passages incorporated from earlier psalms. 
We find the several groups of psalms which 
form the respective five books distinguished, 
in great measure, by their superscriptions, 
from each other. Book I. is, by the super- 
jcriptions, entirely Davidic ; nor do we find 
in it a trace of any but David's authorship. 
We xr^ay well believe that the compilation 
of the book was also David's work. Book 
II. appears by the date of its latest psalm, 
Ps. xlvi., to have been compiled in the 
reign of king Hezekiah. It would natural- 
ly comprise, 1st, several or most of the 
Levitical psalms anterior to that date; and 
2dl7, tlie remainder of the psalms of David 



previously uncompilei. To these latter th« 
collector, after properly appending .ne sin- 
gle psalm of Solomon, has affixed the notice 
that " the prayers of David the son of Jesse 
are ended" (Ps. Ixxii. 20); evidently im- 
plying, at least on the primd facie view, 
that no more compositions of the royal 
psalmist remained. How then do we find, 
in the later Books III., IV., V., further 
psalms yet marked with David's name? 
The name David is used to denote, in 
other parts of Scripture, after the original 
David's death, the then head of the Davidic 
family; and so, in prophecy, the Messiah 
of the seed of David, who was to sit on 
David's throne (IK. xii. 16 ; Hos. iii. 5 ; 
Is. Iv. 3; Jer. xxx. 9; Ez. xxxiv. 23, 24). 
And thus then we may explain the mean- 
ing of the later Davidic superscriptions ii. 
the Psalter. The psalms to which they be- 
long were written by Hezekiah, by Josiah, 
by Zerubbabel, or others of David's pos- 
terity. The above explanation removes al) 
serious difficulty respecting the history ol 
the later books of the Psalter. Book III., 
the interest of which centres in the times 
of Hezekiah, stretches out, by its last two 
psalms, to the reign of Manasseh : it waa 
probably compiled in the reign of Josiah. 
Book IV. contains the remainder of the 
psalms up to the date of the captivity; 
Book V. the psalms of the Return. There 
is nothing to distinguish these two books 
from each other in respect of outward dec- 
oration or arrangement, and they may have 
been compiled together in the days of Nehe- 
miah. Connection of the Psalms with the 
Israelitish History. — The psalm of Moses, 
Ps. xc, which is in point of actual date the 
earliest, faithfully reflects the long, weary 
wanderings, the multiplied provocations, 
and the consequent punishments of the 
wilderness. It is, however, with David 
that Israelitish psalmody may be said vir- 
tually to commence. Previous mastery 
over his harp had probably already pre- 
pared the way for his future strains, when 
the anointing oil of Samuel descended upon 
him, and he began to drink in special meas- 
ure, from that day forward, of the Spirit of 
the Lord. It was then that, victorious a* 
home over the mysterious melancholy of 
Saul, and in the field over the vaunting 
champion of the Philistine hosts, he sang 
how from even babes and sucklings God 
had ordained strength because of His ene- 
mies (Ps. viii.). His next psalms are of 
a different character; his persecutions at 
the hands of Saul had commenced. When 
David's reign has begim, it is still with the 
most exciting incidents of his history, pri' 
vate or public, that his psalms are mainly 
associated. There are none to which th^ 
period of his reign at Hebron can lay ex- 
clusive claim. But after the conquest of 
Jerusalem his psalmody opened ai^resh "^ita 



PSALMS, BOOK OF 



556 



PSALMS, BOOK OF 



the solemn removal jf the ark to Mount 
Zion; and in Pss. xxiv.-xxix., which be- 
long togi til er, we have the earliest definite 
instance of David's systematic composition 
or arrangement of psalms for public use. 
Even of those psalms which cannot be re- 
ferred to any definite occasion, several re- 
flect the general historical circumstances 
of th3 times. Thus Ps. ix. is a thanksgiv- 
ing for the deliverance of the land of Israel 
from its former heathen oppressors. Ps. 
X. is a prayer for the deliverance of the 
Church from the high-handed oppression 
exercised from within. The succeeding 
psalms dwell on the same theme, the vir- 
tual internal heathenism by which the 
Church of God was weighed down. So 
that there remain very few, e. g. Pss. xv.- 
xvii., xix., xxxii. (with its choral appen- 
dage xxiii.), xxxvii., of which some histori- 
cal account may not be given. A season 
of repose near the close of his reign in- 
duced David to compose his grand person- 
al thanksgiving for the deliverances of his 
whole life, Ps. xviii. ; the date of which is 
approximately determined by the place at 
which it is inserted in the history (2 Sam. 
xxii.). It was probably at this period that 
he finally arranged for the sanctuary-ser- 
vice that collection of his psalms which 
now constitutes the First Book of the Psal- 
ter. The course of David's reign was not, 
however, as yet complete. The solemn 
assembly convened by him for the dedica- 
tion of the materials of the future Temple 
1 1 Chr. xxviii., xxix.) would naturally call 
forth a renewal of his best efforts to glorify 
tthe God of Israel in psalms ; and to this 
occasion we doubtless owe the great festal 
hymns Pss. Ixv.-lxvii., Ixviii., containing 
a large review of the past history, present 
position, and prospective glories of God's 
chosen people. The supplications of Ps. 
Ixix. suit best with the renewed distress 
occasioned by the sedition of Adonijah. 
Ps. Ixxi., to wliich Ps. Ixx., a fragment of 
a former psalm, is introductory, forms 
David's parting strain. Yet that the psalmo- 
dy of Israel may not seem finally to ter- 
minate with him, the glories of the future 
are forthwith anticipated by his son in Ps. 
hixM. For a time the single psalm of Sol- 
omon remained th^ only addition to those 
of David. If, however, religious psalmody 
were to revive, somewhat might be not un- 
reasonably anticipated from the great as- 
sembly of king Asa (2 Chr. xv.) ; and Ps. 
\. suits so exactly with the circumstances 
of that occasion, that it may well be as- 
ligned to it. The great prophetical ode Ps. 
xlv. connects itself most readily with the 
splendors of Jehoshaphat's reign. And 
aiter that psalmody had thus definitely re- 
vived, there would be no reason why it 
should rot thenceforward manifest itself in 
•easouB o4 anxiety, as well as Qf festivity 



and thanksgiving. Hence Ps. xlLx. Yei 
the psalms of this period flow but sparinjif- 
ly. Pss. xlii.-xlir., Ixxiv., are best as- 
signed to the reign of Ahaz. The reign 
of Hezekiah is naturally rich in psalmody. 
Pss. xlvi., Ixxiii., Lxxv., Ixxvi., connect 
themselves with the resistance to the su- 
premacy of the Assyrians and the divine 
destruction of their host. We are now 
brought to a series of psalms of peculiar 
interest, springing out of the political and 
religious history of the separated ten tribes 
In date of actual composition they com- 
mence before the times of Hezekiah. The 
earliest is probably Ps. Ixxx., a supplica- 
tion for the Israelitish people at the time 
of the Syrian oppression. All these psalms 
(Ixxx.-lxxxiii.) are referred by their super- 
scriptions to the Levite singers, and thus 
bear witness to the efforts of the Levites to 
reconcile the two branches of the chosen 
nation. The captivity of Manasseh him- 
self proved to be but temporary ; but the 
sentence which his sins had provoked upon 
Judah and Jerusalem still remained to be 
executed, and precluded the hope that 
God's salvation could be revealed till after 
such an outpouring of His judgments aa 
the nation never yet had known. Labor 
and sorrow must be the lot of the present 
generation ; through these mercy might o«> 
casionally gleam, but the glory which wa» 
eventually to be manifested must be for 
posterity alone. The psalms of Book IV. 
bear generally the impress of this feeling 
We pass to Book V. Ps. cvii. is the open- 
ing psalm of the return, sung probably at 
the first Feast of Tabernacles (Ezr. iii.). 
The ensuing Davidic psalms may well be 
ascribed to Zerubbabel. We here pass 
over the questions connected with Pa 
cxix. ; but a direc*^^ly historical character 
belongs to Pss. cxx.-v'xxxiv., styled in our 
A. V. " Songs of Degrees." Internal evi- 
dence refers these to the period when the 
Jews under Nehemiah were, in the very 
face of the enemy, repairing the walls of 
Jerusalem, and the title may well signify 
*' Songs of goings up upon the walls," the 
psalms being, from their brevity, well 
adapted to be sung by the workmen and 
guards while engaged in their respective 
duties. Of somewhat earlier date, it may 
be, are Ps. cxxxvii. and the ensuing Da- 
vidic psahns. Of ihese, Ps. cxxxix. is a 
psalm of the ne-v birth of Israel, from the 
womb of the Babylonish captivity, to a life 
of righteousness; Pss. cxl.-cxliii. may be 
a picture of th^. trials to which the un re- 
stored exiles were still exposed in the 
realms of the Gentiles. Henceforward, 
as we approach the close of the Psalter, 
its strains rise in cheerfulness; and it 
fittingly terminates with Pss. cxlvii.-cl., 
which were probably sung on the occasion 
of the thanksgiving procession of Neh. xii.. 



PSALMS, BOOK OF 



557 



PTOl ilAIEB 



»ft it the rebuilding of the walls of Jerusa- 
lem had been completed. Moral Charac- 
teristics of the Psalms. — Foremost among 
these meets us, undoubtedly, the universal 
recourse to communion with God. Con- 
nected with tliis is the faith by which the 
psalmist everywhere lives in God rather 
than in himself. It is of the essence of 
such faith that his view of the perfections 
of God should be true and vivid. The 
Psalter describes God as He is : it glows 
with testimonies to His power and prov- 
idence, His love and faithfulness. His holi- 
ness and righteousnesa. The Psalms not 
only set forth the perfections of God : they 
proclaim also the duty of worshipping Him 
by the acknowledgment and adoration of 
His perfections. They encourage all out- 
ward rites and means of worship. Among 
these they recognize the ordinance of sac- 
rifice as an expression of the worshipper's 
*:onsecration of himself to God's service. 
But not the less do they repudiate the out- 
ward rite when r;eparated from that which 
it was designed to express. Similar depth 
is observable in the view taken by the 
psalmists of human sin. In regard to the 
law, the psalmist, while warmly acknowl- 
edging its excellence, feels yet that it can- 
not so effectually guide his own unassisted 
exertions as to preserve him from error 
(Ps. xix.). The Psalms bear repeated tes- 
timony to the duty of instructing others in 
the ways of holiness (Pss. xxxii., xxxiv., 
li.). This brings us to notice, lastly, the 
faith of the psalmists in a righteous recom- 
pense to all men according to their deeds 
(Ps. xxxvii., &c.). Prophetical Character 
of the Psalms. — The moral struggle be- 
tween godliness and ungodliness, so vividly 
depicted in the Psalms, culminates, in Holy 
Scripture, in the life of the Incarnate Son 
of God upon earth. It only remains to 
show that the Psalms themselves definitely 
anticipated this culmination. Now there 
are in the Psalter at least three psalms of 
which the interest evidently centres in a 
person distinct from the speaker, and which, 
since they cannot without violence to the 
language be interpreted of any but the Mes- 
siah, may be termed directly and exclusively 
Messianic. We refer to Pss. ii., xlv., ex. ; 
to which may perhaps be added Ps. Ixxii. 
It would be strange if these few psalms 
stood, in their prophetical significance, ab- 
solutely alone among the rest. And hence 
."he impossibility of viewing the psalms gen- 
..rally, notwithstanding the historical dra- 
pery m which they are outwardly clothed, 
as simply the past devotions of the histor- 
ical David or the historical Israel. The 
national hymns of Israel are indeed also 
prospective ; but in general they anticipate 
ruTher the struggles and the triumphs of 
the Chriptian Church than those of Christ 
himself. 



Psaltery was a stringed instrument >f 
music to accompany the voice. The ]le 
brew nebel, or nebel, is so rendered in the 
A. V. in all passages where it occurs, ex- 
cept in Is. V. 12, xiv. 11, xxii. 24 marg. j 
Am. V. 23, vi. 5, where it is translated viol. 
The ancient viol was a six-.stringed guitar. 
In the Prayer Book version of the Psalms, 
the Hebrew word is rendered " lute." Thia 
instrument resembled the guitar, but whu 
superior in tone, being larger, and having 
a convex back, somewhat like the vertical 
section of a gourd, or more nearly resem- 
bling that of a pear. These three instru- 
ments, the psaltery or sautry, the viol, anrt 
the lute, are frequently associated in the old 
English poets, and were clearly instruments 
resembling each other, though still differ- 
ent. The Greek Psalterium {\puXri\Qi,)v 
from which our word is derived, denotet 
an instrument played with the fingers in- 
stead of a plectrum or quill, the verb being 
used of twanging the bow-string. It is 
impossible to say positively «vith what in- 
strument the nebel of the Hebrew exactlf 
corresponded. From the fact that nebel io 
Hebrew also signifies a wine-bottle or skiii, 
it has been conjectured that the term whett 
applied to a musical instrument denotes a 
kind of bagpipe. The psalteries of Da\id 
were made of cypress (2 Sam. vi. 5), those 
of Solomon of algum or almug-trees (2 Chr. 
ix. 11). Among the instruments of the 
band which played before Nebuchadnezzar's 
golden image on the plains of Dura, wo 
again meet with the psaltery (Dan. iii. 5, 
10, 15; pesantirin). The Chaldee word 
appears to be merely a modification of the 
Greek psalterium. 

Ptol'emee and Ptoleme'us. 1. " The 

son of Dorymenes " (1 Mace. iii. 38 ; 2 Mace, 
iv. 45 ; comp. Polyb. v. 61), a courtier who 
possessed great influence with Antiochus 
Epiphanes. He was induced by a bribe to 
support the cause of Menelaus (2 Mace. iv. 
45-50). Ptolemy took part in the great 
expedition which Lysias organized against 
Judas (1 Mace. iii. 38). 2. The son of 
Agesarchus, a Megalopolitan, surnamed 
Macron (2 Mace. x. 12), who was gov 
ernor of Cyprus during rhe minority of 
Ptolemy PhUometor. He afterwards de- 
serted the Egyptian service to join Antio- 
chus Epiphanes. He stood high in the 
favor of Antiochus, and received from him 
the government of Phoenicia and Coele- 
Syria (2 Mace. viii. 8, x. 11, 12). On the 
accession of Antiochus Eupator, his con- 
ciliatory policy towards the Jews brought 
him into suspicion at court. He was de- 
prived of his government, and in conse- 
quence of this disgrace he poisoned himself 
c. B. c. 164 (2 Mace. x. 13). 3. The 80» 
of Abubus, who married the daughter of 
Simon the Maccabee. He was a man of 
great wealth, and being investe-l with th« 



PTOLEMAEUS 



558 



PTOLEMAEUS 



gviveriiment of the district of Jericho, formed 
tlie design of usurping the sovereignty of 
Judaea. 

Ptolemae'us I. So'ter, the son of La- 
gus, a Macedonian of low rank, distin- 
guished himself greatly during the cam- 
paigns of Alexander ; at whose \death, he 
secured for himself the government of 
Egypt, where he proceeded at once to lay 
the foundations of a kingdom (b. c. 323). 
He abdicated in favor of his youngest son 
Ptol. II. Philadelphus, two years before his 
death, which took place in b. c. 283. Ptol. 
Soter is described very briefly in Daniel 
(xi. 5) as one of those who should receive 
part of the empire of Alexander when it 
was " divided toward the four winds of 
heaven." 

Ptolemae'us II. Philadel'phus 
(b. c. 285-247) the youngest son of Ptol. 
[., was made king two years before his 
leath, to confirm the irregular succession. 
The conflict between Egypt and Syria was 
renewed during his reign in consequence 
of the intrigue of his half-brother Magas. 
*' But in the end of years they [the kings 
of Syria and Egypt] joined themselves to- 
gether [in friendship]. For the king's 
daughter of the south [Berenice, the daugh- 
ter of Ptol. Philadelphus] came [as bride] 
to the king of the north [Antiochus II.], to 
make an agreement " (Dan. xi. 6). In other 
respects, however, this reign was a critical 
♦-poch for the development of Judaism, as 
tl was for the intellectual history of the 
aoiient world. The liberal encouragement 
irhich Ptolemy bestowed on literature and 
science gave birth to a new school of writ- 
ers and thinkers. The critical faculty was 
called forth in place of the creative, and 
learning in some sense supplied the place 
of original speculation. It was impossible 
that the Jew, who was now become as true 
a citizen of the world as the Greek, should 
remain passive in the conflict of opinions. 
It is enough now to observe the greatness 
of the consequences involved in the union 
of Greek language with Jewish thought. 
From tliis time the Jew was familiarized 
with the great types of Western literature, 
and in some degree aimed at imitating them. 
An elder Philo celebrated Jerusalem in a 
long hexameter poem. Another epic poem, 
" on the Jews," was written by Theodotus. 
The work of Aristobulus on the interpre- 
tation of the Law, was a still more impor- 
taut result of the combination of the old 
faith with Greek culture, as forming the 
groundwork of later allegories. A second 
timfi and in a new fashion Egypt disciplined 
a people of God. It first impressed upon a 
nation the firm unity of a family, and then 
in due time reconnected a matured people 
#ith the world from which it had been 
called out. 

Ptolemae'us III. Euer'getes (b. c. 



247-222) was the eldest son of Ptol. Phila4 
and brother of Berenice the wife of Antio- 
chus II. The repudiation and murder of 
his sister furnished him with an occasion 
for invading Syria (c. b. c. 246). He " stood 
up, a branch out of her stock [sprung from 
the same parents] in his [father's] estate ; 
and set himself at [the head of] his army, 
and came against the fortresses of the king 
of the north [Antiochus], and dealt against 
them and prevailed'^ (Dan. xi. 7). He ex- 
tended his conquests as far as Antioch, and 
then eastwards to Babylon, but was recalled 
to Egypt by tidings of seditions which had 
broken out there. His success was brilliant 
and complete. " He carried captive into 
Egypt the gods [of the conquered nations] 
with their molten images, and with their 
precious vessels of silver and gold " (Dan. 
xi. 8). This capture of sacred trophies 
earned for the king the name Euergetes — 
" Benefactor." After his return to Egypt 
(cir. B. c. 243) he suffered a great part of 
the conquered provinces to fall again under 
the power of Seleucus. But the attempts 
wiiich Seleucus made to attack Egypt ter- 
minated disastrously to himself. He first 
collected a fleet, which was almost totally 
destroyed by a storm; and then, as if by 
some judicial infatuation, " he came against 
the realm, of the king of the south, and 
[being defeated] returned to his own land 
[to Antioch] " (Dan. xi. 9 ; Justin xxviL 
2). After this Ptolemy " desisted some 
years from [attacking] the king of the 
north" (Dan. xi. 8). 

Ptolemae'us IV. Philop'ator (b. c. 
222-205). After the death of Ptol. Euer- 
getes the line of the Ptolemies rapidly 
degenerated. Ptol. Philopator, liis eldest 
son, who succeeded him, was to the last 
degree sensual, effeminate, and debased. 
But externally his kingdom retained it» 
power and splendor; and when circum- 
stances forced him to action, Ptolemy him- 
self showed ability not unworthy of his 
race. The description of the campaign of 
Raphia (b. c. 217) in the Book of Daniel 
gives a vivid description of his character. 
'* The sons of Seleucus [Seleucus Ceraunua 
and Antiochus the Great] were stirred up, 
and assembled a multitude of great forces ; 
and one of them, [Antiochus] came and 
overflowed and passed through [even to 
Pelusium : Polyb. v. 62] ; and he returned 
[from Seleucia, to which he had retired 
during a faithless truce : Polyb. v. 66] ; 
and they [Antiochus and Ptolemy] were 
stirred up [in war] even to his [Antiochus'] 
fortress. And the king of the south [Ptol. 
Philopator] was moved with choler, and 
came forth and fought with him [at Ra- 
phia] ; and he set forth a great multitude ; 
and the multitude was given into his hand 
[to lead to battle] ; and the multitude raised 
itself [proudly for the conflict! avid his 






PTOLEMAEUS 



559 



PTOLEMAEUS 



heart was lifted up, and he cast down ten 
ifiousands [cf. Polyb. v, 86] ; but he was 
not vigorous" [to reap the fruits of his 
victory] (Dan. xi. 10-12; cf. 3 Mace. i. 
1-6). After this decisive success Ptol. Phi- 
lopator visited the neighboring cities of 
Syria, and among others Jerusalem. After 
♦offering sacrifices of thanksgiving in the 
»'emple he attempted to enter the sanc- 
•aary. A sudden paralysis hindered his 
design; but when he returned to Alexan- 
Iria he determined to infliet on the Alex- 
andrine Jews the vengeance for his dis- 
appointment. He was succeeded by his 
only child, Ptol. V. Epiphanes, who was at 
the time only four or five years old. 

Ptolemae'us V. Epiph'anes (b. c. 
205-181). The reign of Ptol. Epiphanes 
was a critical epoch in the history of the 
Jews. The rivalry between the Syrian and 
Egyptian parties, which had for some time 
divided the people, came to an open rup- 
ture in the struggles which marked his mi- 
nority. In the strong language of Daniel, 
'* Hie robbers of the people exalted them- 
selves to establish the vision " (Dan. xi. 14). 
The accession of Ptolemy and the confu- 
sion of a disputed regency furnished a 
favorable opportunity for foreign invasion. 
'* Many stood up against the king of the 
south " under A.ntiochus the Great and 
Philip III. ot Macedonia, who formed a 
league for the dismemberment of his king- 
dom. •• So the king of the noHh [Antio- 
chus] came, and cast up a mount, and took 
the most fenced city [Sidon], and the arms 
of the south did not withstand " [at Pa- 
neas, b. c. 198] (Dan. xi. 14, 15). The 
Romans interfered, and in order to retain 
the provinces of Coele- Syria, Phoenicia, 
and Judaea, Antiochus " gave him [Ptol- 
erjy, his daughter Cleopatra] a young 
maiden " [as his betrothed wife] (Dan. xi. 
17). But in the end his policy only partial- 
ly succeeded. After the marriage of Ptol- 
emy and Cleopatra was consummated (b. 
c. 193), Cleopatra did " not stand on his 
zide," but supported her husband in main- 
utining the alliance with Rome. The dis- 
puted provinces, however, remained in the 
possession of Antiochus ; and Ptolemy was 
poisoned at the time when he was prepar- 
ing an expedition to recover them from 
Seleucus, the unworthy successor of An- 
tiochus. 

Ptolomae'us VI. Philome'tor (b. c. 
181 -145). On the death of Ptol. Epiphanes, 
his wife Cleopatra held the regency for her 
young son, Ptol. Philometor, and preserved 
peace with Syria till she died, b. c. 173. 
The government then fell into unworthy 
hands, and an attempt was made to recover 
Syria (comp. 2 Mace. iv. 21). Antiochus 
Epiphanes seems to have made the claim a 
pretext for invading Egypt. The gener- 
alH (if Ptolemy were defeated near Pelusi- 



um, probably at the close of b. c. 171 (I 
Mace. i. 16, ff.) ; and in the n(;xt year An- 
tiochus, having secured the person of the 
young king, reduced almost the whole of 
Egypt (comp. 2 Mace. v. 1). Meanwhile 
Ptol. Euergetes II., the younger brother of 
Ptol. Philometor, assumed the supreme 
power at Alexandria ; and Anticchus, undei 
the pretext of recovering the crown for 
Philometor, besieged Alexandria in b. c 

169. By this time, however, his selliab 
designs were apparent : the brothers were 
reconciled, and Antiochus was obliged to 
acquiesce for the time in the arrangement 
which they made. But while doing so he 
prepared for another invasion of Egypt, 
and was already approaching Alexandria, 
when he was met by the Roman embassy 
led by C. Popillius Laenas, who, in the 
name of the Roman senate, insisted on his 
immediate retreat (b. c. 168), a command 
which the late victory at Pydna made it 
impossible to disobey. These campaigns, 
which are intimately connected with the 
visits of Antiochus to Jerusalem in b. c. 

170, 168, are briefly described in Dan. xi 
25-30. After the discomfiture of Antio- 
chus, Philometor was for some time occu* 
pied in resisting the ambitious (Jesigns of 
his brother, who made two attempts to add 
Cyprus to the kingdom of Cyrene, whici 
was allotted to him. Having efiectually 
put down these attempts, he turned his a^ 
tention again to Syria. During the brief 
reign of Antiochus Eupator he seems to 
have supported Philip against the regent 
Lysias (comp. 2 Mace. ix. 29). After the 
murder of Eupator by Demetrius I., Phil- 
ometor espoused the cause of Aiexandei 
Balas, the rival claimant to the throne, be- 
cause Demetrius had made an attempt or 
Cyprus ; and when Alexander had defeat- 
ed and slain liis rival, he accepted the over- 
tures which he made, and gave him hii 
daughter Cleopatra in marriage (b. c. 150; 
1 Mace. X. 51-58). But, according to 1 
Mace. xi. 1, 10, &c., the alliance was not 
made in good faith, but only as a means 
towards securing possession of Syria. Ac- 
cording to others, Alexander himself made 
a treacherous attempt on the life of Ptolemy 
(comp. 1 Mace. xi. 10), which caused bin. 
to transfer his support to Demetrius II.. 
to whom also he gave his daughter, whom 
he had taken from Alexander. The whole 
of Syria was quickly subdued, and he was 
crowned at Antioch king of Egypt and 
Asia (1 Mace. xi. 13). Alexander made 
an eflbrt to recover his crown, but was d^ 
feated by the forces of Ptolemy and Demt 
trius, and shortly afterwards put to deatL 
in Arabia. But Ptolemy did not long en- 
joy his success. He fell from his horse in 
the battle, and died within a few days (1 
Mace, xi 1.8). Ptolemaeus Philometor i» 
the last king of Egypt whc is noticed i» 



PTOLEMAIS 



560 



PULSE 



sacred history, and his reign was marked 
also by the erection of the Temple at 
Leontopolis. 

Ptolema'is. [Accho.] 

Pu'a, properl)' Puvvah. Phuvah the 
son of Issachar (Num. xxvi. 23). 

Pu'ah. 1. The father of Tola, a man 
of the tribe of Issachar, and judge of Is- 
rael after Abimelech (Judg. x. 1). 2. The 
son of Issachar (1 Chr. vii. 1), elsewhere 
called Phuvah and Pda. 3. One of the 
two midwives to whom Pharaoh gave in- 
structions to kill the Hebrew male children 
at their birth (Ex. i. 15). In the A. V. 
they are called " Hebrew midwives," a 
rendering which is not required by the 
original. We may translate Ex. i. 18 in 
this way : " And the king of Egypt said to 
the women who acted as midwives to the 
Hebrew women." The two, Shiphrah and 
Puah, are supposed to have been the chief 
and representatives of their profession. 

Publican. The class designated by 
this word in the N. T. were employed as 
collectors of the Roman revenue. The 
Roman senate farmed the vectigalia (direct 
taxes) and the portoria (customs) to cap- 
italists who undertook to pay a given sum 
into the treasury {in publicum), and so re- 
ceived the name of publicani. Contracts 
of this kind fell naturally into the hands of 
the equites, as the richest class of Romans. 
They appointed managers, under whom 
were the portitores, the actual custom- 
house officers, who examined each bale of 
goods, exported or imported, assessed its 
ralue more or less arbitrarily, wrote out 
the ticket, and enforced payment. The 
latter were commonly natives of the prov- 
ince in which they were stationed, as 
being brought daily into contact with all 
classes of the population. The name publi- 
cani was used popularly, and in the N. 
T. exclusively, of the portitores. The 
system was essentially a vicious one. The 
portitores were encouraged in the most 
vexatious or fraudulent exactions, and a 
remedy was all but impossible. They over- 
charged whenever they had an opportunity 
(Luke iii. 13). They brought false charges 
of smuggling in the hope of extorting hush- 
money (Luke xix. 8). They detained and 
opened letters on mere suspicion. It was 
the basest of all livelihoods. All this was 
enough to bring the class into ill favor 
everywhere. In Judaea and Galilee there 
▼ere special circumstances of aggravation, 
•he employment brought out all the beset- 
ting vices of the Jewish character. The 
«trong feeling of many Jews as to the abso- 
lute unlawfulness of paying tribute at all 
made mutters worse. The Scribes who 
discussed tht question (Matt. xxii. 15) for 
the most part answered it in the negative. 
In addition to their other faults, according- 
ly, the publicans of the N. T. were regard- 



ed as traitors and apostates, defiled by their 
frequent intercourse with the heathen, will 
ing tools of the oppressor. The class thus 
practically excommunicated furnished tome 
of the earliest disciples both of the Baptist 
and of our Lord. The position of Zac- 
chaeus as a " chief among the publicans * 
(Luke xix. 2), iniplies a gradation of 
some kind among the persons thus em 
ployed. 

Pub'lius, the chief man — probably 
the governor — of Melita, who received 
and lodged St. Paul and his companions on 
the occasion of their being shipwrecked off 
that island (Acts xxviii. 7). Publius may 
perhaps have been the delegate of the Ro- 
man praetor of Sicily to whose jurisdiction 
Melita or Malta belonged. 

Pu'dens, a Christian friend of Timothy 
at Rome (2 Tim. iv. 21). According tc 
legend he was the host of St. Peter and 
friend of St. Paul, and was martyred under 
Nero. 

Pu'hites, The. According to 1 Chr. 
ii. 53, the " Puhites " or " Puthites " be- 
longed to the families of Kirjath-jearim. 

Pul, a country or nation mentioned in 
Is. Ixvi. 19. It is spoken of with distant 
nations, and is supposed by some to repre- 
sent the island Philae in Egypt. 

Pul, an Assyrian king, and the first of 
those monarchs mentioned in Scripture. 
He made an expedition against Menahem, 
king of Israel, about b. c. 770. Menahem 
appears to have inherited a kingdom which 
was already included among the depen.len- 
cies of Assyria. Under the Assyrian sys- 
tem the monarchs of tributary kingdoms, 
on ascending the throne, applied for " con- 
firmation in their kingdoms " to the Lord 
Paramount, and only became established 
on receiving it. We may gather from 2 K. 
XV. 19, 20, that Menahem neglected to 
make any such application to his liege lord, 
Pul — a neglect wliich would have been re- 
garded as a plain act of rebellion. Possi- 
bly, he was guilty of more overt and fla- 
grant hostility. " Menahem smote Tiphsah" 
(2 K. XV. 16), we are told. However this 
may have been, it is evident that Pul looked 
upon Menahem as a rebel. He < onse- 
quently marched an army into Palestine 
for the purpose of punishing his revolt. 
The Assyrian monuments have a king, 
whose name is read very doubtfully as Vul- 
lush or Iva-lushy at about the period when 
Pul must have reigned. His probable date 
is B. c. 800-750, while Pul, as we have 
seen, ruled over Assyria in b. c. 770. Tlie 
Hebrew name Pul is undoubtedly cur- 
tailed ; for no Assyrian name consists of a 
single element. 

Pulse occurs only in the A. V. in Dan. 
i. 12, 16, as the translation of words, the 
literal meaning of which is " seeds " of any 
kind, •'robably the tei m denotes uncookef^ 



PLTNISHMENld 



061 



PUNITES 



grain of any kind, whether barley, wheat, 
millet, vetches, &c. 

Punishmeilts. The earliest theory 
of punishment current among mankind is 
rloubtless tlie one of simple retaliation, 
" blood for blood." Viewed historically, 
jhe first c ise of punishment for crime men- 
tioned in Scripture, next to the Fall itself, 
is that of Cain, the first murderer. That 
death was regarded as the fitting punish- 
D)£nt for murder appears plain from the 
remark of Lamech (Gen. iv. 24). In the 
post-diluvian code, if we may so call it, 
retribution by the hand of man, even in the 
case of an offending animal, for blood shed, 
is clearly laid down (Gen. ix. 5, 6) Pass- 
ing onwards to Mosaic times, we find the 
set tence of capital punishment, in the case 
of murder, plainly laid down in the Law. 
Tile murderer was to be put to death, even 
if he Kshould have taken refuge at God's 
altar or in a refuge city, and the same prin- 
ciple was to be carried out even in the case 
of an animal. I. The following offences 
also are mentioned in the Law as liable to 
the punishment of death : 1. Striking, or 
even reviling, a parent (Ex. xxi. 15, 17). 
2. Blasphemy (Lev. xxiv. 14, 16, 28). 3. 
Sabbath-breaking (Num. xv. 32-36; Ex. 
xxxi. 14, xxxv. 2). 4. Witchcraft, and 
false pretension to prophecy (Ex. xxii. 18 ; 
Lev. XX. 27; Deut. xiii. 5, xviii. 20). 5. 
Adultery (Lev. xx. 10; Deut. xxii. 22). 6. 
Un chastity (Deut. xxii. 21, 23; Lev. xxi. 
9). 7. Rape (Deut. xxii. 25). 8. Inces- 
tuous and unnatural connections (Lev. xx. 
11, 14, 16; Ex. xxii. 19). 9. Man-stealing 
(Ex. xxi. 16; Deut. xxiv. 7). 10. Idolatry, 
actual or virtual, in any shape (Lev. xx. 2; 
Dout. xiii. 6, 10, 15, xvii. 2-7 : see Josh, 
vii. and xxii. 20, and Num. xxv. 8). 11. 
False witness in certain cases (Deut. xix. 
16, 19). II. But there is a large number 
of offences, some of them included in this 
list, which are named in the Law as in\ olv- 
ing the penalty of " cutting off from the 
people." On the meaning of this expres- 
sion some controversy has arisen. There 
are altogether thirty-six or thirty-seven 
cases in the Pentateuch in which this for- 
mula is used. We may perhaps conclude 
that the primary meaning of " cutting off" 
is a sentence of death to be executed in 
some cases without remission, but in others 
voidable: (1.) by immediate atonement on 
the offender's part; (2.) by direct interposi- 
tion of the Almighty, i. e. a sentence of 
death always "recorded," but not always 
executed. III. Punishments are twofold, 
Cajital and Secondary. I. (A.) Of the 
former kind, the following only are pre- 
jcribed by the Law. 1. Stoninq, which 
w'oB the ordinary mode of execution (Ex. 
xvii. 4; Luke xx. 6 ; John x. 31 ; Acts xiv. 
6). In the case of idolatry, and it may be 
presumed ir rther cases also, the witnesses, 
H8 



{ f whom there were to be at least two, w^ere 
required to cast the first stone (Deut. xiii. 
9 ; Acts vii. 58). 2. Hanging is mentioned 
as a distinct punishment (Num. xxv. 4 ; 2 
Sam. xxi. 6, 9). 3. jBMrwtn^', in pre-Mf)saic 
times, was the punishment for unchastity 
(Gen. xxxviii. 24). Under the Law it is 
ordered in the case of a priest's daughter 
(Lev. xxi. 9). 4. Death by the sword or 
spear is named in the Law (Ex. xix. 13 
xxxii. 27 ; Num. xxv. 7) ; and it occurs 
frequently in regal and post-Babylonian 
times (1 K. ii. 25, 34, xix. 1 ; 2 Chr. xxi. 4. 
&c.). 5. Strangling is said by the Rib- 
bins to have been regarded as the mo8t 
common but least severe of the capital pun- 
ishments, and to have been performed by 
immersing the convict in clay or mud, and 
then strangling him by a cloth twisted 
round the neck. (B.) Besides these or- 
dinary capital punishments, we read of 
others, either of foreign introduction or 
of an irregular kind. Among the former, 
1. Crucifixion is treated elsewhere. 2. 
Drowning, though not ordered under the 
Law, was practised at Rome, and is said 
by St. Jerome to have been in use among 
the Jews. 3. Sawing asunder or crushing 
beneath iron instruments (2 Sam. xii. 31, 
and perhaps Prov. xx. 26; Heb.xi. 37). 4. 
Pounding in a mortar, or beating to death, 
is alluded to in Prov. xxvii. 22, but not as 
a legal punishment, and cases are described 
(2 Mace. vi. 28, 30). 5. Precipitation, 
attempted in the case of our Lord at Naza- 
reth, and carried out in that of captives from 
the Edomites, and of St. James, who is 
said to have been cast from " the pinnacle " 
of the Temple. Criminals executed by law 
were buried outside the city-gates, and 
heaps of stones were flung upon their 
graves (Josh. vii. 25, 26 ; 2 Sam. xviii. 17 ; 
Jer. xxii. 19). II. Of secondary punish- 
ments among the Jews the original prin- 
ciples were, 1. Retaliation, " eye for eye," 
&c. (Ex. xxi. 24, 25). 2. Compensation, 
identical (restitution), or analogous; pay- 
ment for loss of time or of power (Ex. xxi. 
18-36; Lev. xxiv. 18-21; Deut. xix. 21). 
Slander against a wife's honor was to be 
compensated to her parents by a fine of 
100 sliekeis, and the traducer himself to be 
punished with stripes (Deut. xxii. 18, 19). 
3. Stripes, whose number was not to ex- 
ceed forty (Deut. xxv. 3) ; whence the 
Jews took care not to exceed thirty-nin*- 
(2 Cor. xi. 24). 4. Scourging with thorn* 
is mentioned Judg. viii. 16. The stocka 
are mentioned Jer. xx. 2 ; passing through 
fire, 2 Sam. xii. 31 ; mutilation, Judg. i. 6 ; 
2 Mace. vii. 4; and see 2 Sam. iv. 12; 
plucking out hair, Is. 1. 6 ; in later times, 
imprisonment, and confiscation or exile, 
Ezr. vii. 26; Jer. xxxvii. 15, xxxviii. l>; 
Acts iv. 3, V. 18, xii. 4. 

Pu'nites, The. The descendants of 



PUNON 



662 



PYGARG 



Pua, or Puvah, the sou of Tssachar \^Num. 
jrxvi. 23). 

Pll'non, one of the halting-places of the 
Israelite host during tlie last portion of the 
Wandering (,Nura. xxxiii. 42, 43). By 
Eusebius and Jerome it is identified with 
Phaeno, which contained the copper-mines 
so notorious at that period, and was situ- 
ated between Petra and Zoar. 

Purification, in its legal and technical 
nense, is applied to the ritual observances 
whereby an Israelite was formally absolved 
from the taint of uncleanness. The essence 
of purification, in all cases, consisted in the 
use of water, whether by way of ablution 
or aspersion ; but in the majora delicta 
of legal uncleanness, sacrifices of various 
kinds were added, and the ceremonies 
throughout bore an expiatory character. 
Ablution of the person and of the clothes 
was required in the cases mentioned in Lev. 
Kv. 18, xi. 25, 40, XV. 16, 17. In cases of 
childbirth the sacrifice was increased to a 
lamb of the first year, with a pigeon or tur- 
tle-dove (Lev. xii. 6). The ceremonies of 
purification required in cases of contact with 
a corpse or a grave are detailed in Num. 
xix. The purification of the leper was a 
yet more formal proceeding, and indicated 
the highest pitch of uncleanness. The rites 
are described in Lev. xiv. 4-32. The ne- 
cessity of purification was extended in the 
post-Babylonian period to a variety of un- 
authorized cases. Cups and pots, brazen 
vessels and couches, were washed as a mat- 
ter of ritual observance (Mark vii. 4) . The 
washing of the hands before meals was con- 
ducted in a formal manner (Mark vii. 3). 
What may have been the specific causes 
of uncleanness in those who came up to 
purify themselves before the Passover (John 
xi. 55), or in those who had taken upon 
themselves the Nazarite's vow (Acts xxi. 
24, 26), we are not informed. In conclu- 
sion it may be observed, that the distinctive 
feature in the Mosaic rites of purification 
is their expiatory character. The idea of 
uncleanness was not peculiar to the Jew. 
But with all other nations simple ablution 
ButSced ; no sacrifices were demanded. The 
Jew alone was taught by the use of expi- 
atory ofierings to discern to its full extent 
the connection between the outward sign 
and the inward fount of impurity. 

Puriin {Lots), the annual festival insti- 
tuted to commemorate the preservation of 
the Jews in Persia from the massacre with 
which they were threatened through the 
machiiations of Haman (Esth. ix.). It was 
probably called Purim by the Jews in irony. 
Their great enemy llaman appears to have 
been very superstitious, and much given to 
casting lots (Esth. iii. 7). They gave the 
name Purim, or " Lots," to the commem- 
orative festival, because he had thrown lots 
to ascertajp »rhat day would be auspiciovs 



for him to carry into effect the bloody d»* 
cree which the king had issued at his i\i- 
stance (Esth. ix. 24). The festival lai>tt^J 
two days, and was regularly observed ou 
the 14th and 15th of Adar According to 
modern custom, as soon as the stars begin 
to appear, when the 14th of the month ha« 
commenced, candles are lighted up in token 
of rejoicing, and the people assemble in 
the synagogue. After a short prayer and 
thanksgiving, the reading of the book of 
Esther commences. The book is written 
in a peculiar manner, on a roll called " tha 
Roll" (Megillah). When the reader comes 
to the name of Haman, the congregation cry 
out, *' May his name be blotted out," or, 
"Let the name of the ungodly perish." 
When the Megillah is read through, the 
whole congregation exclaim, *' Cursed be 
Haman; blessed be Mordecai; cursed be 
Zoresh (the wife of Haman) ; blessed be 
Esther ; cursed be all idolaters ; blessed be 
all Israelites, and blessed be Harbonahwho 
hanged Haman." In the morning service 
in the synagogue, on the 14th, after the 
prayers, the passage is read from the Law 
(Ex. xvii. 8-16) which relates the destruc- 
tion of the Amalekites, the people of Agag 
(1 Sam. XV. 8), the supposed ancestor of 
Haman (Esth. iii. 1). The Megillah is then 
read again in the same manner. The 14th 
of Adar, as the very day of the deliverance 
of the Jews, is more solemnly kept than the 
13th; but when the service in the synagogue 
is over, all give themselves up to merry- 
making. 

Purse. The Hebrews, when on a jour- 
ney, were provided with a bag, in which 
they carried their money (Gen. xlii. 35; 
Prov. i. 14, vii. 20; Is. xlvi. 6), and, if they 
were merchants, also their weights (Deut. 
XXV. 13 ; Mic. vi. 11). This bag is described 
in the N. T. by the terms ^aXuvnov (Luke 
X. 4, xii. 33, xxii. 35, 36), and yAu)rTfT<ixo(Uo» 
(John xii. 6, xiii. 29). The girdle also 
served as a purse (Matt. x. 9; Mark vL 
8). Ladies wore ornamental purses (Is. 
iii. 23). 

Put (I Chr. i. 8 ; Nah. iii. 9). [Phut.] 

Put e oil, the great landing-place oi 
travellers to Italy from the Levant, and the 
harbor to which the Alexandrian corn-shipa 
brought their cargoes (ActJ? xxvLi. 13). 
The celebrated bay which is now " the bay 
of Naples," was then called " Sinus Pute- 
olanus." The city was at the north-eastern 
angle of the bay. The name Puteoli arose 
from the strong mineral springs which are 
characteristic of the place. I*; is now • 
fourth-rate Italian town, still retaining tb*" 
name of Pozzuoli. 

Pu'tiel. One of the daughter? of Putiel 
was wife of Eleazar the son of Aaron, and 
mother of Phinehas (Ex. vi. 25). 

Pygarg occurs (Deut. xiv. 6) in ^he list 
of clean animals as the renderinj^ of th<» 



QUAILS 



563 



QUIVER 



ffeb disndn, the name apj/arently oi j me 
ipea es of autelope, though it is by do 
nea ig easy to identify it. 



Q^ 



Quails (Heb. seldv, sSldiv). There 
tan be no dcubt that the Hebrew word in 
the Pentateuch (Ex. xvi. 13; Num. xi. 31, 
52) and the 105th Ps. denotes the common 
quail {Coturnix dactylisonans) . The ex- 
pression " as it were two cubits (high) upon 
the face of the earth " (Num. xi. 31) refers 
probably to the height at which the quails 
flew above the ground, in their exhausted 
condition from their long flight. As to the 
enormous quantities which the least suc- 
cessful Israelite is said to have taken, viz. 
"ten homers," in the space of a night and 
two days, there is every reason for believ- 
ing that the " homers " here spoken of do 
not denote strictly the measure of that 
name, but simply *' a heap." The Israel- 
ites would have had little difficulty in cap- 
turing large quantities of these birds, as 
they are known to arrive at places some- 
dmes so completely exhausted by their 
flight as to be readily taken, not in nets 
only, but by the hand. They " spread the 
quails round about the camp ; " this was for 
the purpose of drying them. The Egyptians 
iimilarly prepared these birds. The ex- 
pression '♦ quails from the sea " (Num. xi. 
Bl) must not be restricted to denote that the 
hlrds came from the sea as their starting- 
point, but it must be taken to show the 
direction from which they were coming. 
The quails were, at the time of the event 
narrated in the sacred writings, on their 
spring journey of migration northwards. It 
is interesting to note the time specified ; " it 
was at even " that they began to arrive ; 
and they no doubt continued to come all 
the night. Many observers have recorded 
that the quail migrates by night. 

Quar'tUS, a Christian of Corinth (Rom. 
xvi. 23), said to have been one of the 
Seventy disciples, and afterwards bishop 
of Berytus. 

Quaternion, a military term, signify- 
ing a guard of four soldiers, two of whom 
were attached to the person of a prisoner, 
while the other two kept watch outside the 
door of his cell (Acts xii. 4). 

Queen. This title is properly applied 
to the queen-mother, since in an Oriental 
hoasehold, it is not the wife but the mother 
of the master who exercises the highest 
authority. Strange as such an arrange- 
men at first sight appears, it is one of the 
inrvitable results of j»olygamy. The extent 
of the influence of the queen-mother is 
well illustrated by th"} narrative of the in- 
tenriet of Solomon and Bathsheba. as 



given in 1 K. ii. 19, ff. The term ii 

applied to Maachah, Asa's mother, who 
was deposed from her dignity in conse- 
quence of her idolatry (1 K. xv. 13; 3 
Chr. XV. 16) ; to Jezebel as contrasted with 
Joram (2 K. x. 13, " the children of the 
king, and the children of the queen"); 
and to the mother of Jehoiachin or Jeco- 
niah (Jer. xiii. 18; compare 2 K. xxir. 12; 
Jer. xxix. 2). 

Queen of Heaven (Jer. vii. 18, xIit. 

17, 18, 19, 25) is the moon, worshipped a8 
Ashtaroth or Astarte, to whom the Hebrew 
women offered cakes in the streets of Jeru- 
saiem. 

Quicksands, The, more properly th« 
Strtis (Acts xxvii. 17), the broad and deep 
bight on the North African coast between 
Carthage and Cyrene. The name is de- 
rived from Sert, an Arabic word for a desert. 
For two reasons this region was an object 
of peculiar dread to the ancient navigators 
of the Mediterranean, partly because of the 
drifting sands and the heat along the shore 
itself, but chiefly on account of the shal- 
lows and the uncertain currents of water 
in the bay. There were properly two 
Syrtes : the eastern or larger, now called 
the Gulf of Sidra ; and the western or 
smaller, now the Gulf of Cubes. It is the 
former to which our attention is directed in 
this passage of the Acts. 

Quiver. Two distinct Hebrew terms 
are represented by this word in the A. V. 
(1.) Theli. — This occurs only in Gen. 
xxvii. 3. It is derived from a root which 
has the force of hanging. It may there- 
fore signify either a quiver or a suspended 




AHyrian Chwriot with Quiver. 

weapon — for instance such a sword as in 
our own language was forroerly called a 
"hanger." (2.) Ashpdh.— Ihe root o/ 



KAAMAH 



064 



RABMAG 



Bhis #rur(l is 'incertain. It is connected 
with arrows only in Lam. ill. 13. Its other 
occurrences are Job xxxix. 23, Is. xxii. G, 
Rnd Jer. v. 16. In each of these the LXX. 
translate it by " quiver," with two excep- 
tions, Job xxxix. 23, and Ps. cxxvii. 5. As 
to the thing itself, there is nothing in the 
Bible to indicate either its form or material, 
or in what way it was carried. 



R. 



Ha'amah, a son of Cush, and father of 
theCushite Sheba and Dedan (Gen. x. 7). 
The tribe of Raamah became afterwards 
renowned as traders (Ez. xxvii. 22). They 
were settled on the Persian Gulf. 

Raami'ah, one of the chiefs who re- 
turned with Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 7). In 
Ezr. ii. 2 he is called Reelaiah. 

Raam'ses, Ex. i. lo. [Rameses.] 
Rab'bah. 1. A very strong place on 
the east of the Jordan, and chief city of 
the Ammonites. In five passages (Deut. iii. 
11; 2 Sara. xii. 26, xvii. 27; Jer. xlix. 2; 
Ez. xxi. 20) it is styled at length Rabbath 
OF THE Ammonites, or children of 
Ammon; but elsewhere (Josh. xiii. 25; 2 
Sam. xi. 1, xii. 27, 29 ; 1 Chr. xx. 1 ; Jer. 
xlix. 3 ; Ez. xxv. 5 ; Amos i. 14) simply 
Rabbah. When first named it is men- 
tioned as containing the bed or sarcophagus 
of the giant Og (Deut. iii. 11). David 
sent Joab to besiege Rabbah (2 Sara. xi. 1). 
The siege must have lasted two years. 
The sallies of the Ammonites appear to 
have formed a main feature of the siege 
(2 Sam. xi. 17, &c.). At the end of that 
time Joab succeeded in capturing a portion 
of the place — the **city of waters," that 
is, the lower town, so called from its con- 
taining the perennial stream which rises 
in and still flows through it. But the cita- 
del, which rises abruptly on the north side 
of the lower town, a place of very great 
(Strength, still remained to be taken ; and 
the honor of this capture Joab insists on 
reserving for the king. Shortly after Da- 
vid's arrival the fortress was taken (2 Sara. 
xii. 26-31). We are not told whether the 
city was demolished, or whether David was 
satisfied with the slaughter of its inmates. 
In the time of Amos, two centuries and 
a half later, it had again a ** wall " and 
*' palaces," and was still the sanctuary of 
Molech —" the king " (Am. i. 14). So it 
was also at the date of the invasion of 
Nebuchadnezzar (Jer. xlix. 2, 3), when its 
dependent towns are mentioned, and when 
it is named in such terms as imply that 
it was of equal importance with Jerusalem 
(Ez. xxi. 20). At Rabbah, no doubt Baalis, 
king of the Ammonites (Jer. xl. 14), held 
*uch court as he could muster • and within 



its wall? T^TB plotted tie attack nf I?hi/iite!, 
which cost Gedaliah his life, and drove Jet- 
emiah into Egypt. In the period between 
the Old and New Testaments, Rabbath* 
Ammon appaars to have been a place of 
much importance, and the scene of many 
contests. From Ptolemy Philadelplius (b. c. 
285-247) it received the name of Piiilj- 
DELPHiA. It was one of the cities of the 
Decapolis, and became the seat of a Chris- 
tian bi jhop. Its ruins, which are (iOEsider- 
able, are found at Ammdn, about 22 miles 
from the Jordan. It lies in a valley which 
is a branch, or perhaps the main course, of 
the Wady Zerka, usually identified with 
the Jabbok. The public buildings are said 
to be Roman, except the citadel, which is 
described as of large square stones put 
together without cement, and which is 
probal)ly more ancient than the rest. 2. A 
city of Judah, named with Kirjath-jearim 
in Josh. XV. 60 only. No trace of its ex- 
istence has yet been discovered. 3. In one 
passage (Josh. xi. 8) Zidon is mentioned 
with the affix Rabbah — Zidon-rabbah. Thi« 
is preserved in the margin of the A. V., 
though in the text it is translated *' great 
Zidon." 

Rab'bath Moab. [Ar.] 

Rab'bath of the Children of Am- 
mon, and R. of the Ammonites. This 
is the full appellation of the place commonly 
given as Rabbah. It occurs only in Deut. 
iii. 11, and Ez. xxi. 20. 

Rab'bi, a title of respect, signifying 
Master, Teacher, given by the Jews to their 
doctors and teachers, and often addressed 
to our Lord (Matt, xxiii. 7, 8, xxvi. 25, 49 ; 
Mark ix. 5, xi. 21, xiv. 45 ; John i. 39, 60, 
iii. 2, 26, iv. 31, vi. 25, ix. 2, xi. 8). An- 
other form of the title was Rabboni (Mark 
X. 51 ; John xx. 16). The i which is added 
to these titles has been thought to be the 
pronominal affix "My;" but it is to be 
noted that St. John does not translate 
either of these by " My Master," but simply 
" Master," so that the i would seem to have 
lost any especial significance as a posses- 
sive pronoun intimating appropriation or 
endearment, and, like the " my " in titles 
of respect among ourselves, or in such 
terms as ilfonseigneur, i/bn,sieur, to be 
merely part of the formal address. The 
title Rabbi is not known to have been used 
before the reign of Herod the Great, and is 
thought to have taken its rise about the 
time of the disputes between the rival 
schools of Hillel and Shammai. Rabbi 
was considered a higher title than Rab, and 
Rabban higher than Rabbi. 

Rab'bith, a town in the territory, per- 
haps on the boundary, of Issachar (Josh. 
xix. 20 only). 

Rabbo'ni, John xx. 16. [Rabbi.] 

Rab-mag (Jer. xxxix. 3, 13), a titl« 
borne by Nergal-share«er, probably lien- 



RABSARIS 



065 



RAHAB 



deal with the king, called by the Greeks 
N"eriglissar. [Nergal-sharezer.] This 
king, as well as certain other important 
peisonages, is found to bear the title in the 
Babylonian inscriptions. It is written in- 
deed writha somewhat different vocalization, 
being read as Rahu-Emga. The significa- 
tion is somewhat doubtful. Rahu is most 
certainly " great," or " chief;" but Mag, 
or Emga, is an obscure term. It has 
been commonly identified with the word 
"Magus," hit this identification is very 
aucertain. 

Rab'saris. 1. An officer of the king 
of Assyria sent up with Tartan and Rab- 
shakeh against Jerusalem in the time of 
Hezekiah (2 K. xviii. 17). 2. One of the 
princes of Nebuchadnezzar, who was pres- 
ent at the capmre of Jerusalem, b. c. 588 
(Jer. xxxix. b, 13). Rabsaris is probably 
rather the name of an office than of an in- 
dividual, the word signifying chief eunuch. 
In Dan. i, 3, Ashp^naz is called the master 
of the eunuchs (Rab-sarisim). It is not 
improbable that in Jeremiah xxxix. we have 
not only the title of the Rabsaris given, but 
his name also, either Sarsechira (ver. 3) 
or (ver. 13) Nebushasbftfl (worshipper of 
Nebo, Is. xlvi. 1). 

Rab'shakeh (2 K. xviii., xix. ; Is. 
xxxvi., xxxvii.), one of the officers of the 
king of Assyria sent against Jerusalem in 
the reign of Hezekiah. [Hezekiah.] Many 
have imagined, from the familiarity of Rab- 
ehakeh with Hebrew, that he either was a 
Jewish deserter or an apostate captive of 
tsrael. The Enghsh version takes Rabsha- 
ieh as the name of a person ; but it is more 
orobably the name of the office which he 
"ield at the court, that of chief cupbearer. 

Raca, a term of reproach used by the 
/ews of our Saviour's age (Matt. v. 22), 
derived from the Chaldee Hkd, "worth- 
less." 

Race. [Games.] 

Ra'chab. Rahab the harlot (Matt, 
i. 5). 

Ra'chel, the younger of the daughters 
of Laban, the wife of Jacob, and mother of 
Joseph and Benjamin. The incidents of 
her life may be found inGan. xxix.-xxxiii., 
xxxT. The story of Jacob and Rachel has 
always had a peculiar interest. The beauty 
of Rachel, the deep love with which she was 
loved by Jacob from their first meeting by 
the well of Haran, when he showed to her 
tlie simple courtesies of the desert life, and 
kissed her and told her he was Rebekah's 
son; the long servitude with which he 
patiently served for her, in which the seven 
years " seemed to him but a few days, for 
the love he had to her ; " their marriage at 
last ; and the death of Rachel at the very 
time when in giving birth to another son her 
own long-delayed hopes were arcomphshed, 
and she had bee -ne still more endeared to 



her husband; his deep grief and ever- living 
regrets for her loss (Gen. xlviii. 7) : these 
things make up a touching tale of personal 
and domestic history which has kept alive 
the memory of Rachel. Yet from what is 
related to us concerning her character there 
does not seem much to claim any high de- 
gree of admiration and esteem. The dis- 
content and fretful impatience shown in her 
grief at being for a time childless, moved 
even her fond husband to anger (Gen. xxx. 
1,2). She appears moreover to have shared 
all the duplicity and falsehood of her family. 
See, for instance, Rachel's stealing her 
father's images, and the ready dexterity and 
presence of mind with which she concealed 
her theft (Gen. xxxi.). From this incident 
we may also infer that she was not alto- 
gether free from the superstitions and idol- 
atry which prevailed in the land whence 
Abraham had been called (Josh. xxiv. 2, 
14). Rachel's tomb. — "Rachel died and 
was buried in the way to Ephrath, which is 
Bethlehem. And Jacob set a pillar upon 
her grave; that is the pillar of Rachel's 
grave unto this day " (Gen. xxxv. 19, 20). 
The site of Rachel's tomb, " on the way to 
Bethlehem," " a little way to come to Eph- 
rath," " in the border of Benjamin," has 
never been questioned. It is about two 
miles S. of Jerusalem, and one mile N. of 
Bethlehem. 

Rad'dai, one of David's brothers, fifth 
son of Jesse (1 Cbr. ii. 14). Ewald con- 
jectures that he is identical with Rei, bui 
this does not seem probable. 

Ra'gau. One of the ancestors of our 
Lord, son of Phalec (Luke iii. 35). He is 
the same person with Reu, son of Peleg. 

Ra'ges, an important city in north-east- 
ern Media, where that country bordered 
upon Parthia. It is not mentioned in the 
Hebrew Scriptures, but occurs frequently 
in the Book of Tobit (i. 14, v. 5, vi. 10 and 
12, &c.), and twice in Judith (i. 5 and 15). 
Its ruins, still known by the name of Rhey^ 
lie about five miles S. E. of Teheran. 

RagU el, or Reu'el. 1. Probably the 
same as Jethro. [Jethro and Hobab.] 
2. A pious Jew of " Ecbatane, a city of 
Media," father of Sara, the wife of Tobms 
(Tob. iii. 7, 17, &c.). 

Ra'hab, or Ra'chab, a celebrated wo- 
man of Jericho, who received the spies sent 
by Joshua to spy out the land, liid them in 
her house from the pursuit of her countiy- 
men, was saved with all her family when 
the Israelites sacked the city, and hv came 
the wife of Salmon, and the ancestress ot 
the Messiah (Josh. ii. 1; Matt. i. 5). She 
was a " harlot," and probably combined 
the trade of lodging-keeper for wayfaring 
men. She seems also to have been en- 
gaged in the manufacture of linen and the 
art of dyeing, for which the Phoenicians 
were early famous ; since we find the flal 



KAUAB 



566 



RAIN 



fooJ ot her house covered with stalks of 
ftax put there to dry, and a stock of scarlet 
or crimson line in her house. Her house 
was situated on the wall, probably near the 
town gate, so as to be convenient for per- 
sons coming in and going out of the city. 
We may conjecture that Rahab therefore 
had been well informed with regard to the 
events of the Exodus. The efloct upon her 
mind had been what one would not have 
expected in a person of her way of life. It 
l«d her to a firm faith in Jehovah as the 
true God, and to the conviction that He 
purposed to give the land of Canaan to the 
Israelites. When, therefore, the two spies 
sent by Joshua came to her house, they 
found themselves under the roof of one 
who, alone probably of the whole popula- 
tion, was friendly to their nation. Her re- 
ception of the spies, the artifice by which 
she concealed them from the king, their 
escape, and the saving of Rahab and her 
family at the capture of the city, in accord- 
ance with their promise, are all told in the 
narrative of Josh. ii. The narrator adds, 
" and she dwelleth in Israel unto this day," 
not necessarily implying that she was alive 
at the time he wrote, but that the family of 
strangers of which she was reckoned the 
head, continued to dwell among the chil- 
dren of Israel. As regards Rahab herself, 
we learn from Matt. i. 5, that she became 
the wife of Salmon the son of Naasson, and 
the mother of Boaz, Jesse's grandfather. 
The suspicion naturally arises that Salmon 
may have been one of the spies whose life 
she saved, and that gratitude for so great a 
benefit led in his case to a more tender 
passion, and obliterated the memory of any 
past disgrace attaching to her name. But, 
however this may be, it is certain, on the 
authority of St. Matthew, that Rahab be- 
came the mother of the line from which 
8i)rung David, and eventually Christ; for 
that the Rachab mentioned by St. Matthew 
is Rahab the harlot, is as certain as that 
David in the genealogy is the same person 
is Da-^id in the Books of Samuel. The 
attempts that have been made to prove 
Rachab different from Rahab, in order to 
get out of the chronological difficulty, are 
eingularly absurd. We may also dismiss, 
as inconsistent with truth, the attempt to 
clear her character of stain by saying that 
she was only an innkeeper, and not a har- 
lot ; but it is very possible that to a woman 
of her country and religion such a calling 
may have implied a far iess deviation from 
the standard of morality than it does with 
us ; and, moreover, with a purer faith she 
seems to have entered upon a pure life. 
At^ a case of casuistry, her conduct in de- 
ceiving the king of Jericho's messengers 
with a false tale, and above all, in taking 
part against her own countrymen, has 
ocen much dianussed. With regard to tb^ 



first, stric/ truth, either in Jew or h««theyt, 
was a virtu ^ so utterly unknown before th« 
promulgation of the gospel, that, as far a< 
Rahab is concerned, the discussion is quit€ 
superfluous. With regard to her taking 
part against her own countrymen, it can 
only be justified, but is fully justified, bj 
the circumstance that fidelity to her coun- 
try would in her case have been infidelit}^ 
to God, and that the higher duty to hei 
Maker eclipsed the Itwer duty to her na- 
tive land. If her own life of shame wai 
in any way connected with that idolatry, 
one can readily understand what a further 
stimulus this would give, now that her 
heart was purified bv faith, to her desire 
for the overthrow of the nation to which 
she belonged by bir^h, and the establish- 
ment of tliat to which she wished to belong 
by a community of laith and hope. This 
view of Rahab's conduct is fully borne out 
by the references to her in the N. T. The 
author of the Epistle to the Hebrews telhi 
us that " by faith the harlot Rahab perished 
not with them that believed not, when sho 
had received the spies with peace " (Heb. 
xi. 31) ; and St. James fortifies his doc- 
trine of justification by works, by asking, 
"Was not Rahab the harlot justified by 
works, when she had received the messen- 
gers, and had sent them out another way? * 
(James ii. 25). 

JRa/hab, a poetical name of Egypt (Ps. 
Ixxxix. 10; Is. Ii. 9), signifying "fierce- 
ness, insolence, pride." Rahab, as a name 
of Egypt, occurs once only without refer' 
ence to the Exodus : this is in Ps. Ixxxvii. 
4. In Is. XXX. 7 the name is alluded to. 

Ra'ham. In the genealogy of the de- 
scendants of Caleb the son of Hezron (1 
Chr. ii. 44), Raham is described as the sod 
of Sheraa and father of Jorkoam. 

Ra'hel, the more accurate form of the 
familiar name elsewhere rendered Racu£L 
(Jer. xxxi. 15). 

Haiu. In the Bible Early Rain signi- 
fies the rains of the autumn (Dent. xi. 14; 
Jer. V. 24) ; also mdreh (Joel ii. 23) ; and 
Latter Rain, the rain of spring (Pro v. 
xvi. 15 ; Job xxix. 23 ; Jer. iii. 3 ; Hos. vi. 
3; Joel ii. 23; Zech. x. 1). The early and 
latter rains are mentioned together (Deut. 
xi. 14 ; Jer. v. 24 ; Joel ii. 23 ; Hos. vi. 3 ; 
James v. 7). In a country comprising so 
many varieties of elevation as Palestine, 
there must of necessity occur correspond- 
ing varieties of climate. For six months 
in the year no rain falls, and the harvests 
are gathered in without any of the anxiety 
with which we are so familiar lest the work 
be interrupted by unseasonable storms. 
There are, however, very considerable, 
and perhaps more than compensating, dis- 
advantages occasioned by this long ab- 
sence of rain : the whole land becomes dry, 
parched, and brown, the cisterns arp empty. 



KAIN 



0(57 



RAM. 



itiv HKingk and fountains fail, and the au- 
fiiunal rails are eagerly looked for, to 
prepare the earth for the reception of the 
seel. These, the early rains, commence 
about the latter end of October or begin- 
ning of November, in Lebanon a month 
earlier ; not suddenly, but by degrees ; the 
husbandman has thus the opportunity of 
lowing his fields of wheat and barley. The 
faiu» come mostly from the west or south- 
west (Luke xii. 54), continuing for two or 
/iree days at a time, and falling chiefly dur- 
ing the night ; the wind then shifts round 
to the north or east, and several days of fine 
rtather succeed (Pro v. xxv. 23). During 
the months i^f November and December 
the rains continue to fall heavily, but at in- 
tervals ; afterwards they return, only at 
longer intervals, and are less heavy; but 
at no period during the winter do they en- 
tirely cease. January and February are the 
coldest months, and snow falls, sometimes 
to tlie depth of a foot or more, at Jeru- 
salem, but it does not lie long; it is very 
seldom seen along the coast and in the low 
plains. Rain continues to fall more or less 
during the month of March ; it is very rare 
in April, and even in Lebanon the showers 
that occur are generally light. In the 
valley of the Jordan the barley harvest 
begins as early as the middle of April, 
and the wheat a fortnight later; in Leb- 
anon the grain is seldom ripe before the 
middle of June. With 
respect to the distinction 
between the early and 
the latter rains, Robinson 
observes that there are 
not, at the present day, 
" any particular periods 
of rain or succession of 
showers, which might be 
regarded as distinct rainy 
seasons. The whole pe- 
riod from October to 
March now constitutes 
only one continued sea- 
son of rain, without any 
regularly intervening 
term of prolonged fine 
-ather. Unless, there- 
tcre, there has been 
•omc change in the cli- 
mate, the early and the 
latter rains for which the 
husbandman waited with 
longing, seem rather to 
have implied the first 
showers of autumn which 
revived the parched and 
thirsty soil, and prepared 
it for the seed; and the 
later showers of spring, 
which continued to re- 
fresh and forward both 
U 8 ripening crops and 



the vernal products of the fields (^ James >» 
7; Prov. xvi. 15)." 

Rainbow, the token of the covenant 
which God made with Noah when he came 
forth from the ark, that the waters should 
no more become a flood to destroy all flesh. 
The right interpretation of Gen, ix. IS 
seems to be, that God took the rainbow, 
which had hitherto been but a beautitid 
object shining in the heavens when tli© 
sun's rays fell on falling rain, and conse- 
crated it as the sign of His love and tl>e 
witness of His promise (EccJus. xliU. 11). 
The figurative and symbolical use of the 
rainbow as an emblem of God's mercy and 
faithfulness must not be passed over. In 
the wondrous vision shown to St. John in 
the Apocalypse (Rev. iv. 3), it is said that 
"there was a rainbow round about the 
throne, in sight like unto an emerald : " 
amidst the awful vision of surpassing glory 
is seen the symbol of Hope, the bright em- 
blem of Mercy and of Love. 

Raisins. [Vine.] 

Ram, Battering, is mentioned in Ez. 
iv. 2, xxi. 22; and both references are to 
ihe battering-rams in use among the As- 
syrians and Babylonians. In attacking the 
walls of a fort or city, the first step ap- 
pears to have been to form an inclined 
plane or bank of earth (comp. Ez. iv. 2, 
" cast a mount against it "), by which the 
besiegers could bring their batterina-rams 




Bcttorinc-nBi' 



RAMA 



568 



KAMATH 



and otlier cugintsts to the foot oi the walls. 
'*The battering-rams," says Mr. Layanl, 
"were of several kinds. Some were joined 
to movable towers which held warriors 
and armed men. The whole then formed 
one great temporary building, tlie top of 
which is represented in sculptures as on a 
level with the walls, and even turrets, of 
the besieged city. In some bas-reliefs the 
bittering-ram is witliout wheels : it was 
lien perliaps constructed upon the spot, 
and was not intended to be moved." 

Ha'ma, Matt. ii. 18, referring to Jer. 
xxxi. 15. The original passage alludes to 
a massacre of Benjamites or Ephraimites 
(comp. ver. 9, 18), at the Ramah in Ben- 
jamin or in Mount Ephraim. This is 
seized by the Evangelist and turned into a 
touching reference to the slaughter of the 
Innocents at Bethlehem, near to which was 
(and is) the sepulchre of Rachel. 

Ra'mall, a word signifying " a hill," 
and which in its simple or compound shape 
forms the name of several places in the 
Holy Land. 1. One of the cities of the 
allotment of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 25). 
Its site is at er-BAm, on the elevation which 
its ancient name implies, about five miles 
from Jerusalem. This position is in close 
agreement with the notices of the Bible 
(Judg. iv. 5, xix. 13; 1 K. xv. 17, 21, 22; 
2 Chr. xvi. 1, 5, 6; Is. x. 29; Jer. xl. 1, 
&c.). Its proximity to Gibeah is implied 
in 1 Sam. xxii. 6 ; Hos. v. 8 ; Ezr. ii. 26 ; 
Neh. vii. 30 ; the last two of which passages 
show also that its people returned after 
the Captivity. The Ramah in Neh. xi. 33 
occupies a different position in the list, and 
may be a distinct place, situated farther 
west, nearer the plain. 2. The home of 
Elkanah, Samuel's father (1 Sam. i. 19, ii. 
11), the birthplace of Samuel himself, his 
home and official residence, the site of his 
altar (vii. 17, viii. 4, xv. 34, xvi. 13, xix. 
18), and finally his burial-place (xxv. 1, 
xxviii. 3). It is a contracted form of Ra- 
MATHAiM-zoPHiM. All that is directly said 
as to its situation is that it was in Mount 
Ephraim (1 Sam. i. 1), and this would 
naturally lead us to seek it in the neighbor- 
hood ol" Shechem. But the whole tenor of 
tie narrative of the public life of Samuel 
(in connection with which alone this Ramah 
•6 mentioned) is so restricted to the region 
>f the tribe of Benjamin, and to the neigh- 
oorhood of Gibeah, the residence of Saul, 
that it seems impossible not to look for 
Samuel's city in the same locality. On 
the other hand, the boundaries of Mount 
Ephraim are nowhere distinctly set forth. 
In the moutli of an ancient Hebrew the 
expression would mean that portion of the 
mountainous district which was at the time 
of speaking in the possession of the tribe 
of Ephraim. In this district, tradition 
places the residence of Samuel on the lofty 



and remarkable eminence of Neby Samwit 
which rises four miles to the N. W. of Jeru- 
salem, and which its heiglit (greater than 
that of Jerusalem itself), its commanding 
position, and its peculiar shape, render the 
most conspicuous obiect in all the land- 
scapes of tliat dist<"ict, and make the 
names of Ramah and Zophim exceedingly 
appropriate to it. Since the days of Arruif 
the tradition appears to have been c^iitinu- 
ous. Here, then, we are inclirH^d, in the 
present state of the evidence, to place the 
Ramah of Samuel. 3. One of the nineteen 
fortified places of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 36) 
named between Adamah and Hazor. It 
would appear to have been in the moun- 
tainous country N. W. of the Lake of Geu- 
nesareth. In this d strict a place bearing 
the name of Ram,eh h as been discovered by 
Dr. Robinson. It lies on the main track 
between Al<ka and the north end of the 
Sea of Galilee, and about 8 miles E. S. E. 
of Safed. 4. One of the landmarks on 
tlie boundary (A. V. "coast") of Asher 
(Josh. xix. 29), apparently between Tyre 
and Zidon. Two places of the same name 
have been discovered in the district allotted 
to Asher; the one east of Tyre, and with- 
in about three miles of it, the other more 
than ten miles off, and south-east of the 
same city. If either of these plac<!s repre- 
sent the Ramah in question, it certainly 
seems safer to identify it with that nearest 
to Tyre and the sea-coast. 5. By tliis 
name in 2 K. viii. 29 and 2 Chr. xxii, 6, 
only, is designated Ramoth-Gillad. 6. 
A place n^entioned in the catalogue of 
those re-inhabited by the Benjamites aftei 
their return from the Captivity (Neh. xi. 
33). It may be the Ramah of Benjamin 
(above. No. 1) or the Ramah of Samuel, 
but its position in the list (remote from 
Geba, Michmash, Bethel, ver. 31, comp. 
Ezr. ii. 26, 28), seems to remove it farther 
west, to the neighborhood of Lod, Hadid, 
and Ono. The situation of the modern 
Ramleh agrees very well with this, a town 
too important and too well placed not to 
have existed in tlie ancient times. 

Ila'niath-le'hi, the name bestowed by 
Samson on the scene of his slaughter of 
the thousand Philistines with the jaw-bone 
(Judg. XV. 17). "He cast away the jaw- 
bone out of his hand, and called that place 
' Ramath-lehi,' " — as if " heaving of thr 
jaw-bone." But Gesenius has pointed out 
that, as tliey at present stand, t^e words 
are exactly parallel to Ramath-mizpeh and 
Ramath-negeb, and mean the " height cf 
Lechi." 

Ra'math-miz'peh. [Ramoth-Qil 
ead.] 

Ra'math of the South, more accu- 
rately Ramah of tlie South, one of the 
towns in the allotment of S.imeon (Joi^Li 
xix. 8), apparent at its extieme 8»>Hfch limit 



RAMATHAIM-ZOPHIM 



069 



RAVTEN 



It appears f'-om this passage to have been 
another name for Baalath-Beer. It is in 
all piobability the same place as South 
Ramoth (1 Sam. xxx. 27). 

Ramatha'iin-zo'phiin. [Ramah,2.] 

Ra'mathite, The. Shimei the Ra- 
mathite had cnarge of the royal vineyards 
of king David (1 Chr. xxvii. 27) The 
name implies that he was native of i place 
called Ramah, but there is no tradition or 
other clew by which the particular Ramah 
w which this worthy belonged can be iden- 
tified. 

Bame'ses, or Raam'ses, a city and 
district of Lower Egypt, is first mentioned 
in the narrative of the settling by Joseph 
of his father and brethren in Egypt, where 
it is related that a possession was given 
them " in the land of Rameses " (Gen. 
xlvii. 11). This land of Rameses either 
corresponds to the land of Goshen, or was 
a district of it, more probably the former, 
as appears from a comparison with a paral- 
lel passage (6). The name next occurs as 
that of one of the two store-cities built for 
the Pharaoh who first oppressed the chil- 
dren of Israel (Ex. i. 11). In the narrative 
of the Exodus it is the starting-point of the 
journey (Ex. xii. 37 ; see also Num. xxxiii. 
8, 6). Rameses seems to correspond to the 
western part of the land of Goshen, since 
two full marches, and part at least of a 
third, brought the Israelites from this town 
to the Red Sea ; and the narrative appears 
to indicate a route for the chief part directly 
towards the sea. 

Ra'moth-gil'ead, the " heights of 
Gilead," one of the great fastnesses on the 
east of Jordan, and the key to an impor- 
tant district, as is evident not only from the 
direct statement of 1 K. iv. 13, that it com- 
manded the regions of Argob and of the 
towns of Jair, but also from the obstinacy 
with which it was attacked and defended 
by tne Syrians and Jews in the reigns of 
Ahab and Joram. It seems probable that 
it was identical with Ramath-Mizpeh (Josh. 
xiii. 26), which, again, there is every reason 
to believe occupied the spot on which Jacob 
had made his covenant with Laban. It was 
Ore city of refuge for the tribe of Gad 
(Deut. iv. 43; Josh. xx. 8, xxi. 38). We 
jext encounter it as the residence of one of 
Solomon's commissariat officers (IK. iv. 
IB). In the second Syrian war Ramoth- 
Gilead played a conspicuous part. During 
the invasion related in 1 K. xv. 20, or some 
subsequent incursion, this important place 
had been seized by Benhadad I. from Omri. 
The incidents of Ahab's expedition are well 
!cnown. [Ahab.] During Ahaziah's short 
reign we hear nothing of it : it probably re- 
mained in possession of the Syrians till the 
suppression of the Moabite rebellion gave 
Joram time to renew the siege. He was 
m'-re fortunate than Ahab. The town was 



taken by Israel, and held in spite cf all th« 
effortis of Hazael (who was now on the 
throne of Damascus) to regain it (2 K. ix. 
14). Henceforward Ramoth Gilead disap- 
pears from our view. Eusebius and Jer- 
ome specify the position of Ramoth as 15 
miles from Philadelphia (Ammdn). It may 
correspond to the site bearing the name of 
JeVdd, exactly identical with the ancient 
Hebrew Gilead, which is four or five mile* 
north of es-Salt. 

Ra'moth in Gilead, Deut. iv. 43 
Josh. XX. 8, xxi. 38 ; 1 K. xxii. 3. Else- 
where the shorter form, Ramoth-Gilead. 
is used. 

Rams' Horns. [Cornet; Jcbilee. J 

Rams' Skins dyed red formed part 
of the materials that the Israelites were 
ordered to present as offerings for the 
making of the Tabernacle (Ex. xxv. 5) ; 
of which they servpd as one of the inner 
coverings. There is no doubt that the 
A. v., following the LXX. and Vulgate, 
and the Jewish interpreters, is correct. 
The original words, it is true, admit of 
being rendered thus — " skins of red rams." 

Ra'pha. Son of Binea, among the de- 
scendants of Saul (1 Chr. viii, 37). 

Ra'phael. " One of the seven holy 
angels which . . . go in and out before the 
glory of the Holy One" (Tob. xii. 15). 
According to another Jewish tradition, 
Raphael was one of the four angels which 
stood round the throne of God (Michael, 
Uriel, Gabriel, Raphael). In Tobit he 
appears as the guide and counsellor oi 
Tobias. 

Ra'phon, a city of Gilead (1 Mace. v. 
37), perliaps identical with Raphana, which 
is mentioned by Pliny as one of the cities 
of the Decapolis. 

Ra'phu. The father of Palti, the Ben- 
jamite spy (Num. xiii. 9). 

Raven (Heb. 'drib), from a root signi- 
fying "to be black." A raven was sent 
out by Noah from the ark to see whethe? 
the waters were abated (Gen. viii. 7). This 
bird was not allowed as food by the Mosaic 
law (Lev. xi. 15). Ravens were the 
means, under the Divine command, of sup- 
porting the prophet Elijah at the brook 
Cherith (1 K. xvii. 4, 6). They are ex- 
pressly mentioned as instances of God's 
protecting love and goodness (Job xxxviii. 
41, Luke xii. 24, Ps. cxlvii. 9). They are 
enumerated with the owl, the bittern, 
&c., as marking the desolation of Edom 
(Is. xxxiv. 11). "The locks of the be- 
loved" are compared to the glossy black- 
ness of the raven's plumage (Cant. r. 11). 
The raven's carnivorous habits, and espe- 
cially his readiness to attack the eye, are 
alluded to in Prov. xxx. 17. To the fact 
of the raven being a common bird m Pales- 
tine, and to its habit of flying restlessly 
about in constant trarch for foo^ to s^tis'S 



KAZOR 



d70 



KECHA-B 



MS voracious appetite, may perhaps btj 
traced the reason for its being selected by 
our Lord and the inspired writers as the 
especial object of God's providing care. 
The raven belongs to the order Incessores^ 
family Corvidae. 

Razor. Besides other usages, the prac- 
tice of shaving the head after the comple- 
tion of a vow, mast have created among 
tlie Jews a necessity for the special trade 
of a barber (Num. vl. 9, 18, viii. 7 ; Lev. 
jriv. 8; Judg. xiii. 5; Is. vii. 20; Ez. v. 1; 
A-Cts xviii. 18). The instruments of his 
work were probably, as in modern times, 
the razor, the basin, the mirror, and per- 
haps also the scissors (see 2 Sam. xiv. 26). 
Tike the Levites, the Egyptian priests 
were accustomed to shave their whole 
bodies. 

Keai'a. A Reubenite, son of Micah, 
and apparently prince of his tribe (1 Chr. 
V. 5). The name is identical with 

Reai'all. 1. A descendant of Shubal, 
the son of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 2). 2. The 
children of Reaiah were a family of Nethi- 
aim who returned from Babylon with 
Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 47; Neh. vii. 50). 

Re'ba, one of the five kings of the 
Midianites slain by the children of Israel in 
their avenging expedition when Balaam fell 
(Num. xxxi. 8; Josh. xiii. 21). 

Rebec'ca. The Greek form of the 
name Rebekao (Rom. ix. 10 only), 

Rebek'ah, daughter of Bethuel (Gen. 
ixii. 23) and sister of Laban, married to 
[saac, her father's cousin. She is first pre- 
sented to us in the account of the mission 
of Eliezer to Padan-aram (Gen. xxiv.), in 
which his interview with Rebekah, her con- 
sent and marriage, are related. For nine- 
teen years she was childless : then, after 
the prayers of Isaac and her journey to 
inquire of the Lord, Esau and Jacob were 
born ; and while the younger was more par- 
ticularly the companion and favorite of his 
mother (xxv. 19-28), the elder became a 
grief of mind to her (xxvi. 35). When 
Isaac was driven by a famine into the law- 
less country of the Philistines, Rebekah's 
beauty became, as was apprehended, a 
iourco of danger to her husband. It was 
probaVly a considerable time afterwards 
when Rebekah suggested the deceit that 
was practised by Jacob on his blind father. 
She directed and aided him in carrying it 
out, foresaw the probable consequence of 
Esau's anger, and prevented it by moving 
Isaac to send Jacob away to Padan-aram 
(xxvii.) to her own kindred (xxix. 12). It 
has been conjectured that she died during 
Jacob's sojourn in Padan-aram. St. Paul 
(Rom. ix. 10) refers to her as being made 
acquainted with the purpose of God re- 
Tarding her children before they were 
torn. 

Re'chab {rider\. 1. One of the two 



*' captains of Innds," whom Ishboshelh 
took into liis service, and who conspired II 
murder liim (2 Sam. iv. 2). 2. The fatliei 
of MalcliiiUi, ruler of part of Betli-hac- 
corem (Neh. iii. U). 3. The father or 
ancestor of Jchonadab (2 K. x. 15, 23 ; 1 
Chr. ii. 55 ; Jer. xxxv. 6-19), identified b) 
some writers with Hobab. It was from 
this Rechab that the tribe of the Re- 
chabites derived their name. Nothing ii 
known of his personal history. In 1 Chr. 
ii. 55, the house of Rechab is identified 
with a section of the Kenites, who came 
into Canaan with the Israelites, and re- 
tained their nomadic habits. It has been 
inferred from this passage that the descend- 
ants of Rechab belonged to a branch of the 
Kenites settled from the first at Jabez in 
Judah. But it is more probable that this 
passage refers to the locality occupied by 
the Rechabites after their return from 
the captivity. The real founder of the 
tribe was Jehonadab, whose history haj< 
been given elsewhere. [Jehonadab.] He 
and his people had all along been worship- 
pers of Jehovah, circumcised, though not 
reckoned as belonging to Israel, and proba- 
bly therefore not considering themselvea 
bound by the Mosaic law and ritual. The 
worship of Baal was accordingly not 
less offensive to them than to the Israel- 
ites. The luxury and license of Phoeni- 
cian cities threatened the destruction of the 
simplicity of their nomadic life (Amos ii. 
7, 8, vi. 3-G). A protest was needed against 
both evils, and as in the case of Elijah, and 
of the Nazarites of Amos ii. 11, it took the 
form of asceticism. There was to be a more 
rigid adherence than ever to the old Arab 
life. They were to drink no wine, nor build 
house, nor sow seed, nor plant vineyard, 
nor have any. All their days they were tc 
dwell in tents, as remembering that they 
were strangers in the land (Jer. xxxv. C, 
7). This was to be the condition of their 
retaining a distinct tribal existence. For 
two centuries and a half they adhered faith- 
fully to this rule. The Nabathaeans ani 
Wahabys supply us with a striking parallel. 
The invasion of Judah by Nebiichadnezzar 
in B. c. 607, drove the Rechabites from tlieir 
tents. Some inferences may be safely drawn 
from the facts of Jer. xxxv. The names 
of the Rechabites show that they continued 
to be worshippers of Jehovah. They art 
already known to the prophet. One of them 
(ver. 3) bears the same name. Their rigid 
Nazarite life gained for them admission into 
the house of the Lord, into one of the cham- 
bers assigned to priests and Levites, within 
its precincts. Here they are tempted, a) -^ 
are proof against the temptation. The his- 
tory of this trial ends with a special blesR- 
ing: " Jonadab, the son of Rechab, shall 
not want a man to stand be fore rae fo^e^'er'' 
(ver. 19). The words 'to stand bef»*i» 



RECIIABITES 



571 



RLD SEA 



me," are essentially liturgical. The Re- 
chabites were solemnly adopted into the 
families of Israel, and were recognized as 
incorporated into the tribe of Levi. It 
remains for us to see whether there are any 
traces of their after-history in the Biblical 
or later writers. (1.) We have the singu- 
lar heading of Ps. Ixxi. in the LXX. ver- 
sion, indicating that the *' sons of Jonadab" 
shared the captivity of Israel. (2.) There 
is the significant mention of a son of 
Reehab in Neh. iii. 14, as co-operating with 
the priests, Levites, and princes in the res- 
toration of the wall of Jerusalem. (3.) 
The mention of the house of Reehab in I 
Chr. ii. 55, though not without diflSculty, 
points, there can be little doubt, to the same 
conclusion. The Rechabites have become 
Scribes. They give themselves to a calling 
which, at the time of the return from Baby- 
lon, was chiefly, if not exclusively, in the 
hands of Levites. (4.) The account of the 
martyrdom of James the Just given by 
Hegesippus brings the name of the Rechab- 
ites once more before us, and in a very 
strange connection. While the Scribes and 
Pharisees were stoning him, " one of the 
priests of the sons of Reehab, the son of 
Rechabim, who are mentioned by Jeremiah 
the prophet," cried out, protesting against 
the crime. We may accept Hegesippus as 
an additional witness to the existence of the 
Rechabites as a recognized body up to the 
destruction of Jerusalem, sharing in the 
ritual of the Temple. (5.) Some later 
notices are not without interest. Benjamin 
of Tudela in the 12th century mentions that 
near El Jubar (= Pumbeditha) he found 
Jews who were named Rechabites. They 
tilled the ground, kept flocks and herds, 
abstained from wine and flesh, and gave 
tithes to teachers who devoted themselves 
to studying the Law, and weeping for Jeru- 
salem. A later traveller, Dr. Wolff, gives 
a yet stranger and more detailed report. 
The Jews of Jerusalem and Yemen told 
him that he would find the Rechabites of 
Jer. XXXV. living near Mecca. When he 
came near Senaa he came in contact with a 
tribe, the Beni-Khaibr, who identified them- 
selves with the sons of Jonadab. With one 
of tL(jm, Mousa, Wolff conversed. 

Re'ehabites. [Rechab.] 

Re'chah. In l Chr. iv. 12, Beth-rapha, 
Paseah, and Tehinnah the father, or found- 
er, of Ir-nahash, are said to have been " the 
men of Rachah." 

Recorder, an officer of high rank in the 
Jewish state, exercising the functions, not 
simply of an annalist, but of chancellor or 
president of the privy council. In David's 
court the recorder appears among the high 
ntBoers of his household (2 Sam. viii. 16, 
xx,.2t; 1 Chr. xviii. 15). In Solomon's, 
he is coupled with the three secretaries, and 
is n^btioned last, probably 'is being their 



president '1 K iv. 3 ; comp. 2 K. xviii. 18, 

37; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 8). 

Red Sea. The sea known to us as the 
Red Sea was by the Israelites called " the 
sea " (Ex. xiv. 2, 9, 16, 21, 28, xv. 1, 4, 8, 
10, 19 ; Josh. xxiv. 6, 7 ; and many othe? 
passages) ; and specially "the sea. of siiph** 
(Ex. X. 19, xiii. 18, xv. 4, 22, xxiii. 31 ; 
Num. xiv. 25; &c.). It is also perhaps 
written sUphdh in Num. xxi. 14, rendered 
" Red Sea " in A. V. ; and in like manner 
in Deut. i. 1, sUph. This word signifies a 
sea-weed resembling wool, and such sea- 
weed is thrown up abundantly on the shores 
of the Red Sea. The LXX. always render 
it // iQvQQu QuJiaaaa (except in Judg. xi. 16). 
The origin of this appellation has been the 
source of more speculation even than the 
obscure siiph ; for it lies more within the 
range of general scholarship. The authors 
of theories concerning it may be divided 
into two schools. The first have ascribed 
it to some natural phenomenon ; such as tht 
singularly red appearance of the mountain^ 
of the western coast ; the red color of th* 
water, sometimes caused by the presence 
of zoophites; the red coral of the sea; th(> 
red sea-weed ; and the red storks that have 
been seen in great numbers, &c. The sec- 
ond have endeavored to find an etymo- 
logical derivation. Of these the earliest 
(European) writers proposed a derivation 
from Edom, " red," by the Greeks trans- 
lated literally. The Greeks and Remans 
tell us that the sea received its name fron< 
a great king, Erythras, who reigned in the 
adjacent country; the stories that have 
come down to us appear to be distortions 
of the tradition that Himyer was the name 
of apparently the chief family of Arabia 
Felix, the great South-Arabian kingdom, 
whence the Himyerites and Homeritae. 
Himyer appears to be derived from the 
Arabic " ahmar," red. We can scarcely 
doubt, on these etymological grounds, the 
connection between the Phoenicians and 
the Himyerites, or that in this is the true 
origin of the appellation of the Red Sea. 
But when the ethnological side of the ques- 
tion is considered, the evidence is much 
strengthened. The South-Arabian kiugdom 
was a Joktanite (cir Shemite) nation mixed 
with a Cushite. The Red Sea, therefore, 
was most probably the Sea of the Red men. 
Ancient Limits. — The most important 
change in the Red Sea has been the drying 
up of its northern extremity, " the tongue 
of the Egyptian Sea." The land alout tho 
head of the gulf has risen, and that near 
the Mediterranean become depressed. The 
head of the gulf has consequently retired 
gradually since the Christian era. Thus 
the prophecy of Isaiah has been fulfilled 
(xi. 15, xix. 5) ; the tongue of the Red Sea 
has dried up for a distance of at least 60 
miles from its ancient head. An ancieot 



RED SEA 



572 



RED SEA 



canal conveyed the waters of the Nile to 
fche Red Sea flowing through the Wddi-t- 
Tumeylat, and irrigating witli its system 
of water-channels a large extent of country. 
The drying up of the heai of the gulf ap- 
pears to have been one of the chief causes 
of the neglect and ruin of this canal. The 
country, for the distance above indicated, 
Is now a desert of gravelly sand, with wide 
patches about the ol I sea-bottom, of rank 
marsh land, now called the " Bitter Lakes." 
At the northern extremity of this salt 
waste is a small lake, sometimes called the 
lake of Heroopolis ; the lake is now Birket 
et-Tims^h, " the lake of the Crocodile," 
and is supposed to mark the ancient head 
of the gulf. The canal that connected this 
with the Nile was of Pharaonic origin. It 
was anciently known as the " Fossa Re- 
gum," and the " Canal of Hero." The time 
at which the canal was extended, after the 
drying up of the head of the gulf, to the 
present head, is uncertain, but it must have 
been late, and probably since the Moham- 
medan conquest. Traces of the ancient 
channel throughout its entire length to the 
vicinity of Bubastis, exist at intervals in 
the present day. The land north of the 
ancient head of the gulf is a plain of heavy 
sand, merging into marsh-land near the 
Mediterranean coast, and extending to 
Palestine. This region, including Widi-t- 
Tumeylat, was probably the frontier land 
occupied in part by the IsraeUtes, and open 
to the incursions of the wild tribes of the 
Arabian desert. Physical Description. — 
In extreme length the Red Sea stretches 
from the straits of Bib el-Mendeb (or rath- 
81 Rds B4b el-Mendeb) in lat. 12° 40' N., 
to the modern head of the Gulf of Suez, 
lat. 30° N. Its greatest width may be 
stated roughly at about 200 geographical 
miles ; this is about lat. 16° 30', but the 
navigable channel is here really narrower 
than in some other portions. At Ris Mo- 
hammad, the Red Sea is split by tlie gra- 
nitic peninsula of Sinai into two gulfs ; the 
westernmost, or Gulf of Suez, is now about 
130 geographical miles in length, with an 
average width of about 18, though it con- 
tract» to less than 10 miles ; the eastern- 
most, or Gulf of El-'Akabeh, is only about 
90 miles long, from the Straits of Tirin, to 
the 'Akabeh, and of proportionate narrow- 
ness. Journeying southwards from Suez, 
on our left is the peninsula of Sinai ; on the 
right, is the desert coast of Egypt, of lime- 
stone formation like the greater part of the 
Nile valley in Egypt, the cliffs on the sea- 
margin stretching landwards in a great 
T&cky plateau, while more inland a chain 
of volcanic mountains (beginning about lat. 
28° 4' and running south) rear their lofty 
peaks at intervals above the limestone, gen- 
eiaJly about 15 miles distant. This coast 
ie especially iuterooting in a Bill Ileal point 



of view, for here were some of the eailiest 
monasteries of the Eastern Church, and in 
those secluded and barren mountains lived 
very early Christian hermits. The western 
shore is the peninsula of Sinai. The sea, 
from its dangers and sterile shores, is en- 
tirely destitute of boats. The coral of the 
Red Sea is remarkably abundant, and 
beautifully colored and variegated The 
earliest navigation of the Red Sea (passing 
by the pre-historical Phoenicians) is men- 
tioned by Herodotus. " Sesostris (Raiae- 
ses II.) was the first who, passing the Ara- 
bian Gulf in a fleet of long vessels, reduced 
under his authority the inhabitants of the 
coast bordering the Erythraean Sea." 
Three centuries later, Solomon's navy was 
built " in Eziongeber, which is beside Eloth, 
on the shore of the Red Sea (Yam Sftph), in 
the land of Edom "(IK. ix. 26). The king- 
dom of Solomon extended as far as the Red 
Sea, upon which he possessed the harbors of 
Elath and Eziongeber. [Elath; Ezion- 
geber.] It is possible that the sea has 
retired here as at Suez, and that Ezion- 
geber is now dry land. Jehoshaphat also 
" made ships of Tharshish to go to Ophir 
for gold ; but they went not, for the ships 
were broken at Eziongeber " (1 K. xxii. 
48). The scene of this wreck has been 
supposed to be Edh-Dhahab. The fashion 
of the ancient ships of the Red Sea, or of 
the Phoenician ships of Solomon, is un^ 
known. From Pliny we learn that the ships 
were of papyrus, and like the boats of the 
Nile ; and this statement was in some meas- 
ure correct. More precise and curious is 
El-Makreezee's description, written in the 
first half of the 15th century, of the ships 
that sailed from Eydhib on the Egyptian 
coast to Juddah : " Their 'jelebehs,' which 
carry the pilgrims on the coast, have not 
a nail used in them ; but their planks are 
sewed together with fibre, which is taken 
from the cocoanut-tree ; and they calk 
them with the fibres of the wood of the date 
palm ; then they ' pay ' them with butter, or 
the oil of the palma Christi, or with the fat 
of the kirsh {squalus carcharias). . . . 
The sails of these jelebehs are of mats made 
of the dom-palm." The fleets appear to 
have sailed about the autumnal equinox, 
and returned in December or the middle 
of January. The Red Sea, as it possessed 
for many centuries the most important sea- 
trade of the East, contained ports of celeb- 
rity. Of these, Elath and Eziongeber alone 
appear to be mentioned in the Bible. The 
Heroopolite Gulf is of the chief interest ; it 
was near to Goshen ; it was the scene of the 
passage of the Red Sea; and it was th€ 
" tongue of the Egyptian Sea." It was 
also the seat of the Egyptian trade in this 
sea and to the Indian Ocean. Heroopolis 
is doubtless the same as Hero, and its site 
is probably identified with flie modera 



KED SEA 



573 



RLD sr.A 



AoooKesl.eyd, at the head of the old gulf. 
Suez is a poor town, and has only an unsafe 
anchorage, with very shoal water. But the 
shoaling of the head of the gulf rendered 
the navigation, always dangerous, more 
difficult; it destroyed the former anchor- 
ages, and made it necessary to carry mer- 
chandize across the desert to the Nile. This 
change appears to have been one of the 
main causes of the decay of the commerce 
of Egypt. Since the time of Mohammad 
the Red Sea trade has been insignificant. 
Passage of. — The passage of the Red Sea 
was the crisis of the Exodus. The points 
that arise are the place of the passage, the 
narrative, and the importance of the event 
in Biblical history. 1. It is usual to sup- 
pose that the most northern place at which 
the Red Sea could have been crossed is the 
present head of the Gulf of Suez. This 
supposition depends upon the erroneous 
idea that in the time of Moses the Gulf did 
Dot extend farther to the northward than 
at present. An examination of the country 
north of Suez has shown, however, that the 
sea has receded many miles. The old bed 
is indicated by the Birket-et-Timsdh, or 
" Lake of the Crocodile," and the more 
southern Bitter Lakes, the northernmost 
part of the former probably corresponding 
to the head of the Gulf at the time of the 
Exodus. It is necessary to endeavor to 
ascertain the route of the Israelites be- 
fore we can attempt to discover where 
they crossed the Sea. The point from 
which they started was Rameses, a place 
certainly in the Land of Goshen, which 
we identify with the Wadi-t-Tumeyldt. 
After the mention that the people jour- 
neyed from Rameses to Succoth, and 
before the account of tfceir departure 
from Succoth, a passage occurs which ap- 
pears to show the first direction of the 
journey, and not a change in the route (Ex. 
xiii. 17, 18). At the end of the second 
day's journey the camping-place was at 
Etham, " in the edge of the wilderness " 
(Ex. xiii. 20; Num. xxxiii. 6). Here the 
Wddi-t- Tumeyldt was probably left, as it is 
cultivable and terminates in the desert. 
The first passage relating to the journey, 
after the mention of the encamping at 
Etham, is this, stating a command given to 
Moses : " Speak unto the children of Israel, 
that they turn [or ' return '] and encamp 
[or ' that they encamp again 'j before Pi- 
hahiroth, between Migdol and the sea, over 
against Baal-zephon " (Ex. xiv. 2). At the 
end of the third day's march, — for each 
camping-place seems to mark the close of 
a day's journey, — the Israelites encamped 
by the sea. The place of this last encampr 
ment, and that of the passage, would be not 
very far from the Persepolitan monument. 
It is here necessary to mention the argu- 
mAntA for and against th<? common opinion 



that the Israelites passed near thf pissem 
head of the gulf. Local tradition is in its 
favor, but it must be remembered that local 
tradition in Egypt and the neighboring 
countries, judging from the evidence of 
history, is of very little value. The Mus- 
lims suppose Memphis to have been the 
city at which the Pharaoh of the Exodus 
resided before that event occurred. Froib 
opposite Memphis a broad valley leads tc 
the Red Sea. It is in part called the W^di 
t-Teeh, or " Valley of the Wandering." 
From it the traveller reaches the sea be- 
neath the lofty Gebel-et-T^kah, which rises 
on the north and shuts off all escape in that 
direction, excepting by a narrow way along 
the sea-shore, which Pharaoh migbt have 
occupied. The sea here is broad and deep, 
as the narrative is generally held to imply. 
All the local features seem suited for » 
great event. The supposition that the Is 
raelites took an upper route, now that of 
the Mekkeh caravan, along the desert fa 
the north of the elevated tract between 
Cairo and Suez, must be mentioned, al- 
though it is less probable than that just ni»- 
ticed, and offers the same difficulties. V? f 
therefore think that the only opinion wai*- 
ranted by the narrative is that already 
stated, which supposes the passage of tiie 
sea to have taken place near the northern- 
most part of its ancient extension. The 
last camping-place was before Pi-hahiroth. 
It appears that Migdol was behind Pi-ha- 
hiroth, and on the other hand Baal-zephon 
and the sea. These neighboring places 
have not been identified. From Pi-hahi- 
roth the Israelites crossed the sea. The 
only points bearing on geography in the 
account of this event are, that the sea was 
divided by an east wind, whence we may 
reasonably infer that it was crossed from 
west to east, and that the whole Egyptian 
army perished, which shows that it must 
have been some miles broad. On the whole 
we may reasonably suppose about twelve 
miles as the smallest breadth of the sea. 
2. A careful examination of the narrativ 
of the passage of the Red Sea is necessary 
to a right understanding of the event. 
When the Israelites had departed, Pharaoh 
repented that he had let them go. The 
strength of Pharaoh's army is not further 
specified than by the statement that "he 
took six hundred chosen chariots, and [or 
' even '] all the chariots of Egypt, and cap- 
tains over every one of them " (Ex. xiv. 7) 
With this army, which, even if a small one, 
was mighty in comparison to the Israelite 
multitude, encumbered with women, chil- 
dren, and cattle, Pharaoh overtook the 
people " encamping by the sea " (0). When 
the Israelites saw the oppressor's army they 
were terrified and murmured against Moses. 
Then Moses e icouraged them, bidding them 
see bow God would save them. It see-roi 



RED SEA 



574 



REED 



from the narrative that Moses did not know 
at this time how the people would be saved, 
and spoke only from a heart full of faith, 
for we read, " And the Lord said unto 
Moses, Wherefore criest thou unto me? 
speak unto the children of Israel, that they 
go forward: but lift thou up thy rod, and 
stretch thou out thine hand over the sea, 
and divide it : and the children of Israel 
■hall go on dry [ground] through the midst 
of the sea" (15, 16). That night the two 
armies, the fugitives and the pursuers, were 
en(;amped near together. Between them 
was the pillar of the cloud, darkness to the 
Egyptians and a Ught to the Israelites. 
Perhaps in the camp of Israel the sounds 
of the hostile camp might be heard on the 
one hand, and on the other the roaring of 
the sea. But the pillar was a barrier and 
a sign of deliverance. The time was now 
come for the great decisive miracle of the 
Exodus. *' And Moses stretched out his 
hand over the sea: and the Lord caused 
the sea to go [back] by a strong east wind 
all that night, and made the sea dry [land], 
and the waters were divided. And the 
children of Israel went through the midst 
of the sea upon the dry [ground] : and the 
waters [were] a wall unto them on their 
right hand and on their left" (21, 22, 
comp. 2^). The narrative distinctly states 
that a path was made through the sea, and 
that the waters were a wall on either hand. 
The term '* wall" does not appear to oblige 
M to suppose, as many have done, that the 
»ja stood up like a cliflf on either side, but 
should rather be considered to mean a bar- 
rier, atf the former idea implies a seeming- 
ly needless addition to the miracle, while 
tie latter seems to be not discordant with 
the language of the narrative. It was dur- 
ing the night that the Israelites crossed, 
and the Egyptians followed. In the morn- 
ing watch, the last third or fourth of the 
night, or the period before sunrise, Pha- 
raoh's army was in full pursuit in the 
divided sea, and was there miraculously 
troubled, so that the Egyptians sought to 
flee (23-25) . Then was Moses command- 
id again to stretch out his hand, and the 
(•ea returned to its strength, and over- 
whelmed the Egyptians, of whom not one 
remained alive (26-28). In a later passage 
some particulars are mentioned which are 
not distinctly stated in the narrative in Ex- 
odus. The place is indeed a poetical one, 
but its meaning is clear, and we learn from 
it that at the lime of the passage of the 
sea there was a storm of rain with thunder 
and lightning, perhaps accompanied by an 
earthquake (Ps. Ixxvii. 16-20). 3. The 
importance of this event in Biblical history 
is shown by the manner in which it is 
spoken of in the books of the O. T. writ- 
ten in later times. In them it is the chief 
fact of Jewish history. It may be inquired 



how it is that there seems to have been no 
record or tradition of this miracle among the 
Egyptians. This question involves that of 
the time in Egyptian history to which this 
event should be assigned. The date of the 
Exodus according to different chronologerg 
varies more than three hundred years ; the 
dates of the Egyptian dynasties ruling dur- 
ing this period of t^iree hundred years vary 
full one hundred. If the lowest date of 
the beginning of the xviiith dynasty be 
taken, and the highest date of the Exodus, 
both which we consider the most probabN* 
of those which have been conjectured in 
the two cases, the Israelites must have left 
Egypt in a period of which monuments or 
other records are almost wanting. 

Reed. Under this name may be noticed 
the following Hebrew words : 1. Agm^n 
occurs Job xl. 26 (A. V. xli. 2, " hook "), xL 
12 (A. V. xli. 20, " caldron ") ; Is. ix. 14 
(A. V. *' rush "). The agmdn is mentioned 
also as an Egyptian plant, in a sentence 
similar to the last, in Is. xix. 15; while 
from Iviii. 5 we learn that it had a pendu- 
lous panicle. There can be no doubt thai 
it denotes some aquatic reed-like plant, 
probably the Phragmitis communis, which, 
if it does not occur in Palestine and Egypt, 
is represented by a very closely allied spe- 
cies, viz. the Arundo isiaca of Delisle. 
The drooping panicle of this plant will an- 
swer well to the *' bowing down the head " 
of which Isaiah speaks. — 2. G6me, trans- 
lated " rush " and " bulrush " by the A. V., 
without doubt denotes the celebrated paper- 
reed of the ancients {Papyrus antiquorum')^ 
which formerly was common in some parts 
of Egypt. The Hebrew word is found four 
times in the Bible (Ex. ii. 3; Is. xviii. 2, 
XXXV. 7; Job viii. 11). The papyrus reed 
is not now found in Egypt ; it grows, how- 
ever, in Syria. Dr. Hooker saw it on the 
banks of Lake Tiberias, a few miles north 
of the town. The papyrus plant {Papyriu 
antiquorum) has an angular stem from 3 to 
6 feet high, though occasionally it grows to 
the height of 14 feet; it has no leaves; the 
flowers are in very small spikelets, which 
grow on the thread-like flowering branchleti 
which form a bushy crown to each stem — 
3. 'Ardth is translated " paper-reed " in Is. 
xix. 7 ; but there is not the slightest au- 
thority for this rendering of the A. V. It 
probably denotes the open grassy land on 
the banks of the Nile. — 4. KAneh, the 
generic name of a reed of any kind ; it oc- 
curs in numerous passages of the O. T., and 
sometimes denotes the " stalk " of wheat 
(Gen. xli. 5, 22), or the " branches " of the 
candlestick (Ex. xxv. and xxxvii.). The 
word is variously rendered in the A. V. by 
"stalk," "branch," "bone," "calamus," 
" reed." The Arundo donax is common 
on the banks of t^e Nile, and may perhaps 
be " the staff of the bruised re*>d " to whirh 



KEELAIAH 



575 



BEHOBOAM 



Senuachenb compared the power of Egypt 
(2 K. xviii. 21; Ez. xxix. 6, 7). The tliick 
stem of this reed may have been used as 
walking-staves by the ancient Orientals ; 
perhaps the measuring- reed was this plant ; 
»t present the dry culms of this huge grass 
are in much demand for fishing-rods, &c. 
Some kind of fragrant reed is denoted by 
ihe word kineh (Is. xliii. 24; Ez. xxvii. 
19: Cant, iv, 14), or more fully hy Mnih 
bdsem ; see Ex. xxx. 23, or by kdneh hattdb 
(Jet. vi. 20) ; which the A.V. renders '* sweet 
cane," and *' calamus." It was of foreign 
importation ( Jer. vi. 20). It may be repre- 
sented by the lemon grass of India and 
Arabia. 

Reela'iah. One of the children of the 
province who went up with Zerubbabel 
(Ezr. ii. 2). In Neh. vii. 7 he is called 
Raamiah, and in 1 Esd. v. 8 Reesaias. 

Refiner. The refiner's art was essen- 
tial to the working of the precious metals. 
It consisted in the separation of the dross 
from the pure ore, which was effected by 
reducing the metal to a fluid state by the 
application of heat, and by the aid of sol- 
vents, such as alkali (Is. i. 25) or lead (Jer. 
vi. 29), which, amalgamating with the dross, 
permitted the extraction of the unadulter- 
ated metal. The instruments required by 
the refiner were a crucible or furnace, and 
a bellows or blow-pipe. The workman 
sat at his work (Mai. iii. 3) : he was thus 
bett.T enabled to watch the process, and 
let the metal run off at the proper moment. 

Refuge, Cities of. [Cities or Rep- 

CGE.] 

Re'gem. A son of Jahdai (1 Chr. ii. 
i7). 

Re'gem-me'lech. The names of She- 
rezer and Regem-melech occur in an ob- 
scure passage of Zechariah (vii. 2). They 
were ''ent on behalf of some of the captivity 
to make inquiries at the Temple concerning 
fasting. On referring to Zech. vii. 6, the 
expression " the people of the land " seems 
to indicate that those who sent to the Tem- 
ple were not the captive Jews in Babylon, 
but those who had returned to their own 
country; and this being the case, it is prob- 
able that in ver. 2 " Bethel " is to be taken 
as the subject, " and Bethel (t. e. the in- 
habitants of Bethel) sent." From its con- 
nection with Sherezer, the name Regem- 
melech (lit. " king's friend," comp. 1 Chr. 
ix.li. 33) was probably an Assyrian title 
ef office. 

Region round about, The (^ ntQi- 
/co(»i*5). In the Old Test, it is used by the 
LXX. as the equivalent of the singular 
Hebrew word hac-Ciccar (literally "the 
♦ound"), which seems in its earliest occur- 
rencos to denote the circle or oasis of culti- 
vation in which stood Sodom and Gomorrah 
»nd tne rest of the five '' cities of the 
(4ccar * (Gsn. xiii 10, U, 12, xix. 17, 25, 



28, 29; Dent, xxxiv. 3). In Matt. iii. 6 and 
Luke iii. 3 it denotes the populous and 
flourishing region which contained the towns 
of Jericho and its dependencies, in the Jor- 
dan valley, enclosed in the amphitheatre of 
the hills of Quarantana. It is also applied 
to the district of Gennesaret (Matt. xiv. 
35; Mark vi. 55; Luke vi. 37, vii. 17). 

Rehabi'ah. The only son of Eliezer, 
the son of Moses (1 Chr. xxiii. 17, xxiv. 
21, xxvi. 25). 

Re'hob. 1. The father of Hadadezei 
king of Zobah, whom David smote at the 
Euphrates (2 Sam. viii. 3, 12). 2. A Le- 
vite, or family of Levites, who sealed the 
covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 11). 3. 
The northern limit of the exploration of 
the spies (Num. xiii. 21). It is specified as 
being " as men come unto Hamath," i. e. 
at the commencement of the territory of 
that name, by which in the early books of 
the Bible the great valley of Lebanon seems 
to be roughly designated. This seems to 
fix the position of Rehob as not far from 
Tell el-Kady and Banias. Inasmuch, how- 
ever, as Beth-rehob is distinctly stated to 
have been " far from Zidon " (Judg. xviii. 
28), it must be a distinct place from — 4. 
One of the towns allotted to Asher (Josli 
xix. 28). 5. Asher contained another Re- 
hob (Josh. xix. 30) ; but the situation of 
these towns is unknown. 

Rehobo'am, son of Solomon, by the 
Ammonite princess Naamah (1 K. xiv. 21, 
31), and his successor (1 K. xi. 43). From 
the earliest period of Jewish history we 
perceive symptoms that the confederatior 
of the tribes was but imperfectly cemented. 
The powerful Ephraim could never brook 
a position of inferiority. When Solomon's 
strong hand was withdrawn the crisis came. 
Rehoboam selected Shechem as the place 
of his coronation, probably as an act of 
concession to the Ephraimites. The people 
demanded a remission of the severe bur- 
dens imposed by Solomon, and Rehoboam 
promised them an answer in three days, 
during which time he consulted first hie 
father's counsellors, and then the young 
men " that were grown up with him, and 
which stood before him." Rejecting the 
advice of the elders to conciliate the people 
at the beginning of his reign, he returned 
as his reply the frantic bravado of his con- 
temporaries. Thereupon rose the formida- 
ble song of insurrection, heard one e before, 
when the tribes quarrelled after David's 
return from the war with Absalom. RehO' 
boam sent Adoram or Adoniram (1 K. iv. 
6 ; 2 Sam. xx. 24) to reduce the rebels to 
reason, but he was stoned to death by them ; 
whereupon the king and his attendants fled 
to Jeru?"iem. Jeroboam was made king 
of the northern tribes. [Jeroboam.] On 
Rehoboam's return to Jerusalem he as- 
sembled an army of 180,000 men from the 



KEHOBOTH 



576 



REMPHAN 



two faithful tribes of Judah and Benjamin, 
in the hope of reconquering Israel. The 
expedition, however, was forbidden by the 
prophet Sheraaiah (1 K. xii. 24) : still dur- 
ing Rehoboam's lifetime peaceful relations 
between Israel and Judah were never re- 
stored (2 Chr. xii. 15; IK. xiv. 30). Re- 
hoboam now occupied himself in strength- 
ening the territories which remained to 
him, by building a number of fortresses (2 
Chr. xi. 6-10). The pure worship of God 
was maintained in Judah. But Rehoboam 
did not check the introduction of heathen 
abominations into liis capital ; the lascivious 
worship of Ashtoreth was allowed to exist 
bj"^ the side of the true religion, " images " 
were set up, and the worst immoralities 
were tolerated (1 K. xiv. 22-24). These 
evils were punished srnd put down by the 
terrible calamity of an Egyptian invasion. 
In the 5th year of Rehoboam's reign the 
country was invaded by a host of Egyptians 
and other African nations under Shishak, 
numbering 1200 chariots, 60,000 cavalry, 
and a miscellaneous multitude of infantry. 
The line of fortresses which protected J«. ru- 
ealem to the W. and S. was forced, Jerusa- 
lem itself was taken, and Rehoboam had to 
purchase an ignominious peace by deliver- 
ing up all the treasures with which Solomon 
had adorned the temple and palace, includ- 
ing his golden shields, 200 of the larger, 
and 300 of the smaller size (1 K. x. 16, 17). 
After this great humiliation the moral con- 
dition of Judah seems to have improved (2 
Chr. xii. 12), and the rest of Rehoboam's 
life to have been unmarked by any events 
of importance. He died b. c. 958, after a 
reign of 17 years, having ascended the 
throne b. c. 975, at the age of 41 (1 K. xiv. 
21; 2 Chr. xii. 13). He had 18 wives, 60 
concttbines, 28 sons, and 60 daughters. 

Reho'both. 1. The third of the series 
of weU«« dug by Isaac (Gen. xxvi. 22). 2. 
One of the four cities built by Asshur, or by 
Nimrod in Asshur, according as this diffi- 
cult passage is translated (Gen. x. 11). 
Nothing certain is known of its position. 
3. The city of a certain Saul or Shaul, one 
of the early kings of the Edomites (Gen. 
xxxvi. 37; 1 Chr. i. 48). The affix, "by 
tlie river," fixes the situation of Rehoboth 
es on the Euphrates. 

Re'hum. 1. One of the " children of 
the province " who went up from Babylon 
with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 2). 2. *' Rehum 
the chancellor " (Ezr. iv. 8, 9, 17, 23). He 
was perhaps a kind of lieutenant-governor 
of the province under the king of Persia, 
holding apparently the same offic as Tat- 
aai, who is described in Ezr. v. 6 as taking 
part in a similar transaction, and is there 
cal td " the governor on this side the 
nver." 3. A Levite of the family of Bani, 
who assisted in rebuilding the walls of 
Jerusalem (Neh. i'd. 17). 4. One of the 



chief of the people, who signed the cove- 
nant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 25). 5. A 
priestly family, or the h^ad of a priestly 
house, who went up with Zerubbabel (Neh. 
xii. 3). 

Kel. A person mentioned (in 1 K. i. 8 
only) as having remained firm to David's 
cause when Adonijah rebelled. Jerome 
states that he is the same with " Hiram the 
Zairite," i. e. Ira the Jarite. Ew£,ld sug- 
gests that Rei is identical with Raddai. 

Reins, i. e. kidneys, from the Latin renet. 
In the ancient system of physiology tie 
kidneys were believed to be the seat of de- 
sire and longing, which accounts for tLeii- 
often being coupled with the heart (Ps. vii. 
9, xxvi. 2; Jer. xi. 20, xvii. 10, &c.). 

Re'kem. 1. One of the five kings or 
chieftains of Midian slain by the Israelites 
(Num. xxxi. 8; Josh. xiii. 21). 2. One 
of the four sons of Hebron, and father of 
Shammai (1 Chr. ii. 43, 44). 

Re'kem. One of the towns of the al- 
lotment of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. .)7). Nc 
one has attempted to identify it with anj 
existing site. But may there not be a trace 
of the name in Ain Karlm, the well-knowp 
spring west of Jerusalem ? 

Remali'ah, the ftither of Pekah, cap- 
tain of Pekahiah king of Israel, who slew 
his master and usurped his throne (2 K xv. 
25-37, xvi. 1, 5; 2 Chr. xxviii. 6; Is. vii. 
1-9, viii. 6). 

Re'meth. One of the towns of Issa- 
char (Josh. xix. 21). It is probably (though 
not certainly) a distinct place from the Ra- 
MOTH of 1 Chr. vi. 73. 

Rem'mon. A town in the allotment ol 
Simeon (Josh. xix. 7) ; elsewhere accu- 
rately given in the A. V. as Rimmon. 

Rem'mon-nieth'oar. A place which 
formed one of the landmarks of the eastern 
boundary of the territory of Zebulun (Josh, 
xix. 13 only). Methoar does not really 
form a part of the name, but should be 
translated (as in the margin of the A. V.), 
— " R. which reaches to Neah." This 
Rimmon does not appear to have been 
known to Eusebius and Jerome, but it is 
mentioned by the early traveller Parchi, 
who says that it is called Rumaneh, and 
stands an hour south of Sepphoris. If for 
south we read north, this is in close agree- 
ment with the statements of Dr. RobinsoD 
and Mr. Van de Velde, who place RummA- 
neh on the S. border of the Plain of Bui- 
tauf, 3 miles N. N. E. of Seffurieh. It i» 
difficult, however, to see how this can have 
been on the eastern boundary of Zebulun. 

Rem'phan (Acts vii. 43) and CMun 
(Am. V. 26) have been supposed to be 
names of an idol worshipped by the Israel- 
ites in the wilderness. Much difficulty has 
been occasioned by this corresponding oc- 
currence of two names so wholly different 
in .sound. The most re-isonable ipinioD 



KEFHAEL 



577 



REUBEN 



»*»(Mns to be that Chitin was a Hebrew or 
Semitic name, and Remphan an Egyptian 
equivalent substituted by the LXX. The 
former, rt-Tdered Saturn in the Syr., was 
compared ^ith the Arab, and Pers. kaiwdn, 
'*the phi; et Saturn." Egyptology has, 
howe.'er, jhown that this is not the true 
explanati' n. Among the foreign divinities 
wor^hipp; i in Egypt, iwo, the god RENPU, 
perhaps ^/ronounced REMPU, and .the god- 
dess KFN, occur together. We have no 
clew to the exact time of the introduction 
of thesi divinities into Egypt. Their names 
occur fl3 early as the period of the xviiith 
and x'.ith dj-^nasties, and it is therefore not 
impr<Kable that they were introduced by 
the S'l'-epherds. KEN is a form of the Syr- 
ian goddess, and also bears some relation 
to the Egyptian god of productiveness, 
K.HEM. Tneir similarity to Baal andAsh- 
tortth seems strong. The naked goddess 
KEN would suggest such worship as that 
ol the Babj'lonJan Mylitta, but the thorough- 
Ij Sheniite appnarance of RENPU is rather 
ir favor of an Arab source. The mention 
)f CHIUN or REMPHAN as worshipped 
in the desert shows that this idolatry was, 
ii'- part at least, that of foreigners, and no 
d .ubt of those settled in Lower Egypt. 

Re'phael. Son of Shemaiah, the first- 
b< rn of Ob^^^d-edom (1 Chr. xxvi. 7). 

Re'phah. A son of Ephraim, and an- 
Ocstor of Joshua (1 Chr. vii. 25). 

Beph'aiah.. 1. The sons of Rephaiah 
appear among the descendants of Zerub- 
babel in 1 Chr. iii. 21. 2. A Simeonite 
chieftain in the reign of Hezekiah (1 Chr. 
iv. 42). 3. Son of Tola, the son of Issa- 
char (1 Clir. vh.2). 4. Son of Binea, and 
de*:ccndant of Saul (1 Chr. ix. 43). 5. 
The son of Hur, and ruler of a portion of 
Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 9). 

Reph'aim. [Giants. 1 

Reph'aim,TheVaUey of, 2 Sam. v. 
18, 22, xxiii. 13; 1 Chr. xi. 15. xiv. 9; Is. 
xvii. 5. Also in Josh. xv. 8, and xviii. 16, 
where it is translated in the A. V. "the 
valley of the giants." A spot which was 
the scene of some of David's most remark- 
able adventures. He twice encountered 
the Philistines there, and inflicted a de- 
struction on them and on their idols so sig- 
nal that it gave the place a new name. It 
was probably during the former of these 
two contests that the incident of the water 
of Bethlehem (2 Sam. xxiii. 13, &c.) oc- 
curred The "hold" (ver. 14) in which 
Da? id found himself, seems (though it is 
not clear) to have been the cave of Adul- 
lam. This narrative seems to imply that 
the valley of Rephaim was near Bethlehem. 
Josephus mentions it as " the valley which 
extends (from Jerusalem) to the city of 
Bethlehem." Since the latter part of the 
IGtii century the name has been attached to 
the upland plain which stretches south of 
i47 



Jerusalem, and is crossed by the road to 
Bethlehem — the el Bnk'ah of the modern 
Arabs. But this, though appropriate enough 
as regards its proximity to Bethleliem, does 
not answer at all to the meaning of the 
Hebrew word Emek, which appears always 
to designate an enclosed valley, never an 
open upland plain like that in question. 
Tobler, in his last investigations, conclu- 
sively adopts the Wady Der Jasin. The 
valley appears to derive its name from the 
ancient nation of the Rephaim. It may 
be a trace of an early settlement of theirs, 
possibly after they were driven from their 
original seats east of the Jordan by Ch<v 
dorlaomer (Gen. xiv. 5). [Giants.] 

Reph.'idini (Ex. xvii. 1, 8; xix. 2). 
The name means " rests "or " stays ; " th« 
place lies in the march of the Israelites 
from Egypt to Sinai. Its site is not cer- 
tain, but it is perhaps Wady Feiran. 

Re'sen is mentioned only in Gen. x. 12, 
where it is said to have been one of the 
cities built by Asshur, and to have lain " 6c- 
tween Nineveh and Calah." Assyrian rer 
mains of some considerable extent are 
found near the modern village of Selawiiyehy 
and it is perhaps the most probable conjec- 
ture that these represent Resen. 

Re'sheph. A son of Ephraim and 
brother of Rephah (1 Chr. vii. 25). 

Re'u, son of Peleg, in the line of Abra- 
ham's ancestors (Gen. xi. 18, 19, 20, 21 ; 1 
Chr. i. 25). 

Reu'ben {Behold a son). Jacob's first- 
born child (Gen. xxix. 32), the son of Leah, 
apparently not born till an unusual inter- 
val had elapsed after the marriage (31). 
The notices of the patriarch Reuben in the 
Book of Genesis and the early Jewish tra- 
ditional literature are unusually frequent, 
and on the whole give a favorable view of 
his disposition. To him, and him alone, 
the preservation of Joseph's life appears 
to have been due. His anguish at the dis- 
appearance of his brother, and the frustra- 
tion of his kindly artifice for delivering 
him (Gen. xxxvii. 22), his recollection of 
the minute details of the painful scene 
many years afterwards (xlii. 22), his offer to 
take the sole responsibility of the safety of 
the brother who had succeeded to Joseph's 
place in the family (xlii. 37), all testify to 
a warm and (for those rough times) a kind- 
ly nature. Of the repulsive crime which 
mars his history, and which turned the 
blessing of his dying father into a curse — 
his adulterous connection with Bilhah — we 
know from the Scriptures only the fact 
(Gen. XXXV. 22). These traits, slight us 
they are, are those of an ardent, impetuous, 
unbalanced, but not ungenerous nature; 
not crafty and cruel, as were Simeon and 
Levi, but rather, to use the metaphor of 
the dying patriarch, boiling up like a vessel 
of water jver the rapid wood-fire of tlie 



IIEUBEJS 



578 



REVELATION 



Qomad tern, an i as quickly subsiding into ap- 
Atbj when tlie fuel was withdrawn. At the 
time of the migration into Egypt, ]leuben's 
sons were four (Gen. xlvi. 9; 1 Chr. v. 3). 
The census at Mount Sinai (Num. i. 20, 21, 
ii. 11) shows that at the Exodus the num- 
bers of the tribe were 46,500 men above 
twenty years of age, and fit for active war- 
like service. During the journey through 
the wilderness the position of Reuben was 
on the south side of the Tabernacle. The 
*• camp " which went under his name was 
formed of his own tribe, that of Simeon 
anvl Gad. The Reubenites, like their rela- 
tives and neighbors on the journey, the 
Gadites, had maintained, through the march 
to Canaan, the ancient calling of their fore- 
fathers . Their cattle accompanied them 
in their flight from Egypt (Ex. xii. 38). 
It followed naturally that when the nation 
a rrived on the open downs east of the Jor- 
dan, the three tribes of Reuben, Gad, and 
the half of Manas seh, should prefer a re- 
quest to their leader to be allowed to remain 
in a place so perfectly suited to their re- 
quirements. The part selected by Reuben 
had at that date the special name of " the 
Mishor," with reference possibly to its 
e\ enness. Under its modern name of the 
Belka it is still esteemed beyond all others 
b} the ilrab sheep-masters. Accordingly, 
when the Reubenites and their fellows ap- 
proach Moses with their request, his main 
objection is that by what they propose they 
will discourage the hearts of the children 
of Israel from going over Jordan into the 
land which Jehovah had given them (Num. 
xxxii. 7), It is only on their undertaking 
to fulfil their part in the conquest of the 
western country, the land of Canaan proper, 
that Modes will consent to their proposal. 
From this time it seems as if a bar, not 
only the material one of distance, and of 
tlie intervening river and mountain wall, 
but also of difference in feeling and habits, 
gradually grew up between the Eastern and 
"Western ti"ibes. The pile of stones which 
they erected on the western bank of the 
Jordan to mark their boundary was erected 
in accordance with the unalterable habits 
of Bedouin tribes both before and since. 
It was an act identical with that in which 
Laban and Jacob engaged at parting, with 
that which is constantly performed by the 
Bedouins of the present day. But by the 
Israelites west of Jordan, who were fast 
relinquishing their nomad habits and feel- 
ings for those of more settled permanent 
life, this act was completely misunderstood, 
and was construed into an attempt to set 
up a rival alt;ir to that of the Sacred Tent. 
No judge, no prophet, no hero of the tribe 
of Reuben is handed down to us. In the 
dire extremity of their brethren in the 
north under Deborah and Barak, they con- 
tented themselves with debating the news 



amongst the streams of the Mishor j the 
distant distress of his brethren could uoi 
move Reuben ; he lingered among hie. sheep- 
folds, and preferred the shepherd'c pipe and 
the bleating of the flocks to the clamor of 
the trumpet and the turmoil of battle. IIi« 
individuality fades more rapidly than Gad'a. 
No person, no incident, is recorded, to 
place Reuben before us in any distinct«i 
form than as a member of the community 
(if community it can be called) of "the 
Reubenites, the Gadites, and the half-tribe 
of Manasseh" (1 Chr. xii. 37). Being re- 
mote from the central seat of the national 
government and of the national religion, it 
is not to be wondered at that Reuben re- 
linquished the faith of Jehovah. The last 
historical notice which we possess of them, 
while it records this fact, records also as its 
natural consequence that tlie Reubenites 
and Gadites, and the half-tribe of Manas- 
seh, were carried off by Pul and Tiglath- 
Pileser (1 Chr. v. 26). 

Reu'el. 1. One of the sons of Esau, 
by his wife B?.shemath, sister of Ishmael 
(Gen. xxxvi. 4, 10, 13, 17 ; 1 Chr. i. 35, 37). 

2. One of the names of Moses' father-in- 
law (Ex. ji. 13) ; the same which is given 
in another passage of the A. V, Ragvel. 

3. Father of Eliasaph, the leader of the 
tribe of Gad at the time of the census at 
Sinai (Num. ii. 14). 4. A Benjamite, an- 
cestor of Elah (1 Chr. ix. 8). 

Reu'mah, the concubine ot Nahor, 
Abraham's brother (Gen. xxii. 24). 

Revelation of St. John, the last book 
of the N. T. It is often called the Apoca- 
lypse, which is its title in Greek, signifying 
"Revelation." I. Canonical AuTHORinf 
AND Authorship. — The question as to the 
canonical authority of the Revelation re- 
solves itself 'Pto a question of authorsliip. 
Was St. John the Apostle and Evangelist 
the writer of the Revelation ? The evi- 
dence adduced in support of his being the 
author consists of (1) the assertions of the 
author, and (2) historical tradition. (V 
The author's description of himself in the 
1st and 22d chapters is certainly equivalent 
to an assertion that he is the Apostle. IJ^ 
names himself simply John, without prefix 
or addition. He is also described as a ser 
vant of Christ, one who had borne testi- 
mony as an eye-witness of the word of 
God and of the testimony of Christ — 
terms which were surely designed to iden- 
tify him with the writer of the verses John 
xix. 35, i. 14, and I John i. 2. He is in 
Patmos for the word of God and the testi- 
mony of Jesus Christ. He is also a fellow- 
sufferer with those whom he addresses, and 
the authorized channel of the most direct 
and important communication that was ever 
made to the Seven Churches of Asia, of 
which churches John the Apostle was at 
that time the spiritual governor and teach- 



REVELATION 



579 



REVELATION 



er. La&tly, the writer was a fellow-servant 
of angels and a brother a" prophets. All 
these marks are found united together in 
the Apostle John, and in him alone of all 
historical persons. (2) A long series of 
writers testifies to St. John's authorship, 
^a) Justin Martyr, circ. 150 a. d., says : 
" A man among us whose name was John, 
one of the Apostles of Christ, in a revela- 
tion which was made to him, prophesied 
that the believers in our Christ shall live 
a thousand years in Jerusalem." (6) The 
author of the Muratorian Fragment, circ. 
170 A. D., speaks of St. John as the writer 
of the Apocalypse, (c) Melito of Sardis, 
circ. 170 A. D., wrote a treatise on the 
Revelation of John. Eusebius (ZT. F. iv. 
26) mentions this among the books of 
Melito which had come to his knowledge ; 
and it may be presumed that he found no 
doubt as to St. John's authorship in the 
book of this ancient Asiatic bishop, (d) 
Theophilus, bishop of Antioch (circ. 180), 
in a controversy with Hermogenes, quotes 
passages out of the Revelation of John, 
(e) Irenaeus (circ. 195), apparently never 
having heard a suggestion of any other 
author than the Apostle, often quotes the 
Revelation as the work of John. The tes- 
timony of Irenaeus as to the autliorship of 
Revelation is perhaps more important than 
that of any other writer. (/) Apollonius 
(circ. 200) of Ephesus (?), in controversy 
with the Montanists of Phrygia, quoted 
passages out of the Revelation of John, 
and narrated a miracle wrought by John 
at Ephesus. (g) Clement of Alexandria 
(circ. 200) quotes the book as the Revela- 
tion of John, and as the work of an Apos- 
tle, (h) Tertullian (a. d. 207), in at least 
one place, quotes byname "the Apostle 
John in the Apocalypse." (i) Origen 
(circ. 233), in his Commentary on St. John, 
quoted by Eusebius {H. E. vi. 25), says of 
the Apostle, " He wrote also the Revela- 
tion." The testimonies of later writers, in 
the third and fourth centuries, in favor of 
St. John's authorship of the Revelation, are 
equally distinct, and far more numerous. 
All the foregoing writers, testifying that 
the book came from an Apostle, believed 
that it was a part of Holy Scripture. The 
book was admitted into the list of the Third 
Council of Carthage, a. d. 397. II. Time 
AND Place of Writing. — The datt f the 
Revelation is given by the great majority 
of critics as a. d. 95-97. Irenaeus says : 
*' It (t. e. the Revelation) was seen no very 
long time ago, but almoi.w in our own gen- 
eration, at the close of Domitian's reign." 
Eusebius also rucords that, in the persecu- 
tion under Domitian, John the Apostle and 
Evangelist was banished to the island Pat- 
mos for his testimony of th<j divine word. 
Th^re is no mention in am- writer of the 
ftrst three centuries of ant other tiiae or 



place. Unsupported by any historical evi 
dence, some commentators have put forth 
the conjecture that the Revelation was 
written as early as the time of Nero. This 
is simply their inference from the style and 
contents of the book. It has been inferred 
from i. 2, 9, 10, that the Revelation was 
written in Ephesus, immediately after the 
Apostle's return from Patmos. But the 
style in which the messages to the Seven 
Churches are delivered rather suggests the 
notion that the book was written in Pat- 
mos. III. Interpretation. — A short ac- 
count of the different directions in which 
attempts have been made to interpret the 
Revelation, is all that can be given in this 
place. In the interval between the Apos- 
tolic age and that of Constantine the vis- 
ions of St. John were chiefly regarded as 
representations of general Christian truths, 
scarcely yet embodied in actual facts, for 
the most part to be exemplified or fulfilled 
in the reign of Antichrist, the coming of 
Christ, the millennium, and the day of 
judgment. Immediately after the triumph 
of Constantine, the Christians, emancipated 
from oppression and persecution, and dom- 
inant and prosperous in their turn, began 
to lose their vivid expectation of our Lord's 
speedy Advent, and their spiritual concep- 
tion of His kingdom, and to look upon the 
temporal supremacy of Christianity as a 
fulfilment of the promised reign of Christ 
on earth. The Roman empire become 
Christian was regarded no longer as the 
object of prophetic denunciation, but as 
the scene of a millennial development. 
This view, however, was soon met by the 
figurative intei-pretation of the millennium 
as the reign of Christ in the hearts of all 
true believers. As the barbarous and he- 
retical invaders of the falling empire ap- 
peared, they were regarded by the suffering 
Christians as fulfilling the woes denounced 
in the Revelation. Modern interpreters 
are generally placed in three great divis- 
ions, a. The Historical or Continuous ex- 
positors, in whose opinion the Revelation 
is a progressive history of the fortunes of 
the Church from the first century to the 
end of time. b. The Praeterist expositors, 
who are of opinion that the Revelation has 
been almost, or altogether, fulfilled in the 
time which has passed since it was written ; 
that it refers principally to the triumph of 
Christianity over Judaism and Paganism, 
signalized in the downfall of Jerusalem 
and of Rome. c. The Futurist expositors, 
whose views show a strong reaction against 
some extravagances of the two preceding 
schools. They believe that the whole book, 
excepting perhaps the first three chapters, 
refers principally, if not exclusively, to 
events which are yet to come. Each of 
these three schemes is open to objection. 
In conclusion, it may be stated that two 



REZEPH 



580 



RIBLAH 



methods have been proposed by which the 
student of the Revelation may escape the 
incongruities and fallacies of the different 
interpretations, whilst he may derive edifi- 
cation from whatever truth tl.ey contain. 
It has been suggested that the book may be 
regarded as a prophetic poem, dealing in 
general and inexact descriptions, much of 
which may be set down as poetic imagerj-, 
mere embellishment. But such a view 
would be difficult to reconcile with the 
belief that the book is an inspired prophe- 
cy. A better suggestion is made, or rather 
is revived, by Dr. Arnold in his Sermons 
On the Interpretation of Prophecy : that 
we should bear in mind that predictions 
have a lower historical sense, as well as a 
higher spiritual sense ; that there may be 
one or more than one typical, imperfect, 
historical fulfilment of a prophecy, in each 
of which the higher spiritual fulfilment is 
shadowed forth more or less distinctly. 

Re'zeph., one of the places which Sen- 
nacherib mentions, in his taunting message 
to Hezekiah, as having been destroyed by his 
predecessor (2 K. xix. 12; Is. xxxvii. 12). 

Hezi'a. An Asherite, of the sons of 
ITlla (1 Chr. vii. 39). 

He'zin. 1. King of Damascus, con- 
temporary with Pekah in Israel, and with 
Jotham and Ahaz in Judaea. He attacked 
Jotham during the latter part of his reign 
(2 K. XV. 37) ; but his chief war was with 
Ahaz, whose territories he invaded, in com- 
pany with Pekah (about b. c. 741). The 
combined array laid siege to Jerusalem, 
where Ahaz was, but " could not prevail 
against it " (Is. vii. 1 ; 2 K. xvi. 5). Rezin, 
however, "recovered Elath to Syria" (2 
K. xvi. 6) . Soon after this he was attacked, 
defeated, and slain by Tiglath-Pileser II., 
king of Assyria (2 K. xvi. 9; compare 
Tiglath-Pileser's own inscriptions, where 
the defeat of Rezin and the destruction of 
Damascus are distinctly mentioned. 2. 
One of the families of the Nethinim (Ezr. 
ii. 48; Neh. vii. 60). 

He'zon, son of Eliadah, a Syrian, who 
when David defeated Hadadezer king of 
Zobah, put himself at the head of a band 
of freebooters and set up a petty kingdom 
at Damascus (1 K. xi. 23). From his 
position at Damascus Rezon harassed the 
kingdom of Solomon during his whole 
reign. The name is Aramaic, and may be 
compared with Rezin. 

Rhe'gium, an Italian town situated on 
the Bruttian coast, just at the southern en- 
trance of the Straits of Messina, occurs in 
the account of St. Paul's voyage from Syra- 
cuse to Puteoli, after the shipwreck at 
Malta (Acts xxviii. 13). By a curious 
coincidence the figures on its coins are the 
very "twin brothers" which gave tUs 
name to St. Paul's ship. As to the history 
jf the place, it was originally a Oreek 



colony: it was miserably desticjud bi 
Dionysius of Syracuse : from Augustus i1 
received advantages which combined with 
its geographical position in making it im 
portant throughout the duration of the Ro- 
man empire. The modern Reggio is a 
town of 10,000 inhabitants. Its distance 
across the straits from Messina is only 
about six miles. 

Rhe'sa, son of Zorobabel in the gen- 
ealogy of Christ (Luke iii. 27). Lord A. 
Hervey has ingeniously conjectured that 
Rhesa is no person, but merely the title 
Rosh, i. e. "Prince," originally attached to 
the name of Zerubbabel. 

Rho'da, the name of a maid who an- 
nounced Peter's arrival at the door of 
Mary's house after his miraculous release 
from prison (Acts xii. 13). 

Rhodes. The history of this island is 
so illustrious that it is interesting to see it 
connected, even in a small degree, with the 
life of St, Paul. He touched at this island 
on his return voyage to Syria from the third 
missionary journey (Acts xxi. 1). Rhodes 
is immediately opposite the high Carian and 
Lycian headlands at the S. W. extremity 
of the peninsula of Asia Minor. Its posi • 
tion has had much to do with its history. 
Its real eminence began (about 400 b. c.) 
with the founding of that city at the N. E 
extremity of the island, which still con- 
tinues to be the capital. After Alexander's 
death it entered on a glorious period, its 
material prosperity being largely developed, 
and its institutions deserving and obtaining 
general esteem. As we approach the time 
of the consolidation of the Roman power 
in the Levant, we have a notice of the 
Jewish residents in Rhodes (1 Mace. xv. 
23). The Romans, after the defeat of 
Antiochus, assigned, during some time, to 
Rhodes certain districts on the mainland. 
Its Byzantine history is again eminent. 
Under Constantino it was the metropolis 
of the "Province of the Islands." It was 
the last place where the Christians of the 
East held out against the advancing Sara- 
cens ; and subsequently it was once more 
famous as the home and fortress cf th« 
Knights of St. John. 

Ri'bai, the father of Ittai the Benjamite 
of Gibeah (2 Sam. xxiii. 29; 1 Chr. xi. 31). 

Riblah.. 1. One of the landmarks on 
the eastern boundary of the land of Israel, 
as specified by Moses (Num. xxxiv. 11) 
It seems hardly possible, without entirely 
disarranging the specification of the boun- 
dary, that the Riblah in question can be 
the same with the following. 2. Rib- 
lah in the land of Hamath, a place on the 
great road between Palestine and Baby- 
lonia, at which the kings of Babylonia 
were accustomed to remain while direct- 
ing the operations of their armies in Pales- 
tine and Phoenicia. Here Nebuchadner- 



RIDDLE 



581 



RISSAfl 



ear waited while the sieges of Jerusalem 
and of Tyre were being conducted by his 
\ieutenant8 (Jer. xxxix. 5, 6, lii. 9, 10, 26, 
27; 2 K. XXV. 6, 20, 21). In like manner 
Pharaoh-Necho, after his victory over the 
Babylonians at Carchemish, returned to 
Riblah and summoned Jehoahaz from Jeru- 
salem before him (2 K. xxiii. 33). This 
Riblal: still retains its ancient name, on 
the right (east) bank of the el Asy (Oron- 
tes), upon the great road which connects 
Baalbek and Hums, about 35 miles N. E. 
of the former and 20 mUes S. W. of the 
latter place. 

Riddle. The Hebrew word is derived 
from an Arabic root meaning " to bend off," 
"to twist" (Judg. xiv. 12-19), and is used 
for artifice (Dan. viii. 23), a proverb (Pro v. 
i. 6), a sDng (Ps. xlix. 4, Ixxviii. 2), an 
oracle (Num. xii. 8), a parable (Ez. xvii. 
2"), and in general any wise or intricate sen- 
tence (Ps. xciv. 4; Hab. ii. 6, &c.y. The 
riddles which the queen of Sheba came to 
ask of Solomon (IK. x. 1 ; 2 Chr. ix. 1) 
were rather " hard questions " referring to 
profound inquiries. Solomon is said, how- 
ever, to have been very fond of riddles. 
We know that all ancient nations, and 
especially Orientals, have been fond of 
riddles. We find traces of the custom 
among the Arabs (Koran xxv. 35), and in- 
deed several Arabic books of riddles exist ; 
but these are rather emblems and devices 
than what we call riddles, although they 
are very ingenious. They were also known 
to the ancient Egyptians, and were espe- 
cially used in banquets both by Greeks and 
Romans. Riddles were generally proposed 
in verse, like the celebrated riddle of Sam- 
son, which, however, was properly no rid- 
dle at all, because the Philistines did not 
possess the only clew on which the solution 
could depend. 

Rim'mon (jpomegranate) the name of 
several towns, probably so called from 
producing pomegranates. 1. A city of 
Zebulun belonging to the Merarite Levites 
(1 Chr. vi. 77). It is not impossible that 
DiMNAH (Josh. xxi. 35) may have been 
originally Rimmon, as the D and R in He- 
brew are notoriously easy to confound. 2. 
A town in the southern portion of Judah 
(Josh. XV. 3), allotted to Simeon (Josh. 
xix. 7; 1 Chr. iv. 32). In each of the 
above lists the name succeeds that of Ain, 
also one of the cities of Judah and Sim- 
eon. In the catalogue of the places re- 
occupied by the Jews after the return 
froiu Babylon (Neh. xi. 29) the two are 
joined, and appear in the A. V. as En- 
Rimmon. 3. Rimmon- Parez, the name 
of a march-station in the wilderness (Num. 
xxxiii. 19, 20). No place now known has 
oeen identified with it. 4. Rimmon, the 
Bock, a cliff oi inacjessible natural fast- 
ae'-s. in which tl'e six hundred Benjamites 



who escaped the slaughter of Gibeah tf>ok 
refuge (Judg. xx. 45, 47, xxi. 13). It is de- 
scribed as in the " wilderness," that is, the 
wild uncultivated country which lies on the 
east of the central highlands cf Benjamin, 
on which Gibeah was situated — between 
them and the Jordan Valley. Here tlie 
name is still found attached to a village 
perched on the summit of a conical chalky 
hill, visible in all directions, and command- 
ing the whole country. 5. A Benjamite 
of Beeroth, the father of Rechab and Baa- 
nah, the murderers of Ishbosheth (2 Sam. 
iv. 2, 5, 9). 

Rim'mon, a deity worshipped by the 
Syrians of Damascus, where there was a 
temple or house of Rimmon (2 K. v. 18). 
Rimmon is perhaps the abbreviated form 
of Hadad-Rimmon, Hadad being the sun- 
god of the Syrians. Combining this with 
the pomegranate, which was his symbol, 
Hadad-Rimmon would then be the sun-god 
of the late summer, who ripens the pome- 
granate and other fruits. 

Ring. The ring was regarded as an in- 
dispensable article of a Hebrew's attire, 
inasmuch as it contained his signet. It 
was hence the symbol of authority, and as 
such was presented by Pharaoh to Joseph 
(Gen. xli. 42), and by Ahasuerus to Haman 
(Esth. iii. 10). Such rings were worn not 
only by men, but by women (Is. iii. 21), 
and are enumerated among the articles 
presented by men and women for the ser 
vice of the tabernacle (Ex. xxxv. 22). 
The signet-ring was worn on the right 
hand (Jer. xxii. 24). We may conclude 
from Ex. xxviii. 11 that the rings contained 
a stone engraven with a device, or with the 
owner's name. The custom appears also 
to have prevailed among the Jews of the 
Apostolic age ; for in James ii. 2, a rich 
man is described as not simply "with a 
gold ring," as in the A. V., but " golden- 
ringed." 




Egyptian Rings. 

Rin'nah, one of the sons of Shimon m 
an obscure genealogy of the descendants 
of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 20). 

Ri'phath., the second son of Gomer, 
and the brother of Ashkenaz and Togar- 
mah (Gen. x. 3). The Hebrew text in 1 
Chr. i. 6 gives the form Diphath, but 
this arises out of a clerical error. The 
name may be identified with the Rhipaean 
mountains, i. e. the Carpathian range in 
the N. E. of Dacia. 

Ris'sah, a march-station in the wilder 
ness (Num. xxxiii. 21, 22). 



Bri'HMAH 



582 



Rim 



Rithmah, a march-station in the wil- 
derness (Num. xxxiii. 18, 19), probably 
N. E. of Hazeroth. 

River. In the sense in which we em- 
ploy thc! word, viz. fir a perennial stream 
of considerable size, a river is a much 
rarer object in the East than in the West. 
With the exception of the Jordan and the 
Litany, the streams of the Holy Land are 
either entireiv dried up in the summer 
months, and converted into hot lanes of 
glaring stones, or else reduced to very 
small streamlets, deeply sunk in a nar- 
row bed; and concealed from view by a 
dense growth of shrubs. The perennial 
river is called Nahar by the Hebrews. 
With the definite article, ^^the river," it 
signifies invariably the Euphrates (Gen. 
xxxi. 21 ; Ex. xxiii. 31 ; Num. xxiv. 6 ; 2 
Sam. X. 16, &c., &c.). It is never applied 
to the fleeting fugitive torrents of Pales- 
tine. The term for these is nachal, for 
which our translators have used promis- 
cuously, and sometimes almost alternately, 
"valley," '* brook," and " river." No one 
of these words expresses the thing in- 
tended; but the term "brook" is pecu- 
liarly unhappy. Many of the wadys of 
Palestine are deep, abrupt chasms or rents 
in the solid rock of the hills, and have a 
savage, gloomy aspect, far removed from 
that of an English brook. Unfortunately 
our language does not contain any single 
wcrd which has both the meanings of the 
Hebrew Nachal and its Arabic equivalent 
wady, which can be used at once for a dry 
valley and for the stream which occasion- 
ally flows through it. 

River of Egypt. 1. The Nile (Gen. 
XV. 18). [Nile.] 2. A desert stream on 
the border of Egypt, still occasionally 
flowing in the valley called WAdi-l-' Areesh. 
The centre of the valley is occupied by the 
bed of this torrent, which only flows after 
rains, as is usual in the desert valleys. 
This stream is first mentioned as the point 
where the southern border of the Promised 
Land touched the Mediterranean, which 
formed its western border (Num. xxxiv. 
8-<>). In the later history we find Solo- 
mon's kingdom extending from the " enter- 
ing in of Hamath unto the river of Egypt " 
(IK. viii. 65), and Egypt limited in the 
sauje manner where the loss of the eastern 
provinces is mentioned (2 K. xxiv. 7). 

Riz'pah, concubine to king Saul, and 
mother of his two sons Armoni and Mephib- 
osheth. After the death of Saul and oc- 
cupation of the country west of the Jordan 
by the Philistines, Rizpah accompanied the 
other members of the royal family to their 
new residence at Mahanaim (2 Sam. iii. 7). 
We hear nothing more of Rizpah till the 
tragic story which has made her one of the 
most familiar objects in the whole Bible 
(2 Saitt xxi. 8-11). Every on( can appre- 



ciate the love and endurance with which 
the mother watched over the bv>dies of her 
two sons and her five relauies, to save 
them from an indignity peculiarly painful 
to the whole of the ancient world (see Ps. 
Ixxix. 2). But it is questionable whether 
the ordinary conception of the scene is ac- 
curate. The seven victims were not, a* the 
A. V. implies, "hung; " they were cnici- 
fied. The seven crosses were planted in 
the rock on the top of the sacred hill of 
Gibeah. The victims were sacrificed at 
the beginning of barley harvest, — the sa- 
cred and festal time of the Passover, — and 
in the full blaze f the summer sun they 
hung till the fall of th*^ periodical rain in 
October. During the whcl? of that time 
Rizpah remained at the foot of the crosses 
on which the bodies of her sons were ex- 
posed ; the Mater dolorosa, if the expres- 
sion may be allowed, of the ancient dispen- 
sation. 

Road. This word occurs but once in 
the Authorized Version of the Bible, viz. in 
1 Sam. xxvii. 10, where it is used in the 
sense of " raid " or " inroad." 

Robbery. Whether in the larger sense 
of plunder, or the more limited sense of 
theft, systematically organized, robbery has 
ever been one of the principal employments 
of the nomad tribes of the East. From the 
time of Ishmael to the present day the Bed- 
ouin has been a "wild man," and a robbei 
by trade (Gen. xvi. 12). An instance of 
an enterprise of a truly Bedouin character, 
but distinguished by the exceptional fea- 
tures belonging to its principal actor, is 
seen in the night-foray of David (1 Sam. 
xxvi. 6-12). Predatory inroads on a large 
scale are seen in the incursions of the Sa- 
baeans and Chaldaeans on the property of 
Job (Job i. 15, 17) ; the revenge coupled 
with plunder of Simeon and Levi (Gen. 
xxxiv. 28, 29) ; the reprisals of the He- 
brews upon the Midianites (Num. xxxi. 
32-54), and the frequent and often pro- 
longed invasions of " spoilers " upon the 
Israelites (Judg. ii. 14, vi. 3, 4; 1 Sam. 
xi., XV.; 2 Sam. viii., x. ; 2 K. v. 2; 1 
Chr. V. 10, 18-22). Similar disorder la 
the country, complained of more than once 
by the prophets (Hos. iv. 2, vi. 9 ; Mic. ii. 
8), continued more or less through Macca- 
baean down to Roman times. The Mosaic 
law on the subject of theft is contained in 
Ex. xxii. There seems no reason to sup- 
pose that the law underwent any alteration 
in Solomon's time. Man-stealing was pun- 
ishable with death (Ex. xxi. 16; Deut. 
xxiv. 7). Invasion of right in land was 
strictly forbidden (Deut. xxvii. 17; Is. v. 
8; Mic. ii. 2). 

Roe, Roebuck. The Hebrew words 
thus translated denote some species of an- 
telope, probably the Gazella Atahica of 
Svria and Arabia. The gazelle was aJ 



AcXJEiAM 



583 



ROMAN EMPIRE 



''^'^ivl as food (Deut. xii. 15, 22, &c.) ; it is 
mentioned as very fleet of foot (2 Sam. ii. 
18 ; 1 Chr. xii. 8) ; it was hunted (Is. xiii. 
li ; Trov. vi. 5) ; it was celebrated for its 
loveliness (Cant. ii. 9, 17, viii. 14). 

Roge'lim, the residence of Barzillai the 
Gileadite (2 Sam. xvii. 27, xix. 31) in the 
txighlands east of the Jordan. 

Iloh'gah, an Asherite, of the sons of 
Shamer (1 Chr. vii. 34). 

Roll. A bo 3k in ancient times consisted 
of a single long strip of paper or parch- 
ment, which was usually kept rolled up on 
a stick, atid was unrolled when a person 
wished to read it. The roll was usually 
written on one side only, and hence the 
particular notice of one that v/ns *' written 
whliin and without" (Ez. ii. 10). The 
writing was arranged in columns. We 
may here add that the term in Is. viii. 1, 
rendered in the A. V. "roll," more cor- 
rectly means tablet. 

Romam'ti-e'zer, one of the fourteen 
jons of Heman (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 31). 

Roman Empire. The notices of Ro- 
man history which occur in the Bible are 
confined to the last century and a half of 
the commonwealth and the first century of 
the imperial monarchy. The first historic 
mention of Eorae in the Bible is in 1 Mace. 
i. 10. About the year 161 b. c. Judas Mac- 
eabaeus heard of the Romans as the con- 
querors of Philip, Perseus, and Antiochus 
(1 Mace. viii. 5, 6). In order to strengthen 
himself against Demetrius king of Syria he 
sent ambassadors to Rome (viii. 17), and 
concluded a defensive alliance with the 
senate (viii. 22-32). This was renewed by 
Jonathan (xii. 1) and by Simon (xv. 17). 
In the year 65 b. c, when Syria was made 
a Roman province by Ponipey, the Jews 
were still governed by one of the Asmonae- 
an princes. Aristobulus had lately driven 
his brother Hyrcanus from the chief priest- 
hood, and was now in his turn attacked by 
Aretas, king of Arabia Petraea, the ally of 
Hyrcanus. Pompey's lieutenant, M. Aemil- 
ius Scaurus, interfered in the contest b. c. 
64, and the next year Pompey himself 
marched an army into Judaea and took 
Jerusalem. From this time the Jews were 
practically under the government of Rome. 
Hyrcanus retained the high-priesthood and 
a titular sovereignty, subject to the watch- 
ful control of his minister Antipater, an 
active partisan of the Roman interests. 
Finally > Antipater's son, Herod the Great, 
was made king by Antony's interest, b. c. 
40, and coufirmed in the kingdom by Au- 
gustus, b. c. 30. The Jews, however, were 
all this time tributaries of Rome, and their 
princes in reality were mere Roman proc- 
urators. On the banishment of Archelaus, 
A. D. 6, Judaea became a mere appendage 
of th'i province of Syria, and was governed 
^y a Roman procurator, who resided at 



Caesarea. Such were the relations of the 
Jewish people to the Roman government 
at the time when the N. T. history begins. 
In illustration of the sacred narrative it 
may be well to give a general account of 
the position of the Emperor, the extent of 
the empire, and the administraticn of the 
provinces in the time of our Lord and His 
Apostles. I. When Augustus became sole 
ruler of the Roman world he was in tlieory 
simply the first citizen of the republic, in- 
trusted with temporary powers to settle the 
disorders of the state. The old magistracies 
were retained, but the various powers and 
prerogatives of each were conferred upon 
Augustus. Above all lie was the Emperor 
(Imperator). This word, used originally 
to designate any one intrusted with the 
imperium or full military authority over 
a Roman army, acquired a new signifi- 
cance when adopted as a permanent title 
by Julius Caesar. By his use of it as 
a constant prefix to his name in the city 
and in the camp he openly asserted 
a paramount military authority over the 
state. The Empire was nominally elective, 
but practically it passed by adoption ; and 
till Nero's time a sort of hereditary right 
seemed to be recognized. II. Extent of 
the Empire. — Cicero's description of the 
Greek states and colonies as a " fringe on 
the skirts of barbarism," has been well 
applied to the Roman dominions before the 
conquests of Pompey and Caesar. The 
Roman Empire was still confined to a nar- 
row strip encircling the Mediterranean Sea. 
Pompey added Asia Minor and Syria. 
Caesar added Gaul. The generals of Au- 
gustus overran the N. W. portion of Spain, 
and the country between the Alps and the 
Danube. The boundaries of the Empire 
were now, the Atlantic on the W., the 
Euphrates on the E., the deserts of Africa, 
the cataracts of the Nile, and the Arabian 
deserts on the S., the British Channel, the 
Rhine, the Danube, and the Bhick Sea on 
the N. The only subsequent conquests ot 
importance were those of Britain l)y Clau- 
dius and of Dacia by Trajan. The only in- 
dependent powers of importance were the 
Parthians on the E. and the Germans on 
the N. The population of the Empire in. 
the time of Augustus has been calculated! 
at 85.000,000. III. The I'rovinces, — The: 
usual fate of a country conquered by Romei 
was to become a subject province, governedi 
directly from Rome by officers sent out foir 
that purpose. Sometimes, however, pe'*;y 
sovereigns were left in possession rr a 
nominal independence on the border^, or 
within the natural limits, of the provin « 
Augustus divided the provinces into two 
classes: (1.) Imperial; (2.) Senatorial; 
retaining in his own hands, for obvious 
reasons, those provinces where the pres- 
ence of a la ee military force was reces 



KUMANS, EPISTLE TO 



^^4 



KOMAI^S, EPISTLE TO 



earj, and committing the peaceful and 
unarmed provinces to ttie Senate. The 
Imperial provinces at first were — Gaul, 
Lusitania, Syria, Phoenicia, Cilicia, Cyprus, 
and Aegypt. The Senatorial provinces 
were Africa, Numidia, Asia, Achaia and 
Epinis, Dalmatia, Macedonia, Sicily, Crete 
and Cyr(!ne, Bithj^nia and Pontus, Sardin- 
ia, Baetica. Cyprus and Gallia Narbonen- 
sis were subsequently given up by Augustus, 
vho in turn received Dalmatia from the 
Senate. Many other changes were made 
afterwards. The N. T. writers invariably 
designate the governors of Senatorial prov- 
inces by the correct title of ayQi'nuToi, pro- 
consuls (Acts xiii. 7, xviii. 12, xix. 38). 
For the governor of an Imperial province, 
properly styled " Legatus Caesaris," the 
word '•Hyff.iojv (Governor) is used in the 
N. T. The provinces were heavily taxed 
for the benefit of Rome and her citizens. 
They are said to have been better governed 
under the Empire than under the Common- 
wealth, and those of the Emperor better 
flian tliose of the Senate. Two important 
changes were introduced under the Empire. 
The governors received a fixed pay, and 
the term of their command was prolonged. 
The condition of the Roman Empire at the 
time when Christianity appeared has often 
beer dwelt upon, as affording obvious illus- 
trations of St. Paul's expression, that the 
" fulness of time had come " (Gal. iv. 4). 
The general peace within the limits of the 
Empire, the formation of military roads, 
the suppression of piracy, the march of the 
legions, the voyages of the corn fleets, the 
general increase of traffic, the spread of 
the Latin language in the West as Greek 
had already spread in the East, the exter- 
nal unity of the Empire, offered facilities 
hitherto unknown for the spread of a world- 
wide religion. The tendency, too, of a des- 
potism like that of the Roman Empire to 
reduce all its subjects to a dead level, was 
a powerful instrument in breaking down 
the pride of privileged races and national 
religions, and familiarizing men with the 
truth that " God had made of one blood all 
t ations on the face of the earth " (Acts xvii. 
X4, 26). But still more striking than this 
outward preparation for the diffusion of tlie 
Gospel was the appearance of a deep and 
wide-spread corruption, which seemed to 
defy any human remedy. The chief pro- 
phetic notices of the Roman Empire are 
found iu the Book of Daniel. According 
to some interpreters the Romans are in- 
tended in Deut. xxviii. 49-57. 

Romans, Epistle to the. i. The 
d.ate of this Epistle is fixed with more ab- 
solute certainty and within narrower limits 
than that of any other of St. Paul's Epistles. 
The following considerations determine the 
time of writing. First. Certain names in 
the salutations point to Corinth, as the place 



from which the letter was sent. (L^ Pi.oebe, 
a deaconess of Cenchreae, one o/ the port 
towns of Corinth, is commend d to the 
Romans (xvi. 1, 2). (2.) Gains in «hose 
house St. Paul was lodged at the time (xvi. 
23), is probably the person mentioned as 
one of the chief members of the Corinthian 
Church in 1 Cor. i. 14, though the name 
was very common. (3.) Erastus, here 
designated "the treasurer of the city" 
(xvi. 23, A. V. "chamberlain') is else- 
where mentioned in connection with Cor- 
inth C2 Tim. iv. 20; see also Acts xix. 22). 
Secondly. Having thus determined the 
place of writing to be Corinth, we have no 
hesitation in fixing upon the visit recorded 
in Acts XX. 3, during the winter and spring 
following the Apostle's long residence at 
Ephesus, as the occasion on which the 
Epistle was written. For St. Paul, when 
he wrote the letter, was on the point of 
carrying the contributions of Macedonia 
and Achaia to Jerusalem (xv. 25-27), and 
a comparison with Acts xx. 22, xxiv. 17, 
and also 1 Cor. xvi. 4; 2 Cor. viii. 1, 2, ix. 
1, ff., shows tliat he was so engaged at this 
period of his life. The Epistle then was 
written from Corinth during St. Paul's third 
missionary journey, on the occasion of the 
second of the two visits recorded in the Ac^s 
On this occasion he remained three months 
in Greece (Acts xx. 3). It was in the win- 
ter or early spring of the year that the 
Epistle to the Romans was written. Ac- 
cording to the most probable system of 
chronology, this would be the year a. c. 
58. 2. The Epistle to the Romans is thus 
placed in chronological connection with the 
Epistles to the Galatians and Corinthians, 
which appear to have been written within 
the twelve months preceding. They pre- 
sent a remarkable resemblance to each oth- 
er in style and matter — a much greater 
resemblance than can be traced to any 
other of St. Paul's Epistles. 3. The occa- 
sion which prompted this Epistle, and the 
circumstances attending its writing, were as 
follows. St. Paul had long purposed visit- 
ing Rome, and still retained this purpose, 
wishing also to extend his journey to Spain 
(i. 9-13, XV. 22-29). For the time, how- 
ever, he was prevented from carrying out 
his design, as he was bound for Jeru;^al».m 
with the alms of the Gentile Christians, and 
meanwhile he addressed this letter to the 
Romans, to supply the lack of his person- 
al teaching. Phoebe, a deaconess of the 
neighboring Church of Cenchreae, was on 
the point of starting for Rome (xv*.. 1, 2), 
and probably conveyed the letter. TJie 
body of the Epistle was written at the 
Apostle's dictation by Tertius (xvi. 22); 
but perhaps we may infer from the abi apt- 
ness of the final doxology , that it was aaded 
by the Apostle himself. 4. The Oriyin 
of the Roman Church is involved in d ba'^u 



JvOMANS, EPISTLE TO 



585 



ROMAICS, EPISTLE TO 



lity. [Rome, p. 588.] If ithadbrenf >und- 
ed by §t. Peter, according to a laier tradi- 
tion, the absence of any allusion to him 
l»oth in this Epistle and in the letters written 
by St. Paul from Rome would admit of no 
explanation. It is equally clear that no 
other Apostle was the Ft)under. The state- 
ment in the Clementines tliat the first tid- 
ings of the Gospel reached Rome during the 
ifetime of our Lord, is evidently a fiction 
or the purposes of the romance. On the 
other hnnd, d is clear that the foundation 
of this Church da^?'^ very far back. It may 
be that some jf tl-.se Romans, " both Jews 
and proselytes," present on the day of Pen- 
tecost (Acts ii. lOj, ca' viea back the earliest 
tidings of the new dootrine, or the Gospel 
may have first reached the imperial city 
through those who were scattered abroad 
to escape the persecution which followed 
on the death of Stephen (Acts viii. 4, xi. 
19). At first we may suppose that the Gos- 
pel was preached there in a confused and 
imperfect form, scarcely more than a phase 
v)f Judaism, as in the case of Apollos at 
Corinth (Acts xviii. 25), or the disciples at 
Ephesus (Acts xix. 1-3). As time advanced 
And better instructed teachers arrived, the 
clouds would gradually clear away, till at 
length the presence of the gre.' t Apostle 
himself at Rome dispersed thf mists of 
Judaism wiiich still hung about tl«e Roman 
Church. 5. A question next arises as to 
the composUion of the Roman Church, at 
the time when St. Paul wrote. It is more 
probable that St. Paul addressed a mixed 
Church of Jews and Gentiles, the latter 
perhaps being the more numerous. There 
are certainly passages which imply the 
presence of a large number of Jewish con- 
verts to Christianity. If we analyze the 
list of names in the IGth chapter, and assume 
that this list approximately represents the 
proportion of Jew and Gentile in the Roman 
Church (an assumption at least not improb- 
able), we arrive at the same result. Alto- 
gether it appears that a very large fraction 
of the Christian believers mentioned in 
these salutations were Jews, even supposing 
that the others, bearing Greek and Latin 
names, of whom we know nothing, were 
heathens. Nor does the existence of a large 
Jewish element in the Roman Church pre- 
sent any difficulty. The captives carried to 
Rome by Pompeius formed the nucleus of 
the Jewish population in the metropolis. 
Since that time they had largely increased. 
On the other hand, situated in the metrop- 
olis of th ) great empire of heathendom, the 
Roman Cnurch must necessarily have been 
in great measure a Gentile Church; and 
the language of the Epistle bears out this 
supposition. These Gentile converts, how- 
ever, wore not for the most part native 
Romans. Strange as the paradox appears, 
nothing is ro-^re certain tlian that the Church 



of Rome was at this time a Gieek and 
not a Latin Church. All the literature 
of the early Roman Church was written 
in tlie Greek tongue. The names of the 
bisliops of Rome during the first two cen- 
turies are, with but few exceptions, Greek, 
And we find that a very large proportion 
of the names in the salutations of this Epis- 
tle are Greek names. When we inquire 
into the prol)able rank and station of the 
Roman believers, an analysis of the names 
in the list of salutations again gives an ap- 
proximate answer. These names belong 
for the most part to the middle and lower 
grades of society. Many of them are found 
in the columbaria of the freedmen and 
slaves of the early Roman emperors. 
Among the less wealthy merchants and 
tradesmen, among the petty officers of the 
army, among the slaves and freedmen of 
the imperial palace — whether Jews or 
Greeks — the Gospel would first find a firm 
footing. To this last class allusion is made 
in Phil. iv. 22, " they that are of Caesar's 
household." 6. The heterogeneous com- 
position of this Church explains the general 
character of the Epistle to the Romans. In 
an assemblage so various, we should expect 
to find, not the exclusive predominance of a 
single form of error, but the coincidence of 
different and opposing forms. It was there- 
fore the business of the Christian teacher 
to reconcile the opposing difficulties and to 
hold out a meeting point in the Gospel. 
This is exactly what St. Paul does in the 
Epistle to the Romans. Again, it does not 
appear that the letter was specially written 
to answer any doubts or settle any contro- 
versies then rife in the Roman Church. 
There were therefore no disturbing influ- 
ences, such as arise out of personal rela- 
tions, or peculiar circumstances, to derange 
a general and systematic exposition of the 
nature and working of the Gospel. Thus 
the Epistle to the Romans is more of a 
treatise than of a letter. In this respect it 
differs widely from the Epistles to the Co- 
rinthians and Galatians, which are full of 
personal and direct allusions. In one in- 
stance alone (xiii. 1) we seem to trace a 
special reference to the Church of the me- 
tropolis. 7. This explanation is in fact tc 
be sought in its relation to the contemporur- 
neous Epistles. The letter to the Romans 
closes the group of Epistles written during 
the second missionary journey. This group 
contains besides, as already mentioned, the 
letters to the Corinthians and Galatians, 
written probably within the few months 
preceding. In the Epistles to these two 
Churches we study the attitude of the Gos- 
pel towards the Gentile and Jewish world 
respectively. These letters are direct and 
special. The Epistle to the Romans is the 
summary of what Si . Paul had written be- 
fore, the rosult of his dealing with tlie two 



ROMANS, EPIblLE TO 



0»b 



ROMANS, Ei'lSTLE TO 



antagonistic forms of error, the gathering 
together of the fragmentary teaching in the 
Corinthian and Galatian letters. 8. View- 
ing this Epistle then rather in the light of a 
treatise than of a letter, we are enabled to 
explain certain phenomena in the text. In 
the received text a doxology stands at the 
close of the Epistle (xvi. 25-27). The pre- 
ponderance of evidence is in favor of this 
position, but there is respectable authority 
for placing it at the end of ch. xiv. In some 
texts, again, it is found in both places, while 
others omit it entirely. The phenomena 
of the MSS. seem best explained by sup- 
posing that the letter was circulated at an 
early date (whether during the Apostle's 
lifetime or not it is idle to inquire) in two 
fovms, both with and without the two last 
chapters. 9. In describing the purport of 
this Epistle we may start fr im St. Paul's 
own words, which, standing at the beginning 
oi the doctrinal portion, may be taken as 
giving a summary of the contents (i. 16, 
17). Accordingly the Epistle has been 
described as comprising " the religious 
philosophy of the world's history." The 
atonement of Christ is the centre of reli- 
gious history. The Epistle, from its gen- 
eral chaiacter, lends itself more readily to 
an analysis than is often the case with St. 
Paul's Epistles. The following is a table 
of its contents: Salutation (i. 1-7). The 
Apostle at the outset strikes the key-note of 
the Epistle in the expressions " called as an 
apostle," " called as saints." Divine grace 
is everything, human merit nothing. I. 
Personal explanations. Purposed visit to 
Rome (i. 8-15). II. Doctrinal (i. 16-xi. 
S6). The general proposition. The Gos- 
pel is the salvation of Jew and Gentile alike. 
This salvation comes by faith (i. 16, 17). 
(a) All alike were under condemnation be- 
fore the Gospel. The heathen (i. 18-32). 
The Jew (ii. 1-29). Objections to this 
statement answered (iii. 1-8). And the 
position itself established from Scripture 
(iii. 9-20). (6) A righteousness (justifica- 
tion) is revealed under the Gospel, which 
being of faith, not of law, is also universal 
(iii. 21-26). And boasting is thereby ex- 
cluded (iii. 27-31). Of this justification by 
faith Abraham is an example (iv. 1-25). 
Thus then we are justified in Christ, in 
whom alone we glory (v. 1-11). And this 
acceptance in Christ is as universal as was 
the condemnation in Adam (v. 12-19). (c) 
The moral consequences of our deliverance. 
The law was given to multiply sin (v. 20, 
21). When we died to the law we died to 
sin (vi. 1-14). The abolition of the law, 
however, is not a signal for moral license 
(vi. 15-23). On the contrary, as the law 
has passed away, so must sin, for sin and 
the law are correlative ; at the same time 
this is no ^lisparagemcnt of the law, but 
rather a proof of human weakness Cvii. 1- 



25). So henceforth iu Christ we are fre* 
frctm sin; we have the Spirit, and look for- 
ward in hope, triumphing over our present 
afflictions (viii. 1-39). \d) The rejection 
of the Jev;s is a matter of deep sorrow (ix. 
1-5). Yet we must remember — (i.) That 
the promise was not to the whole people, 
but only to a select seed (ix. 6-13). And 
the absolute purpose of God in so ordaining 
is not to be canvassed by man (ix. 14-19). 
(ii.) That the Jews did not seek justifica- 
tion aright, and so missed it. Tiiis justifi- 
cation was promised hy faith, and is offered 
to all alike, the preaching to the Gentiles 
being implied therein. The character and 
results of the Gospel dispensation are fore- 
shadowed in Scripture (x. 1-21). (iii.) 
That the rejection of the Jews is not final. 
This rejection has been the means of gather- 
ing in the Gentiles, and through the Gentiles 
they themselves will ultimately be brouglit 
to Christ (xi. 1-36). III. Practical ex- 
hortations (xii. 1-xv. 13). (a) To holiness 
of life and to charity in general, the duty 
of obedience to rulers being inculcated by 
the way (xii. 1-xiii. 14). (6) And more 
particularly against giving offence to weaker 
brethren (xiv. 1-xv. 13). IV. Personal 
matters. (a) The Apostle's motive in 
writing the letter, and his intention of visit- 
ing the Romans (xv. 14-33). (6) Greet- 
ings (xvi. 1-23). The letter ends with a 
benediction and doxology (xvi. 24-27). 
While this Epistle contains the fullest and 
most systematic exposition of the Apostle's 
teaching, it is at the same time a very 
striking expression of his character. No- 
where do his earnest and affectionate nature 
and his tact and delicacy in handling un- 
welcome topics appear more strongly thaii 
when he is dealing with the rejection of his 
fellow-countrymen the Jews. 10. Internal 
evidence is so strongly in favor of the 
genuineness of the Epistle to the Romans 
that it has never been seriously questioned. 
But while the Epistle bears in itself the 
strongest proofs of its Pauline authorship, 
the external testimony in its favor is not 
inconsiderable. It is not the practice of 
the Apostolic fathers to cite the N. T. 
writers by name, but marked passages from 
the Romans are found embedded in the 
Epistles of Clement and Polycarp. It 
seems also to have been directly cited by 
the elder quoted in Irenaeus, and is alluded 
to by the writer of the Epistle to Diognetus, 
and by Justin Martyr. It has a place more- 
over in the Muratorian Canon and in the 
Syriac and Old Latin Versions. Nor hav«^ 
we the testimony of orthodox writeis alone. 
The Epistle was commonly quoted as an 
authority by the heretics of the subaposlolic 
age, by the Opliires, by Basilidos, by Val- 
entinus, by the Valentinians Heracleon 
and Ptolemaeus, and perhaps also by Ta- 
tian, bes'des being included ix Marcion's 



KOME 



587 



KOME 



vUmon. In tTn? latter part of the second 
century the evidence in its favor is still 
fuller. 

Romo, the famous capital of the ancient 
world, is situated on the Tiber at a distance 
of about 15 miles from its mouth. The 
" seven hills " (Rev. xvii. 9) which formed 
the nucleus of the ancient city stand on the 
left bank. On the opposite side of the river 
rises the far higher side of the Janiculum. 
Here from very early times was a fortress 
with a suburb beneath it extending to the 
river. Modern Rome lies to the N. of the 
ancient city, covering with its principal por- 
tion the plain to the N. of the seven hills, 
once known as the Campus Martins, and on 
the opposite bank extending over the low 
ground beneath the Vatican to the N. of the 
ancient Janiculum. Rome is not mentioned 
in the Bible except in the books of Macca- 
bees and in three books of the N. T., viz., 
the Acts, the Epistle to the Romans, and 
the 2d Epistle to Timothy. For the notices 
of Rome in the books of Maccabees see 
Roman Empire. — The conquests of Pom- 
pey seem to have given rise to the first set- 
tlement of Jews at Rome. The Jewish king 
Aristobulus and his son formed part of 
Pompey's triumph, and many Jewish cap- 
tives and emigrants were brought to Rome 
at that time. A special district was as- 
signed to them, not on the site of the mod- 
ern " Ghetto," between the Capitol and the 
island of the Tiber, but across the Tiber. 
Many of these Jews were made freedmen. 
Julius Caesar showed them some kindness ; 
they were favored also by Augustus, and 
by Tiberius during the latter part of his 
reign. At an earlier period apparently he 
banished a great number of them to Sar- 
dinia. Claudius " commanded all Jews to 
depart from Rome" (Acts xviii. 2), on ac- 
count of tumults connected, possibly, with 
the preaching of Christianity at Rome. 
This banishment cannot have been of long 
duration, for we find Jews residing at Rome 
apparently in considerable numbers at the 
time of St. Paul's visit (Acts xxviii. 17). 
It is chiefly in connection with St. Paul's 
history that Rome comes before us in the 
Bible. In illustration of that history it may 
be useful to give some account of Rome in 
he time of Nero, the " Caesar " to whom St. 
i:*aul appealed, and in whose reign he suf- 
fered martyrdom. 1. The city at that time 
mu^t be imagined as a large and irregular 
mass of buildings unprotected by an outer 
wall. It had long outgrown the old Ser 
vian wall; but the limits of the suburbs 
cannot be exactly defined. Neither the 
nature of the buildings nor the configura- 
aon of the ground was such as to give 
a striking appearance to the city viewed 
from without. " Ancient Rome had nei- 
ther cupola nor campanile," and the hills, 
never lofty or imposing, would present. 



when covered with tho builthigs ana 
streets of a huge city, a cojfused apj^ar- 
ance like the hills of modern London, to 
which they have sometimes been compared. 
The visit of St. Paul lies between two famous 
epochs in the history of the city, viz. its 
restoration by Augustus and its restoration 
by Nero. The boast of Augustus is well 
known, " that he found the city of brick, and 
left it of marble." Some parts of the city, 
especially the Forum and Campus Martiu^, 
must now have presented a magnificent 
appearance, of which Nitbuhr's Lectures 
on Rom. Hist,., 11. 177, will give a general 
idea ; but many of the principal buildings 
which attract the attention of modern trav- 
ellers in ancient Rome were not yet built. 
The streets were generally narrovi and 
winding, flanked by densely crowded lodg^ 
ing-houses {insulae) of enormous height- 
Augustus found it necessary to limit their 
height to 70 feet. St. Paul's first visit to 
Rome took place before the Neronian con- 
flagration ; but even after the restoration of 
the city, which followed upon that event, 
many of the old evils continued. The pop- 
ulation of the city has been variously esti- 
mated. Probably Gibbon's estimate of one 
million two hundred thousand is nearest 
to the truth. One half of the population 
consisted, in all probability, of slaves. The 
larger part of the remainder consisted of 
pauper citizens supported in idleness by 
the miserable system of public gratuities. 
There appears to have been no middle class, 
and no free industrial population. Side by 
side with the wretched classes just men- 
tioned was the comparatively small body 
of the wealthy nobility, of whose luxury 
and profligacy we hear so much in the 
heathen writers of the time. — Such was 
the population which St. Paul would find 
at Rome at the time of his visit. We learn 
from the Acts of the Apostles that he was 
detained at Rome for " two whole years," 
" dwelling in his own hired house with a 
soldier that kept him *' (Acts xxviii. 16, 30), 
to whom, apparently, according to Roman 
custom, he was bound with a ch&in (Acts 
xxviii. 20; Eph. vi. 20; Phil. i. 13). Here 
he preached to all that came to him, no man 
forbidding him (Acts xxviii. 30, 31). It is 
generally believed that on his "appeal to 
Caesar" he was acquitted, and after some 
time spent in freedom, was a second time 
imprisoned at Rome. Five of his Epistles, 
viz. those to the Colossians, Ephesians, 
Philippians, that to Philemon, and the 2d 
Epistle to Timothy, vv^ere in all probability, 
written from Rome, the latter shortly be- 
fore his death (2 Tim. iv. 6), the others 
during his first imprisonment. It is uni- 
versally believed that he suffered myrtyr- 
dom at Rome. 2. The localities in and 
about Rome especially connected with 
the life of St. Paul, are— (1.) The Ap 



ROMJSi 



588 



ROSE 



pian Way, by which he ai*proached Rome 
(Acts xxviii. 15). [Appii Forum.] (2.) 
'* The palace," or " Caesar's court" (Prae- 
torhim, Phil. i. 13). This mjiy mean 
either the great camp of the Praetorian 
guards which Tiberius established outside 
the walls on the N. E. af the city, or, as 
seems more probable, a barrack attached 
to the Imperial residence on the Palatine. 
There is no sufficient proof that the word 
" Praetorium " was ever used to designate 
the emperor's palace, though it is used for 
the official residence of a Roman governor 
(John xviii. 28 ; Acts xxiii. 35). The men- 
tion of "Caesar's household" (Phil. iv. 
22) confirms the notion that St. Paul's 
residence was in the immediate neighbor- 
hood of the emperor's house on the Pala- 
tine. 3. The connection of other locali- 
ties at Rome with St. Paul's name rests 
only on traditions of more or less probabil- 
ity. We may mention especially — (1.) The 
Mamertine prison, or Tullianum, built by 
Ancus Martins near the Forum. It still 
exists beneath the church of S. Giuseppe 
dei Falegnami. Here it is said that St. 
Peter and St. Paul were fellow-prisoners 
for nine months. This is not the place to 
discuss the question whether St. Peter was 
ever at Rome. It may be sufficient to 
state, that though there is no evidence of 
such a visit in the N. T., unless Babylon 
In 1 Pet. V. 13 is a mystical name for 
Rome, yet early testimony and the univer- 
sal belief of the early Church seem suffi- 
cient to establish the fact of his having 
suffered martyrdom there. [Peter.] The 
Btory, however, of the imprisonment in the 
Mamertine prison seems inconsistent with 
i Tim., esp. iv. 11. (2.) The chapel on 
the Ostian road which marks the spot where 
the two Apostles are said to have separat- 
ed on their way to martyrdom. (3.) The 
Bupposed scene of St. Paul's martyrdom, 
viz. the church of St. Paolo alle tre fontane 
on the Ostian road. To these may be add- 
ed (4.) The supposed scene -^ St. Peter's 
mariyrdom, viz. the church of St. Pietro 
in Montario, on the Janiculum. (5.) The 
chapel '^ Domine quo Vadis," on the Ap- 
piau road, the scene of the beautiful le- 
gend of our Lord's appearance to St. Peter 
as he was escaping from martyrdom. (6.) 
The places where the bodies of the two 
Apostles, after having been deposited first 
ill the catacombs, are supposed to lave 
been finally buried — that of St. Paul 
by the Ostian road — that of St. Peter be- 
neath the dome of the famous Basilica 
which ]»ears his name. 4. We may add, 
as sites unquestionably connected with the 
Roman Christians of the ApUB..olic age — 
(1.) The Gardens of Nero in the Vatican, 
not far from the spot where St. Peter's 
now stands. Here Christians wrapped in 
cbe skins of beaste were tor i to pieces by 



dogs, or, clothed in inflammable robes, wer« 
burnt to serve as torches during the mid- 
night games. Others were crucified. (2.) 
The Catacombs. These subterranean gal- 
leries, commonly from 8 to 10 feet in height, 
and from 4 to 6 in width, and extend- 
ing for miles, especially in the neighbor- 
hood of the old Appian and Nomentan 
Ways, were unquestionably used as places 
of refuge, of worship, and of burial by the 
early Christians. The earliest dated in- 
scription in the catacombs is a. d. 71. 
Nothing is known of the first founder of 
the Christian Church at Rome. Christian- 
ity may, perhaps, have been introduced into 
the city not long after the outpouring of 
the Holy Spirit on the day of Pentecost by 
the '* strangers of Rome," who were then 
at Jerusalem (Acts ii. 10). It is clear that 
there were many Christians at Rome before 
St. Paul visited the city (Rom. i. 8, 13, 15, 
XV. 20). The names of twenty-four Chris- 
tians at Rome are given in the salutations 
at the end of the Epistle to the Romans, 
Linus (who is mentioned, 2 Tim. iv. 21), 
and Clement (Phil. iv. 3) are supposed to 
have succeeded St. Peter as bishops of 
Rome. Rome seems to be described under 
the name of Babylon in Rev. xiv. 8, xvi. 
19, xvii. 5, xviii. 2, 21 ; and again, as the 
city of the seven hills (Rev. xvii. 9, cf. xii. 
3, xiii. 1). 

Roof. [House.] 

Hoom. This word is employed in the 
A. V. of the New Testament as the equiv- 
alent of no less than eight distinct Greek 
terms. The only one of these, however, 
which need be noticed here is TTQwroxXioia 
(Matt, xxiii. 6 ; Mark xii. 39 ; Luke xiv. 7, 
8, XX. 46), which signifies the highest place 
on the highest couch round the dinner or 
supper table — the "uppermost seat," as 
it is more accurately rendered in Luke xi. 
43. 

Hose occurs twice only, \iz. in Cant. ii. 
1 ; Is. XXV. 1. There is much difference of 
opinion as to what particular flower is here 
denoted ; but it appears to us most probable 
that the narcissus is intended. The nar- 
cissus and the lily {Lilium candidum) 
would be in blossom together in the early 
spring, while the CoUhicum is an autumn 
plant. Chateaubriand men dons the narcis- 
sus as growing in the piAin of Sharon 
Though the rose is apparently not men- 
tioned in the Hebrew Bible, it is referred 
to in Ecclus. xxiv. 14 (comp. also ch. 1. 8 ; 
xxxix. 13; Wisd. ii. 8). Roses are greatly 
prized in the East, more especially for the 
sake of the rose-water, which is in much 
request. Dr. Hooker observed seven spe- 
cies of wild roses in Syria. 

Rosh. In the genealogy of Gen. xlvi. 
21, Rosh is reckoned among the sons of 
Benjamin; but the name does not occur 
elsewhere, and it is extremely probable 



ROSH 



589 



RUTH 



4iat " Ebi and Rosh " is a corruption of 
" Aliiram" (comp. Num. xxvi. 38). 

Bosh (Ez. xxxviii. 2, 3, xxxix. 1). The 
whole sentence, thus rendered by the A. 
v., "Magog the chief prince of Meshech 
and Tubal," ought to run, " Magog the 
prince of Rosh, Meshech, and Tubal." 
The moaning is, that Magog is the head of 
the three great Scythian tribes, of which 
" Rosh " is thus the first. By Rosh is ap- 
parently meant the tribe on the north of the 
Taurus, so called from the neighborhood to 
the Rha, or Volga, and thus in this name 
and tribe we have the first trace of the 
Rcss or Russian nation. The name prob- 
ably occurs again under the altered form of 
Rasses, in Judith ii. 23. 

Hosin. Properly " naphtha," as it is 
both in the LXX. and Vulg. as well as the 
Peshito-Syriac. In the Song of the Three 
Children (23), the servants of the king of 
Babylon are said to have " ceased not to 
make the oven hot with rosin, pitch, tow, 
and small wood." Pliny mentions naphtha 
as a product of Babylonia, similar in ap- 
pearance to liquid bitumen, and having a 
remarkable affinity to fire. To this natural 
product (known also as Persian naphtha, 
petroleum, rock oil, Rangoon tar, Burmese 
naphtha, &c.) reference is made in the pas- 
sage in question. 

Rubies. Concerning the meaning of 
tlie Hebrew words translated " rubies " 
there is much difference of opinion (Job 
xxviii. 18; see also Prov. iii. 15, viii. 11, 
xxxi. 10). In Lam. iv. 7 it is said, "the 
Nazarites were purer than snow, they were 
whi'^'^r than milk, they were more ruddy in 
bod> ihan rubies." Some suppose " coral " 
to be intended. Others contend that the 
Hebrew term denotes pearls, and explain 
tlie " ruddiness," alluded to above, by sup- 
posing that the original word signifies mere- 
ly " bright in color," or " color of a red- 
dish tinge." 

Rue occurs only in Luke xi. 42. The 
rue here spoken of is doubtless the com- 
mon Ruta graveolens, a shrubby plant about 
2 feet high, of strong medicinal virtues. It 
18 a native of the Mediterranean coasts, and 
has been found by Hasselquist on Mount 
Tibor. The Talmud enumerates rue 
amongst kitchen-herbs, and regards it as 
free of tithe, as being a plant not cultivated 
in gardens. In our Lord's time, however, 
me was doubtless a garden-plant, and there- 
fore tithable. 

Ru'fus is mentioned in Mark xv. 21, 
along with Alexander, as a son of Simon 
the Cyrenian (Luke xxiii. 26). Again, in 
Rom. xvi. 13, the Apostle Paul salutes a 
Ilufus whom he designates as " elect in the 
Lord." It is generally supposed that this 
Rufus was identical with the one to whom 
Mark refers. Yet we are to bear in. mind 
Uiat Rufus was not an uncommon name. 



and possibly, therefore, Mark and Pfc»il 
may have had ia view diflfijnmt i:idividu&l8. 

Ru.'hamah. The margin of our ver- 
sion renders it "having obtained mercy" 
(Hos. ii. 1). The name, if name it be, is, 
like Loruhamah, symbolical, and is ad- 
dressed to the daughters of the people to 
denote that they were still the objects of 
his love and tender compassion. 

Ru'mall, mentioned once only (2 K. 
xxiii. 36). It has been conjectured to b« 
the same place as Aruraah (Judg. ix. 41), 
which was apparently near Shechem. It in 
more probable that it is identical with Du- 
mah (Josh. xv. 52). 

Rush. [Reed.] 

Rust occurs as the translation of two 
different Greek words in Matt. vi. 19, 20, 
and in James v. 3. In the former passage 
the word (iQinotg, which is joined with 
" moth," has by some been understood ti 
denote the larva of some moth injurious to 
corn, as the Tinea granella. It can scarct- 
ly be taken to signify "rust," for which 
there is another term, lug, which is used bf 
St. James to express rather the "tarnish " 
which overspreads silver than "rust," by 
which name we now understand " oxide of 
iron." 

Ruth, a Moabitish woman, the wife, 
first, of Mahlon, secondly of Boaz, the an- 
cestress of David and of Christ, and one 
of the four women who are named by St, 
Matthew in the genealogy of Christ. A 
severe famine in the land of Judah in- 
duced Elimelech, a native of Btthlehem 
Ephratah, to emigrate into the land of 
Moab, with his wife Naomi, and his two 
sons, Mahlon and Chilion. At the end of 
ten years, Naomi, low left a widow and 
childless, having iieard that there was 
plenty again in Judah, resolved to return to 
Bethlehem, and her daughter-in-law, Ruth, 
returned with her. They arrived at Beth- 
lehem just at the beginning of barley har- 
vest, and Ruth, going out to glean, chanced 
to go into the field of Boaz, a wealthy man, 
and near kinsman of her father-in-law 
Elimelech. Upon learning who the stran- 
ger was, Boaz treated her with the utmost 
kindness and respect, and sent her home 
laden with corn which she had gleaned. 
Encouraged by this incident, Naomi in 
structed Ruth to claim at the hand of Boaz 
that he should perform the part of her 
husband's near kinsman, by purchasing the 
inheritance of Elimelech, and taking hex 
to be his wife. But there was a nearer 
kinsman than Boaz, and it was necessary 
that he should have the option of redeem- 
ing the inheritance for himself. He, how- 
ever, declined, fearing to mar his own in- 
heritance. Upon which, with all dut 
solemnity, Boaz took Ruth to be his wife, 
amidst the blessings and congratulations 
of their neighbors. Their son, Obed. wat 



RUTH, BOOK OF 



590 



SABBATH 



the father of Jesse, who was the father cf 
David. 

Kuth, Book of, contains the history 
of Ruth, as narrated in the preceding arti- 
cle. The main object of the writer is 
evidently to give an account of David's 
ancestors; and the book was avowedly 
composed long after the time of the heroine. 
(See Ruth i. 1, iv. 7, 17.) Its date and 
author are quite uncertain. It is probable 
that the books of Judges, Ruth, Samuel, 
and Kings originally formed but one work. 
The book of Ruth clearly forms part of 
those of Samuel, supplying as it does the 
essential point of David's genealogy and 
early family history, and is no less clearly 
connected with the book of Judges by its 
opening verse, and the epoch to which the 
whole book relates. 

Rye (Heb. cussemeth) occurs in Ex. ix. 
32 ; Is. xxviii. 25 : in the latter the margin 
reads " spelt." In Ez. iv. 9 the text has 
" fitches," and the margin " rie." It is 
probable that by cussemeth " spelt " is in- 
tended. Spelt {Triticum spelta) is grown 
in some parts of the south of Germany ; it 
dilfers but slightly from our common wheat 
(T. vvlgare). 



&• 



fiJabaoth, The Lord of, occurs in 
Eom. ix. 29; James v. 4, but is more 
familiar through its occurrence in the Sanc- 
tus of Te Deum — "Holy, Holy, Holy, 
Lord God of Sabaoth." Sabaoth is the 
Greek form of the Hebrew word tsebddth, 
•* armies," and is translated in the Author- 
ized Version of the O. T. by "Lord of 
Hosts," "Lord God of Hosts." In the 
mouth and the mind of an ancient He- 
brew, Jehovah-tsehddth was the leader and 
commander of the armies of the nation, 
who " went forth with them " (Ps. xliv. 9), 
and led them to certain victory over the 
worshippers of Baal, Chemosh, Molech, 
Ashtaroth, and other false gods. 

Sabbath (^shabbdth, "a day of rest," 
from shdbath, *' to cease to do," "to rest"). 
The name is applied to divers gi'eat festi- 
vals, but principally and usually to the 
seventh day of the week, the strict obser- 
vance of which is enforced not merely in 
the general Mosaic code, but in the Deca- 
logue itself. The consecration of the Sab- 
bath was coeval with the Creation. The 
first Scriptural notice of it, though it is not 
mentioned by name, is to be found in Gen. 
ix, 3, at the close of the record of the six 
days' creation. It has been maintained by 
tome that this is only an anticipatory ref- 
erence to the Fourth Commandment, be- 
cause there is no record of the observance 
of tbe Sabbalh between the Creation and 
the Exodus. But this is just in accord- 



ance with the plan of the Scripturi^ uarra- 
tive, in which regular and ordinary events 
are unnoticed. There are not wanting 
indirect evidences of its observance, as 
the intervals between Noah's sending forth 
the birds out of the ark, an act naturally 
associated with the weekly service (Gen. 
viii. 7-12), and in the week of a wedding 
celebration (Gen. xxix. 27, 28) ; lut when 
a special occasion arises, in connection 
with the prohibition against gathering manna 
on the Sabbath, the institution is mentioned 
as one already known (Ex. xvi. 22-30).* 
And that this was especially one of the 
institutions adopted by Moses from the _ 
ancient patriarchal usage is implied in the 
very words of the law, " Remember the 
Sabbath day, to keep it holy." But even 
if such evideVice were wanting, the reason 
of the institution would be a suflScient proof. 
It was to be a joyful celebration of God's 
completion of His creation. It has indeed 
been said that Moses gives quite a different 
reason for the institution of the Sabbath, as 
a memorial of the deliverance from Egyp- 
tian bondage (Deut. v. 15). As if Moses, 
in his repetition of the law, had forgotten 
the reason given by God himself from Sinai 
(Ex. XX. 11). The words added in Deu- 
teronomy are a special motive for the joy 
with which the Sabbath should be cele- 
brated, and for the kindness which extended 
its blessings to the slave and beast of bur- 
den as well as the master : " that thy man- 
servant and thy maidservant may rest as 
well as thou" (Deut. v. 14). These at- 
tempts to limit the ordinance proceed from 
an entire misconception of its spirit, as if 
it were a season of stern privation rather 
than of special privilege. But, in truth, 
the prohibition of work is only subsidiary 
to the positive idea of joyful rest and 7ecrea 
tion, in communion with Jehovah, who him- 1 1 
self " rested and was refreshed " (Ex. xxxi. ' | 
17 : comp. xxiii. 12.) It is in Ex. xvi. 23-29 
that we find the first incontrovertible institu- 
tion of the day, as one given to, and to be kept 
by, the children of Israel. Shortly after- 
wards it was re-enacted in the Fourth Com- » 
mandinent. The Sabbath was the key-not« j 
to a scale of Sabbatical observance — con- 
sisting of itself, the seventh month, the 
seventh year, and the year of Jubilee. As 
each seventh day was sacred, so was each 
seventh month, and each seventh year. 
Of the observances of the seventh month, i 
little needs be said. That month opened I 
with the Feast of Trumpets, and contained 
the day of Atonement and Feast of Taber- 
nacles — the last named being the most 
joyful of Hebrew festivals. Its great cen- g 
tre was the Feast of Tabernacles or In- 
gathering, the year and the year's labor 

* All thii ia conflrmed by the great antjqnity of the dirt*- 
ion of time into weeks, and the naming the dar* after ^lM 
■un, moon, and planeto. 



SABBATH 



591 



iSABBATH 



Having then done their work and yielded 
their issues. The rules for the Sabbatical 
year are very precise. As labor was pro- 
hibited on the seventh day, so the land was 
to rest every seventh year. And as each 
forty-ninth year wound up seven of such 
weeks of years, so it either was itself, or 
it ushered in, what was called " the year of 
Jubilee." In Exodus xxiii. 10, 11, we find 
the Sabbatical year placed in close connec- 
tion with the Sabbath-day, and the words 
in which the former is prescribed are analo- 
gous to those of the Fourth Commandment. 
This is immediately followed by a renewed 
proclamation of the law of the Sabbath. It 
is impossible to avoid perceiving that in 
these passages the two institutions are put 
on the same ground, and are represented 
as quite homogeneous. Their aim, as here 
exhibited, is eminently a beneficent one. 
To give rights to classes that would other- 
wise have been without such, to the bond- 
man and bondmaid, nay, to the beast 
of the field, is viewed here as their main 
end. " The stranger," too, is compre- 
hended in the benefit. The same benefi- 
cent aim is still more apparent in the fuller 
legislation respecting the Sabbatical year 
which we find in Lev. xxv. 2-7. One 
great aim of both institutions, the Sabbath- 
day and the Sabbatical year, clearly was 
to debar the Hebrew from the thought 
of absolute ownership of anything. The 
year of Jubilee must be regarded as com- 
pleting this Sabbatical Scale, whether we 
:;ousider it as really the forty-ninth year, 
the seventh of a week of Sabbatical years 
or the fiftiem, a question on which opinions 
are di\ ided. This beneficent character 
of the Fourth Commandment is very ap- 
parent in the version of it which we find 
in Deuteronomy (Deut. v. 12-15). But 
although this be so, and though it be plain 
that to come within the scope of the com- 
mandment was to possess a franchise, to 
share in a privilege, yet does the original 
proclamation of it in Exodus place it on a 
ground which, closely connected, no doubt, 
with these others, is yet higher and more 
comprehensive. The Divine method of 
working and rest is there proposed to man 
as the model after which he is to work and 
to rest. Time then presents a perfect whole, 
io then well rounded and entire, when it is 
shaped into a week, modelled on the six 
Jays of creation and their following Sab- 
oath. Six days' work and the seventh day's 
reot conform the life of man to the method 
of his Creator. In distributing his life thus, 
man may look up to God as his Archetype. 
Et i8 most important to remember that the 
Fourth Commandment is not limited to a 
mere enactment respecting one day, but 
prescribes the due distribution of a week, 
and enforces the six days' work as much as 
the seventh day's rest. This higher ground 



of observance was felt to invest the Sabbath 
with a tlieological character, and rendered 
it the great witness for faith in a personal 
and creating God. In all this, however, we 
have but an assertion of the general prin- 
ciple of resting on the Sabbath, and must 
seek elsewhere for information as to the 
details wherewith that principle was to be 
brought out. It was to be a sacred pause 
in the ordinary labor by which man earns 
his bread ; the curse of the fall was to be 
suspended for one day ; and, having spent 
that day in joyful remembrance of God's 
mercies, man had a fresh start in his course 
of labor. A great snare, too, has always 
been hidden in the word work, as if the 
commandment forbade occupation and im- 
posed idleness. The terms in the com- 
mandment show plainly enough the sort 
of work which is contemplated. They are 
servile work, and business. The Pentateuch 
presents us with but three applications of 
the general principle (Ex. xvi. 29, xxxv. 3 ; 
Num. XV. 32-36). The reference of Isaiah 
to the Sabbath gives us no details. Those 
in Jeremiah and Nehemiah show that car- 
rying goods for sale, and buying such, were 
equally profanations of the day. There is 
no ground for supposing that to engage the 
enemy on the Sabbath was considered un- 
lawful before the Captivity. At a subse* 
quent period we know (1 Mace. ii. 34-38) 
that the scruple existed, and was acted on 
with most calamitous effects. Yet the 
scruple, like many other scruples, proved 
a convenience, and under the Roman Em- 
pire the Jews procured exemption from 
military service by means of it. It was 
not, however, without its evils. In the 
siege of Jerusalem by Pompey, as well as 
in the final one by Titus, the Romans took 
advantage of it. A consideration of the 
spirit of the law and of Christ's comments 
on it will show that it is work for worldly 
gain that was to be suspended ; and hence 
the restrictive clause is prefaced with the 
positive command, " Six days shalt thou 
labor, and do all thy work ; " for so only 
could the Sabbatic rest be fairly earned. 
Hence, too, the stress constantly laid on 
permitting the servant and beast of burden 
to share the rest which selfishness would 
grudge to them. Thus the spirit of the 
Sabbath was joy, refreshment, and mercy, 
arising from remembrance of God's good- 
ness as the Creator, and as the Deliverer 
from bondage. We have seen, then, that, 
for whomsoever else the provision was in- 
tended, the chosen race were in possession 
of an ordinance, whereby neither a man's 
time nor his property could be considered 
absolutely his own, the seventh of each 
week being holy to God, and dedicated to 
rest after the pattern of God's rest, and 
giving equal rights to all. We have also 
seen that this provisioa wa$> the tonic to a 



SABBATH 



592 



SABBATH 



chord of Sabbatical observance, through 
wmcb the same great principles of God's 
claim and societ} 's, on e-\'ery man's time 
and every man's prDperty, were extended 
and developed. Of the Sabbatical year, 
indeed, and of the year of Jubilee, it may 
be questioned whether they were persis- 
tently observed. These views are practi- 
cally illustrated by the manner in which 
the Israeliteis were to spend, and in which 
the prophets Afterwards reprove them for 
not spending, the Sabbath and the other 
festivals. The Sabbath was a perpetual 
sign and covenaia, and the holiness of the 
day is connected with the holiness of the 
people ; " that ye may know that I am Je- 
hovah that doth sanf)tify you " (Ex. xxxi. 
12-17; Ez. XX. 12). Joy was the key-note 
of their service. Moses declared that a 
place of sacrifice should be given them; 
" and there shall ye eat before Jehovah 
your God, and ye shall rejoice, ye and your 
households " (Deut. xii. 7, xiv. 26, xvi. li, 
15, xxvi. 11). The Psalmists echo back 
the same spirit: "This is the day which 
Jehovah hath made; we will rejoice and be 
glad in it" (Ps. cxviii. 24). Isaiah re- 
proves the fasts which were kept with mere 
outward observance, in place of acts of 
charity, by promising that those who called 
the Sabbath a delight and honored God by 
doing His works in it, should delight them- 
selves in Jehovah (Is. Iviii. 3-14). Nehe- 
miah commanded the people, on a day holy 
to Jehovah, " Mourn not, nor weep : eat the 
fat, and drink the sweet, and send portions to 
them for whom nothing is prepared " (Neh. 
viii. 9-13). The Sabbath is named as a day 
of special worship in the sanctuary (Lev. xix. 
30, xxvi. 2). It was proclaimed as a holy con- 
vocation (Lev. xxiii. 3). The public reli- 
gious services consisted in the doubling of the 
morning and evening sacrifice, and the re- 
newal of the shewbread in the Holy Place. 
In later times the worship of the sanctuary 
was enlivened by sacred music (Ps. Ixviii. 
25-27, cL, &c.). On this day the people were 
accustomed to consult their prophets (2 K. 
iv. 23), and to give to their children that 
instruction in the truths recalled to memory 
by the day, which is so repeatedly enjoined 
as the duty of parents; it was "the Sab- 
baih of Jehovah " not only in the Sanctuary, 
but " in all their dwellings " (Lev. xxiii. 3). 
It is quite true that we have but little 
information on this part of the subject 
in the Scriptures themselves, but the in- 
ferences drawn from what is told us, and 
from the character of the day, are confirmed 
by the testimony of later writers, and by 
the system of public worship in the syna- 
gogues, which we find in full operation at 
the time of Christ. The prohibitory part 
of the law is general ; and the only special 
cases mentioned relate to the preparation of 
foQ4« The manna was not given on the Sab- 



bath, but a double supply was to be gath 
ered on the day before (Ex. xvi. 22-30), jusf 
as the rest of the Sabbatic year was compen- 
sated by the extraordinary fertility of the 
year before. No fire was to be kindled on 
the Sabbath, under the penalty of death 
(Ex. XXXV. 2, 3; comp. xxxi. 14;, which 
was inflicted on a man who went out to 
gather sticks on the Sabbath (Num. xv. 
35). Its observance is enjoined in the 
time of earing and harvest, when ther*^ 
was a special temptation to find an excuse 
for work (Ex. xxxiv. 21). The habitual 
transgression of these laws, by priests as 
well as people, was denounced by the 
prophets (Is. Ivi. 2, Iviii. 13; Ez. xxii. 26, 
comp. xliv. 22), and excited the reforming 
zeal of Nehemiah after the Babylonish cap- 
tivity (Neh. xiii. 15-19). Henceforward 
there is no evidence of the Sabbath heiixg 
neglected by the Jews, except such as (1 
Mace. i. 11-15, 39-45) went into open 
apostasy. — When we come to the N. T. 
we find the most marked stress laid on 
the Sabbath. In whatever ways the Jew 
might err respecting it, he had altogether 
ceased to neglect it. On the contrary, 
wherever he went its observance became 
the most visible badge of his nationality. 
Our Lord's mode of observing the Sab- 
bath was one of the main features of His 
life, which His Pharisaic adversaries most 
eagerly watched and criticised. They had 
invented many prohibitions respecting the 
Sabbath of which we find nothing in the 
original institution. Some of these pro- 
hibitions were fantastic and arbitrary, in 
the number of those' " heavy burdens and 
grievous to be borne " which the latter ex- 
pounders of the Law " laid on men's shoul- 
ders " (comp. Matt. xii. 1-13; John v. 10). 
That this perversion of the Sabbath had 
become very general in our Saviour's time 
is apparent both from the recorded objec- 
tions to acts of His on that day, and from 
His marked conduct on occasions to which 
those objections were sure to be urged 
(Matt. xii. 1-15 ; Mark iii. 2 ; Luke vi. 1 
5, xiii. 10-17; John v. 2-18, vii. 23, ix. 1- 
34). The Epistles, it must be admitted, 
with the exception of one place, and per- 
haps another (Heb. iv. 9), are silent on the 
subject of the Sabbath. No rules for its 
observance are ever given by the Apostles 
— its violation is never denounced by them ; 
Sabbath-breakers are never included in any 
list of offenders. Col. ii. 16, 17, seems a 
far stronger argument for the abolition of 
the Sabbath in the Christian dispensation 
than is furnished by Heb. iv. 9 for its con- 
tinuance; and while the first day of the 
week is more than once referred to as one 
of religious observance, it is never identi- 
fied with the Sabbath. When we turn to 
the monuments, which we possess of the 
early Church, we find ourselves on the 



8 \.Bj5a1 n-DAY'S OOUxlJSfiY t)93 



SABTAH 



virhole carried in the same direction. Again, 
the observance of the Lord's Day as a Sab- 
bath would have been well nigh impossible 
to the majority of Christians in tlie first 
ages. When the early Fathers speak of 
the Lord's Day, they sometimes, perhaps 
by ( omparing, conDect it with the Sabbath ; 
but we have never found a passage, previ- 
ous to the conversion of Constantine, pro- 
hibitory of any work or occupation on the 
former, and any such, did it exist, would 
have been in a great measure nugatory, for 
the reasons just alleged. After Constantine 
tilings become different at once. His cele- 
brated edict prohibitory of judicial proceed- 
ings on the Lord's Day was probably dic- 
tated by a wish to give the great Christian 
.festival as much honor as was enjoyed by 
those of the heathen, rather than by any 
reference to the Sabbath or the Fourth 
Commandment ; but it was followed by 
several which extended the prohibition to 
many other occupations, and to many forms 
of pleasure held innocent on ordinary days. 
But it was surely impossible both to observe 
the Lord's Day, as was done by Christians 
after Constantine, and to read the Fourth 
Commandment, without connecting the two ; 
and, seeing that such was to be tlie practice 
of the developed Church, we can understand 
tow the silence of the N. T. Epistles, and 
even the strong words of St. Paul (Col. ii. 
10, 17), do not impair the human and uni- 
versal scope of the Fourth Commandment, 
exhibited so strongly in the very nature of 
the Law, and in the teaching respecting it 
cf Ilim who came not to destroy the Law, 
but to fulfil. — Among the Christians the 
'* Lord's Day " — the first day of the week 
— gradually took the place of the Jewish 
Sabbath. [Lord's Day.] 

Sabbath-day's Journey (Acts i. 12). 
On occasion of a violation of the command- 
ment by certain of the people who went to 
look for manna on the seventh day, Moses 
enjoined every man to " abide in his place," 
and foroade any man to " go out of his 
place" on that day (Ex. xvi. 29). It seems 
natural to look on this as a mere enactment 
pro re natd, and having no bearing on any 
state of affairs subsequent to the journey 
through the wilderness and the daily gath- 
ering of manna. Whether the earlier He- 
brews dil or did not regard it thus, it is 
not easy to say. In after times the pre- 
cept in Ex. xvi. was undoubtedly viewed 
as a permanent law. But as some depart- 
ure from a man's own place was unavoid- 
able, it was thought necessary to determine 
the allowable amount, which was fixed at 
2000 paces, or about six furlongs, from the 
wall of the city. The permitted distance 
seems to have been grounded on the space 
to be kept between the Ark and the people 
(Josh. iii. 4) in the wilderness, which tra- 
lidon said was that between the Ark and 



the tents. We find the same distance givec 
as the circumference outsic't; the walls ot 
the Levitical cities to be counted as theii 
suburbs (Num. xxxv. 5). The terminus ^ 
quo was thus not a man's i>wn hoase, but 
the wall of the city where he dwelt. 

Sabbatical Year. As each seventh 
day and each seventh month were holy, so 
was each seventh year, by the Mosaic code. 
We first encounter this law in Ex. xxiii. 
10, 11. The commandment is, to sow and 
reap for six years, and to let the land rest 
on the seventh, "that the poor of thy peo- 
ple may eat ; and what they leave the beasts 
of the field shall eat." it is added, " In 
like manner thou shalt deal with thy vine- 
yd,rd and thy olive-yard." We next mee-t 
with the enactment in Lev. xxv. 2-7, and 
finally in Deut. xv., in which last place the 
new feature presents itself of the seventh 
year being one of release to debtors. When 
we combine these several notices, we find 
that every seventh year the land was to 
have rest to enjoy her Sabbaths. Neither 
tillage nor cultivation of any sort was to be 
practised. This singular institution has 
the aspect, at first sight, of total impracti- 
cability. This, however, wears off when we 
consider that in no year was the owner al« 
lowed to reap the whole harvest (Lev. xix. 
9, xxiii. 22). Moreover, it is clear tliat th-s 
owners of land were to lay by corn in pre- 
vious years for their own and their families* 
wants (Lev. xxv. 20-22). The release of 
debtors during the Sabbatical year must 
not be confounded with the release of 
slaves on the seventh year of their service. 
The spirit of this law is the same as that 
of the weekly Sabbath. Both have a be- 
neficent tendency, limiting the riglits and 
checking the sense of property; the one 
puts in God's claims on time, the other on 
the land. There may also have been an 
eye to the benefit which would accrue to 
the land from lying fallow every seventh 
year, in a time when the rotation of crops 
was unknown. The Sabbatical year opened 
in the Sabbatical month, and the whole Law 
was to be read every such year, during tlie 
Feast of Tabernacles, to the assembled peo- 
ple. At the completion of a week of Sab- 
batical years, the Sabbatical scale received 
its completion in the year of Jubilee. [Ju- 
bilee.] The constant neglect of this law 
from the very first was one of the national 
sins that were punished by the Babylonian 
captivity. Moses warned Israel of the ret- 
ribution, that their land should be desolate 
till it had enjoyed its Sabbaths (Lev. xxvi- 
32-35) ; and the warning was fulfilled in 
the seventy years' duration of the captivity 
(2 Chr. XXX vi. 20, 21). Of the observance 
of the Sabbatic year after the captivity we 
have a proof in 1 Mace. vi. 49. ^, 

Sabe'ans. [Sheba.1 

Sab'tah (Gen. x. 7), or Sab'ta Cl Chr. 



SABTECHA 



d94 



SACRIFICE 



I. 9), tlie tliifd in order of the sons of Cush. 
The statements of Pliny and Ptolemy re- 
specting Sabbatha, Sabota, or Sobotale, the 
merroprlis of the Atraraitae (probably the 
Chatramotitae), seem to point to a trace of 
the tribe which descended from Sabtah. 
Ptolemy places Sabbatha in 77° long. 16° 
30' lat. It was an important city, contain- 
ing no less than sixty temples. 

Sab'techa, and Sab'techah (Gen. x. 
7 . 1 Chr. i. 9), the fifth in order of the 
sons of Ciish. whose settlements would 
probably be near the Persian Gulf. 

Sa'ear. 1. A Hararite, father of Ahiam 
(1 Chr. xi. 35). 2. The fourth son of 
Obed-edom (1 Chr. xxvi. 4). 

Sackbut (Dan. iii. 5, 7, 10, 15), the 
rendering in the A. V. of the Chaldee 
sabheca. If this musical instrument be 
the same as the Greek and Latin sambuca, 
the English translation is entirely wrong. 
The sackbut was a wind-instrument; the 
sambuca was played with strings. 

Sackcloth, a coarse texture, of a dark 
color, made of goats'-hair (Is. 1. 3 ; Rev. 
vi. 12), and resembling the ciUcium of the 
Romans. It was used for making sacks 
(Gen. xlii. 25; Lev. xi. 32; Josh. ix. 4), 
and for making the rough garments used by 
mourners, which were in extreme cases 
worn next the skin (1 K. xxi. 27 ; 2 K. vi. 
.SO; Job xvi. 15; Is. xxxii. 11), and this 
nven by females (Joel i. 8 ; 2 Mace. iii. 19), 
but at other times were worn over the 
coat (Jon. iii. 6) in lieu of the outer gar- 
ment. 

Sacrifice. The peculiar features of 
each kind of sacrifice are referred to under 
their respective hands. I. (A.) Origin 
OF Sacrifice. — The universal prevalence 
of sacrifice shows it to have been primeval, 
and deeply rooted in the instincts of hu- 
aianity. Whether it was first enjoined by 
an external command, or whether it was 
based on that sense of sin and lost com- 
munion with God which is stamped by His 
hand on the heart of man, is an historical 
question, perhaps insoluble. The great 
difficulty in the theory which refers it to a 
distinct command of God, is the total silence 
of Holy Scripture. Nor is the fact of the 
mysterious and supernatural character of 
the doctrine of Atonement, with which the 
sacrifices of the O. T. are expressly con- 
nected, any conclusive argument on this 
side of the question. All allow that the 
eucharistic and deprecatory ideas of sacri- 
fice are perfectly natural to man. The 
higlier view of its expiatory character, de- 
pendent, as it is, entirely on its typical 
nature, appears but gradually in Scripture. 
It 13 only in the N. T. (especially in the 
Epistle to the Hebrews) that its nature is 
clearly ur. folded. It is to be noticed that, 
except in Gen. xv. 9, the method of patri- 
«rclial eacrifice is Ibft free. The inference 



is at last probabJe, that when God sanc- 
tioned formally a natural rite, then, and' 
not till then, did He define its method. 
(B.) Ante-Mosaic History of Sacrifice. 
— In examining the various sacrifice? le- 
corded in Scripture before the establish- 
ment of the Law, we find that the w oi'da 
specially denoting expiatory sacrifice are 
not applied to them. This fact does not 
at all show that they were not actually ex- 
piatory, but it justifies the inference that 
this idea was not then the prominent one in 
the doctrine of sacrifice. The sacrifice of 
Cain and Abel is called minchah, although 
in the case of the latter it was a bloody 
sacrifice. In the case of both it would ap- 
pear to have been eucharistic. The sacri- 
fice of Noah after the flood (Gen. viii. 20) 
is called burnt-offering. This sacrifice is 
expressly connected with the institution of 
the Covenant which follows, in ix. 8-17. 
The sacrifice of Jacob at Mispah also 
marks a covenant with Laban, to which 
God is called to be a witness and a party. 
In all these, therefore, the prominent idea 
seems to have been what is called the 
federative — the recognition of a bond be- 
tween the sacrificer and God, and the dedi- 
cation of himself, as represented by the 
victim, to the service of the Lord. The 
sacrifice of Isaac (Gen. xxii. 1-13) stands 
by itself. Yet in its principle it appears to 
have been of the same nature as before : 
the voluntary surrender of an only son on 
Abraliam's part, and the willing dedication 
of hirjiself on Isaac's, are in tlie fore- 
ground ; the expiatory idea, if recognized 
at all, holds certainly a secondary position 
In the burnt-offerings of Job for his chil 
dren (Job i. 5) and for his three fricndi 
(xlii. 8), we for the first time find the ex- 
pression of the desire of expiation for sin 
The same is the case in the words of Moser 
to Pharaoh (Ex. x. 25). Here the main 
idea is at least deprecatory. (C.) The Sac- 
rifices OF THE Mosaic Period. — These 
are inaugurated by the offering of the Pass- 
over and the sacrifice of Ex. xxiv. Tht> 1 1 
Passover indeed is unique in its character ; f | 
but it is clear that the idea of salvation fron? 
death by means of sacrifice is brought out 
in it with a distinctness before unknown. |[ 
The sacrifice of Ex. xxiv., offered as a I 
solemn inauguration of the Covenant of 
Sinai, has a similarly comprehensive char- 
acter. The Law of Leviticus now unfolda 
distinctly the various forms of sacrifice : 
{a.) The burnt-offering. Sflf-dedica- 
TORY. (J.) The meat-offering (unbloody) j 
the peace-offering {bloody). Eucharistic. 
(c.) Tlie sin-offering ; the trespass-offer' 
ing. Expiatory. — To these may be add- 
ed, {d.) The incense offered after sacri- j 
fice in the Holy Place, and (on the Day of 
Atonement) in the Holy of Holies, the sym- 
bol of the intercession of th«> priest ( aA « 



SACKIFICE 



695 



SACRIFICE 



lype of tL3 Great High Priost), accom- 
panying and making efficacious the prayer 
of tlie '])eople. In the consecration of 
Aaron and his sons Lev. viii.) we find 
these offered in what beet me ever after- 
«rards the appointed order : first came the 
sin-offering, to prepare access to God; 
next, the burnt- offering, to mark their 
dedication to liis service; and thirdly, 
the meat-offering of thanksgiving. Hence- 
forth the sacrificial system was fixed in all 
its parts, until He should come whom it 
typified. (D.) Post-Mosaic Sacrifices. 
— It will not be necessary to pursue, in 
detail, the history of Post-Mosaic Sacrifice, 
for its main principles were now fixed for- 
ever. The regular sacrifices in the Temple 
service were, (a.) Burnt-Offerings. 1. 
The daily burnt-offerings (Ex. xxix. 38- 
42). 2. The double burnt-offerings on the 
Sabbath (Num. xxviii. 9, 10). 3. The 
burnt -offerings at the great festivals (Num. 
xxviii. 11-xxix. 39). (b.) Meat-Offbr- 
INGS. 1. The daily meat-offerings accom- 
panying the daily burnt-offerings (Ex. xxix. 
iO, 41). 2. The shewbread, renewed every 
Sabbath (Lev. xxiv. 5, 9). 3. The special 
meat-offerings at the Sabbath and the great 
festivals (Num. xxviii., xxix.). 4. The 
first-fruits, at the Passover (Lev. xxiii. 10- 
14), at Pentecost (xxiii. 17-20) ; the first- 
fruits of the dough and threshing-floor at 
the harvest-time (Num. xv. 20, 21 ; Deut. 
ixvi. 1-11). (c.) Sin-Offerings. 1. Sin- 
offering each new moon (Num. xxviii. 15). 
2. Sin-offorings at the Passover, Pente- 
cost, Feast of Trumpets, and Tabernacles 
(Num. xxviii. 22, 30, xxix. 5, 16, 19, 22. 
26, 28, 31, 34, 38). 3. The offering of 
the two goats for the people, and of the 
bullo( k for the priest himself, on the Great 
Day of Atonement (Lev. xvi.). {d.) In- 
cense. 1. The morning and evening in- 
cense (Ex. XXX. 7, 8). 2. The incense on 
the Great Day of Atonement (Lev. xvi. 
12). Besides these public sacrifices, there 
were offerings of the people for themselves 
individually. II. By the order of sacrifice 
in its perfect form (as in Lev. viii.) it is 
clear that the sin-offering occupies the most 
important place ; the burnt-offering comes 
next, and the meat-offering or peace-offer- 
ing last of all. The second could only be 
offered after the first had been accepted ; 
the third was osily a subsidiary part of the 
second. Yet, in actual order of time, it 
has been seen that the patriarchal sacri- 
fices partook much more of the nature 
of the peace-offering and burnt- offering; 
and that, under the Law, by which was 
" the knowledge of sin " (Rom. iii. 20), the 
■in-offering was for the first time explicitly 
set forth. This is but natural, that the 
ieepnst ideas should be the last in order of 
development. It is needless to dwell on 
the univariMlify of heathen sacrifices, and 



difficult to reduce to anj single theory the 
various ideas involved therein. It is cleai 
that the sacrifice was often looked upon aa 
a gift or tribute to the gods. It is also 
clear that sacrifices were used as piayera 
to obtain benefits, or to avert wrath. On 
the other hand, that they were regarded as 
thank-offerings is equally certain. Nor was 
the higher idea of sacrifice, as a represen- 
tation of the self-devotion of the offerer, 
body and soul, to the god, wholly lost, 
although generally obscured by the grosser 
and more obvious conceptitms of the rite. 
But, besides all these, there seems always 
to have been latent the idea of propitiation, 
that is, the belief in a communion with the 
gods, natural to man, broken off in some 
way, and by sacrifice to be restored. Now, 
the essential difference between these hea- 
then views of sacrifice and the Scriptural 
doctrine of the O. T. is not to ■»>e found in 
its denial of any of these ideas, in fact, it 
brings out, clearly and distinct'} , the ideas 
which in heathenism were unoorcnin, vague, 
and perverted. But the essential points 
of distinction are two. First, that whereas 
the heathen conceived of their gods as 
alienated in jealousy or anger, to be sought 
after and to be appeased by tlie unaided 
action of man. Scripture represents G>)d 
Himself as approaching man, as pointing 
out and sanctioning the way by which the 
broken covenant should be restored. The 
second mark of distinction is closely con- 
nected with this, inasmuch as it shows 
sacrifice to be a scheme proceeding from 
God, and, in His foreknowledge, connected 
with the one central fact of all human his- 
tory. The nature and meaning of the 
various kinds of sacrifice are partly gathered 
from the form of their institution and cere- 
monial, partly from the teaching of the 
Prophets, and partly from the N. T., es- 
pecially the Epistle to the Hebrews. All 
had relation, under different aspects, to a 
Covenant between God and man. The 
Sin-Offering represented that Covenant 
as broken by man, and as knit together 
again, by God's appointment, through the 
" shedding of blood." The shedding of the 
blood, the symbol of life, signified that the 
death of the offender was deserved for sin, 
but that the death of the victim was accept- 
ed for his death by the ordinance of God's 
mercy. Beyond all doubt the sin-offering 
distinctly witnessed that sin existed in man, 
that the ** wages of that sin was death," and 
that God had provided an Atonement by 
the vicarious suffering of an appointed vic- 
tim. The ceremonial and meaning of the 
Burnt- Offering were very different. The 
idea of expiation seems not to have been 
absent from it, for the blood was sprinkled 
round about the altar of sacrifice ; but the 
main idea is the offering of the whole vic- 
tim tc God, representing (as the layipg »f 



SACKinCE 



596 



oACXtlFICE 



ciie hand on its head shows) the devotion 
of the sacrificer, body and soul, to Him 
(Rom. xii. 1). The death of the victim 
was, so to speak, an incidental feature. 
The Meat-Offerings, the peace or thank- 
offering, the first-fruits, &c., were simply 
offerings to God of His own best gifts, as a 
sign of thankful homage, and as a means 
of maintaining His service and His ser- 
vants. The characteristic ceremony in the 
peace-offering was the eating of the flesh 
by the sacrificer. It betokened the enjoy- 
ment of communion with God. It is clear 
from this that the idea of sacrifice is a com- 
plex idea, involving the propitiatory, the 
dedicatory, and the eucharistic elements. 
Any one of these, taken by itself, would 
lead to error and superstition. AU three 
probably were more or less implied in each 
sacrifice, each element predominating in its 
turn. Now, the Israelites, while they seem 
always to have retained the ideas of propi- 
tiation and of eucharistic offering, con- 
stantly ignored the self-dedication which is 
the link between the two, and which the 
regular burnt-offering should have im- 
pressed upon them as their daily thought 
and duty. It is therefore to this point that 
the teaching of the Prophets is mainly di- 
rected (1 Sam. XV. 22; Is. i. 10-20; Jer. 
vii. 22, 23; Ez. xx. 39-44; Hos. vi. 6; Am. 
V. 21-27; Mic. vi. 6-8). The same truth, 
here enunciated from without, is recog- 
nized from within by the Psalmist (Ps. xl. 
8-11, 1. 13, 14, li. 16, 17, cxli. 2). It is 
not to be argued from these passages that 
the idea of self-dedication is the main one 
of sacrifice. The idea of propitiation lies 
below it, taken for granted by the prophets 
as by the whole people, but still enveloped 
in my«tery until the Antitype should come 
to make all clear. For the evolution of 
this doctrine we must look to the N. T. 
Without entering directly on the great sub- 
ject of the Atonement (which would be 
foreign to the scope of this article), it will 
be suflScient to refer to the connection, 
established in the N. T., between it and the 
eacrifices of the Mosaic system. The mean- 
ing of sacrifice is set forth fully in the Epis- 
tle to the Hebrews, which contains the key 
of the whole sacrificial doctrine. The ob- 
ject of the Epistle is to show the typical 
and probationary character of sacrifices, 
and to assert that in virtue of it alone they 
had a spiritual meaning. Our Lord is de- 
clared (see 1 Pet. i. 20) " to have been 
foreordained" as a sacrifice "before the 
foundation of the world," or (as it is more 
utrikingly erpressed in Rev. xiii. 8) " slain 
from the foundation of the world." The 
matenai sacrifices represented this Great 
Atonement as already made and accepted 
in God's foreknowledge ; and to those who 
grasped the ideas of sin, pardon, and self- 
dedication symbolized in them, they were 



means of enteri ng into Hie blessings #hicD 
the One True Sacrifice alone procured. 
They could convey nothing in themselves ; 
yet, as types, they might, if accepted by a 
true, th( ugh necessarily imperfect, faith, 
be means of conveying in some degree the 
blessings of the Antitype. This typical 
character of all sacrifice being thus set 
forth, the next point dwelt upon is the union 
in our Lord's Person of the priest, the offer- 
er, and the sacrifice. It is clear that the 
Atonement, in this Epistle, as in the N. T. 
generally, is viewed in a twofold light. On 
the one hand, it is set forth distinctly as a 
vicarious sacrifice, which was rendered ne- 
cessary by the sin of man, and in which the 
Lord *' bare the sins of many." It is its 
essential characteristic that in it He stands 
absolutely alone, offering His sacrifice with- 
out any reference to the faith or the con- 
version of men. In it He stands out alone 
as the Mediator between God and man ; and 
His sacrifice is offered once for all, never 
to be imitated or repeated. Now, this view 
of the Atonement is set forth in the Epistle 
to the Hebrews, as typified by the sin-offer 
ing. All the expiatory and propitiatory 
sacrifices of the Law are now for the first 
time brought into full light. As the sin- 
offering, though not the earliest, is the most 
fundamental of all sacrifices, so the aspect 
of the Atonement, which it symbolizes, i« 
the one on which all others rest. On the 
other hand, the sacrifice of Christ is set 
forth to us, as the completion of that per- 
fect obedience to the will of the Father, 
which is the natural duty of sinless man, 
in which He is the representative of all 
men, and in which He calls upon us, when 
reconciled to God, to *' take up the Cross 
and follow Him." In this view His death 
is not the principal object; we dwell rather 
on His lowly incarnation, and His life of 
humility, temptation, and suffering, to 
which that death was but a fitting close. 
The main idea of this view of the Atone- 
ment is representative rather than vicarious. 
It is typified by the burnt-offering, in re- 
spect of which the N. T. merely quotes and 
enforces the language already cited from 
the O. T., and especially (see Heb. x. 6-9) 
the words of Ps. xl. 6, &c., which contrast 
with material sacrifice the " doing the will 
of God." As without the sin-offering of the 
Cross, this, our burnt- offering, would be 
impossible, so also without the burnt-offer- 
ing the sin-offering will to us be unavail- 
ing. With these views of our Lord's 
sacrifice on earth, as typified in the Levit- 
ical sacrifices on the outer altar, is also 
to be connected the offering of His inter- 
cession for us in heaven, which was repre- 
sented by the incense. The typical sense 
of the meat-offering, or peace-offering, is 
less connected with the sacrifice of Christ 
Himself, than with those sacrifice* of praise, 



SAJ)DUCEES 



597 



SADDUCEES 



cbanksgivin^ charity, and di3votion, which 
we, as Christians, offer to God, and " with 
wliich He is well pleased " (Heb. xiii. 15, 
16) as with *' an odor of sweet smell, a 
sacrifice acceptable to God" (Pliil. iv. 18). 
Sadducees (Matt. iii. 7, xvi. 1, G, 11, 
12, xxii. 23, 34 ; Mark xii. 18 ; Luke xx. 
27; ActJ iv. 1, v. 17, xxiii. 6, 7, 8), a reli- 
gious party or school among the Jews at 
the time of Christ, who denied that the oral 
law was a revelation of God to the Israel- 
ites, and who deemed the written law alone 
to be obligatory on the nation, as of divine 
authority. Although frequently mentioned 
in the New Testament in conjunction with 
*iie Pliarisees, they do not throw such vivid 
dght as txieir great antagonists on the real 
significance of Christianity. Except on one 
occasion, when they united with the Phar- 
isees in insidiously asking for a sign 
from heaven (Matt. xiv. 1, 4, 6), Christ 
never assailed the Sadducees with the 
same bitter denunciations which he ut- 
tered against the Pharisees ; and they do 
not, like the Pharisees, seem to have taken 
active measures for causing Him to be 
put to death. The origin of their name is 
involved in great difficulties. The Hebrew 
word by which they are called in the Mishna 
is Tesdukim, the plural of Tsdddk, which 
'indoubtedly means " just," or " righteous," 
DUt which is never used in the Bible except 
M a proper name, and in the English Ver- 
•i:)n is always translated " Zadoc " (2 K. 
XV. 33 ; 2 Sam. viii. 17 ; 1 Chr. vi. 8, 13, 
&c. ; Neh. iii. 4, 29, xi. 11). The most ob- 
vious translation of the word, therefore, is 
to call them Zadocs or Zadokites ; and a 
question would then arise as to why they 
were so called. The ordinary Jewish state- 
ment is, that they are named from a certain 
Zadoc, a disciple of the Antigonus of Socho, 
who is mentioned in the Mishna as having 
received the oral law from Simon the Just, 
the last of the men of the Great Syna- 
gogue ; but it is certain that this statement 
must be rejected. As recourse is had to con- 
jecture, the first point to be considered is, 
whether the word is likely to have arisen 
from the meaning of " righteousness," or 
from the name of an individual. This must 
be decided in favor of the latter alternative, 
inasmuch as the word Zadok, as we have 
already seen, never occurs in the Bible, 
except as a proper name ; ani then we are 
led to inquire as to who the Zadok of the 
Sadducees is likely to have been. Now 
there was one Zadok of transcendent im- 
portance, and only one : viz. the priest who 
acted such a prominent part at the time of 
David, and wlio declared in favor of Solo- 
mon, wlien Abiathar took the part of Ado- 
Qijah as successor to the throne (1 K. i. 32- 
45). His line of priests appears to have 
had decided pre-eminenre in subsequent 
hipto^. '^hus,i'i Ezekiel's prophetic vision 



of the future Temple, " the sons cf Zadok," 
and " the priests the Levites of the se^d of 
Zadok," are spoken of with peculiar honor, 
as those who kept the charge of the sanctu- 
ary of Jehovah when the children of Israel 
went astray (Ez. xl. 46, xlii. 19, xliv. 15, 
xlviii. 11). Now, as the transition from tlie 
expression "sons of Zadok," and "priests 
of the seed of Zadok," to Zadokites is easy 
and obvious, and as in the Acts of the 
Apostles, V. 17, it is said, " JTien the high 
priest rose, and all they that were with hint, 
which is the sect of the Sadducees, and were 
filled with indignation," it has been conjec- 
tured that the Sadducees or Zadokites were 
originally identical with the sons of Zadok, 
and constituted what may be termed a kind 
of sacerdotal aristocracy. To these were 
afterwards attached all who for any reason 
reckoned themselves as belonging to the aris- 
tocracy ; such, for example, as the families 
of the high-priest, who had obtained consid- 
eration under the dynasty of Herod. These 
were for the most part judges, and individ- 
uals of the official and governing class. 
Now, although this view of the Sadducees 
is only inferential, and mainly conjectural, 
it certainly explains the name better than 
any other, and elucidates at once in the Acts 
of the Apostles the otherwise obscure state- 
ment that the high-priest, and those who 
were with him, were the sect of the Saddu- 
cees. — I. The leading tenet of the Saddu- 
cees was the negation of the leading tenet 
of their opponents. As the Pharisees as- 
serted, so the Sadducees denied, that the 
Israehtes were in possession of an Oral 
Law transmitted to them by Moses . [Phar- 
isees.] In opposition to the Pharisees, 
they maintained that the written law alone 
was obligatory on the nation, as of divine 
authority. II. The second distinguishing 
doctrine of the Sadducees, the denial of 
man's resurrection after death, followed in 
their conceptions as a logical conclusion 
from their denial that Moses had revealed 
to the Israelites the Oral Law. For on a 
point so momentous as a second life be- 
yond the grave, no religious party among 
the Jews would have deemed themselves 
bound to accept any doctrine as an article 
of faith, unless it had been proclaimed by 
Moses, their great legislator ; and it is cer- 
tain that in the written Law of the Pentar 
teuch there is a total absence of any asser- 
tion by Moses of the resurrection of the 
dead. This fact is presented to Christians 
in a striking manner by the well-knowi* 
words of the Pentateuch which are quoted 
by Christ in argument with the Sadducees 
on this subject (Ex. iii. 6, 16; Mark xii. 
26, 27; Matt. xxii. 31, 32; Luke xx. 37). 
It cannot be doubted that in such a case 
Christ would quote to his powerful ad- 
versaries the most cogent text in the Law ; 
ani yet the text actually Quoted does no< 



SADDUOEES 



598 



SAFFRON 



40 jjore lijaa suggest an inference en this 
groat doctrine. It is true that in other 
parts of the Old Testament there are indi- 
ridual passages which express a belief 
in a resurre( tiou, such as in Is. xxvi. 19, 
Dan. xii. 2, Job xix. 26, and in some of the 
Psalms ; and it may at first sight be a sub- 
ject of surprise that the Sadducees were 
not convinced by the authority of those pas- 
sages. But, although the Sadducees regard- 
ed the books which contained these passages 
as sacred, it is more than doubtful whether 
any of the Jews regarded them as sacred in 
precisely the same sense as the written Law. 
In connection with the disbelief of a resur- 
rection by the Sadducees, it is proper to no- 
tice the statement (Acts xxiii. 8) that they 
likewise denied there was " angel or spirit." 
A perplexity arises as to the precise sense 
in which this denial is to be understood. 
Angols are so distinctly mentioned in the 
Pentateuch and other books of the Old 
Testament, that it is hard to understand how 
those who acknowledged the Old Testament 
to have divine authority could deny the ex- 
istence of angels (Gen. xvi. 7, xix. 1, xxii. 
11, xxviii. 12; Ex. xxiii. 20; Num. xxii. 
23; Judg. xiii. 18; 2 Sam. xxiv. 16). The 
two principal explanations which have been 
suggested are, either that the Sadducees 
regarded the angels of the Old Testament 
as transitory, unsubstantial representations 
of Jehovah, or that they disbelieved, not the 
angels of the Old Testament, but merely 
the angelical system which had become 
developed in the popular belief of the Jews 
after their return from the Babylonian Cap- 
tivity. Either of these explanations may 
possibly be correct; and the first, although 
there are numerous texts to which it did not 
apply, would have received some counte- 
nance from passages wherein the same di- 
vine appearance, which at one time is called 
the "angel of Jehovah, "is afterwards called 
Bimply " Jehovah " (Gen. xvi. 7, 13, xxii. 
11. 12, xxxi. 11, 16; Ex. iii. 2, 4; Judg. vi. 
14, 22, xiii. 18, 22). III. Josephus states 
that the Sadducees believed in the freedom 
of the will, which the Pharisees denied. 
Possibly the great stress laid by the Saddu- 
cees on the freedom of the will may have 
kad some connection with their forming 
such a large portion of that class from 
which criminal judges were selected. Those 
Jews who were almost exclusively religious 
teachers would naturally insist on the ina- 
bility of man to do anything good if God's 
floly Spirit were taken away from him (Ps. 
i. 11, 12), and would enlarge on the perils 
which surrounded man from the tempta- 
tions of Satan and evil angels or spirits (1 
Chr. xxi. 1; Tob. iii. 17). But it is likely 
that the tendencies of the judicial class 
would be more practical and direct. IV. 
Some of the early Christian writers attrib- 
ate to tb© Sadducees the .ejection of all 



the Sacred Scriptures except the Pentatev^n 
Such rejection, if true, would undoubtedly 
constitute a most important additional dif- 
ference between the Sadducees and Phari« 
sees. The statement of these Christian 
writers is, however, now generally admitted 
to have been founded on a misconceptiou 
of the truth, and it seems to have arisen 
from a confusion of the Sadducees w ith the 
Samaritans. V. An important fact in the 
history of the Sadducees is their rapid 
disappearance from history after the first 
century, and the subsequent predominance 
among the Jews of the opinions of the 
Pharisees. Two circumstances, indirectly 
but powerfully, contributed to produce this, 
result: 1st. The state of the Jews after the 
capture of Jerusalem by Titus ; and 2dly. 
The growth of the Christian religion. As 
to the first point, it is difficult to over-esti- 
mate the consternation and dismay which 
the destruction of Jerusalem occasioned in 
the minds of sincerely religious Jews. 
In this their hour of darkness and anguish, 
they naturally turned to the consolations 
and hopes of a future state ; and the doc- 
trine of the Sadducees, that there was noth- 
ing beyond the present life, would have 
appeared to them cold, heartless, and hate- 
ful. Again, while they were sunk in the 
lowest depths of depression, a new religion, 
which they despised as a heresy and a super- 
stition, was gradually making its way among 
the subjects of their detested conquerors, 
the Romans. One of the causes of its suc- 
cess was undoubtedly the vivid belief in the 
resurrection of Jesus, and a consequent 
resurrection of all mankind, which was ac- 
cepted by its heathen converts with a pas- 
sionate earnestness, of which those who at 
the present day are familiar from infancy 
with the doctrine of the resurrection of the 
dead can form only a faint idea. To at- 
tempt to check the progress of this new re- 
ligion among the Jews by an appeal to the 
temporary rewards and punishments of the 
Pentateuch, would have been as idle as an 
endeavor to check an explosive power by 
ordinary mechanical restraints. Conscious- 
ly, therefore, or unconsciously, many eir- i 
cumstances combined to induce the Jews 11 
who were not Pharisees, but who resisted 
the new heresy, to rally round the standard 
of the Oral Law, and to assert that their 
holy legislator, Moses, had transmitted to 
his faithful people by word of mouth, al- 
though not in writing, the revelation of a 
future state of rewards and punishcjents. 

Sa doc. 1. Zadok the ancestor of Ezra 
(2 Esd. i. 1; comp. Ezr. vii. 2). 2. A 
descendant of Zerubbabel in the genealogy 
of Jesus Christ (Matt. i. 14). 

Saffron (Cant. iv. 14). Safiron has 
from the earliest times been in high esteem 
as a perfume. " It was used," says Rosen- 
miiller "for the same purposes as the mod 



^ALA 



599 



SALMA 



tim pot-pourii. ' The word saffron is de- 
rived from the Arabic Zafran, "■ yellow." 

Sa'la. Salah, or Shelah, the father 
of Eber (Luke iii. 35). 

Sa'lah, the son of Arphaxad, and father 
of Eber (Gen. x. 24, xi. 12-14; Luke iii. 
85). Th(! name is significant of extension. 
It thus saeras to imply the historical fact of 
tlie gradual extension of a branch of the 
Semitic race from its original seat in North- 
ern Assyria towards the river Euphrates. 

Salamis, a city at the east end of tbe 
usland of Cyprus, and the first place visited 
by Paul and Barnabas, on the first mission- 
arj- journey, after leaving the mainland at 
Seleucia. Here alone, among all the Greek 
cities visited by St. Paul, we read expres.-:ly 
of "synagogues" in the plural (Acts xiii. 
5). Hence we conclude that there were 
many Jews in Cyprus. And this is in har- 
mony with what we read elsewhere. Salamis 
was not far from tbe modern Famagousta, 
It was situated near a river called the 
Pediaeus, on low ground, which is in fact 
a continuation of the plain running up into 
the interior towards the place where Nicosia, 
the present capital of Cyprus, stands. 

Sala'tbiel {I have asked of God), son 
of Jechonias king of Judah, and father of 
Zarohabel, according to Matt. i. 12 ; but 
son of Neri, and father of Zorobabel, ac- 
cording to Luke iii. 27 ; while the geneal- 
og3 in ] Chr. iii. 17-19, leaves it doubtful 
whether he is the son of Assir or Jechonias, 
and makes Zerubbabel his nephew. Upon 
the ini>ontrovertible principle that no gene- 
alogj' would assign to the true son and 
heir of a king any inferior and private 
parentage, wliereas, on the contrary, tbe 
son of a private person would naturally be 
placed in the royal pedigree on his becom- 
ing the rightful heir to the throne ; we may 
assert, with tlie utmost confidence, that St. 
Luke gives us the true state of the case, 
when he informs us that Salathiel was the 
son of Neri, and a descendant of Nathan 
tho son of David. And from his insertion 
in the royal pedigree, both in 1 Chr. and 
St. Matthew's Gospel, after the childless 
Jechonias, we infer, with no less confi- 
dence, that, on the failure of Solomon's 
line, he was the next heir to the throne of 
David. It may therefore be considered 
as certain, that Salathiel was the son of 
Neri, and the heir of Jechoniah. As re- 
gards the orthography of the name, it has 
Iwo forms in Hebrew. The A. V. has 
Salathiel in 1 Chr. iii. 17, but everywhere 
ilse in the O. T. Shealtiel. 

Sal'cah, a city named in. the early 
fe cords of Israel as the extreme limit of 
Bashan (Deut. iii. 10; Josh. xiii. 11), and 
»f the tribe of Gad (1 Chr. v. 11). On 
another occasion the name seems to denote 
A district ratlier than a town (Josh. xii. 5). 
*t is id utical w'tb the town of Sulkhad. 



Sal'chah, another form oi Saloab 
(Deut. iii. 10). 

SSi'leiQ. (peace). 1. The place of which 
Melchizedck was king (Gen. xiv. 1« ; Ueb. 
vii. 1, 2). No satisfactory identificatif n of 
it is perhaps possible. Two main opinions 
have been current from the earliest ages 
of interpretation. 1. Tliat of tiie Jewish 
commentators, who affirm that Salem ia 
Jerusalem, on the ground that Jerusalea 
is so called in Ps. ixxvi. 2. 2. Jerome 
himself, however, is not of the same 
opinion. He states without hesitation, that 
tlie Salem of Melchizedek was not Jerusa- 
lem, but a town near Scythopolis, which in 
his day was still called Salem. Elsewhere 
he places it more precisely at eight Roman 
miles from Scythopolis, and gives its then 
name as Salumias. Further, he identifies 
this Salem with the Salim of St. John the 
Baptist. 2. Ps. Ixxvi. 2. It is agreed on 
all hands that Salem is here emplo3''ed for 
Jerusalem, but whether as a mere abbrevia- 
tion to suit some exigency of the poetry, 
and point the allusion to the peace (salem) 
which the city enjoyed through the protec- 
tion of God, or whether, after a well-known 
habit of poets, it is an antique name pre- 
ferred to the more modern and familiar one, 
is a question not yet decided. 

Salim, a place named (John iii. 23) to 
denote the situation of Aenon, the scene 
of St. John's last baptisms — Salim being 
the well-known town or spot, and Aenon 
a place of fountains, or other water, near 
it. [Salem.] The name of Salim has 
been discovered by Mr. Van de Velde in a 
position exactly in accordance with thti 
notice of Eusebius, viz. six English miles 
south of Beisdn (Scythopolis), and two 
miles west of tlie Jordan. Salim fulfils 
also the conditions implied in the name of 
Aenon (springs), and the direct statement 
of the text, that the place contained abun- 
dance of water. 

Sal'iPa. or Sal'mon (Ruth iv. 20, 21, 
1 Chr. ii U, 51, 54; Matt. i. t, 5 ; Luke 
iii. 32). Son of Nahshon, the prince of 
the children of Judah, and father of Boaz, 
the husband of Ruth. On the entrance of 
the Israelites into Canaan, Salmon took 
Rahab of Jericho to be his wife, and frotn 
this union sprang the Christ. [Rahab.] 
Two circumstances connected witii Salmom 
have caused some perplexity : one, the) 
variation in the orthography of his namei 
the other, an apparent variation in ii* 
genealogy. As regards the firsz, il € viri- 
ation in proper names is so extn mely 
common that such slight differences are 
scarcely worth noticing. The variation ia 
Salma's genealogy is more apparent than 
real. It arises from the circumstance that 
Bethlehem Ephratah, which was Salmon* 
inheritancx , was part of the tenitory of 
Cileb, the grandson of Ephratali ; and thia 



SALMON 



600 



SALUTATION 



caused him t j be reckoned among the sons 
of Caleb. 

Sarnion, a hill near Shechem, on which 
Abimelech and his followers cut down the 
boughs with which they set the tower of 
Shechein on nre (Judg. ix. 48). Its exact 
position is not known. It is usually sup- 
posed that tliis hill is mentioned in a verse 
of tlie Psalms (Ps. Ixviii. 14). The allusion 
is probably to the ground being snow-white 
with bones after a defeat of the Canaan- 
itish kings ; and this may be accepted by 
those who will admit the scarcely permis- 
sible meaning, " white as snow," and who 
cannut rest satisfied without attaching some 
definite signification to the passage. In 
despair of understanding the allusion to 
Salmon, some suppose that Salmdn, i. e. 
Tsalmdn, is not a proper name in this 
passage, but merely signifies " darkness." 

Sal'mon, the father of Boaz. [Salma.] 

Salmo'ne, the east point of the island 
of Crete (Acts xxvii. 7). 

Salo'me. 1. The wife of Zebedee, as 
appears from comparing Matt, xxvii. 56 
with Mark xv. 40. It is further the opinion 
of many modern critics that she was the 
sister of Mary, the mother of Jesus, to 
whom reference is made in John xix. 25. 
The words admit, however, of another ex- 
planation, according to which they refer to 
the " Mary the wife of Cleophas " imme- 
diately afterwards mentioned. We can 
hardly regard the point as settled, though 
the weight of modern criticism is decided- 
ly in favor of the former view. The only 
events recorded of Salome are, that she 
preferred a request on behalf of her two 
sons for seats of honor in the kingdom 
of heaven (Matt. xx. 20), that she at- 
tended at the crucifixion of Jesus (Mark 
XV. 40), and that she visited liis sepulchre 
(Mark xvi. I). She is mentioned by name 
only on the two later occasions. 2. The 
daughter of Herodias by her first husband, 
Herod Philip (Matt. xiv. 6). She married 
in the first place Philip the tetrarch of 
Trachonitis, her paternal uncle, and second- 
ly Aristobulus, the king of Chalcis. 

Salt. Indispensable as salt is to our- 
selves, it was even more so to the He- 
brews, being to them not only an appetiz- 
ing ( ondiment in the food both of man (Job 
xi. 6) and beast (Is. xxx. 24, see margin), 
and a must valuable antidote to the effects 
ol the heat of climate on animal food, but 
also entering largely into their religious 
services as an accompaniment to the vari- 
ous oflferings presented on the altar (Lev. 
ii. 13). They possessed an inexhaustible 
and ready supply of it on the southern 
shores of th.r Dead Sea. [Sea, the Salt.] 
Tbe Jews appear to have distinguished be- 
tween rock-salt and that which was gained 
by evaporation, as the Talmudists particu- 
larize one species (probably the latter) as 



the " salt of Sodom." The salt pit* ft TA\i 
an important source of revenue to the rulers 
of the country, and Antiochus conferred a 
valuable boon on Jerusalem by presenting 
the city with 375 bushels of salt for the 
Temple service. In addition to the uses 
of salt already specified, the inferior sorte 
were applied as a manure to the soil, oi to 
hasten the decomposition of dung (Matt. v. 
13; Luke xiv. 35). Too large an admix- 
ture, however, was held to produce steril- 
ity ; and hence also arose the custom of 
sowing with salt the foundations of a de- 
stroyed city (Judg. ix. 45), as a token of 
its irretrievable ruin. The associations 
connected with salt in Eastern countries 
are important. As one of the most essen- 
tial articles of diet, it symboUz/^d hospitali- 
ty ; as an antiseptic, durability, fidelity, and 
purity. Hence the expression "covenant 
of salt" (Lev. ii. 13; Num. xviii. 19; 2 
Chr. xiii. 5), as betokening an indissoluble 
alliance between friends ; and again the 
expression, " salted with the salt of the 
palace" (Ezr. iv. 14), not necessarily 
meaning that they had " maintenance from 
the palace," as the A. V. has it, but that 
they were bound by sacred obligations of 
fidelity to the king. So in the present day, 
" to eat bread and salt together" is an ex- 
pression for a league of mutual amity. It 
was probably with a view to keep this idea 
prominently before the minds of the Jews 
that the use of salt was enjoined on the 
Israelites in their offerings to God. 

Salt, City of, the fifth of the six cities 
of Judah which lay in the "wilderness*' 
(Josh. XV. 62). Dr. Robinson expresses 
his belief that it lay somewhere near the 
plain at the south end of the Salt Sea. 

Salt Sea, or Dead Sea. [Sea, thh 
Salt.] 

Salt, Valley of, a valley in which oc 
curred two memorable victories of the Is- 
raelite arms. 1. That of David over the 
Edomites (2 Sam. viii. 13; 1 Chr. xviii. 
12). 2. That of Amaziah (2 K. xiv. 7; 2 
Chr. XXV. 11). Neither of these notices 
affords any clew to the situation of the 
Valley of Salt. It is perhaps the broad, 
open plain which lies at the lower end of 
the Dead Sea, and intervenes between the 
lake itself and the range of heights which 
crosses the valley at six or eight miles to 
the south. This same view is taktn by 
Dr. Robinson. Others suggest that it lay 
nearer to Petra. What little can be i»*- 
ferred from the narrative as to its situation 
is in favor of this theory. 

Salu, the father of Zimri the prince of 
the Simeonites, who was slain by Phiije- 
has Num. xxv. 14). Cailed also Salom. 

Salutation. Salutations may be classed 
under the two heads of conversational and 
epistolary. The salutation at meeting con- 
sist/^'? in early times of various eypressioDi 




m 



SAMARIA 



601 



SAMAKIA 



Qt blessing, such as " God be grar'.ous unto 
th(je " (Gen. xliii. 29) ; " Blessed oe thou 
of the Lord " (Ruth hi. 10 ; 1 Sara. xv. 13) ; 
" The Lord be with you," "The Lord bless 
thee" (Ruth u. 4); "The blessing of the 
Lord be upon you ; we bless you in tlie 
uan.e of the Lord" (Ps. cxxix. 8). Hence 
the term "bless" received the secondary 
lease of " salute." The Hebrew term used 
in th< »e instances {shdldm) has no special 
rerorence to " peace," as stated in the mar- 
ginal translation, but to general well-being, 
ind strictly answers to our "welfare." The 
salutation at parting consisted originally of 
a simple blessing (Gen. xxiv. 60, xxviii. 1, 
xlvii. 10; Josh. xxii. 6), but in later times 
the term shdldm was introduced here also in 
tlie form " Go in peace," or rather " Fare- 
irell" (1 Sam. i. 17, xx, 42; 2 Sam. xv. 9). 
[n modern times the ordinary mode of ad- 
dress current in the East resembles the 
Hebrew : Es-seldm alei/kum, " Peace be on 
you," and the term " salam" has been in- 
troduced into our own language to describe 
the Oriental salutation, — The epistolary 
salutations in the period subsequent to the O. 
T. were framed on the model of the Latin 
style: the addition of the term "peace" 
may, however, be regarded as a vestige of 
the old Hebrew form (2 Mace. i. 1). The 
writer placed his own name first, and then 
tliat of the person whom he saluted ; it was 
only in special cases that this order was re- 
versed (2 Mace. i. 1, ix. 19 ; 1 Esdr. vi. 7). 
A combination of the first and third per- 
sons in the terms of the salutation was not 
unfrequent (Gal. i. 1, 2; Philem. 1; 2 Pet, 
i. I). A form of prayer for spiritual mer- 
cies was also used. The concluding salu- 
tation consisted occasionally of a transla- 
tion of the Latin valete (Acts xv. 29, xxiii. 
30), but more generally of the term "I 
salute," or the cognate substantive, accom- 
panied by a prayer for peace or grace. 

Sama'ria (Heb. Shomerdn), a city of 
Palestine. The word Shomerdn means, 
etymologically, "pertaining to a watch," 
or "a watch-mountain; " and there can be 
little doubt that the peculiarity of the situ- 
ation gave occasion to its name. In the 
territory originally belonging to the tribe 
of Joseph, about six miles to the north- 
west of Shechem, there is a wide basin- 
shaped valley, encircled with high hills, 
almost on the edge of the great plain which 
borders upon the Mediterranean. In the 
c«:ntre of this basin, which is on a lower 
level than the valley of Shechem, rises a 
less elevated oblong hill, with steep yet ac- 
•essible sides, and a long flat top. This hill 
was chosen by Omri as the site of the capi- 
tal of the kingdom of Israel. He " bought 
the hill of Samaria of Shemer for two talents 
of silver, and built on the hill, and called 
the name of the city which he built, after 
the name ti the owner of the hill. Samaria " 



(1 K xvi. 23, 24). From the date of Omri'i 
pu-'chase, B. c. 925, Samaria retained its 
dignity as the capital of the ten tribes, and 
the name is given to the northern kingdom 
as well as to the city. Ahab built a temple 
to Baal there (1 K. xvi. 32, 33) ; and from 
this circumstance a portion of the city, 
possibly fortified by a separate wall, was 
called "the city of the house of Baal" (2 
K. X. 25). Samaria must have been a 
place of great strength. It was twice be- 
sieged by the Syrians, in b. c. 901 (1 BL. 
XX. 1), and in b. c. 892 (2 K. vi. 24-vii. 
20) ; but on both occasions the siege was 
ineffectual. The possessor of Samaria was 
considered de facto king of Israel (2 K. xv. 
13, 14) ; and woes denounced against the 
nation were directed against it by name (I*. 
vii. 9, &c.). In b. c. 721, Samaria was 
taken, after a siege of three years, by Shal- 
maneser king of Assyria (2 K. xviii. 9, 10), 
and the kingdom of the ten tribes was put 
an end to. Some years afterwards the dis- 
trict of vhich Samaria was the centre was 
repeopled by Esarhaddon ; but we do not 
hear especially of the city until the days 
of Alexander the Great. That conqueror 
took the city, which seems to have some- 
what recovered itself, killed a large portion 
of the inhabitants, and suffered the remain- 
der to settle at Shechem. He replac^^ 
them by a colony of Syro-Macedonians. 
These Syro-Macedonians occupied the city 
until the time of John Hyrcanus, who took 
it after a year's siege, and did his best to 
demolish it entirely. After this disaster 
^^hich occurred in b. c. 109), the Jews in- 
habited what remained of the city ; at least 
we find it in ^eir possession in the time of 
Alexander Jannaeus, and until Pompey 
gave it back to the descendants of its origi» 
nal inhabitants. By directions of Gabin- 
ius, Samaria and other demolished cities 
were rebuilt. But its more efiectual re- 
building was undertaken by Herod the 
Great. He called it Sebaste = Augusta, 
after the name of his patron. How long 
Samaria maiatained its splendor after Her- 
od's improvements we are not informed. 
In the N. T. the city itself does not app«ai 
to be mentioned, but rather a portion of 
the district to which, even in older times, il 
had extended its name (Matt. x. 6; John 
iv. 4, 5). At this day the city is repre- 
sented by a small village retaining few 
vestiges of the i)ast except its name, Sebus- 
tiyeh, an Arabic corruption of Sebaste. 
Some architectural remains it has, partly 
of Christian ccnstruction or adaptation, as 
the ruined church of St. John the Baptist, 
partly, perhaps, traces of Idumaean mag- 
nificence. St., Jerome, whose acquaint- 
ance with Palestine imparts a sort of proba- 
bility to the tradition which prevailed so 
strongly in later days, assert? thar Sebaste, 
which he invariably idertitie-* -irith Sa^ lana. 



SAMARITAJSS 



602 



SAMAKITANS 



V'as the place in which St. -Jolin the Bap- 
tist was imprisoned and suffered death. 
He also makes it the burial-place of the 
prophets Elisha and Obadiah. 

Samar'itans. In the strictest sense of 
the term, a Samaritan would be an inhab- 
itant of tlie city of Samaria. But it is not 
found at all in this sense, exclusively at any 
rate, in the O. T. Samaria at first in- 
cluded all the tribes over which Jeroboam 
made himself king, whether east or west of 
the river Jordan (IK. xiii. 32). In other 
places in the historical books of the O. T. 
(with the exv^eption of 2 K. xvii. 24, 26, 28, 
29) Samaria seems to denote the city ex- 
clusively. But the prophets use the word in 
a greatly extended sense. Hence the word 
Samaritan must have denoted every one 
subject to the king of the northern capital. 
But whatever extent the word might have 
aciiuired, it necessarily became contracted 
as the limits of the kingdom of Israel be- 
came contracted. In all probability the 
territory of Simeon and that of Dan were 
very early absorbed in the kingdom of Ju- 
iah. It is evident from an occurrence in 
Hezekiah's reign, that just before the depo- 
sition and death of Hoshea, the last king 
of Israel, the authority of the king of Ju- 
Jah, or, at least, his influence, was recog- 
nized by portions of Asher, Issachar, and 
Zebulun, and even of Ephraim and Manas- 
8eh (2 Chr. xxx. 1-26). Men came from all 
those tribes to the Passover at Jerusalem. 
This was about b. c. 726. Samaria (the 
city), and a few adjacent cities or villages 
only, represented that dominion which had 
once extended from Bethel to Dan north- 
wards, and from the Mediterranean to the 
borders of Syria and Ammon eastwards. 
This brings us more closely to the second 
point of our discussion, the origin of those 
who are in 2 K. xvii. 29, and in the N. T., 
called Samaritans. Shalmaneser, as we 
have seen (2 K. xvii. 5, 6, 26), carried Israel, 
i. e. the remnant of the ten tribes which 
still acknowledged Hoshea's authority, into 
Assyria. This remnant consisted, as has 
been shown, of Samaria (the city) and a 
few adjacent cities and villages. We may 
conclude that the cities of Samaria were 
not merely partially, but wholly, evacuated 
of their inhabitants in b. c. 721, and that 
they remained in this desolated state until, 
in the words of 2 K. xvii. 24, " the king of 
Assyria brought men from Babylon, and 
from Cuthah, and from Ava (Ivah, 2 K. 
xviii. 34), and from Hamath, and from Seph- 
arvaim, and placed them in the cities of 
Samaria instead of the children of Israel : 
and they possessed Samaria, and dwelt in 
the cities thereof." Thus the new Samari- 
tans were Assyrians by birth or su'-juga- 
tion. An incidental question, h^ yever, 
arises. Who was the king of Assy ia that 
^fl'ected this colonization? The Samari- 



tans themselves, in Ezr. iv. 2, It nttrit- 

uted their colonization not to Shalmanefeer, 
but to *' Esarhaddon king of Assur," or 
to "the great and noble Asnapper," eitbe* 
the king himself or one of his generali 
(about B. c. 677). The fact, too, tliat some 
of these foreigners came from Babj-lon, 
would seem to direct us to Esarhaddon, 
rather than to his grandfather, Shalmane- 
ser. And there is another reason why this 
date should be preferred. It coincides 
with the termination of the sixly-five years 
of Isaiah's prophecy, delivered b. c. 742. 
within which "Ephraim should be broken, 
that it should not be a people " (Is. vii. 8), 
These strangers, whom we will now assume 
to have been placed in "the cities of Sa- 
maria " by Esarhaddon, were of course 
idolaters, and worshipped a strange medley 
of divinities. God's displeasure was kin- 
dled, and they were infested by beasts of 
prey, which had probably increased to a 
great extent before their entrance upon ii. 
On their explaining their miserable condi- 
tion to the king of Assyria, he despatched 
one of the captive priests to teach their 
" how they should fear the Lord." The 
priest came accordingly, and henceforth, 
in the language of the sacred historian, 
they " feared the Lord and served theii 
graven images, both their children and their 
children's children : as did their fathers, so 
do they unto this day " (2 K. xvii. 41). A 
gap occurs in their history until Judah lias 
returned from captivity. They then de-' 
sire to be allowed to participate in the re- 
building of the Temple at Jerusalem. But 
they do not call it a national undertaking- 
They advance no pretensions to Jewish 
blood. They confess their Assyrian de- 
scent, and even put it forward ostentatious- 
ly, perhaps to enhance the merit of their 
partial conversion to God. Ezra, no doubt, 
from whose pen we have a recoid of the 
transaction, saw them through and through. 
On this the Samaritans throw off the mask, 
and become open enemies, frustrate the 
operations of the Jews through the reigna 
of two Persian kings, and are only effectu 
ally silenced in the reign of Darius Hystas- 
pis, B. c. 519. The feud, thus unhappily 
begun, grew year by year more inveterate. 
Matters at length came to a climax. About 
B. c. 409, a certain Manasseh, a man of 
priestly lineage, on being expelled from 
Jerusalem by Nehemiah for an unlawful 
marriage, obtained permission from tlie 
Persian king of his day, Darius Nothus, to 
build a temple on Mount Gerizim for the 
Samaritans, with wh^m he had found ref- 
uge. The animosity of the Samaritans 
became more intense than ever. They are 
said to have done everything in their power 
to annoy the Jews. Their own temple on 
Gerizim they considered to be much su- 
perior to that at Jerusalem. Theie the? 



SAMARITANS 



6u3 SAMARITAN b ENTAIEUCU 



tfHonficed a passover. Towards the n oun- 
tdin, even after the temple on it had 
fallen, wherever they were, they directed 
their worship. To their copy of the Law 
they arrogated an antiquity and authority 
greater than attached to any copy in the 
possession of the Jews. The Law (i. e. the 
five books of Moses) was their sole code ; 
for they rejected every other book in the 
Jewish canon. The Jews, on the other 
hand, were not more conciliatory in their 
treatment of the Samaritans. The copy 
of the Law possessed by that people they 
declared to be the legacy of an apostate 
(Manasseh), and cast grave suspicions upon 
its genuineness. Certain other Jewish ren- 
egades had from time to time taken refuge 
with the Samaritans. Hence, by degrees 
the Samaritans claimed to partake of Jew- 
ish blood, especially if doing so happened 
to suit their interest. A remarkable in- 
stance of this is exhibited in a request 
wliich they made to Alexander the Great, 
about B. c. 332. They desired to be ex- 
cused payment of tribute in the Sabbatical 
year, on the plea that as true Israelites, 
descendants of Ephraim and Manasseh, 
sons of Joseph, they refrained from culti- 
vating their land in that year. Another in- 
stance of claim to Jewish descent appears 
in the words of the woman of Samaria to 
our Lord, John iv, 12 : " Art thou greater 
than our father Jacob, who gave us the 
well ? " Very far were the Jews from ad- 
mitting this claim to consanguinity on the 
part of these people. They were ever re- 
minding them that they were, after all, mere 
Cuthaeans, mere strangers from Assyria. 
The traditional hatred in which the Jew 
held the Samaritan is expressed in Ecclus. 
I. 25, 26. And so long was it before such 
a temper could be banished from the Jew- 
ish mind, that we find even the Apostles 
believing that an inhospitable slight shown 
by a Samaritan village to Christ would be 
not unduly avenged by calling down fire 
from heaven. Such were the Samaritans 
of our Lord's day ; a people distinct from 
the Jews, though lying in the very midst 
of the Jews ; a people preserving their 
identity, though seven centuries had rolled 
away since they had been brought from 
Assyria by Esarhaddon, and though they 
haJ abandoned their polytheism for a sort 
Df ultra Mosaicism ; a people, who — 
th'^ugh their limits had gradually contract- 
e-] and the rallying-place of their religion 
on Mount Gerizim had been destroyed one 
hundred and sixty years before by John 
Hyrcanuo (b. c. 130), and though Samaria 
^^the city) had been again and again de- 
stroyed — still preserved their nationality, 
still worshipped from Shechem and their 
impoverisbei settlements towards their 
sacred hil) ; still retained their nationality, 
and could not coalesce with the Jews. Not 



indeud that we must suppose that the wLolw 
of the country called in our Lord's time 
Samaria, was in the possession of the 
Cuthaean Samaritans, or that it had evil 
been so. It was bounded northward by 
the range of hills which commences at 
Mount Carmel on the west, and, after 
making a bend to the south-west, runs 
almost due east to the valley of the Jordan, 
forming the southern border of the plain of 
Esdraelon. It touched towards the south, 
as nearly as possible, the northern limits 
of Benjamin. Thus it comprehended the 
ancient territory of Ephraim, and of those 
Manassites who were west of Jordan. The 
Cuthaean Samaritans, however, possessed 
only a few towns and villages of this large 
area, and these lay almost together in the 
centre of the district. At NAhlus the 
Samaritans have still a settlement, consists 
ing of about 200 persons. [Shechem.] 

Samaritan Pentateuch, a Recension 
of the commonly received Hebrew Text of 
the Mosaic Law, in use with the Samari- 
tans, and written in the ancient Hebrew, 
or so-called Samaritan character. The 
origin of the Samaritan Pentateuch haa 
given rise to much controversy, into which 
we cannot enter in this place. The two 
most usual opinions are : 1. That it came 
into the hands of the Samaritans as an in- 
heritance from the ten tribes whom they 
succeeded. Because (a.) It seems improl> 
able that the Samaritans should have ac- 
cepted their code at the hands of the Jew» 
after the exile, since there existed an ii^ 
tense hatred between the two nationalities, 
(i.) The Samaritan Canon has only the 
Pentateuch in common with the Hebrew 
Canon : had that book been received at a 
period when the Hagiographa and the 
Prophets were in the Jews' hands, it would 
be surprising if they had not also received 
those. 2. That it was introduced by Ma- 
nasseh at the time of the foundation of the 
Samaritan Sanctuary on Mount Gerizim, 
and written in the ancient Hebrew, or so- 
called Samaritan character. It dij9fers in 
several important points from the Hebrew 
text. Among these may be mentioned : 1. 
Emendations of passages and words of the 
Hebrew text which contain something ob- 
jectionable in the eyes of the Samaritans, 
on account either of historical improbabil- 
ity or apparent want of dignity in the terms 
applied to the Creator. Thus in the Samar- 
itan Pentateuch no one in the antediluvian 
times begets his first son after he has lived 
150 years : but one hundred years are, 
where necessary, subtracted before, and 
added after, the birth of the first son. An 
exceedingly important and often discussed 
emendation of this class is the passage in 
Ex. xii. 40, which in our text reads, '* Now 
the sojourning of the children of Israel 
who dw )lt in Egypt was foui bundled and 



&A1VIAR1TAN PENTATEUCH 604 



SAMSON 



thirty years." The Samaritan has "Tie 
8-'>journing of the children of Israel [and 
their fathers who dwelt in the land of 
Canaan and in the land of Egypf] was 
lour hundred and thirty years ; " an inter- 
polation of very late date indeed. Again, 
in Gen. ii. 2, "And God [?] had finished 
on the seventh day," is altered into " the 
tixth" lest God's rest on the Sabbath-day 
might seem incomplete. 2. Alterations 
made in favor of or on behalf of Samaritan 
theology, herraeneutics, and domestic wor- 
ship. Thus the word Elohimy four times 
construed with the plural verb in the He- 
brew Pentateuch, is in the Samaritan Pen- 
tateuch joined to the singular verb (Gen. 
XX. 13, xxxi. 53, XXXV. 7 ; Ex. xxii. 9) ; and 
further, anthropomorphisms as well as 
authropopathisms are carefully expunged 
— a practice very common in later times. 
Tne last and perhaps most momentous of 
all 'ntentional alterations is the constant 
change of all the phrases, " God will 
choose a spot," into " He has chosen," viz. 
Gerizim, and the well-known substitution 
of Gerizim for Ebal in Deut. xxvii. 4. In 
Exodus as well as in Deuteronomy the 
Sam. has, immediately after the Ten Com- 
mandments, the following insertions from 
Deut. xxvii. 2-7 and xi. 30 : " And it shall 
be on the day when ye shall pass over Jor- 
dan ... ye shall set up these stones ... on 
Mount Gerizim • . . and there shalt thou 
build an altar . . . ' That mountain ' on the 
other side Jordan by the way where the 
sun goeth down ... in the champaign over 
against Gilgal, beside the plains of Moreh, 
* over against Shechem.' " It may perhaps 
not be superfluous to add here a brief ac- 
count of the Samaritan literature. 1. Ghron- 
icon Samaritanum. — Joshua alone seems 
to have found favor in their eyes ; but the 
Book of Joshua, which they perhaps pos- 
sessed in its original form, gradually came 
to form only the groundwork of a fictitious 
national Samaritan history, overgrown with 
the most fantastic and anachronistic le- 
gends. This is the so-called " Samaritan 
Joshua " or Chronicon Samaritanum, sent 
to Scaliger by the Samaritans of Cairo in 
1584. It was edited by JuynboU (Leyden, 
1848), and his acute investigations have 
shown that it was redacted into its present 
form about a. d. 1300, out of four special 
documents, three of which were Arabic, 
and one Hebrew (i. e. Samaritan). The 
ohronicle embraces the time from Joshua 
to aoout A. D. 350, and was originally writ- 
ten in, or subsequently translated into, 
AraSic. 2. From this work chiefly has 
been compiled another Chronicle written 
in the 14th century (1355), by Abu'l Fatah. 
This comprises the history of the Jews and 
Samaritans from Adam to a. h. 756 and 798 
(\. D. 1355 and 1397) respectively. It is of 
equally lotv histDrical value Hs only re- 



maikab-e feature being the adoption of cer- 
tain Talmudical legends, which it took at 
second hand from Josippon ben Gorion. 
3. Another " historical " work is on the 
history and genealogy of the patriarchSv 
from Adam to Moses, attributed to Moses 
himself; perhaps the same which Peter 
mann saw at Ndhlus, and which consisted 
of sixteen vellum leaves (supi)osed, how- 
ever, to contain the history of the world 
down to the end). 4. There are various 
other Samaritan works chiefly in Arabic — 
their Samaritan and Hebrew literature hav- 
ing mostly been destroyed by the Emperor 
Commodus — that do not require special 
notice. 

Sam'gar-ne'bo, one of the princes 
or generals of the king of Babylon who 
commanded the victorious army of the 
Chaldaeans at the capture of Jerusalem 
(Jer. xxxix. 3). The Neho is the Chal- 
daean Mercury; about the Samgar, opin- 
ions are divided. 

Samlah, Gen. xxxvi. 36, 37 ; 1 Chr. i. 
47, 48. One of the kings of JSdom, succes- 
sor to Hadad or Hadar. 

Sa'mos, a Greek island off that part of 
Asia Minor where Ionia touches Caria. 
Samos comes before our notice in the de- 
tailed account of St. Paul's return from his 
third missionary journey (Acts XX. 15). He 
had been at Chios, and was about to pro- 
ceed to Miletus, having passed by Ephesus 
without touching there. The topograph- 
ical notices given incidentally by St. Luke 
are most exact. In the time of Herod the 
Great, and when St. Paul was there, it was 
politically a " free city " in the province of 
Asia. 

Samothra'cia. The mention of this 
island in the account of St. Paul's first 
voyage to Europe (Acts xvi. ll) is for two 
reasons worthy of careful notice. In tlie 
first place, being a very lofty and conspic- 
uous island, it is an excellent landmark for 
sailors, and must have been full in view, 
if the weather was clear, throughout that 
voyage from Troas to Neapolis. Secondly, 
this voyage was made with a fair wind. Not 
only are we told that it occupied only parts 
of two days, whereas on a subsequent re- 
turn-voyage (Acts XX. 6) the time spent at 
sea was five, but the technical word here 
used implies that they ran before the wind. 
Now, the position of Samothrace is exactly 
such as to correspond with these notices, 
and thus incidentally to confirm the accu- 
racy of a most artless narrative. St. Paul 
and his companions anchored for the night 
off" Samothrace. Tht ancient city, and 
therefore probably the usual anchorage, 
vas on the N. side, which would be sutfl* 
ciently sheltered from a S. E. wind. 

Sam'son (properly Sham-sun, i. « 
" little sun," or " sun-like," from shemesK 
the snn), son of Manoah. a man of the torn 



^ 



SAMSON 



605 



SAMSON 



fif Zor&h, in the tribe of Dan, on the border 
of Judah (Josh. xv. 33, xix. 41). The 
miraculous circumstances of his birth are 
recorded in Judg. xiii. ; and the three fol- 
lowing chapters are devoted to the history 
of his life and exploits. Samson takes his 
place in Scripture, (1.) as a judge — an 
oifice which he filled for twenty years 
(Judg. XV. 20, XVI. 31) ; (2.) as a Nazarite 
(Judg. xiii. 5, xvi. 17) ; and, (3.) as one 
endowed with supernatural power by the 
Spirit of the Lord (Judg. xiii. 25, xiv. 6, 

19, XV. 14). As* a judge his authority seems 
to have been limited to the district border- 
ing upon the country of the Philistines. It 
is evident from Judg. xiii. 1, 6, xv. 9-11, 

20, and the whole history, that the Israel- 
ites, or at least Judah and Dan, which are 
the only tribes mentioned, were subject to 
the Fhilistines through the whole of Sam- 
son's judgeship ; so that Samson's twenty 
years of office would be included in the 
forty years of the Philistine dominion. 
From the angel's speech to Samson's mother 
''Judg. xiii. 5), it appears further that the 
Israelites were already subject to the Philis- 
tines at his birth ; and as Samson cannot 
have begun to be judge before he was twen- 
ty years of age, it follows that his judge- 
ship must have coincided with the last 
twenty years of Philistine dominion. But 
when we turn to the First Book of Samuel, 
and especially to vii. 1-14, we find that the 
Philistine dominion ceased under the judge- 
sliip of Samuel. Hence it is obvious to 
conclude that the early part of Samuel's 
judgeship coincided with the latter part 
of Samson's, and that the capture of the 
ark by the Philistines in the time of Eli 
occurred during Samson's lifetime. The 
divine inspiration, which Samson shared 
with Othniel, Gideon, and Jephthah, as- 
sumed in him the unique form of vast 
personal strength, animated by undaunted 
bravery. It was inseparably connected 
with the observance of his vow as a Naza- 
rite ; " his strength was in his hair." Con- 
scious of his power, he began to seek a 
quarrel with the Philistines ; and with this 
view he asked the hand of a Philistine wo- 
man wb-^ra he had seen at Timnath. One 
day, as he passed by the vineyards of the 
city on a visit to his intended bride, a young 
lion rushed out upon him; the spirit of 
Jehovah came on Samson, and without a 
weapon he tore the lion as he would have 
torn a kid, but he told no one of tl>e exploit. 
As he passed that way again, he saw a swarm 
of bees in the carcass of the lion ; and he 
ate of the honey, but still he told no one. 
He availed himself of this circumstance, 
and of the custom of proposing riddles at 
marriage-feasts, to lay a snare for the Phi- 
listines. But Samson told the riddle to his 
wife, and she told it to the men of the city. 
The &i)irit of Jeliovah cam^ again upon 



him; and going down to Askilon, ne «lew 
thirty men of the city, and gave tl.eir *poil 
to their fellow-countrymen of Timnath. Ho 
then returned to his own house. His wife 
was given to one of the groomsmen, and on 
Samson's visiting her soon after, her father 
refused to let him see her. Samson re- 
venged himself by taking 300 foxes (or 
rather jackals) and tying them together two 
by two by the tails, with a firebrand be- 
tween every pair of tails, and so he let them 
loose into the standing corn of the Philis- 
tines, which was ready for harvest. The 
Philistines took vengeance by burning Sara- 
son's wife and her father ; but he fell upon 
them in return, and smote them " hip and 
thigh with a great slaughter," after which 
he took refuge on the top of the rock of 
Etam, in the territory of Judah. The 
Philistines gathered an army and marched 
against the men of Judah, who hastened to 
make their peace by giving up Samson. 
Three thousand of them went up to the 
rock of Etam to bind him, and he submitted 
on their promise not to fall upon him them- 
selves. Bound with two new cords, he waa 
brought down to the camp of the Philisj- 
tines, who received him with a shout of 
triumph ; but the spirit of Jehovah came 
upon him : he broke the cords like burnt 
flax, and finding a jawbone of an ass at 
hand, he slew with it a thousand of the 
Philistines. The place was henceforth 
called Ramath-Lehi (the height of the jaw- 
bone). The supernatural character of the 
exploit was confirmed by the miraculous 
bursting out of a spring of water to revive 
the champion as he was ready to die of 
thirst. He called the spring JEJn-hakkore, 
that is, the well of him, that cried. This 
achievement raised Samson to the position 
of a judge, which he held for twenty years. 
After a time he began to fall into the temp- 
tations which addressed themselves to hia 
strong animal nature ; but he broke through 
every snare in which he was caught so long 
as he kept his Nazarite's vow. "While he 
was visiting a harlot in Gaza, the Philis 
tines shut the gates of the city, intendinij 
to kill him in the morning ; but at midnight 
he went out and tore away the gates, with 
the posts and bar, and carried them to the 
top of a hill looking towards Hebron. Next 
he formed his fatal connection with Delilah, 
a woman who lived in the valley of Sorek. 
She was bribed by the lords of the ]i*hilistine8 
to entice Samson to tell her the secret of 
his strength ; and though not at once be- 
traying it, he played with the temptation. 
Thrice he suffered himself to be bound with 
green withes, with new ropes, and by weav- 
ing the seven locks of his hair to the beam 
of a loom; and each time, when Delilah 
gave the signal, "The Philistines are upon 
thee, Samson," he burst the withes and 
ropes, and tore away the beam witli it* 



SAMUEL 



60b 



SAMUEL 



pJn. Instead of resenting Delilah's evident 
treachery, he seems to have enjoyed the 
certainty of triumph over each new snare, 
till he was betrayed into the presumption 
that perhaps his strength might survive the 
loss of his Nazarite's locks. Wearied out 
with her importunity, he at last "told her 
&11 his heart," and, while he was asleep, she 
had him shaven of his seven locks of hair. 
For the last time he was awakened by her 
cry, " The Philistines are upon thee, Sam- 
jon," and thought he had only to go out and 
shake himself, as at the other times, for 
" he wist not that Jehovah was departed from 
him." They put out his eyes, and led him 
down to Gaza, bound in brazen fetters, and 
made him grind in the prison. As his hair 
grew, his strength returned ; but his infatu- 
ated foes only saw in this the means of their 
diversion. The lords and chief people of 
the Phihstines held a great festival in the 
temple of Dagon, to celebrate their victory 
over Samson. They brought forth the blind 
champion to make sport for them; and, 
after he had shown his feats of strength, 
they placed him between the two chief pil- 
lars which supported the roof that surround- 
ed the court, which, as well as the court 
itself, was crowded with spectators, to the 
number of 3000. Samson asked the lad 
who guided him to let him feel the pillars, 
to lean upon them. Then, with a fervent 
prayer that God would strengthen him only 
this once, to be avenged on the Philistines, 
fee bore with all his might upon the two pil- 
lars ; they yielded, and the house fell upon 
the lords and all the people. *' So the dead 
which he slew at his death were more than 
they which he slew in his life." His name 
is enrolled among the worthies of the Jew- 
ish church ir: Heb. xi. 32. 

Sam'uel was the son of Elkanah, an 
Ephrathite or Ephraimite, and Hannah or 
Anna, and was born at Ramathaim-Zophim. 
[Ramah, No. 2.] It is on the mother of 
Samuel that our chief attention is fixed in 
the account of his birth. She is described 
as a woman of a high religious mission. 
Almost a Nazarite by practice (1 Sam. i. 
15), and a prophetess in her gifts (1 Sam. 
ii. 1), she sought from God the gift of the 
child for which she longed with a passion- 
ate devotion of silent prayer, of which there 
is no other example in the O. T. ; and when 
the son was granted, the name which he 
bcre, and thus first introduced into the 
w:?rld, expressed her sense of the urgency 
of her entreaty — Samuel, " the Asked or 
Heard of Go 1." She had before his birth 
dedicated him to the office of a Nazarite. 
As soon as he was weaned, she herself with 
her husband brought him to the Tabernacle 
Ht Shiloh, where she had received the first 
Intimation of his birth, and there solemnly 
consecrated him. The hymn which followed 
tin this consecration is the first of the kind 



in the sacred volume. From this time the 
child is shut up in the tabernacle, and 
" ministered unto the liord before Eli." He 
seems to have slept within the Holiest 
Place, and his special duty was to put 
out the sacred candlestick, and to open 
the doors at sunrise. In this way his child- 
hood was passed. It was whilst thus sleep- 
ing in the tabernacle that he rec^eived his 
first prophetic call (1 Sam. iii. 1-18). From 
this moment the prophetic character of 
Samuel was established. His words were 
treasured up, and Shiloh became the resort 
of those who came to hear him (iii. 19-21). 
In the overthrow of the sanctuary, which 
followed shortly on this vision, we hear not 
what became of Samuel (iv. 11). He next 
appears, probably twenty years afterwards, 
suddenly amongst the people, warning them 
against their idolatrous practices (vii. 3, 4). 
He convened an assembly at Mizpeh, prob- 
ably the place in Benjamin. It was at the 
moment that he was offering up a sacrifice 
that the Philistine host suddenly burst upon 
them. A violent thunderstorm came to the 
timely assistance of Israel. The Philistines 
fled, and, exactly at the spot where twenty 
years before they had obtained their great 
victory, they were totally routed. A stone 
was set up, which long remained as a 
memorial of Samuel's triumph, and gave 
to the place its name of Eben-ezer, *' the 
Stone of Help" (1 Sam. vii. 12). This 
was Samuel's first, and, as far as we know, 
his only military achievement. But it was 
apparently this which raised him to the 
office of "Judge" (comp. 1 Sam. xii 11, 
and Ecclus xlvi. 15-18). He visited, in 
discharge of his duties as ruler, the three 
chief sanctuaries on the west of Jordan — 
Bethel, Gilgal, and Mizpeh (1 Sam. vii. 16). 
His own residence was still his native city, 
Ramah or Ramathaim, which he further 
consecrated by an altar (vii. 17). Here he 
married, and two sons grew up to repeat 
under his eyes the same perversion of high 
office that he had himself witnessed in his 
childhood in the case of the two sons of 
Eli. In his old age he shared his power 
with them (1 Sam. viii. 1-4). — Down to 
this point in Samuel's life there is but little 
to distinguish his career from that of hia 
predecessors. But his peculiar position in 
the sacred narrative turns on the events 
which follow. He is the inaugurator of the 
transition from what is commonly called 
the theocracy to the monarchy. The mis- 
demeanor of his own sons precipitated the 
catastrophe which had been long prepar- 
ing. The people demanded a king. Foi 
the whole night he lay fasting and sleepless, 
in the perplexity of doubt and difficulty. In 
the vision of that night, as recorded by the 
sacred historian, is given the dark side of 
the new institution, on which Samuel dwelli 
on /he following day (1 Sa'^ ">» 9-18^ 



SAMUEL 



607 



SAMUEL, BOOKS OF 



Tills presents his reluctance to receive the 
new order of things. The whole narrative 
of the reception and consecration of Saul 
gives liis acquiescence in it. Thtf final con- 
flict of feeling and surrender of his office 
are given in the last assembly over which he 
presided, and in his subsequent relations 
with Saul. The assembly was held at Gil- 
gal, immediately after the victory over the 
Ammonites. The monarchy was a f econd 
time solemnly inaugurated. Then takes 
place his farewell address. It is the most 
signal example afforded in the O. T. of a 
great character reconciling himself to a 
changed order of things, and of the Divine 
sanction resting on his acquiescence. — His 
subsequent relations with Saul are of the 
same mixed kind. The two institutions 
which they respectively represented ran on 
side by side. Samuel was still Judge. He 
judged Israel " aW the days of his life" 
(vii. 15), and from time to time came across 
the king's path. But these interventions 
are chiefly in another capacity, which this 
is the place to unfold. Samuel is called 
emphatically "the Prophet" (Acts iii. 24, 
xiii. 20). He was especially known in his 
old age as ". Samuel the Seer " (1 Sam. ix. 
11, 18, 19; 1 Chr. ix. 22, xxvi. 28, xxix. 
29). He was consulted far and near on the 
small affairs of life (1 Sara. ix. 7, 8). From 
this faculty, combined with his office of 
ruler, an awful reverence grew up around 
him. No sacrificial feast was thought com- 
plete without his blessing (ib. ix. 13). A 
peculiar virtue was believed to reside in his 
intercession. There was something pecu- 
liar in the long-sustained cry or shout of 
supplication, which seemed to draw down 
as by force the Divine answer (1 Sam. vii. 
8, 9). But there are two other points 
which more especially placed him at the 
head of the prophetic order, as it afterwards 
appeared. The first is brought out in his 
relation with Saul, the second in his rela- 
tion with David. (1) He represents the 
independence of the moral law, of the Di- 
nne Will, as distinct from regal or saeer- 
dotal enactments, which is so remarkable a 
characteristic of all the later prophets. He 
was, if a Levite, yet certainly not a Priest ; 
and all the attempts to identify his opposi- 
tion to Saul with a hierarchical interest are 
founded on a complete misconception of 
the facts of the case. From the time of 
the overthrow of Shiloh, he never appears 
:n the remotest connection with the priestly 
order. When he counsels Saul, it is not as 
tlie ])rif.gt, but as the prophet. Saul's sin, in 
botli cases where he came into collision with 
Samuel, was not of intruding into sacerdotal 
functions, but of disobedience to the pro- 
phetic voice. The first was that of not wait- 
•ng for Samuel's arrival, according to the 
iijn given by Samuel at his original meet- 
inff fct Ramah (I Sam. x. 8, xiii. 8) ; the 



second was that of not carrying out tlie stem 
prophetic injunction for the destruction of 
tlie Amalekites. He is the first of the reg- 
ular succession of prophels (Acts iii. 24). 
Moses, Miriam, and Deborah, perhaps Ehud, 
had been prophets. But it was only from 
Samuel that the continuous succession was 
unbroken. It is in his lifetime, long after 
he had been " established as a prophet" (1 
Sam. iii. 20), that we hear of the compa- 
nies of disciples, called in the O. T. " the 
sons of the prophets," by modern writers 
"the schools of the prophets." In those 
schools, and learning to cultivate the pro- 
phetic gifts, were some, whom we know for 
certain, others whom we may almost cer- 
tainly conjecture, to have been so trained 
or influenced. One was Saul. Twice at 
least he is described as having been in the 
company of Samuel's disciples (1 Sam. x. 
10, 11, xix. 24). (2) The first acquaint- 
ance of Samuel with David was when he 
privately anointed him at the house of 
Jesse. But the connection thus begun with 
the shepherd boy must have been continued 
afterwards. David, at first, fled to " Naiotb 
in Ramah," as to his second home (1 Sam 
xix. 19). It is needless to enlarge on th( 
importance with which these incidents in 
vest the appearance of Samuel. He then 
becomes the spiritual father of the Psalraisv 
king. He is also the Founder of the first 
regular institutions of religious instruction, 
and communities for the purposes of educa- 
tion. The death of Samuel is described as 
taking place in the year of the close of 
David's wanderings. It is said with pecu- 
liar emphasis, as if to mark the loss, that 
" all the Israelites were gathered together" 
from all parts of this hitherto divided coun- 
try, and " lamented him," and " buried 
him," not in any consecrated place, nor 
outside the walls of his city, but within his 
own house, thus in a manner consecrated 
by being turned into his tomb (1 Sam. xxv. 
1). The place long pointed out as his tomb 
is the height, most conspicuous of all in the 
neighborhood of Jerusalem, immediately 
above the town of Gibeon, known to the 
Crusaders as " Montjoye," as the spot from 
whence they first saw Jerusalem, now called 
Nehy Samwil, "the Prophet Samuel." He- 
man, his grandson, was one of the chief 
singers in the Levitical choir (1 Chr. vi. 33, 
XV. 17, xxv. 5). The apparition of Samuel 
at Endor (1 Sam. xx-viii. 14) belongs to th« 
history of Saul. 

Samuel, Books of, are not sepa^ 
rated from each other in the Hebrew MSS., 
and, from a critical point of view, must be 
regarded as one book. The present division 
was first made in the Septuagint translation, 
and was adopted in the Vulgate from the 
Septuagint. The book was called by the 
Hebrews " Samuel," probably because the 
birth and life of Samuol were the suhie^l* 



SAMUEL, BOOKS OF 



608 



SAMUEL, BOOKS OF 



created of in the beginning of the work. — 
The books of Samuel commence with the 
history of Eli and Samuel, and contain an 
account of the establishment of the Hebrew 
monarchy and of the reigns of Saul and 
David, with the exception of the last days 
of the latter monarch, which are related in 
the beginning of the books of Kings, of 
which those of Samuel form the previous 
portion. [Kings, Books of.] Authorship 
and Date of the Book. — 1. As to the au- 
thorship. In common with all the historical 
books of the Old Testament, except the 
beginning of Nehemiah, the Book of Sam- 
uel contains no mention in the text of the 
name of its author. It is indisputable that 
the title " Samuel " does not imply that the 
prophet was the author of the Book of 
Samuel as a whole ; for the death of Samuel 
is recorded in the beginning of the 25th 
cliapter. Again, in reference to the Book 
of Samuel, the absence of the historian's 
name from both the text and the title is not 
supplied by any statement of any other 
writer, made within a reasonable period 
from the time when the book may be sup- 
posed to have been written. No mention 
of the author's name is made in the Book 
of Kings, nor, as will be hereafter shown, 
in the Chronicles, nor in any other of the 
sacred writings. In like manner, it is not 
mentioned either in the Apocrypha or in 
Josephus. And it is not until we come to 
the Babylonian Gemara, which is supposed 
to have been completed in its present form , 
somewhere about 500 a. d., that any Jewish 
statement respecting the authorship can be 
pointed out, and then it is for the first time 
asserted that " Samuel wrote his book," 
t. e. as the words imply, the book which 
bears his name. But this statement cannot 
be proved to have been made earlier than 
1650 years after the death of Samuel ; and 
unsupported as it is by reference to any 
authority of any kind, it would be unworthy 
of credit, even if it were not opposed to 
the int*<rnal evidence of the book itself. 
At the revival of learning, an opinion was 
propounded by Abrabanel, a learned Jew, 
t A. D. 1508, that the Book of Samuel was 
written by the prophet Jeremiah, and this 
opinion was adopted by Hugo Grotius. Not- 
withstanding the eminence, however, of 
tliese writers, this opinion must be rejected 
A8 highlj improbable. In our own time the 
most prevalent idea in the Anglican Church 
seems to have been that the first twenty- 
four chapters of the Book of Samuel were 
written by the prophet himself, and the rest 
of the chapters by the prophets Nathan and 
Gad. Two circumstances have probably 
contributed to the adoption of this opinion 
at the present day : — 1st, the growth of 
stricter ideas as to the importance of know- 
ing who was the author of any historical 
work which advances claims to be trust- 



worthy; and 2dly, the mistranslation ol 
an ambiguous passage in the First Book of 
Chronicles (xxix. 29), which ought to be 
rendered, — " Now the history cf David, 
first and last, behold, it is written in the 
history of Samuel the s^er, and in the his- 
tory of Nathan the prophet, and in the 
history of Gad the seer," — which does not 
imply that the books were written by these 
persons. 2. But although the authorship 
cannot be ascertained with c ertainty, it ap- 
pears clear that, in itp present form, it must 
have been composed subsequent to the se- 
cession of the Ten Tribes (b. c. 975). This 
results from the passage in 1 Sam. xxvii. 6, 
wherein it is said of David, " Then Achish 
gave him Ziklag that day : wherefore Zik- 
lag pertaineth unto the kings of Judah to 
this day : " for neither Saul, David, nor 
Solomon is in a single instance called king 
of Judah simply. Before the secession, the 
designation of the kings was that they wens 
kings of Israel (1 Sam. xiii. 1, xv. 1, xvi. 
1; 2 Sam. v. 17, viii. 15; IK. ii. 11, iv. 1, 
vi. 1, xi. 42). On the other hand, it would 
hardly have been written later than the 
reformation of Josiah, since it seems tso 
have been composed at a time when the 
Pentateuch was not acted on as the rule of 
religious observances. It is in accordance 
with this early date of the Book of Samuel 
that allusions in it even to the existence of 
Moses are so few. After the return from 
the Captivity, and more especially after the 
changes introduced by Ezra, Moses became 
that great central figure in tlie thoughts 
and language of devout Jews which he 
could not fail to be when all the laws of 
the Pentateuch were observed, and they 
were all referred to him as the divine 
prophet who communicated them directly 
from Jehovah. This transcendent impor- 
tance of Moses must already have com- 
menced at the finding of the Book of the 
Law at the reformation of Josiah. Now it 
is remarkable that the Book of Samuel is 
the historical work of the Old Testament 
in which the name of Moses occurs most 
rarely. To a religious Jew, when the laws 
of the Pentateuch were observed, Moses 
could not fail to be the predominant idea in 
his mind ; but Moses would not necessarily 
be of equal importance to a Hebrew histo- 
rian who lived before the reformation of 
Josiah. 3. It tallies with an early date for 
the composition of the Book of Ssmuel 
that it is one of the best specimens of He- 
brew prose in the golden age of Hebrew 
literature. In prose it holds the same place 
which Joel and the undisputed prophecies 
of Isaiah hold in poetical or prophetical 
language. At the same time this argument 
from language must not be puslied so far 
as to imply that, standing alone, it would 
be conclusive; for some writings, the date 
of which is about the time of the Captivity. 



SANliAL].AT 



609 



SANHEDRIM 



are ni pur^- Hebrew. Acc</rding to the 
Mosaic Law, sacrifi3es to Jehovah were 
aot lavvful anywhere but before the door 
of the tabernacle of the congregation, 
whether this was a permanent temple, as 
at Jerus;ih>m, or otherwise (Deut. xi?. 13, 
14; Lev. xk^ii. 3, 4; but see Ex. xx. 24). 
But in the Book of Samuel, the offering 
«)f sacrj^ces, or the erection of altars, which 
implies sacrifices, is mentioned at several 
places, such as Mizpeh, Ramah, Bethel, the 
threshing-place of Araunah the Jebusite, 
and elsewhere, not only without any dis- 
approbation, apology, or explanation, but 
in a way which produces the impression 
that such sacrifices were pleasing to Jeho- 
vah (1 Sara. vii. 9, 10, 17, ix. 13, x. 3, xiv. 
35; 2 Sam. xxiv. 18-25). Now we know 
that after the reformation of Josiah the 
worship upon high-places was abolished by 
the king's orders (2 K. xxii 8, xxiii. 8, 13, 
15, 19, 21). All, therefore, that can be 
asserted with any certainty is, that the 
book, as a whole, can scarcely have been 
composed later than the reformation of Jo- 
siah, and that it could not have existed in 
its present form earlier than the reign of 
Rehoboam. 

Sanbal'lat, a Moabite of Horonaira 
(Neh. ii. 10, 19, xiii. 28). He held ap- 
parently some civil or military command 
in Samaria, in the service of Artaxerxes 
(Neh. iv. 2), and, from the moment of Ne- 
hemiah's arrival in Judaea, he set himself 
to oppose every measure for the welfare of 
Jerusalem. His companions in this hostil- 
ity were Tobiah the Ammonite, and Geshem 
the Arabian (Neh. ii. 19, iv. 7). The only 
other incident in his life is his alliance with 
the high-priest's family by the marriage of 
his daughter with one of the grandsons of 
Eliashib, which, from the simikr connection 
formed by Tobiah the Ammonite (Neh. xiii. 
4), appears to have been part of a settled 
policy concerted between Eliashib and the 
Samaritan faction. The expulsion from the 
priestliood of the guilty son of Joiada by 
Nehemiah muBt have still farther widened 
the breach between him and Sanballat, and 
between the two parties in the Jewish state. 
Here, however, the Scriptural narrative 
ends — owing, probably, to Nehemiah's re- 
turn to Persia — and with it likewise our 
knowledge of Sanballat. 

Sandal was the article ordinarily used 
by the Hebrews for protecting the feet. It 
consisted simply of a sole attached to the 
foot by thongs. We have express notice of 
the thong (A. V. " shoe-latchet ") in sev- 
ernl passages (Gen. xiv. 23; Is. v. 27; 
Mark i. 7). In Assyria the heel and the 
side of the foot were encased, and some- 
times the gandal consisted of little else than 
this. Sandals were worn by all classes of 
society in Palestine, even by the very poor 
( ku\. vii\. 6), ani both the sandal and the 
39 



thong or shoe-latchet were so cheap and 
common, that they passed into a proverb 
for tlie mo.«'t insignificant thing (Gen xiv. 
23; Ecclus. xlvi. 19). They were not, 
however, worn at all periods ; they rere 
dispensed with in-doors, and were only put 
on by persons about to undertake some 
business away from their homes ; such as 
a military expedition (Is. v. 27; Eph. vi 
15), or a journey (Ex. xii. 11; Josh. ix. 5, 
13 ; Acts xii. 8) : on such occasions per- 
sons carried an extra pair. During meal- 
times the feet were undoubtedly uncovered, 
as implied in Luke vii. 38 ; John xiii. 5, 6. 
It was a mark of reverence to cast off the 
shoes in approaching a place or person of 
eminent sanctity (Ex. iii. 5; Josh. v. 15). 
It was also an indication of violent emo- 
tion, or of mourning, if a person appeared 
barefoot in public (2 Sam. xv. 30 ; Is. xx. 




Assyrian Sandals. (From Layard, ii. 234. ) 

2; Ez. xxiv. 17, 23). To carry or to un- 
loose a person's sandal was a menial office 
betokening great inferiority on the part of 
the person performing it (Matt. iii. 11; 
Mark i. 7; John 1. 27; Acts xiii. 25). 
The expression in Ps. Ix. 8, eviii. 9, " over 
Edom I cast out my sh -)e" evidently sig- 
nifies the subjection of that country, but 
the exact point of the comparison is ob- 
scure. The use of the shoe in the transfer 
of property is noticed in Ruth iv. 7, 8. 

San'hedrini (accurately Sanhedrin, 
from the Greek avrfSgiov, " a council- 
chamber"), called also in the Talmud ^^ 
great Sanhedrim, the supreme council of 
the Jewish people in the time of Christ and 
earlier. 1. The origin of this assembly is 
traced in the Mishna to the seventy elders 
whom Moses was directed (Num. xi. 16^ 
17) to associate with him in the govern- 
ment of the Israelites ; but this tribunal 
was probably temporary, and did not con- 
tinue to exist after the Israelites had en- 
tered Palestine. In the lack of definite 
historical information as to the establish- 
ment of the Sanhedrim, it can only be said 
in general that the Greek etymology of the 
name seems to point to a period subsequent 
to the Macedonian supremacy in Palestine. 
From the few incidental notices in the New 
Testament, we gather that it consisted of 



SANS ANN AH 



mi) 



SARAPH 



chief pri;ists, or the heads of the 24 classes 
into which the priests were divided, elders, 
men of age and experience, and scribes, 
lawyers, or those learned in the Jewish law 
(^Matt. xxvi. 57, 59 ; Mark xv. ] : Luke 
xxii. 66; Acts v. 21). 2. The number of 
members is usually given as 71. The pres- 
ident of this body was styled Nasi, and was 
chosen on account of his eminence in worth 
and wisdom. Often, if not generally, this 
pre-eminence was accorded to the high- 
priest. The vice-president, called in the 
Talmud "father of the house of judg- 
ment," sat at the right hand of the presi- 
dent. Some writers speak of a second 
vice-president, but this is not sufficiently 
confirmed. While in session the Sanhe- 
drim sat in the form of a half-circle. 3. 
The place in which the sessions of the San- 
hedrim were ordinarily held was, according 
to the Talmud, a hall called Gazzith, sup- 
posed by Lightfoot to have been situated in 
the south-east corner of one of the courts 
near the temple building. In special ex- 
igencies, however, it seems to have met 
in the residence of the high-priest (Matt. 
xxvi. 3). Forty years before the destruc- 
tion of Jerusalem, and consequently while 
the Saviour was teaching in Palestine, the 
sessions ot the Sanhedrim were removed 
from the hall Gazzith to a somewhat greater 
distauce from the temple building, although 
etill on Mt. Moriah. After several other 
changes, its seat \t as finally established at 
Tiberias. — As a judicial body the Sanhe- 
drim constituted a f;upreme court, to which 
belonged in the first instance the trial of a 
tribe fallen into idolatry, false prophets, 
and the high-priest; also the other priests. 
As an administrative council it determined 
other important matters. Jesus was ar- 
raigned before this body as a false prophet 
(John xi. 47), and Peter, John, Stephen, 
and Paul as teachers of error and deceivers 
of the people. From Acts ix. 2 it appears 
that the Sanhedrim exercised a degree of 
authority beyond the limits of Palestine, 
According to the Jerusalem Gemara the 
power of inflicting capital punishment was 
taken away from this tribunal forty years 
before the destruction of Jerusalem. With 
this agrees the answer of the Jews to Pilate 
(John xix. 31). The Talmud also mentions 
a lesser Sanhedrim, of twenty-three mem- 
bers in every city in Palestine in which 
were not less than 120 householders. 

Sansan'nah, one of the towns in the 
Bouth district of Judah, named in Josh. xv. 
31 only. We have nothing to guide us to 
the position of Sansannah. It does not 
appear to be mentioned by any explorer, 
ancient or modern. 

Saph, one of the sons of the giant 
elain by Sibbechai the Hushathite (2 
Bam. xxi. 18). 1p 3 Chr. xx. 4 he is called 

SiPPAl. 



Saph'ir, one of the villages adJreije»1 
by the Prophet Micah (i. 11), is described 
by Eusebius and Jerome '* in the mountain 
district between Eleutheropolis and Asca- 
lon," perhaps represented by the village 
es-Sawdfir seven or eight miles to th* 
N. E. of Ascalon. 

Sapphi'ra. [Ananias.] 

Sapphire (Heb. sappir), a preciouB 
stone, apparently of a bright blue co'or (see 
Ex. xxiv. 10) ; the second stone in the 
second row of the high priest's breastplate 
(Ex. xxviii. 18) ; extremely precious (Job 
xxviii. 16) ; it was one of the precious 
stones that ornamented the king of Tyre 
(Ez. xxviii. 13). The sapphire of the an- 
cients was not our gem of that name, riz. 
the azure or indigo blue, crystalline variety 
of Corundum, but our Lapis lazuli ( Ultra 
marine). 

Sa'ra. [Sarah.] 

Sa'rah. 1. The wife of Abraham, and 
mother of Isaac. Of her birth and parent- 
age we have no certain account in Scrip- 
ture. Her name is first introduced in Gen. 
xi. 29, as follows : " Abram and Nahortook 
them wives : the name of Abram's wife was 
Sarai ; and the name of Nahor's wife was 
Milcah, the daughter of Haran, the fathei 
of Milcah and the father qf Iscah." Id 
Gen. XX. 12, Abraham speaks of her as " hi? 
sister, the daughter of the same father, 
but not the daughter of the same mother." 
The common Jewish tradition is, that Sara; 
is the same as Iscah, the daughter of Haran, 
and the sister of Lot. The change of hei 
name from " Sarai "to " Sarah " was made 
at the same time that Abram's name was 
changed to Abraham, on the establishment 
of the covenant of circumcision between 
him and God. That the name "Sarah" 
signifies " p'-incess " is universally ac- 
knowledged; but the meaning of "Sarai** 
is still a subject of controversy. The 
older interpreters suppose it to mean " my 
princess." Her history is of course that 
of Abraham. [Abraham.] She died at 
Hebron at the age of 127 years, 2S years 
before her hus))and, and was buried by him 
in the cave of Machpelah. She is referred 
to in the N. T. as a tj^pe of conjugal obe- 
dience in 1 Pet. iii. 6, a,nd as one of the 
types of faith in Heb. xi, 11. 2. Sarah, 
tlie daughter of Asher i^Kum. xxvi. 46). 

Sa'rai, the original name of Sarah, the 
wife of Abraham. The meaning of the 
name may possibly be, as Ewald has mg- 
gested, " contentious." 

Sar'amel, the name of the place in 
which the assembly of the Jews was held 
at which the high-priesthood was conferred 
upon Simon Maccabaeus (1 Mace. xiv. 28). 
Some have treated it as a corruption of 
Jerusalem ; but this is inadmissible, though 
it was probably some part of the city. 

Sa'raph, mentioned in 1 Chr. is, J82, 



BAKDINE 



611 



SATAN 



among the dc*-endants of Shelah the son 
'of Judah. 

Sardine, Sardius (Heb. 6dem), the 
stone which occupied the first place in the 
first row of the high-priest's breastplate 
t^Ex. xxviii. 17, xxxix. 10; Ez. xxviii. 13). 
In Rev. iv. 3, St. John declares that he 
whom he saw sitting on the heavenly throne 
'* was to look upon like a jasper and a 
iardine stone." The sixth foundation of 
she wall of the heavenly Jerusalem was a 
sardius (Rev. xxi. 20). The sard, which is 
the stone probably denoted by odem, is a 
superior variety of agate, and has long 
been a favorite stone for the engraver's 
art. Sards differ in color : there is a bright 
red variety, and perhaps the Heb. ddem, 
from a root which means "to be red," 
points to this kind. 

Sar'dis, a city situated about two miles 
to the south of the river Hermus, just be- 
low the range of Tmolus {Bos DagK), on 
A spur of which its acropolis was built. It 
was the ancient residence of the kings of 
Lydia. Sardis was in very early times, 
both from the extremely fertile character 
of the neighboring region, and from its 
convenient position, a commercial mart of 
importance. Chestnuts were first produced 
in the neighborhood. The art of dyeing 
wool is said by Pliny to have been invented 
there ; and at any rate Sardis was the en- 
trepot of the dyed woollen manufactures 
Sardis too was the place where the metal 
tlectrum was procured ; and it was thither 
that the Spartans sent, in the 6th century 
». c, to purchase gold for the purpose of 
gilding the face of the Apollo at Arayclae. 
In the year 214 b. c. it was taken and 
packed by the army of Antiochus the 
Great. After the ruin of Antiochus' for- 
tunes, it passed, with the rest of Asia on 
that side of Taurus, under the dominion 
of the kings of Pergamus, whose interests 
led them to divert the course of traffic be- 
tween Asia and Europe away from Sardis. 
Its productive soil must always have con- 
tinued a source of wealth ; but its impor- 
tance as a central mart appears to have 
diminished from the time of the invasion of 
Asia by Alexander. The massive temple 
of Cybele still bears witness in its fragmen- 
tary remains to the wealth and architec- 
tural skill of the people that raised it. On 
the north side of the acropolis, overlooking 
the v^alley of the Hermus, is a theatre near 
400 feet in diameter, attached to a stadium 
of about 1000. This probably was erected 
after the restoration of Sardis by Alex- 
ander There are still considerable re- 
mains of the ancient city at Sert-Kalessi. 
Travellers describe the appearance of the 
locality as that of complete solitude. The 
only passage in which it is nienlfned in 
die Bible is Re. iii. I-4>. 



Sar'dites, The, descendants of Sered 
the son of Zebulun (Num. xxvi. 26). 

SardonjTK is mentioned in the N. T. 
once only, viz. in Rev. xxi. 20. The sar* 
donyx consists of " a white opaque layer, 
superimposed upon a red transparent stra- 
tum of the true red sard." It is, like the sard, 
merely a variety of agate, and is frequentij 
employed by engravers for a signet-ring. 

Sarep'ta. [Zarephath.] 

Sar'gon, one of the greatest of the As- 
syrian kings, is mentioned by name only 
once in Scripture (Is. xx. 1). Earlier 
writers had identified him with either Shal- 
maneser, or Sennacherib, or Esarhaddon. 
All these conjectures are now shown to be 
wrong by the Assyrian inscriptions, which 
prove Sargon to have been distinct from 
the several monarchs named, and fix his 
place in the list between Shalmaneser and 
Sennacherib. His name is read in the in- 
scriptions as " Sargina." He was Sennache- 
rib's father, and his immediate predeces- 
sor, and reigned from b. c. 721 to 702, 
and seems to have been a usurper. He 
was undoubtedly a great and successful 
warrior. In his annals, which cover a space 
of fifteen years (from b. c. 721 to 706), he 
gives an account of his warlike expeditions 
against Babylonia and Susiana on the 
south. Media on the east, Armenia and 
Cappadocia towards the north, Syria, Pales- 
tine, Arabia, and Egypt towards the west 
and south-west. In b. c. 712 he took 
Ashdod, by one of his generals, which is 
the event which causes the mention of his 
name in Scripture. It is not as a warrior 
only that Sargon deserves special mention 
among the Assyrian kings. He was also the 
builder of useful works, g nd of one of the 
most magnificent of the Assyrian palaces. 

Sa'rid, a chief landmark of the terri- 
tory of Zebulun (Josh. xix. 10, 12). All 
that can be gathered of its position is that 
it lay to the west of Chisloth-Tabor. 

Sa'ron, the district in which Lydda 
stood (Acts ix. 35 only) ; the Sharon of 
the O. T. [Sharon.] 

Saro'thie. " The sons of Sarothie " are 
among the sons of the servants of Solomon 
who returned with Zorobabel (1 Esd. v. 34). 

Sarse'chim, one of the generals of 
Nebuchadnezzar's army at the taking of 
Jerusalem (Jer. xxxix. 3). He appears to 
have held the office of chief eunuch. In 
Jer. xxxix. 13, Nebushasban is called Rab- 
saris, " chief eunuch; " and perhaps Nebu- 
shasban and Sarsechim may be names of the- 
same person. 

Sa'rucll. Serug the son of Reu (Luke 
iii. 35). 

Sa'tan. The word itself, the Hebrew 
sdtdn, is simply an " adversary," and is so 
used in 1 Sam. xxix. 4 ; 2 Sam. xix. 22 ; ] 
K. V. 4, xi 14, 23, 25 ; Num. xxii. 22» B2' 



SATAN 



612 



SATAN 



Ps. uix. 6. This original sense is still found 
in our Lord's application of the name to 
St. Peter in Matt. xvi. 23. It is used as a 
proper name or title only four times in the 
O. T. viz. (with the article) in Job i. 6, 12, 
ii. 1, Zech. ii. 1, and (without the article) 
in 1 Chr. xxi. i. It is with the scriptural 
revelation on the subject that we are here 
concerned ; and it is clear, from this simple 
enn cueration of passages, that it is to be 
sought in the New, rather than in the Old 
Testament. I. The personal existence of a 
Spirit of Evil is clearly revealed in Scrip- 
ture ; but the revelation is made gradually, 
in accordance with the progressiveness of 
God's method. In the first entrance of evil 
into the world, the temptation is referred 
only to the serpent. Throughout the whole 
period of the patriarchal and Jewish dis- 
pensation, this vague and imperfect revela- 
tion of the Source of Evil alone was given. 
The Book of Job stands alone on the basis 
of " natural religion," apart from the grad- 
ual evolutions of the Mosaic revelation. In 
it, for the first time, we find a distinct men- 
tion of *' Satan," the " adversary " of Job. 
But it is important to remark the emphatic 
stress laid on his subordinate position, on 
the absence of all but delegated power, of 
all terror, and all grandeur in his character. 
It is especially remarkable that no power 
of spiritual influence, but only a power over 
outward circumstances, is attributed to him. 
The Captivity brought the Israelites face to 
face with the great dualism of the Persian 
mythology, the conflict of Ormuzd with 
Ahriman, the co-ordinate Spirit of Evil. In 
the books written after the Captivity we 
have again the name of " Satan" twice 
mentioned (1 Chr. xxi. 1 ; Zech. iii. 1, 2) ; 
but it is confessed by all that the Satan of 
Scripture bears no resemblance to the Per- 
sian Ahriman. His subordination and in- 
feriority are as strongly marked as ever. 
In the interval between the Old and New 
Test, the Jewish mind had pondered on the 
i canty revelations already given of evil 
spiritual influence. But the Apocryphal 
Books (as, for example, Tobit and Judith), 
wliile dwelling on " demons," have no 
notice of Satan. The same may be ob- 
served of Josephus. But, while a mass of 
fable and superstition grew up on the gen- 
eral subject of evil spiritual influence, still 
the existence and nature of Satan remained 
in the background, felt, but not understood. 
Tlie N. T. first brings it plainly forward. 
From the beginning of the Gospel, when he 
appears as the personal tempter of our 
Lord, through all the Gospels, Epistles, 
«nd Apocalypse, it is asserted or implied, 
agam and again, as a familiar and impor- 
tant truth. Without dwelling on other pas- 
sages, the plain, solemn, and unmetaphori- 
cal words of John viii. 44 must be sufficient. 



II. Of the nalure and orlg.hal etaie ot 
Salan, little is revealed in Scripture. B% 
is spoken of as a " spirit " in Eph. ii. 2, &g 
the prince or ruler of the " demons " in 
Matt. xii. 2i-26, and as having " angels " 
subject to him in Matt. xxv. 41 ; Rev. xii. 
7, 9. The whole description of his power 
implies spiritual nature and spiritual in- 
fluence. We conclude therefore that he 
was of angelic nature, a rational and 
spiritual creature, superhaman in power, 
wisdom, and energy; and not only so, 
but an archangel, one of the " princes *' 
of heaven. We cannot, of course, con- 
ceive that anything essentially and ori- 
ginally evil was created by God. We can 
only conjecture, therefore, that Satan is a 
fallen angel, who once had a time of pro- 
bation, but whose condemnation is now 
irrevocably fixed. But of the time, cause, 
and manner of his fall, Scripture tells 
us scarcely anything. It limits its dis- 
closures, as always, to that which we 
need to know. The passage on which all 
the fabric of tradition and poetry has 
been raised is Rev. xii. 7, 9. Whatever 
be the meaning of this passage, it is certain 
that it cannot refer to the original fall of 
Satan. The only other passage which re- 
fers to the fall of the angels is 2 Pet. ii. 4, 
with the parallel passage in Jude 6. Here, 
again, the passage is mysterious ; but it 
seems hardly possible to consider Satan as 
one of these ; for they are in chains and 
guarded till the Great Day ; he is permitted 
still to go about as the Tempter and the 
Adversary, until his appointed time be 
come. Setting these passages aside, we 
have still to consider the declaration of our 
Lord in Luke x. 18, " I beheld Satan, as 
lightning, fall from heaven." This may 
refer to the fact of his original fall ; but, 
in any case, it tells nothing of its cause or 
method. There is also the passage already 
referred to (John viii. 44) ; but here it 
seems likely the words refer to the begin- 
ning of his action upon man. Perhaps the 
only one, which has any value, is 1 Tim. 
iii. 6, " lest, being lifted up by pride, he fall 
into the condemnation of the devil." It is 
concluded from this that pride was the 
cause of the devil's condemnation. But, 
while these points are passed by almost in 
silence. Scripture describes to us distinctly 
the moral nature of the Evil One. The 
ideal of goodness is made up of the three 
great moral attributes of God — Love, 
Truth, and Purity or Holiness; combined 
with that spirit which is the natural temper 
of a finite and dependent creature, the 
spirit of Faith. We find, accordingly, 
that the opposites of these qualities are 
dwelt upon as the characteristics of the 
devil. III. The power of Satan over the 
soul is represented as exercised either 



SATAN 



613 



SAUI. 



directly or by his instruments. HiS direct 
influence over the soul is simply that of a 
powerful and evil nature on those in whom 
lurks the germ of the same evil. Besides 
this direct influence, we learn from Scrip- 
ture that Satan is the leader of a host of 
evil epirits or angels who share his evil 
work, and for whom the " everlasting fire 
is prepared" (Matt. xxv. 41). Of their 
origin and fall we know no more than of 
his, for they cannot be the same as the 
fallen and imprisoned angels of 2 Pet. ii. 4, 
and Jude 6 ; but one passage (Matt. xii. 
24-26) identifies them distinctly with the 
" demons " (A. V. " devils ") who had 
power to possess the souls of men. They 
are mostly spoken of in Scripture in ref- 
erence to possession; but in Eph. vi. 12, 
they are described in various lights, as 
"principalities," "powers," "rulers of the 
darkness of this world," and " spiritual 
powers of wickedness in heavenly places " 
(or "things") ; and in all as " wrestling" 
against the soul of man. In Rev. xii. 7-9, 
they are spoken of as fighting with " the 
dragon, the old serpent, called the devil and 
Satan," against " Michael and his angels," 
and as cast out of heaven with their chief. 
Taking all these passages together, we find 
them sharing the enmity to God and man 
implied in the name and nature of Satan ; 
but their power and action are but little 
dwelt upon in comparison with his. But 
the Evil One is not only the " prince of the 
demons," but also he is called the " prince 
af this world," in John xii. 31, xiv. 30, 
ivi. 11, and even the "god of this world" 
in 2 C)r. iv. 4; the two expressions being 
anited in Eph. vi. 12. This power he 
claimed for himself, as a delegated author- 
ity, in the temptation of our Lord (Luke 
iv. 6) ; and the temptation would have 
been unreal had he spoken altogether 
falsely. The indirect action of Satan is 
best discerned by an examination of the 
title by which he is designated in Scripture. 
He is called emphatically 6 diu^oXoq, " the 
devil." The derivation of the word in it- 
self implies only the endeavor to break the 
bonds between others, and "set them at 
variance ; " but common usage adds to this 
general sense the special idea of " setting 
at variance hy slander." In the applica- 
tion of the title to Satan, both the general 
and special senses should be kept in view. 
His general object is to break the bonds of 
communion be ween God and man, and the 
bonds of truth md love which bind men to 
each other. The slander of God to man is 
seen best in the words of Gen. iii. 4, 5. 
They attribute selfishness and jealousy to 
the Giver of all good. The slander of man 
to God is illustrated by the Book of Job 
(Job i. 9-11, ii. 4, 5). In reference to it, 
SatKU is called the "adversary" of man 
.n 1 Pet V. 8, ani -ppresented in that char- 



acter in Zech. iii. 1, 2 ; and more piajinij 
still designated in Rev. xii. 10, as " the ac- 
cuser of our brethren, who accuse them 
before our God day and night." It is diffi- 
cult for us to understand what can be the 
need of accusation, or the power of slander, 
under the all-searching eye of God. Bu| 
these points, important as they are, are of 
less moment than the disclosure of the 
method of Satanic action upon the heart 
itself. It may be summed up in two words 
— Temptation and Possession. The sub- 
ject of temptation is illustrated, not only by 
abstract statements, but also by the record 
of the temptations of Adam and of our Lord. 
It is expressly laid down (as in James i. 2- 
4) that " temptation," properly so called, 
i. e. "trial," is essential to man, and is ac- 
cordingly ordained for him and sent to him 
by God (as in Gen. xxii. 1). It is this tenta- 
bility of man, even in his original nature, 
which is represented in Scripture as giving 
scope to the evil action of Satan. He is 
called the "tempter" (as in Matt. iv. 3; 
1 Thess. iii. 5). He has power, first, to 
present to the appetites or passions their 
objects in vivid and captivating forms ; and 
next, to act upon the false desire of the 
will for independence. It is a power which 
can be resisted, because it is under the con- 
trol and overruling power of God (1 Cor. x. 
13 ; James iv. 7, &c.). It is exercise! both 
negatively and positively. Its negative exer- 
cise is referred to in the parable of the sower. 
Its positive exercise is set forth in the par- 
able of the wheat and the tares. This ex- 
ercise of the tempter's power is possible, 
even against a sinless nature. We see this 
in the temptation of our Lord. But in the 
temptation of a fallen nature Satan has a 
greater power. Every sin committed makes 
a man the " servant of sin " for the future 
(John viii. 34 ; Rom. vi. 16) : it therefore 
creates in the spirit of man a positive ten- 
dency to evil, which sympathizes with, and 
aids, the temptation of the Evil One. On 
the subject of Possession, see Demoniacs. 

Satyrs are mentioned in Is. xiii. 21, and 
xxxiv. 14, where the prophet predicts the 
desolation of Babylon. The Hebrew word 
signifies "hairy" or " rough," and is fre- 
quently applied to " he-goats." In the 
passages cited it probably refers to demon* 
of woods and desert places, half men and lialf 
goats (comp. Lev. xvii. 7; 2 Chr. xi. 15). 

Saul, more accurately Shaul. — 1. Saul 
of Rehoboth by the River was one of the 
early kings of Edom, and successor of 
Samlah (Gen. xxxvi. 37, 38 ; 1 Chr. i. 48). 
2. The first king of Israel, was the son of 
Kish and of the tribe of Benjamin. His 
character is in part illustrated by the fierce, 
wayward, fitful nature of the tribe, and in 
part accounted for by the straggle between 
the old and new systems in w^hich he found 
himself involved. To this we umst add a 



SAUL 



614 



SAUL 



toiiit of inadnuds, which broke out in vio- 
lent frenzy at times, leaving him with long 
lucid intervals. He was remarkable for his 
strength and activity (2 Sam. i. 23) and 
like the Homeric heroes, of gigantic stat- 
ure, taller by head and shoulders than the 
rest of the people, and of that kind of 
beauty denoted by the Hebrew word 
" good " (1 Sam. ix. 2), and which caused 
bjm to be compared to the gazelle, " the 
gazelle of Israel." His birthplace is not 
expressly mentioned; but, as Zelah was 
the place of Kish's sepulchre (2 Sam. xxi.), 
it was probably his native village. His 
father, Kish, was a powerful and wealthy 
chief, though the family to which he be- 
longed was of little importance (ix. 1, 21). 
A portion of his property consisted of a 
drove of asses. In search of these asses, 
gone astray on the mountains, he sent his 
son Saul, accompanied by^ a servant, who 
acted also as a guide and guardian of the 
young man (ix. 3-10). It was while pros- 
ecuting this adventure that Saul met with 
Samuel for the first time. A Divine inti- 
mation had indicated to him the approach 
and the future destiny of the youthful Ben- 
jamite. In anticipation of some distin- 
guished stranger, Samuel had bade the 
cook reserve a boiled shoulder, from which 
Saul, as the chief guest, was bidden to tear 
off the first morsel. They then descended 
to the city, and a bed was prepared for 
Saul on the house-top. At daybreak Sam- 
uel roused Mm. They descended again to 
the skirts of the town, and there (the ser- 
vant having left them) Samuel poured over 
Saul's head the consecrated oil, and with a 
kiss of salutation announced to him that 
he was to be the ruler of the nation (ix. 25 
-X. 1). From that moment a new life 
dawned upon him ; and on his return home- 
wards, his call was confirmed by the inci- 
dents which, according to Samuel's predic- 
tion, awaited him (x. 9, 10). This is what 
may be called the private, inner viev/ of 
his call. The outer call, wliich is related 
uidependently of the other, was as follows : 
— An assembly was convened by Samuel 
at Mizpeh, and lots were cast to find the 
tribe and the family which was to produce 
the king. Saul was named — and, by a Di- 
vine intimation, found hid in the circle of 
baggage which surrounded the encampment 
(x. 17-24). His stature at once conciliated 
the public feeling, and for the first time the 
ghout was raised, afterwards so often re- 
peated in modern times, "Long live the 
king" (x. 23-34), and he returned to Gib- 
eah, where he usually resided. He was 
(having apparently returned to his private 
Ufe) on his way home, driving his herd of 
oxen, when he heard one of those wild 
lam intations in the city of Gibeah, such as 
mark in Eastern <owns the arrival of a 
trreat calamity. It was the tidings of the 



threat issued by Is abash king of Ammou 
against Jabesh-Gilead. " The spirit of th£ 
Lord came upoa him," as on the ancient 
Judges. He speedily collected an army, 
and Jabesh was re^cued. The effect wai 
instantaneous on the people, and the mon- 
archy was inaugurated anew at Gilgal (xi. 
1-15). It should be, however, obscirved 
that according to 1 Sam. xii. 12, the affair 
of Nahash preceded and occasioned the 
election of Saul. He becomes king of Is- 
rael. But he still so far resenibks the 
earlier Judges, as to be virtually king only 
of his own tribe, Benjamin, or of the im« 
mediate neighborhood. Almost all his ex- 
ploits are confined to this circle of territory 
or associations. Samuel, who had up to 
this time been still named as ruler with Saul 
(xi. 7, 12, 14), now withdrew, and Saul 
became the acknowledged chief. In the 
2d year of his reign, he began to organize 
an attempt to shake off the Philistine yoke 
which pressed on his country; not least on 
his own tribe, where a Philistine officer had 
long been stationed even in his own field 
(x. 5, xiii. 3). An army of 3000 was 
formed, which he soon afterwards gathered 
together round him ; and Jonathan, appar- 
ently with his sanction, rose against the 
officer and slew him (xiii. 2-4). This 
roused the whole force of the Philistine 
nation against him. The spirit of Israel 
was completely broken. In this crisis, 
Saul, now on the very confines of his king- 
dom at Gilgal, found himself in the posi- 
tion long before described by Samuel: 
longing to exercise his royal right of sacri- 
fice, yet deterred by his sense of obedience 
to the Prophet. At last, on the 7th day, he 
could wait no longer, but just after the 
sacrifice was completed Samuel arrived, 
and pronounced the first curse, on his im- 
petuous zeal (xiii. 5-14). Meanwhile the 
adventurous exploit of Jonathan at Mich- 
mash brought on the crisis which ultimate- 
ly drove the Philistines back to their own 
territory. It was signalized by two re- 
markable incidents in the life of Saul. 
One was the first appearance of his mad- 
ness in the rash vow which all but cost the 
life of his son (1 Sam. xiv. 24, 44). The 
other was the erection of his first altar, 
built either to celebrate the victory, or to 
expiate the savage feast of the famished 
people (xiv. 35). The expulsion of the 
Philistines (although not entirely complet- 
ed, xiv. 52) at once placed Saul in a position 
higher than that of any previous ruler of 
Israel. The warlike character of his reign 
naturally still predominated, and he was 
now able to attack the neighboring tribes 
of Moab, Ammon, Edom, Zobah, and final- 
ly Amalek (xiv. 47). The war with Araa- 
lek is twice related, first briefly (xi7. 48), 
and then at length (xv. 1-9). Its chief 
connection with Saul's historv lies in th% 



i 



iiAin. 



615 



«AW 



"^s-iledj-nct t; the proplietical command 
8f Sam lol, shown in the sparing of the 
king and the retention of the spoil. This 
second act of disohedience called down the 
second curse, and the first distinct intima- 
tion of the transferen ;e of the kingdom to 
a rival. The struggh, between Samuel and 
Saul in their final parting is indicated by 
the rent of Samuel's robe of state, as he 
teais himself away from Saul's grasp, and 
tj the long mourning of Samuel for the 
separation — " Samuel mourned for Saul." 

— The rest of Saul'o life is one long trage- 
dy. I'he frenzy, which had given indica- 
tions of itself before, now at times took al- 
most entire possession of him. It is de- 
scribed in mixed phrases, as '' an evil spirit 
of God " (much as we might speak of, " re- 
ligious madness "), which, when it came 
upon him, almost choked or strangled him 
from its violence. In this crisis David was 
recommended to him by one of the young 
men of his guard. From this time forward 
their lives are blended together. [David.] 
In Saul's better moments he never lost the 
strong affection which he had contracted 
for David. Occasionally, too, his propheti- 
cal gift returned, blended with his madness 
(xix. 24). But his acts of fierce, wild zeal 
increased. At last the monarchy itself, 
which he had raised up, broke down under 
the weakness of its head. The Philistines 
re-entered the country, and with their char- 
iots and ^horses occupied the plain of Es- 
draelon. Their camp was pitched on the 
southern slope of the range now called 
Little Hermon, by Slmnem. On the oppo- 
«ite side, on Mount Gilboa, was the Israel- 
ite army, clinging, as usual, to the heights 
irhich were their safety. It was near the 
spring of Gideon's encampment, hence 
called the spring of Harod or " trembling " 

— and now the name assumed an evil omen, 
and the heart of the king, as he pitched his 
camp there, "trembled exceedingly" (1 
Sam. xxviii. 5). In the loss of all the 
ttsual means of consulting the Divine Will, 
be determined, with that wayward mixture 
of superstition and religion which marked 
his whole career, to apply to one of the 
necromancers who had escaped his perse- 
cution. She was a woa^an living at Endor, 
on the other side of Little Hermon. Vol- 
umes have been written on the question, 
wiiether in the scene that follows we are to 
understand an imposture or a real appari- 
tion of Samuel. At this distance » of time 
it is impossible to determine the relative 
amount of fraud or of reality, though the 
obvious meaning of the narrative itself 
tends to the hypothesis of some kind of 
apparition, She recognizes the disguised 
king first by the appearance of Samuel, 
seemingly from his threatening aspect or 
tone as towards his enemy. Saul appar- 
ently saw nolhing, but 'istened to her de- 



scription of a godlike figure of an aged 
man, wrapped round with the royal or sa- 
cred robe. On hearing the Jenunciatiou 
which the apparition conveyed, Saul fell 
the whole length of his gigantic stature on 
the ground, and remained motionless till 
the woman and his servants forced him to 
eat. The next day the battle came on. The 
Israelites were driven up the side of Gilboa. 
The three sons of Saul were slain. Saul 
himself, with his armor-bearer, was pursued 
by the archers and the charioteers of the 
enemy. He was wounded. According to 
one account, he fell upon his own sword (1 
Sam. xxxi. 4). According to another ac- 
count, an Amalekite came up at the mo- 
ment of his death-wound, and found him 
" fallen," but leaning on his spear; and he 
was, at his own request, put out of his pain 
by the Amalekite, who took off his royal 
diadem and bracelet, and carried the news 
to David (2 Sam. i. 7-10). The body on 
being found by the Philistines was stripped, 
and decapitated. The armor was sent into 
the Philistine cities, as if in retribution for 
the spoliation of Goliath, and finally de 
posited in the temple of Astarte, apparently 
in the neighboring Canaanitish city of 
Bethshan ; and over the walls of the same 
city was hung the naked headless corpse, 
with those of his three sons (ver. 9, 10). 
The head was deposited (probably at Ash- 
dod) in the temple of Dagon (1 Chr. x. 10.) 
The corpse was removed from Bethshan 
by the gratitude of the inhabitants of Ja- 
besh-gilead, who came over the Jordan by 
night, carried off the bodies, burnt them, 
and buried them under the tamarisk at 
Jabesh (1 Sam. xxxi. 13). Thence, after 
the lapse of several years, his ashes and 
those of Jonathan were removed by David 
to their ancestral sepulchre at Zelah in Ben- 
jamin (2 Sam. xxi. 14). 3. The Jewish 
name of St. Paul. This was the most 
distinguished name in the genealogies (;f 
the tribe of Benjamin, to which the Apcftle 
felt some pride in belonging (Rom. xi. 1 ; 
Phil. iii. 5). Nothing certain is known 
about the change of the Apostle's name 
from Saul to Paul (Acts xiii. 9\ Two 
chief conjectures prevail conci rning the 
change. (1.) That the name was derived 
from Sergius Paulus, the first ,f iiii 
Gentile converts. (2.) That Paulus wrs 
the Apostle's Roman name as a citizt i of 
Tarsus, which was naturally adopted into 
common use by his biographer when h:*, 
labors among the heathen comraeaced. 

Saw. Egyptian saws, so far as has 
yet been discovered, were single-hanJe^i. 
tliough St. Jerome has been thought to al- 
lude to circular saws. As is the case in 
modern Oriental saws, the teeth usually in- 
cline towards the handle, instead of away 
from it, like ours. They have, in most 
case?, bronze blades, apparertly attach»«* 



SCAPE- GOAT 



«16 



SCKIBES 



to the handles by leathern thongs; but 
some of tljose in the British Museum have 
their blades let into them like our knives. 
A double-lianded iron saw has been found 
at Nimriid. No evidence exists of the use 
of the saw applied to stone in Egypt, nor 
without the double-handed saw does it seem 
likely that this should be the case ; but we 
read of sawn stones used in the Temple (1 
K. vii. 9). The saws "under" or "in" 
which David is said to have placed his cap- 
tives were of iron. The expression in 2 
Sam. xii. 31, does not necessarily imply 
tort jre, but the word " cut " in 1 Chr. xx. 
% can hardly be understood otherwise. 

Soape-goat. [Atonement, Day of.] 

Scarlet. [Colors.] 

Sceptre, originally meant a rod or staff. 
It was thence specifically applied to the 
shepherd's crook (Lev. xxvii. 32 ; Mic. vii. 
14), and to the wand or sceptre of a ruler. 
The use of the staff as a symbol of author- 
ity was not confined to kings ; it might be 
used by any leader, as instanced in Judg. 
V. 14, where for " pen of the writer," as in 
the A. v., we should read " sceptre of the 
leader." The allusions to it are all of a 
metaphorical character, and describe it 
simply as one of the insignia of supreme 
power (Gen. xlix. 10 ; Num. xxiv. 17 ; Ps. 
xlv. 6; Is. xiv. 5; Am. i. 5; Zech. x. 11 ; 
Wisd. X. 14; Bar. vi. 14). We are con- 
sequently unable to describe the article 
from any Biblical notices ; we may infer 
that it was probably made of wood. The 
sceptre of the Persian monarch is described 
as " golden," i. e. probably of massive gold 
(Esth. iv. 11). 

Sce'va, a Jew residing at Ephesus at 
the time of St. Paul's second visit to that 
town (Acts xix. 14-16). He is described 
as a "high-priest," either as having exer- 
cised the office at Jerusalem, or as being 
chief of one of the twenty-four classes. 

Science. In the A. V. this word oc- 
curs only in Dan. i. 4, and 1 Tim. vi. 20. 
Us use in Dan. i. 4 is probably to be ex- 
plained by the number of synonymous 
words in the verse, forcing the translators 
to look out for diversified equivalents in 
English. Why it should have been chosen 
for 1 Tim. vi. 20 is not so obvious. Its 
effect is injurious, as leading the reader to 
, supp(.'se that St. Paul is speaking of some- 
I tiling else than the "knowledge " of which 
( j[l)< !h the Judaizing and the mystic sects 
ol the Apostolic age continually boasted, 
against which he so urgently warns men (1 
<Jor. viii. 1,7), the counterfeit of the true 
kno\»ledgr which he prizes so highly (1 
Cor. xii. 8, xiii. 2; Phil. i. 9; Col. iii. 10). 
A natural perversion of the meaning of the 
text has followed from this translation. 

Scorpion (Heb. 'akrdb), twice men- 
tioned in the O. T. (Deut. viii. 15; Ez. ii. 
fj), and four times in the N. T. (Luke x. 



19, xi. 12; Rev. ix. 3, 10). The wilder- 
ness of Sinai is especially alluded to as 
being inhabited by scorpions at the time of 
the Exodus, and to this day these animals 
are common in the same district, as well 
as in some parts of Palestine. Scorpions 
are generally found in dry and in dark 
places, under stones and in ruins, cl\ieflj 
in warm climates. They are carnivcrous 
in their habits, ai\d move along in a tiireat- 
ening attitude, with the tail elevated. The 
sting, which is situated at the extremity of 
the tail, has at its base a gland tJiat secretes 
a poisonous fluid, which is discharged inUi 
the wound by two minute orifices at 1^ 
extremity. In hot climates the sting often 
occasions much suffering, and sometitaes 
alarming symptoms. The " scorpio.is " 
of 1 K. xii. 11, 14, 2 Chr. x. 11, 14, have 
clearly no allusion whatever to the ammal, 
but to some instrument of scourg.ng — 
unless indeed the expression is a mere 
figure. 




Scorpion. 

Scourging. The punishment of sec ai • 
ging was prescribed by the Law in the case 
of a betrothed bondwoman guilty of un- 
chastity, and perhaps in the case of hotb 
the guilty persons (Lev. xix. 20). The in- 
strument of punisliment in ancient Egypt, 
as it is also in modern times generally in 
the East, was usually the stick, applied to 
the soles of the feet — bastinado. Undej 
the Roman method the culprit was stripped 
stretched with cords or thongs on a frame, 
and beaten with rods. 

Screeeh-owl. [Owl.] 

Scribes (Heb. sdpherivi). I. Name. 
(1.) Three meanings are connected with 
the verb s6,phar, the root of S6pherirn — 
(1) to write, (2) to set in order, (3) to 
count. The explanation of the word ha* 
been referred to each of these. The S6- 
pherim were so called because they wrote 
out the Law, or because they cineisified 
and arranged its precepts, or because they 
counted with scrupulous minuteness e^'erjf 
clause and letter c :oD.tained. The a""! 



SCRIBES 



617 



SCRIBES 



{tioiity uf most Hebrew scholars is with 
the first. (2.) The name of Kirjath- 
Sepheb (Josh. XV. 15; Judg. i. 12) may 
possibly connect itself with some early use 
of the title. In the song of Deborah (Judg. 
V . 14) the word appears to point to military 
functions of some kind. The "pen of the 
jrrter" of the A. V. is probably the rod or 
«ceptre of the commander numbering or 
n^rshalling his troops. Three men are 
n< ntif aed as successivel} filling the office 
»t Scribe uader David and Solomon (2 
Sam. viii. 17, xx. 25; 1 K. iv. 3). We 
may think of them as the king's ' secreta- 
ries, writing his letters, drawing up his de- 
crees, managing his finances (comp. 2 K. 
xii. 10). At a later period the word again 
connects itself with the act of numbering 
the military forces of the country (Jer. lii. 
25, and probably Is. xxxiii. 18). Other as- 
sociations, however, began to gather round 
it about the same period. Tlie zeal of 
Hezekiah led him to foster the growth of a 
body of men whose work it was to tran- 
scribe old records, or to put in writing what 
had been handed down orally (Prov. xxv. 
1). To this period, accordingly, belongs 
the new significance of the title. It no 
longer designates only an officer of the 
king's court, but a class, students and in- 
terpreters of the Law, boasting of their 
wisdom (Jer. viii. 8). The seventy years 
of the Captivity gave a fresh glory to the 
name. The exiles would be anxious above, 
all things to preserve the sacred books, the 
laws, the hymns, the prophecies of the 
past. The Scribes' office became more 
and more prominent. They appear as a 
distinct class, " the families of the Scribes," 
with a local habitation (1 Chr. ii. 55). They 
compile, as in the two Books of Chronicles, 
txcerpta and epitomes of larger histories (1 
Chr xxLx. 29; 2 Chr. ix. 29). II. Devel- 
opment of Doctrine. — Of the Scribes of 
this period, with the exception of Ezra and 
Zadok (NeL xiii. 13), we have no record. 
A later age honored them collectively as 
the men of the Great Synagogue. Never, 
perhaps, was so important a work done so 
silently. They devoted themselves to the 
careful study of the text, and laid down 
rules for transcribing it with the most 
scrupulous precision. A saying is as- 
cribed to Simon the Just (b. c. 300-290), 
the last of the succession of the men of the 
Great Synagogue, which embodies the prin- 
ciple on which they acted, and enables us 
to trace the growth of their system. " Our 
fathers have taught us," he said, " three 
things: to be cautio is in judging, to train 
n?.any scholars, and \ ) set a fence about the 
Lraw." They wished to make the Law of 
Moses the rule of life for the whole nation 
and for individual men. But it lies in the 
nature of every such law, of every informal. 
La If- systematic code, that it raises ques- 



tions which it does not So.ve. The result 
showed that, in this as in other instances, 
the idolatry of the letter was destructive uf 
the very reverence in wliich it had origi- 
nated. Step by step the Scribes were led 
to conclusions at which we may believe the 
earlier representatives of the order would 
have started back with horror. Decisiona 
on fresh questions were accumulated into a 
complex system of casuistry. The new pre- 
cepts, still transmitted orally, came practi 
cally to take their place. The right rela- 
tion of moral and cereraon'al laws was not 
only forgotten, but absolutely inverted. 
Here it will be enough to notice what way 
the teaching of the Scribes in our Lord's 
time was making to that result. Their first 
work was to report the decisions of previouo 
Rabbis. These were the Halachoth (the 
current precepts of the schools) — precepts 
binding on the conscience. A new code, a 
second Corpus Juris, the Mishna, grew out 
of them. The anecdotes of the schools or 
courts of law, the obiter dicta of Rabbis, 
the wildest fables of Jewish superstition 
(Tit. i. 14), were brought in, and the Ge- 
mara (completeness) filled up the measure 
of the Institutes of Rabbinic Law. The 
Mishna and the Gemara together were 
known as the Tal.uud (instruction). Side 
by side with this was a development in an- 
other direction. The sacred books were not 
studied as a code of laws only. To search 
into their meaning had from the first be- 
longed to the ideal office of the Scribe. But 
here also the book suggested thoughts which 
could not logically be deduced from it. The 
fruit of the effort to find what was not there 
appears in the 3Iidrashim (searchings, in- 
vestigations) on the several books of the 
O. T. The process by which the meaning, 
moral or mystical, was elicitpd, was known 
as Hagada (saying, opinion). There was 
obviously no assignable limit to such a pro- 
cess. But there lay a stage higher even 
than the Hagada. The mystical school of 
interpretation culminated in the Kahhala 
(reception, the received doctrine). Every 
letter, every number, became pregnant with 
mysteries. The " Words of the Scribes," 
now used as a technical phrase for these 
decisions, were honored above the Law. 
It was a greater crime to offend against 
them than against tlie Law. The first step 
was taken towards annulling the command- 
ments of God for the sake of thoir own 
traditions. The casuistry became at once 
subtle and prurient, evading the plainest 
duties, tampering with conscience (Matt. 
XV. 1-6; xxiii. 16-23). We can therefore 
understand why tliey were constantly de- 
nounced by our I^ord along with the Phar- 
isees. While the Scribes repeated the tra- 
ditions of the elders, He " spake as one 
having authority," " not as the Scribes * 
(Matt. vii. 29). Wtiile t^ey confinai theii 



SCKIBES 



<51« 



SCRIBES 



teaching to the class of scholars, He '* nad 
compassion on the multitudes " (Matt. ix. 
86). While they were to be found only in 
the council or in their schools, He jour- 
neyed through the cities and villages (INIatt. 
Iv. 23, ix. 35, &c., &c.)- While they spoke 
of the kingdom of God vaguely, as a thing 
fer off, He proclaimed that it had already 
come nigh to men (Matt. iv. 17). But in 
3\Get of the points at issue between the two 
parties, He must have appeared in direct 
antagonism to the school of Shammai, in 
sympathy with that of Hillel. So far, on 
the other hand, as the temper of the Hillel 
school was one of mere adaptation to the 
feeling of the people, cleaving to tradi- 
tion, wanting in the intuition of a higher 
life, the teaching of Christ must have 
been felt as unsparingly condemning it. 
[II. History. — (1.) The names of the ear- 
lier scribes passed away, as has been said, 
anrecorded. Simon the Just (circ. b. c. 
800-290) appears as the last of the men of 
the Great Synagogue, the beginner of a new 
period. The memorable names of the times 
that folio wed — Antigonus of Socho, Zadok, 
Boothos — connect themselves with the rise 
of the first opposition to the traditional sys- 
tem which was growing up. The tenet of 
the Sadducees, however, never commanded 
the adhesion of more than a small minority. 
It tended, by maintaining the sufficiency of 
the letter of the Law, to destroy the very 
occupation of a Scribe, and the class, as 
8uch, belonged to the party of its oppo- 
nents. The words " Scribes " and *' Phar- 
isees " were bound together by the closest 
possible alliance (Matt, xxiii. passim ; Luke 
v. 30). To understand their relation to 
each other in our Lord's time, or their con- 
nection with His life and teaching, we must 
look back to what is known of the five pairs 
of teachers who represented the scribal suc- 
cession. (2.) The two names that stand 
first in order are Joses ben-Joezer, a priest, 
ttud Joses ben-Jochanan (circ. b. c. 140- 
130). The precepts ascribed to them indi- 
cate a tendency to a greater elaboration of 
all rules connected with ceremonial defile- 
ment. (8 ,) Joshua ben-Perachiah and Nith- 
ai of Arbela were contemporary with John 
Hyrcanus (circ. b. c. 135-108), and enjoyed 
his favor till towards the close of his reign, 
when caprice or interest led him to pass 
over to the camp of the Sadducees. (4.) 
The secession of Hyrcanus involved the 
Pharisees, and therefore the Scribes as a 
class, in difficulties, and a period of confu- 
sion followed. The meetings of the San- 
fa nd rim were suspended or became predom- 
inantly Sadducean. Under his successor, 
Alexander Jannai, the influence of Simon 
ben-Shetach over the queen-mother Salome 
re-established for a time the ascendency 
of the Scribes. The Sanhedrim once again 
Rssembled, with none to oppose the domi- 



nant 1 harisaic party. The fvturn *f Al 
exander from his campaign against Gaza 
again turned the tables. Eight hundred 
Pharisees took refuge in a fortress, wer? 
•besieged, taken, and put to death. Joshua 
ben-Perachiah, the venerable head of the 
order, was driven into exile. The Sad- 
ducees failed, however, to win the confi- 
dence of the people. On the death of 
Jannai the influence of his widow Alexan- 
dra was altogether en the side of the 
Scribes, and Simon ben-Shetach and Judab 
ben-Tabbai entered on their work as joinf 
teachers. Under them the juristic side of 
the Scribes' functions became prominent. 
Their rules turn chiefly on the laws of evi- 
dence. (5.) The two that followed, Shem- 
aiah and Abtalion, were conspicuous foi 
another feason. Now, for the first time, 
the teachers who sat in Moses' seat were 
not even of the children of Abraham. Pros- 
elytes themselves, or the sons of prose- 
lytes, their pre-eminence in the knowledge 
of the Law raised them to this office. The 
lot of these two also was cast upon evil 
days. On the death of Shemaiah and Ab- 
talion there were no qualified successors 
to take their place. Two sons of Bethera, 
otherwise unknown, for a time occupied it, 
but they were themselves conscious of their 
incompetence. (6.) The name of Hillei 
(born circ. b. c. 112) has hardly received 
the notice due to it from students of the 
Gospel history. The noblest and most 
genial representative of his order, we may 
see in him the best fruit which the system 
of the Scribes was capable of producing. 
He, however, was tempted by the growing 
power of Herod, and, with a large number 
of his followers, abandoned at once their 
calling as Scribes and their habits of de- 
votion. The place thus vacant was soon 
filled by Shammai. The two were held in 
nearly equal honor. They did not teach, 
however, as their predecessors had done, 
in entire harmony with each other. Within 
the party of the Pharisees, within the order 
of the Scribes, there came for the first time 
to be two schools with distinctly opposed 
tendencies, one vehemently, rigidly ortho- 
dox, the other orthodox also, but with an 
orthodoxy which, in the language of mod- 
ern politics, might be classed as Liberal 
Conservative. (7.) The teaching of Hillel 
showed some capacity for wider thoughts 
His personal character was more lovable 
and attractive. The genial character of 
the man comes out in some of his sayings, 
which remind us of the tone of Jesus the 
son of Sirach, and present some faint ap- 
proximations to a higher teaching. (8.) 
The contrast showed itself in the conduct 
of the followers not less than in the teach- 
ers. The disciples of Shammai were con- 
spicuous for their fierceness, appealed to 
pop alar passions, and used the sword to 



SCRIBES 



619 



SCKIl'TURB 



decide thjir controversies. Out of that 
school grew the party of the Zealots, 
fierce, fanatical, vindictive, the Orange- 
men of Pharisaism. Those of Hillel were 
like their master (comp. e. g. the advice of 
Gamaliel, Acts v. 34-42), cautious, gentle, 
tolerant, unwilling to make enemies, con- 
tent to let things take their course. One 
sought to impose upon the proselyte from 
heathenism the fall burden of the Law, the 
other that he should be treated with some 
sympathy and indulgence. (9.) Outwardly 
the teacldng of our Lord must have ap- 
peared to men different in many ways from 
both. But in most of the points at issue 
between the two parties, He must have ap- 
peared, in direct antagonism to the school 
of Sharamai, in sympathy with that of 
Hillel. So far, on the other hand, as the 
temper of the Hillel school was one of 
mere adaptation to the feeling of the peo- 
ple, cleaving to tradition, wanting in the 
ininition of a higher hfe, the teaching of 
Christ must have been felt as unsparingly 
condemning it. (10.) It adds to the inter- 
est of this inquiry to remember that Hillel 
himself lived, according to the tradition of 
the Rabbis, to the great age of 120, and 
may therefore have been present among 
the doctors of Luke ii. 46, and that Ga- 
maliel, his grandson and successor, was at 
the head of this school during the whole of 
the ministry of Christ, as well as in the 
early portion of the history of the Acts. 
We are thus able to explain the fact which 
so many passages in the Gospels lead us to 
infer — the existence all along of a party 
among the Scribes themselves, more or 
less disposed to recognize Jesus of Naz- 
areth as a teacher. IV. Education and 
Life. — The special training for a Scribe's 
office began, probably, about the age of 
thirteen. The boy who was destined by 
his parents to the calling of a Scribe, went 
to Jerusalem, and applied for admission in 
the school of some famous Rabbi. If he 
were poor, it was the duty of the synagogue 
of his town or village to provide for the 
payment of his fees, and in part also for his 
maii.tenance. The master and his scholars 
met, the former sitting on a high chair, the 
elder pupils on a lower bench, the younger 
on the ground, both literally " at his feet." 
The class-room might be the chamber of 
the Temple set apart for this purpose, or 
tiie private school of the Rabbi. The edu- 
cation was chiefly catechetical, the pupil 
submitting cases and asking questions, the 
teacher examining the pupil (Luke ii.). 
Parables entered largely into the method 
of instruction. After a sufficient period 
Df training, probably at the age of thirty, 
the probationer was solemnly admitted to 
his office. After his admission there was a 
choice of a variety of functions, the chances 
of Cailure and success. He might give him- 



self to any one of the branches of study, oi 
combine two or more of them. He might 
rise to high places, become a doctor of 
the law, an arbitrator in family litigations 
(Luke xii. 14), the head of a school, a 
member of the Sanhedrim. He might 
have to content himself with the humbler 
work of a transcriber, copying the Law end 
the Prophets for the use of synagogues, or 
a notary, writing out contracts of sale, cov- 
enants of espousals, bills of repudiation. 
The position of the more fortunate was of 
course attractive enough. In our Lord's 
time the passion for distinction was insati- 
able. The ascending scale of Rab, Rabbi, 
Rabban, presented so many steps on the 
ladder of ambition. Other forms of world- 
liness were not far off. The salutations in 
the market-place (Matt, xxiii. 7), the rev- 
erential kiss offered by the scholars to theii 
master, or by Rabbis to each other, the 
greeting of Abba, father (Matt, xxiii. 9), 
the long robes with the broad blue fringe 
(Matt, xxiii. 5), — all these go to make uf 
the picture of a Scribe's life. Drawing to 
themselves, as they did, nearly all the ener- 
gy and thought of Judaism, the close hered- 
itary caste of the priesthood was powerlesa 
to compete with them. Unless the priest 
became a Scribe also, he remained in ob- 
scurity. The order, as such, became con- 
temptible and base. For the Scribes there 
were the best places at feasts, the chief seats 
in synagogues (Matt, xxiii. 6 ; Luke xiv. 7). 

Scrip. The Hebrew word thus trans- 
lated appears in 1 Sam. xvii. 40, as a 
synonyme for the bag in which the shep- 
herds of Palestine carried their food or 
other necessaries. The scrip of the Gali- 
lean peasants was of leather, used especial- 
ly to carry their foo.d on a journey, and 
slung over their shoulders (Matt. x. 10; 
Mark vi. 8; Luke ix. 3, xxii. 35). The 
English word " scrip " is probably con* 
nected with scrape, scrap, and was used in 
like manner for articles of food. 

Scripture. It is not till the return 
from the Captivity that this word meets us 
with any distinctive force. In the earlier 
books we read of the Law, the Book of the 
Law. In Ex. xxxii. 16, the Commandments 
written on the tables of testimony are said 
to be " the writing of God," but there is no 
special sense in the word taken by itself. 
In the passage from Dan. x. 21, where the 
A. V. has "the Scripture of Truth," the 
words do not probably mean more than •* a 
true writing." The thought of the Scripture 
as a whole is hardly to be found in them. 
This first appears in 2 Chr. xxx. 5, 18 (" as 
it was written," A. V.). The Greek word, 
as will be seen, kept its ground in this 
sense. A slight change passed over that 
of the Hebrew, and led to the substitution 
of another. Another wo?d was found in the 

Mikra ^"^i?^' Neh. viii. 8) or " roading**' 



SCYTUIAN 



620 



SEA, THE SALT 



th€ tiling lead or recited, recitation. This 
accordingly we find as the equivalent for 
the collective yqaifai. With this meaning 
the word y§a(p»/ passed into the language of 
the N. T. Used in the singular it is ap- 
plied chiefly to this or that passage quoted 
from the O. T. (Mark xii. 10 ; John vii. 38, 
xiii. 18, xix. 37 ; Luke iv. 21 ; Rom. ix. 17 ; 
Gal iii. 8, &c.). In two passages of some 
difficulty, some have seen the wider, some 
the narrower sense. (1.) naau yQuipij 
BtiTtvtvoTo^ (2 Tim. iii. 16) has been trans- 
lated in the A V. " All Scriptut-e is given 
by inspiration of God." There is a pre- 
ponderance of authority in favor of the ren- 
dering, " Every y^ay*;, being inspired, is 
also profitable. ..." The meaning of the 
genitive in Tiaoa Ttgoiptj-itia yQ<^^>^? (2 Pet. i. 
20) seems at first sight distinctly collective. 
" Every prophecy of, i. e. contained in, the 
O. T. Scripture." In the plural, as might 
be expected, the collective meaning is 
prominent. In 2 Pet. iii. 16, we find an 
esftension of the term to the Epistles of St. 
Paul; but it remains uncertain whether 
" the other Scriptures " are the Scriptures 
of the O. T. exclusively, or include other 
writings, then extant, dealing with the same 
topics. In one passage, ru Uqa yQuff.uaxa 
(2 Tim. iii. 15) answers to "The Holy 
Scriptures" of the A. V. [Bible.] 

Scytll'ian occurs in Col. iii. 11 as a 
generalized term for rude, ignorant, de- 
graded. The same view of Scythian bar- 
barism appears in 2 Mace. iv. 47, and 3 
Mace. vii. 5. The Scythians dwelt mostly 
on the north of the Black Sea and the Cas- 
pian, stretching thence indefinitely into 
inner Asia, and were regarded by the an- 
cients as standing extremely low in point 
of intelligence and civilization. 
Scythop'olis. [Bethshean.] 
Sea. The Sea, y^m, is used in Scripture 
to denote — 1. " The gathering of the 
waters " {ydmim), encompassing the land, 
or what we call, in a more or less definite 
sense, "the Ocean" (Gen. i. 2, 10; Deut. 
XXX. 13, &c.). 2. Some portion of this, as 
the Mediterranean Sea, called the " hinder," 
the " western," find the " utmost " sea 
(Deut. xi. 24, xxxiv. 2; Joel ii. 20); "sea 
of the Philistines" (Ex. xxiii. 31); "the 
great sea" (Num. xxxiv. 6, 7; Josh. xv. 
47) ; " the sea " (Gen. xlix. 13 ; Ps. Ixxx. 
11, cvii. 23; 1 K. iv. 20, &c.). Also fre- 
quently of the Red Sea (Ex. xv. 4 ; Josh. 
xxiv. 6), or one of its gulfs (Num. xi. 31 ; 
is. xi. 15). [Red Sea.] 3. Inland lakes 
termed seas, as the Salt or Dead Sea. (See 
the special article.) 4. Any great collec- 
tion of waters, as the river Nile (Is. xix. 5 ; 
Am. viii. 8, A. Vi "flood;" Nah. iii. 8; 
Bz. xxxii. 2), and Euphrates (Jer. li. 36). 
It may be remarked that almost all the fig- 
ures of speech taken from the sea in Scrip- 
ture refer cither to its power or it& danger. 



Sea, Molten. In the place ol the laver 
of the tabernacle, Solomon caused a laver 
to be cast for a similar purpose, which from 
its size was called a sea. It was made 
partly or wholly of the brass, or rather 
copper, which had been captured by David 
from " Tibhath and Chun, cities of Hada- 
rezer king of Zobah " (1 K. vii, 23-26 ; 1 
Chr. xviii. 8). It is said to have been ca- 
pable of containing 2000, or, according to 2 
Chr. iv. 5, 3000^baths. Below the brim 
there was a double row of " knops." These 
were probably a running border or double 
fillet of tendrils, and fruits, said to be 
gourds, of an oval shape. The brim itself, 
or lip, was wrought " like the brim of a 
cup, with flowers of lilies," i. e. curved 
outwards like a lily or lotus flower. The 
laver stood on twelve oxen, three towards 
each quarter of the heavens, and all looking 
outwards. It was mutilated by Ahaz, by 
being removed from its basis of oxen and 
placed on a stone base, and was finally 
broken up by the Assyrians (2 K. xvi. 14, 
17, XXV. 13). 




Hypothetical Restoration of the Laver. 

Sea, Tlie Salt. The usual, and perhaps 
the most ancient, name for the remarkable 
lake which to the Western world is now 
generally known as the Dead Sea. I. 1. 
It is found only, and but rarely, in the 
Pentateuch (Gen. xiv. 3 ; Num. xxxiv. 3, 
12; Deut. iii. 17), and in the Book of 
Joshua (iii. 16, xii. 3, xv. 2, 5, xviii. 19). 

2. Another, and possibly a later name, is 
the Sea of the Arabah (A. V. " sea of the 
plain"), which is found in Deut. iv. 49, 
and 2 K. xiv. 25 ; and combined with the 
former — " the sea of the Arabah, the salt 
sea" — in Deut. iii. 17; Josh iii. 16, xii. 

3. 3. In the prophets (Joel ii. 20 ; Ezek. 
xlvii. 18; Zech. xiv. 8) it is mentioned by 
the title of the East Sf i. 4. In Ez. xlvii. 
8, it is styled, without previous reference, 
the sea, and distinguished from " the 
great sea" — the Mediterranean (ver. 10). 

5. Its connection with Sodom is first sug- 
gested in the Bible in the book of 2 Esdras 
(v. 7) by the name " Sodomitish sea.' 

6. In the Talraudical books it is called both 
the " Sea of Salt," and " Sea of Sodom." 7 
Josephus, and before him Diodoras Sicolus 



SEA, THE SALT 



621 



SEA, THE SAL'l 



aames it the Asphaltic Lake. 8. The name 
" Dead Sea " appears to have been first 
used in Greek by Pausanias and Galen, and 
in Latin (mare moriuum) by Justin (xxxvi. 
3, § 6), or rather by the older historian, 
Trogus Pompeius (cir. b. c. 10), whose 
work he epitomized. 9. The Arabic name is 
Bahr Mt, the " Sea of Lot." II. The so- 
called Dead Sea is the final receptacle of 
the river Jordan, the lowest and largest of 
the three lakes which interrupt the rush of 
its downward course. It is the deepest 
portion of that very deep natural fissure 
which runs like a furrow from the Gulf of 
Akaba to the range of Lebanon, and from 
the range of Lebanon to the extreme north 
of Syria. Viewed on the map, the lake is 
of an oblong form, of tolerably regular con- 
tour, interrupted only by a large and long 
peninsula which projects from the eastern 
shore, near its southern end, and virtually 
divides the expanse of the water into two 
portions, connected by a long, narrow, and 
somewhat devious, passage. Its water sur- 
face is from N. to S. as nearly as possi- 
ble 40 geographical, or 46 English miles 
long. Its greatest width is about 9 geogr. 
miles, or 10^ Eng. miles. Its area is about 
?oO square geographical miles. At its 
northern end the lake receives the stream 
of the Jordan; on its eastern side the 
ZUrka Ma'in (the ancient Callirrhoe, and 
possibly the more ancient en-Eglaim), the 
Mojib (the Arnon of the Bible), and the 
Beni- Hemdd ; on the south the KurAhy 
or el-Ahsy ; and on the west that of Ain 
■Tidy. The depression of its surface, and 
the depth which it attains below that sur- 
face, combined with the absence of any 
outlet, render it one of the most remark- 
able spots on the globe. The surface of 
the lake in May, 1848, was 1316-7 feet be- 
low the level of the Mediterranean at Jaffa. 
Its depth, at about one third of its length 
from the north end, is 1308 feet. The 
water of the lake is not less remarkable 
than its other features. Its most obvious 
peculiarity is its great weight. Its specific 
gravity has been found to be as much as 
12'28 ; that is to say, a gallon of it would 
weigh over 12^ lbs., instead of 10 lbs., the 
weight of distilled water. Water so heavy 
must not only be extremely buoyant, but 
must possess great inertia. Its buoyancy 
is a common theme of remark by the trav- 
ellers who have been upon it or in it. Dr. 
Robinson " could never swim before, either 
in fresh or salt water," yet here he " could 
sit, stand, lie, or swim without difficulty " 
{B. R. i. 506). The remarkable weight 
of lie rater is due to the very large quan- 
tity of mineral salts which it holds in solu- 
tion. Each gallon of the water, weighing 
12i lbs., contains nearly 3i lbs. of matter 
in solution — an immense quantity when 
we recollect that sea-water, weigMng 10^ 



lbs. per gallon, contains less thaii ^ « ID 
Of this 3J lbs. nearly 1 11. is common salt 
(chloride of sodium), about 2 lbs. chloride 
of magnesium, and less than i a lb. chlo- 
ride of calcium (or muriate of lime). The 
most unusual ingredient is bromide of 
niagnesium, which exists in truly extraor 
dinary quantity. It has been long supposed 
that no hfe whatever existed in the lake 
But recent facts show that some inferioi 
organizations do find a home even in thes* 
salt and acrid waters. The statements of 
ancient travellers and geographers to thy 
effect that no living creature could exist or 
the shores of the lake, or bird fly across 
its surface, are amply disproved by latei 
travellers. The springs on the margin of 
the lake harbor snipe, partridges, ducks, 
nightingales, and other birds, as well as 
frogs ; and hawks, doves, and hares are 
found along the shore. The appearance of 
the lake does not fulfil the idea conveyed 
by its popular name. "The Dead Sea," 
says a recent traveller, " did not strike me 
with that sense of desolation and dreari- 
ness which I suppose it ought. I thought it 
a pretty, smiling lake — a nice ripple on its 
surface." The truth lies, as usual, some- 
where between these two extremes. On 
the one hand, the lake certainly is not a 
gloomy, deadly, smoking gulf. In this re- 
spect it does not at all fulfil the promise 
of its name. At sunrise and sunset the 
scene must be astonishingly beautiful. But 
on the other hand, there is something iu 
the prevalent sterility and the dry, burnt 
look of the shores, the overpowering heat, 
the occasional smell of sulphur, the dreary 
salt marsh at the southern end, and the 
fringe of dead driftwood round the margin, 
which must go far to excuse the title which 
so many ages have attached to the lake, 
and which we may be sure it will never 
lose. The connection between this singu- 
lar lake and the Biblical history is verj 
slight. In the topographical records of the 
Pentateuch and the Book of Joshua, it forms 
one among the landmarks of the boundaries 
of the whole country, as well as of the in- 
ferior divisions of Judah and Benjamin. As 
a landmark it is once named in what ap- 
pears to be a quotation from a lost work of 
the prophet Jonah (2 K. xiv. 25), itself ap- 
parently a reminiscence of the old Mosaic 
statement (Num. xxxiv. 8, 12). Besides 
this the name occurs once or twice in the 
imagery of the Prophets. In the New Tes- 
tament there is not even an allusion to it. 
There is, however, one passage in which 
the '* Salt Sea " is mentioned in a manner 
different from any of those already quoted, 
viz. as having been in the time of Abraham 
the Vale of Siddim (Gen. xiv. 3). In con- 
sequence of this passage it has been be- 
lieved that the present lake covered a dis- 
trict which in historic times had been per 



SEAL 



622 



SEIB 



manently habitable dry land. But it must 
Qot be overlooked that the passage in ques- 
tion is the only one in the whole Bible to 
countenance the notion that the cities of 
the plain were submerged ; a notion which 
does not date earlier than the Christian 
era. [Sodom ; Zoak.] The belief which 
prompted the statements just quoted from 
modern writers, viz. that the Dead Sea was 
formed by the catastrophe which overthrew 
the " Cities of the Plain," is a mere as- 
sumption. It is not only unsupported by 
Scripture, but is directly in the teeth of the 
evidence of the ground itself. Of the situ- 
ation of those cities, we only know that, 
being in the " Plain of the Jordan," they 
must have been to the north of the lake. 
Of the catastrophe which destroyed them, 
we only know that it is described as a 
shower of ignited sulphur descending from 
the skies. Its date is uncertain, but we 
shall be safe in placing it within the limit 
of 2000 years before Christ. The destruc- 
tion, of Sodom and Gomorrah may have 
been by volcanic action, but it may be safely 
asserted tliat no traces of it have yet been 
discovered, and that, whatever it was, it 
can have had no connection with that far 
vaster and far more ancient event which 
opened the great valley of the Jordan and 
the Dead Sea, and at some subsequent time 
cut it off from communication with the Red 
Sea by forcing up between them the tract 
of the Wady Arabah. 

Seal. The importance attached to seals 
in the East is so great that without one no 
document is regarded as authentic. The 
use of some method of sealing is obviously, 
therefore, of remote antiquity. Among such 
methods used in Egypt at a very early period 
were engraved stones, pierced through their 
length and hung by a string or chain from 
the arm or neck, or set in rings for the finger. 
The most ancient form used for this purpose 
was the scarabaeus, formed of precious or 
common stone, or even of blue pottery or 
porcelain, on the flat side of which the in- 
scription or device was engraved. Cylinders 
of stone or pottery bearing devices were also 
used as signets. In many cases the seal 
consisted of a lump of clay, impressed with 
the seal and attached to the document, 
whether Df papyrus, or other material, by 
BtrJQgs. The use of clay in sealing is no- 
fcicbd in the Book of Job (xxxviii. 14), and 
tte signet-ring as an ordinary part of a 
man's equipment in the case of Judah 
(Gen. xxxviii. 18), who probably, like many 
modern Arabs, wore it suspended by a string 
from his neck or arm (Cant. viii. 6). The 
ring 01' the seal as an emblem of authority 
both in Egypt, in Persia, and elsewhere, is 
mentioned in the cases of Pharaoh with 
Joseph (Gen. xli. 42), of Ahab (1 K. xxi. 
8), of Ahasuerus (Esth. iii. 10, 12, viii. 2), 
of Darius (Dan. vi. 17 ; also 1 Mace. vi. 



15), and as an evidence of a covenant Ln 
Jer. xxxii. 10, 54 ; Neh. ix. 38 , x. 1 ; Hag. 
ii. 23. Its general importance is denoted 
by the metaphorical use of the word, Rev. 
V. 1, ix. 4. Engraved signets were in use 
among the Hebrews in early times, as is 
evident in the description of the high- 
priest's breastplate (Ex. xxviii. 11, 36, 
xxxix. 6), and the work of the engraver as a 
distinct occupation is mentioned in Ecclus. 
xxxviii. 27. 

Se'ba (pi. Sebdim: A. V. incorrectly 
rendered Sabeans) heads the list of the 
sons of Cush. Besides the mention of Seba 
in the list of the sons of Cush (Gen. x. 7 ; 
1 Chr. i. 9), there are but three notice? of 
the nation (Ps. Ixxii. 10; Is. xliii. 3, xlv. 
14). These passages seem to show that 
Seba was a nation of Africa, bordering on 
or included in Cush, and in Solomon's time 
independent and of political importance. 
It may perhaps be identified with the island 
of Merofi. Josephus says that Saba was 
the ancient name of the Ethiopian island 
and city of Meroe, but he writes Seba, in 
the notice of the Noachian settlements, 
Sabas. The island of Meroe lay between 
the Astaboras, the Atbara, the most north- 
ern tributary of the Nile, and the Astapus, 
the Bahr el-Azrak or " Blue River," the 
eastern of its two great confluents. 

Se'bat. [Month.] 

See'aeah. One of the six cities of 
Judah which were situated in the Midbar 
("wilderness "), that is, the tract bordering 
on the Dead Sea (Josh. xv. 61). Its posi- 
tion is not known. 

Se'chu, a place mentioned once only 
(1 Sara. xix. 22), apparently as lying on 
the route between Saul's residence, Gibeah, 
and Ramah (Ramathaim Zophim), that of 
Samuel. It was notorious for " the great 
well " (or rather cistern) which it contained. 
Assuming that Saul started from Gibeah 
(Tuleil el-Ful), and that Neby Samwil is 
Ramah, then Bir Neballa (the well of N«?- 
balla), alleged by a modern traveller to 
contain a large pit, would be in a suitabl* 
position for the great well of Sechu. 

Secun'dus, a Thessalonian who went 
with the Apostle Paul from Corinth as 
far as Asia, on his return to Jerusalem 
from his third missionary tour (see Acta 
XX. 4). 

Seer. [Prophet.] 

Se'gub. 1. The youngest son of Hiel 
the Bethelite, who rebuilt Jericho (IK. 
xvi. 34). 2. Son of Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 
21, 22). 

Se'ir (hairy, shaggy). 1. We have both 
" land of Seir" (Gen. xxxii. 3, xxxvi. 30), 
and " Mount Seir " (Gen. xiv. 6). It is the 
original name of the mountain ridge ex- 
tending along the east side of the valley of 
Arabah, from the Dead Sea to the Elanitio 
Gulf. The name may either have been 



SEIRATH 



623 



SELEUCUS IV. 



derived from Seir the Horite, who appears i 
to have been the chief of the aboriginal 
inliabitants (Gen. xxxvi 20), or, what is 
perhaps more probable, from the rough 
aspect of the whole country. The name 
Gebala, or Gebalene, was applied to this 
province by Josephus, and also by Eusebius 
and Jerome. The northern section of Mount 
Seir, as far as Petra, is still called Jebdl, 
the Arabic form of Gebal. The Mount Seir 
of the Bible extended much farther south 
than the modern province, as is shown by 
the words of Deut. ii. 1-8. It had the Ara- 
bah on the west (vers. 1 and 8) ; it extended 
as far south as the head of the Gulf of 
Akabah (ver. 8) ; its eastern border ran 
along the base of the mountain range where 
the plateau of Arabia begins. Its northern 
border is not so accurately determined. 
The land of Israel, as described by Joshua, 
extended from "the Mount Halak that 
goeth up to Seir, even unto Baal Gad " 
(Josh. xi. 17). As no part of Edom was 
giv^n to Israel, Mount Halak must have 
been upon its northern border. Now there 
id a line of " naked " (halak signified " na- 
ked ") white hills or cliffs which runs across 
the great valley about eight miles south of 
the Dead Sea, forming the division between 
the Arabah proper and the deep Ghor north 
of it. The view of these cliffs, from the 
shore of the Dead Sea, is very striking. 
They appear as a line of hills shutting in 
the valley, and extending up to the moun- 
tains of Seir. This is probably the very 
" Mount Halak that goeth up to Seir." 2. 
An entirely different place from the fore- 
going; one of the landmarks on the north 
Doundary of the territory of Judah (Josh. 
XV. 10 only). It lay westward of Kirjath- 
jearim, and between it and Beth-shemesh. 
If Kuriet el Enab be the former, and Ain- 
shems the latter of these two, then Mount 
Seir cannot fail to be the ridge which lies 
between the Wady Aly and the Wady 
Ghurab. 

Se'irath, the place to which Ehud fled 
after his murder of Eglon (Judg. iii. 26, 
27). It was in " Mount Ephraim " (27), a 
continuation, perhaps, of the same wooded, 
shaggy hills (such seems to be the signifi- 
cation of Seir and Seirath) which stretched 
even so far south as to enter the territory 
of Judah (Josh. xv. 10). 

Se'la and Se'lah, 2 K. xiv. 7 ; Is. xvi. 
1 : rendered ''the rock" in the A. V., in 
ludg. i. 36, 2 Chr. xxv. 12, Obad. 3. Prob- 
ably the city later known as Petra, the 
ruins of which are found about two days' 
journey N. of the top of the gulf of Akaba, 
and three or four S. from Jericho. It was 
in the midst of Mount Seir, in the neighbor- 
hood of Mount Hor, and therefore Edomite 
territory, taken by Amaziah, and called Jok- 
THEEL. In *;he end of the fourth century 
a. '^ it appears as the headquarters of the 



Nabatheans, who successiully resisted th« 
attacks of Antigonus. Aljout 70 b. c. Petra 
appears as the residence of the Arab piinces 
named Aretas. It was by Trajan reduced 
to subjection to the Roman empire. The 
city Petra lay, though at a high level, in « 
hollow shut in by mountain-cliffs, and ap- 
proached only by a narrow ravine, through 
which, and across the city's site, the river 
winds. There are extensive ruins at Petra 
of Eoman date, which have been frequently 
described by modern travellers. 

Se'la-Hammahle'koth (i. e. " the 
cliff of escapes " or " of divisions "), a rock 
or cliff in the wilderness of Maon, the 
scene of one of those remarkable escapes 
which are so frequent in the history of 
Saul's pursuit of David (1 Sam. xxiii. 28). 
No identification has yet been suggested. 

Se'lah. This word, which is only found 
in the poetical books of the O. T., occurs 
seventy-one times in the Psalms, and three 
times in Habakkuk. In sixteen Psalms it 
is found once, in fifteen twice, in seven 
three times, and in one four times — al- 
ways at the end of a verse, except in Ps. 
Iv. 19 [20], Ivii. 3 [4], and Hab. iii. 3, 9, 
where it is in the middle, though at the end 
of a clause. It is probably a term which 
had a meaning in the musical nomenclature 
of the Hebrews, though what that meaning 
may have been is now a matter of par» 
conjecture. 

Se'led. One of the sons of N./-aab, a 
descendant of Jerahmeel (1 Chr, J. bO). 

Seleu'cia, near the mouth of the Oron- 
tes, was practically the seaport fJ Antioch, 
The distance between the t\»' > town^j was 
about 16 miles. We are expr .ss!y told that 
St. Paul, in company with B.*rnabA:j, sailed 
from Seleucia at the beginjiing A his first 
missionary circuit (Acts xiii. 4) ; and it is 
almost certain that he landed tinre on his 
return from it (xiv. 26). This strong for- 
tress and convenient seaport was construct- 
ed by the first Seleucus, and here he was 
buried. It retained its irr.portance in Ro- 
man times, and in St. Paul's day it had the 
privileges of a free city. The remains are 
numerous. 

Seleu'CTlS IV. (Philopator), " king of 
Asia " (2 Mace. iii. 3), that is, of the prov- 
inces included in the Syrian monarchy, 
according to the title claimed by the Seleu- 
cidae, even when they had lost their footing 
in Asia Minor, was the son and successoi 
of Antiochus the Great. He took part in 
the disastrous battle of Magnesia (b. c. 
190), and three years afterwards, on tlio 
death of his father, ascended the throne. 
He was murdered, after a reign of twelve 
years (b. c. 175), by Heliodorus, one of 
his own courtiers (Dan. xi. 20). His son 
Demetrius I. (Soter), whom he had sent, 
while still a boy, as hostage to Rome, after 
a series of romantic adventures, gained the 



SBM 



624 



SENNACHERIB 



orovn in 162 b. c. (1 Mace. vii. 1 ; 2 Mace, 
xiv. 1). The general policy of Seleucus 
towards the Jews, like that of his father 
(2 Mace. iii. 2, 3), was conciliatory, and he 
undertook a large share of the expenses of 
the Temple-service (2 Mace. iii. 3, 6). On 
one occasion, by the false representations 
of Simon, a Jewish officer, he was induced 
to make an attempt to carry away the treas- 
area deposited in the Temple, by means of 
the same Heliodorus who murdered him. 
The attempt signally failed, but it does not 
appear that he afterwards showed any re- 
sentment against the Jews (2 Mace. iv. 
6, 6). 

Sem. Shem the patriarch (Luke iii. 36). 

Semachi'ah. One of the sons of Shem- 
aiah 9 (1 Chr. xxvi. 7). 

Sem'ei. 1. Shimei U (l Esd. ix. 33). 
2. Shimei 16 (Esth. xi. 2). 3. The father 
of Mattathias in the genealogy of Jesus 
Christ (Luke iii. 26). 

Semitic Languages. [Shemitic Lan- 
guages; Hebrew.] 

Sen'aah. The " children of Senaah " 
are enumerated amongst the "people of 
Israel " who returned from the Captivity 
with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 35; Neh. vii. 38). 
In Neh. iii. 3, the name is given with the 
article, has- Senaah. The names in these 
lists are mostly those of towns ; but Senaah 
does not occur elsewhere in the Bible as 
attached to a town. The Magdal-Senna, 
or " great Senna " of Eusebius and Jerome, 
seven miles N. of Jericho (" Senna "), how- 
ever, is not inappropriate in position. 

Se'nell, the name of one of the two iso- 
lated rocks which stood in the *' passage of 
Michmash " (1 Sam. xiv. 4). It was the 
southern one of the two (ver. 5), and the 
nearest to Geba. The name in Hebrew 
means a ** thorn," or thorn-bush. Jose- 
phus mentions that the last encampment of 
Titus' army was at a spot "which in the 
Jews" tongue is called the valley," or per- 
haps the plain " of thorns, near to a vil- 
lage called Gabathsaoule," i. e. Gibeath of 
Saul. 

Se'nir. This name occurs twice in the 
A., v., viz. 1 Chr. v. 23, and Ez. xxvii. 5 ; 
out it should be found in two other pas- 
■ages, in each of which the Hebrew word is 
exactly similar to the above, viz. Deut. iii. 
9, and Cant. iv. 8. In these it appears in 
the A. V. as Shenir. It is the Amorite 
name for the mountain in the north of 
Palestine which the Hebrews called Her- 
MON, and the Phoenicians Sirion ; or per- 
haps it was rather the name for a portion 
ol the mountain than the whole. 

Seunache'rib was the son and succes- 
sor of Sargon. [Sargon.] His name in 
the original is read as Tsinakki-irib, which 
is understood to mean, " Sin (or the Moon) 
increases brothers ; " an indication that he 
was not the first-born of his father. Senna- 



cherib mounted the throne b. c. 702. Hie 

efforts were directed to crushing the revolt 
of Babylonia, which he invaded with » 
large army. Merodach-Baladan ventur>?d 
on a battle, but was defeated and driven 
from the country. In his third year (b. c. 
700) he turned his arms towards the west, 
chastised Sidon, took tribute from Tyre, 
Aradus, and other Phoenician cities, as well 
as from Edom and Ashdod, besieged and 
captured Ascalon, made war on Egypt, 
which was still dependent on Ethiopia, tooh 
Libnah and Lachish on the Egyptian fron 
tier, and, having probably concluded a con- 
vention with his chief enemy, finally marched 
against Hezekiah, king of Judah. It was at 
this time that "Sennacherib came up against 
all the fenced cities of Judah, and took them " 
(2 K. xviii. 13). There can be no doubt 
that the record which he has left of his 
campaign against " Hiskiah " in his third 
year, is the war with Hezekiah so briefly 
touched in the four verses of this chapter 
(vers. 13-16). In the following year (b. c. 
699), Sennacherib invaded Babylonia foi 
the second time. It was perhaps in thii 




IW 



Sennacherib on his Throne before Lxehith. 

same year that Sennacherib made his sec- 
ond expedition into Palestine. llezekiAt 
had again revolted, and claimed the pro- 
tection of Egypt. Instead, therefore, of 



SE1^^UAH 



620 



SEPTUAGINT 



besieging Jerusalem, the Assyrian king 
maxched j ast it to the Egyptian frontier, 
attacked mce more Lachish and Libnali but 
apparently failed to take them, sent mes- 
sengers from the former to Hezekiah (2 K. 
xviii. 17), and on their return without his 
submission wrote him a threatening letter 
(2 K. xix. 14). Tirhakah was hastening to 
the aid of the Egyptians when an event oc- 
curred which relieved both Egypt and Ju- 
daea from their danger. In one night the 
Assyrians lost, either by a pestilence or by 
8ojue more awful manifestation of divine 
power, 185,000 men ! The camp immedi- 
ately broke up — the king fled. Senna- 
cherib reached his capital in safety, and 
was not deterred, by the terrible disaster 
wrhich had befoUen liis arms, from engaging 
in other wars, though he seems thence- 
forward to have careful'y avoided Pales- 
tine. In his fifth year he led an expedition 
into Armenia and Media ; after which, from 
his sixth to his eighth year, he was engaged 
in wars with Susiana and Babylonia. From 
this point his annals fail us. Sennacherib 
reigned 22 years, and was succeeded by 
Esarhaddon, b. c. 680. Sennacherib was 
one of the most magnificent of the Assyrian 
kings. lie seems to have been the first who 
fixed the seat of government permanently 
at Nineveh, which he carefully repaired and 
adorned with splendid buildings. His great- 
est work is the grand palace at Kouyunjik. 
Of the death of Sennacherib nothing is 
known beyond the brief statement of Scrip- 
ture, that "as he was worshipping in the 
house of Msroch his god. Adrammelech and 
Sharezer his sons smote him with the sword, 
and escaped into the land of Armenia " (2 
K. xix. 37; Is. xxxvii. 38). 

Sen'uah. Properly Hassenuah, with 
the def. article. A Benjamite, the father 
of Judah, who was second over the city 
<jfter the return from Babylon (Neh. xi, 9). 

Seo'rim. The chief of the fourth of 
the twonty-four courses of priests instituted 
by Da^id (1 Chr. xxiv. 8;. 

So'phar It is written, after the enu- 
meration of the sons of Joktan, "And their 
dwelling was from Mesha as thou goestunto 
Sepliar, a mount of the east" (Gen. x. 30). 
The immigration of the Joktanites was prob- 
ably from west to east, and they occupied 
the south-western portion of the peninsula. 
T^he undoubted identifications of Arabian 
places and tnbes with their Joktanite origi- 
nals are mcluded within these limits, and 
piihit to Sephar as the eastern boundary. 
There appears to be little doubt that the 
ancient seaport town called Dhafdri or 
Zafari, and Dhafdr or Zafdr, without the 
inflectional termination, represents the Bib- 
lical site or district. 

Seph'arad, a name which occurs in 
Obad. vor. 20 only. Its situation has al- 
ways been a matter of uncertainty. 
4£i 



Sepharva'im is mentioned by Sen- 
nacherib in his letter to Hezekiah as a city 
whose king had been unable to resist the 
Assyrians (2 K. xix. 13 ; Is. xxxvii. 13, 
comp. 2 K. xviii. 34). It is coupled wit'i 
Hena and Avah, or Ivah, which were tow^is 
on the Euphrates above Babylon. Again, 
it is mentioned in 2 K. xvii. 24, where it 
is again joined with Avah, and also with 
Cuthah and Babylon. These indication* 
are enough to justify us in identifying the 
place with the famous town of Sippara, on 
tlie Euphrates above Babylon, which was 
near the site of the modern Mosaih. The 
dual form indicates that there were two 
Sipparas, one on either side of the river. 
Berosus called Sippara " a city of the 
sun ; " and in the inscriptions it bears the 
same title, being called Tsipar sha Shamas; 
or " Sippara of the Sun" — the sun being 
the chief object of worship tbere (comp. 2 
K. xvii. 31). 

Seplie'la, the Greek form of the ancient 
word has-Shefeldh, the native name forth© 
southern division of the low-lying flat dis- 
trict which intervenes between the central 
highlands of the Holy Land and the Medi- 
terranean, the other and northern portion 
of which was known as Sharon. The 
name occurs throughout the topographical 
records of Joshua, the historical works, 
and the topographical passages in the 
Prophets ; always with the article prefixed, 
and always denoting the same region (Deut. 
i. 7 ; Josh. ix. 1, x. 40, xi. 2, 16 a, xii. 8, xv. 
33; Judg. i. 9; 1 K. x. 27; 1 Chr. xxvii. 
28 ; 2 Chr. i. 15, ix. 27, xxvi. 10, xxviii. 18 ; 
Jer. xvii. 26, xxxii. 44, xxxiii. 13 ; Obad. 19 ; 
Zech. vii. 7). In each of these passages, 
however, the word is treated in the A. V. 
not as a proper name, analogous to the Cam' 
pagna, the Wolds, the Carse, but as a mere 
appellative, and rendered "the vale," "the 
\aliey," " the plain," " the low plains," andi 
"the low country." The Shefelah was,, 
and is, one of the most productive regions- 
of the Holy Land. It was in ancient times; 
the cornfield of Syria, and as such the 
constant subject of warfare between Philis- 
tines and Israelites, and the refuge of the- 
latter when the harvests in the centrals 
country were ruined by drought (2 K. viii.'. 
1-3). 

Septuagint. The Septuagint or Greek: 
version of the Old Testament owed iti' 
origin to the same cause as the Targuras . 
It appears at the present day in four prin- 
cipal editions. 1. Biblia Polyglotta Coni'- 
plutensis, a. d. 1514-1517. 2. The Aldine- 
Edition, Venice, a. d. 1518. 3. The Romans 
Edition, edited under Pope Sixtus V., a. d» 
1587. 4. Fac-simile Edition of the Codex, 
Alexandrinus, by H. H. Baber, a. d. 1816. 
[Targums.] The Jews of Alexandria had! 
probably still less knowledge of Hebrew- 
than ther brethren in Palestine ; their &► 



SEPl UAGINT 



626 



SEPTUAGINT 



miliar language was Alexandrian Greek. 
They had settled in Alexandria in large 
numbers soon after the time of Alexander, 
and under the early Ptolemies. They would 
naturally follow the same practice as the 
Jews in Palestine ; and hence would arise 
in time an entire Greek version. But the 
numbers and names of the translators, and 
tlie times at which different portions were 
translated, are all uncertain. The com- 
monly recei\ed story respecting its origin 
is contained in an extant letter ascribed to 
Aristcas, who was an ofiicer at the court of 
Ptolemy Philadelphus. This letter, which 
is addressed by Aristeas to his brother, 
Philocrates, gives a splendid account of the 
origin of the Septuagint; of the embassy 
and presents sent bj' king Ptolemy to the 
high-priest at Jerusalem, by the advice of 
Demetrius Phalereus, his librarian, 50 tal- 
ents of gold and 70 talents of silver, &c. ; 
the Jewish slaves whom he set free, paying 
their ransom himself; the letter of the king ; 
the answer of the high priest ; the choosing 
of six interpreters from each of the twelve 
tribes, and their names ; the copy of the Law, 
in letters of gold ; the feast prepared for the 
seventy-two, which continued for seven 
iays ; the questions proposed to each of the 
interpreters in turn, with the answers of 
each ; their lodging bj-^ the sea-shore ; and 
the accomplishment of their work in seventy- 
two days, by conference and comparison. 
ji This is the story, which probably gave to 
the Version the title of the Septuagint, and 
which has been repeated in various forms 
by the Christian writers. But it is now 
generally admitted that the letter is spuri- 
ous, and is probably the fabrication of an 
Alexandrian Jew shortly before the Chris- 
tian era. Still there can be no doubt that 
there was a basis of fact for the fiction ; on 
hree points of the story there is no mate- 
rial difference of opinion, and they are con- 
firmed by the study of the Version itself: 

1- The Version was made at Alexandria. 

2- It was begun in the time of the earlier 
Ptolemies, about 280 b. c. 3. The Law 
(i. c. tlie Pentateuch) alone was translated 
at first. The Septuagint version was high- 
ly esteemed by the Hellenistic Jews before 
the coming of Christ. The manner in which 
it is quoted by the writers of the New Tes- 
tament proves that it had been long in gen- 
eral use. Wherever, by the conquests of 
Alexander, or by colonization, the Greek 
language prevailed; wherever Jews were 
settled, and the attention of the neighboring 
Gentiles was drawn to their wondrous his- 
tory and lar', there was found the Septua- 
gint, which thus became, by Divine Prov- 
idence, the means of spreading widely the 
knowledge of the One True God, and His 
promises <ii a Saviour to conae, throughout 
the nations . To Ihe wide dispersion of this 
v«»rsitm>^o may avt^ribe in great measure 



that general persuasion which prevailed 
over the whole East of the near approach 
of the Redeemer, and led the Magi to rec- 
ognize the star which proclaimed the biitb 
of the King of the Jews. Not less wide wa« 
the influence of the Septuagint in the spread 
of the Gospel. Many of those Jews who 
were assembled at Jerusalem on the daj 
t)f Pentecost, from Asia Minor, from Africa, 
from Crete and Rome, used the Greek lan- 
guage ; the testimonies to Christ from the 
Law and the Prophets came to them in the 
words of the Septuagint ; St. Stephen prob- 
ably quoted from it in his address to the- 
Jews ; the Ethiopian eunuch was reading 
the Septuagint version of Isaiah in his 
chariot; they who were scattered abroad 
went forth into many lands speaking of 
Christ in Greek, and pointing to the things 
written of Him in the Greek version of 
Moses and the Prophets ; from Antioch and 
Alexandria in the East, to Rome and Mas- 
silia in the West, the voice of the Gospel 
sounded forth in Greek; Clemens of Rome, 
Ignatius at Antioch, Justin Martyr in Pal- 
estine, Irenaeus at Lyons, and many more, 
taught and wrote in the words of the Greek 
Scriptures ; and a still wider range was 
given to them by the Latin version (or 
versions) made from the LXX. for the use 
of the Latin Churches in Italy and Africa ; 
and in later times by the numerous othc 
versions into the tongues of Egypt, Ethio- 
pia, Armenia, Arabia, and Georgia. For a 
long period the Septuagint was the Old 
Testament of the far larger part of the 
Christian Church. Character of thb 
Septuagint. — A. Is the Septuagint faith- 
ful in substance? 1. It has been clearly 
shown by Hody, Frankel, and others, that 
the several books were translated by differ- 
ent persons, without any comprehensive 
revision to harmonize the S(;veral parts. 
Names and words are rendered differently 
in different books. 2. Thus the character 
of the Version varies much in the several 
books ; those of the Pentateuch are the best. 
3. The poetical parts are, generally speak- 
ing, inferior to the historical, the original 
abounding with rarer words and expres- 
sions. 4. In the Major Prophets (probably 
translated nearly 100 years after the Pen- 
tateuch) some of the most important proph- 
ecies are sadly obscured. Ezekiel and the 
Minor Prophets (generally speaking) seem 
to be better rendered. 5. Supposing the £ 
numerous glosses and duplicate render- f 
ings, which have evidently crept from 
the margin into the text, to be removed, 
and forming a rough estimate of what the 
Septuagint was in its earliest state, we may 
perhaps say of it that it is the image of the 
original seen through a glass not adjusted 
to the proper focus ; the larger features are 
shown, but the sharpness of definition i< 
lost. B. Is the V'Tfiion minuttlv accuraU 



SErULCHKE 



627 



SERCilUS PAULUS 



»n details .' « 1. The same word in the same 
chapter is often rendered by differing 
words. 2. Differing words by the same 
words. 3. The divine names are frequent- 
ly interchanged. 4. Proper names are 
sometimes translated, sometimes not. 5. 
The translators are often misled by the 
similarity of Hebrew words. In very many 
cases the error may be thus traced to the 
similarity of some of the Hebrew letters ; in 
«c me it is difficult to see any connection 
between the original and the Version. 6. 
There are some passages which seem to 
exhibit a studied variation in the LXX. from 
the Hebrew (e. g. Gen. ii. 2; Ex. xii. 40). 
Frequently the strong expressions of the 
Hebrew are softened down, where human 
parts are ascribed to God. The Version is 
therefore not minutely accurate in details. 
What, then, are the benefits to be 

DERIVED FROM THE STUDY OF THE SeP- 

ruAGiNT? 1. For the Old Testament. 
The Septuagint gives evidence of the char- 
acter and condition of the Hebrew MSS. 
from which it was made, with respect to 
vowel-points and the mode of writing. 
Being made from MSS. far older than the 
Masoretic recension, the Septuagint often 
indicates readings more ancient and more 
correct than those of our present Hebrew 
MSS. and editions, and often speaks de- 
cisively between the conflicting readings 
of the present MSS. (e-g. Ps. xvi. 10, xxii. 
17; Hos. vi. 5). In Gen. iv. 8, a clause 
necessary to the sense is omitted in the 
Hebrew, but preserved in the LXX. In all 
these cases we do not attribute any para- 
mount authority to the Septuagint on ac- 
count of its superior antiquity to the extant 
Hebrew MSS. ; but we take it as an evi- 
dence of a more ancient Hebrew text, as an 
eye-witness of the texts, 280 or 180 years 
B. c. 2. The close connection between the 
Old and New Testament makes the study 
of the Septuagint extremely valuable, and 
almost indispensable to the theological stu- 
dent. It was manifestly the chief store- 
house from which the Apostles drew their 
proofs and precepts. 

Sepulchre. [Burial.] 

Se'rah, the daughter of Asher (Gen. 
xlvi. 17; 1 Chr. vii. 30), called in Num. 
Kxvi. 46, Sarah. 

Serai ah. 1. The king's scribe or sec- 
retary in the reign of David (2 Sam. viii. 
17). 2. The high-priest in the reign of 
Z(dridah (2 K. xxv. 18; 1 Chr. vi. 14; 
Jer. lii. 24). 3. The son of Tanlmmeth 
cho Netophathite (2 K. xv. 23; Jer. xl. 8). 
4. The son of Kenaz, and brother of Otli- 
nic:l (1 Chr. iv. JS, 14). 5. Ancestor of 
Jehu, a Siraeonito chieftain (1 Chr. iv. 35). 
8. One of the children of the province who 
relurnflwith Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii, 2). 7. 
One of the ancestors of Ezra the Bcribe 
E^r. vii. 1), but whether or not the same 



as Seraiah the high-priest seems unccrtam. 

8. A priest, or priestly family, who signed 
the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x 2). 

9. A priest, the s'^n of Hilkiah (Neh. xi. 
11). 10. The head of a priestly hoiisf 
which went up from Babylon with Zerub- 
babel (Neh. xii. 1, 12). 11. The son of 
Neriah, and brother of Baruch (Jer. Ii. 59. 
61). He went with Zedekiah to Babylon 
in the fourth year of his reign. Perhapi 
he was an officer who took charge of the 
royal caravan on its march, and fixed the 
place where it should halt. Seraiah was 
commissioned by the prophet Jeremiah to 
take with him on his journey the roll in 
which he had written the doom of Babylon, 
and sink it in the midst of the EaphratOs, 
as a token that Babylon should sink, never 
to rise again (Jer. Ii. 60-64). 

Ser'aphim, an order of celestial beings, 
whom Isaiah beheld in vision standing above 
Jehovah as He sat upon His throne (Is. vi. 
2). They are described as having each of 
them three pairs of wings, with one of which 
they covered their faces (a token of humil- 
ity) ; with the second they covered their 
feet (a token of respect) ; while with the 
third they flew. They seem to have borne 
a general resemblance to the human figure, 
for they are represented as having a face, 
a voice, feet, and hands (ver. 6). Their 
occupation was twofold — to celebrate the 
praises of Jehovah's holiness and power 
(ver. 3), and to act as the medium of com- 
munication between heaven and earth (ver. 
6). From their antiphonal chant (" one 
cried unto anotlier ") we may conceive them 
to have been ranged in opposite rows on 
each side of the throne. The idea of a 
winged human figure was not peculiar tc 
the Hebrews : among the sculptures found 
at Mourghauh in Persia, we meet with a 
representation of a man with two pairs of 
wings, springing from the shoulders, and 
extending, the one pair upwards, the othei 
downwards, so as to admit of covering the 
head and the feet. The meaning of the 
word " seraph" is doubtful; it is perhaps 
connected with an Arabic term signifying 
high or exalted ; and this may be regarded 
as the generally received etymology. 

Se'red, the first-born of Zebulon (Gen. 
xlvi. 14; Num. xxvi. 26). 

Ser'gius Pau'lus was the proconsul of 
Cyprus when the Apostle Paul visited that 
island with Barnabas on his first missionary 
tour (Acts xiii. 7, sq.). He is described as 
an intelligent man, truth-seeking, eager for 
information from all sources within his 
reach. It was this trait of his character 
which led him in the first instance to admit 
to his society Elymas the Magian, and after- 
wards to seek out the missionaiy strangers 
and learn from them the nature of the 
Christian doctrine. But Sergius was not 
eflfectuallj or long deceived by the arts of 



SERPENT 



t)^8 



SERPENT 



the impostor ; for on becoming acquainted 
w^ilii the Apostle he examined at once the 
claims of the Gospel, and yielded his mind 
to the evidence of its truth. 

Serpent. 1. The Rehrew word I^dchdsh 
is the generic name of any serpent. The 
following are the principal Biblical allu- 
sirns to this animal: Its subtlety is men- 
tioned in Gen. iii. 1 ; its wisdom is alluded 
to by our Lord in Matt. x. 16 ; the poison- 
ous properties of some species are often 
mentioned (see Ps. Iviii. 4 ; Prov. xxiii. 
32) ; the sharp tongue of the serpent, which 
it would appear some of the ancient He- 
brews believed to be the instrument of 
poison, is mentioned in Ps. cxl. 3, Job xx. 
16, "the viper's tongue shall slay him ; " 
although in other places, as in Prov. xxiii. 
32, Eccl. X. 8, 11, Num. xxi. 9, the venom 
is correctly ascribed to the bite, while in 
Job XX. 14 the gall is said to be the poison ; 
the habit serpents have of lying concealed 
in hedges is alluded to in Eccl. x. 8, and in 
holes of walls, in Am. v. 19 ; their dwelling 
in dry sandy places, in Deut. viii. 15 ; their 
wonderful mode of progression did not 
<?scape the observation of the author of 
Prov. XXX., who expressly mentions it as 
" one of the three things which were too 
wonderful for him " (19) ; the oviparous 
nature of most of the order is alluded to in 
Is. lix. 5, where the A. V., however, has 
the unfortunate rendering of " cockatrice." 
The art of taming and charming serpents 
is of great antiquity, and is alluded to in 
Ps. Iviii. 5, Eccl. x. 11, Jer. viii. 17, and 
doubtless intimated by St. James (iii. 7), 
who particularizes serpents among all other 
animals that " have been tamed by man." 




B«rp«nt-cbarming. 

Serpents used for this purpose, both in 
4frica and in India, are the hooded snakes 
{Naia iripudians, and Naia haje) and the 
horned Cerastes. That the charmers fre- 



quently and perbaps generi.Jy, iake the 
precaution of extracting the poison-fanga 
before the saake-s are subjected to theif 
skill, there is much probability for believ- 
ing ; but that this operation is not «ilwayi 
attended to is clear from the testimony of 
Bruce and numerous other writers. Somfi 
have supposed that the practice of taking 
out or breaking off the poison-fangs is 
alluded to in Ps. Win. 6, " Break their 
teeth, O God, in their mouth." The ser- 
pent-charmer's usual instrument is a flute. 
It was under the form of a serpent that the 
devil seduced Eve; hence in Scripture 
Satan is called " the old serpent " (Rev. 
xii. 9, and comp. 2 Cor. xi. 3). It has been 
supposed by many commentators that the 
serpent, prior to the Fall, moved along in 
an erect attitude. It is quite clear that an 
erect mode of progression is utterly incom- 
patible with the structure of a serpent; 
consequently, had the snakes before the 
Fall moved in an erect attitude, they mu&t 
have been formed on a different plan alto- 
gether. The typical form of the serpent 
and its mode of progression were in all 
probability the same before the Fall as after 
it ; but subsequent to the Fall its form and 
progression were to be regarded with ha- 
tred and disgust by all mankind, and thus 
the animal was cursed "above all cattle," 
and a mark of condemnation was forevei 
stamped upon it. Serpents are said in 
Scripture to " eat dust " (See Gen. iii. 14; 
Is. Ixv. 25 ; Mic. vii. 17) ; these animals,, 
which for the most part take their food on 
the ground, do consequently swallow with 
it large portions of sand and dust. Through- 
out the East the serpent was used as an 
emblem of the evil principle, of the spirit 
of disobedience and contumacy. Much has 
been written on the question of the " fiery 
serpents " of Num. xxi. 6, 8, with which it 
is usual erroneously to identify the " fiery 
flying serpent" of Is. xxx. 6, and xiv. 29. 
The word " fiery " probably signifies 
"burning," in allusion to the sensation 
produced by the bite. The Cerastes, or the 
Naia haje, or any other venomous species 
frequenting Arabia, may denote the " ser- 
pent of the burning bite " which destroyed 
the children of Israel. The " fiery flying 
serpent " of Isaiah (I. c.) can have no ex- 
istence in nature. Monstrous forms of 
snakes with birds' wings occur on the Egyp- 
tian sculptures. 2. The Hebrew word^jp^'ei^ 
occurs in Job xx. 16 ; Is. xxx. 6, and lix. 
5 (A. V. " viper "). There is no Scrip- 
tural allusion by means of which it is pos- 
sible to determine the species of serpent 
indicated by the Hebrew term, which is de- 
rived from a root which signifies " to hiss." 
The snake that fastened on St. Paul's hand 
when he was at Melita (Acts xxviii. 3) waa 
probably the common viper of England 
(Pelias herus^, or else the Vipera cu>vi» 



SERPENT 



629 



SEVEN 



LS'^e also Adder; Asp.] -- When God 
pun-shed the murmurs of the Israelites in 
the wilderness by sending among them ser- 
pents, whose fiery bite was fatal, Moses, 
up'in their repentance, was commanded to 
make a serpent of brass, whose polished 
surface shone like fire, and to set it up on 
the banner-pole in the midst of the people ; 
ind whoever was bitten by a serpent had 
but to look up at it and live (Num. xxi. 4- 
d) . But a far deeper interest belongs to 
this incident of the pilgrimage of Israel. 
"As Moses lifted up the serpent in the wil- 
isrness, even so must the Son of man be 
lifted up ; that whosoever believeth in him 
should not perish, but have eternal life " 
(John iii. 14, 15). To present the serpent- 
form as deprived of its power to hurt, im- 
paled as the trophy of a conqueror, was to 
assert that evil, physical and spiritual, had 
been overcome, and thus help to strengthen 
the weak faith of the Israelites in a victory 
over both. To some writers this has com- 
mended itself as the simplest and most ob- 
rious view. Others, again, have started 
from a different ground. They look to 
Egypt as the starting-point for all the 
thoughts which the serpent could suggest, 
and they find there that it was worshipped 
as an agathodaemon, the symbol of health 
and life. Contrasted as these views appear, 
they ha''^e, it is believed, a point of contact. 
The idea primarily connected with the ser- 
pent in the history of the« Fall, as through- 
cut the proverbial language of Scripture, is 
that of wisdom (Gen. iii. 1 ; Matt. x. 16 ; 
2 Cor. xi. 3). Wisdom, apart from obedi- 
ence to a divine order, allying itself to 
man's lower nature, passes into cunning. 
Man's nature is envenomed and degraded 
by it. But wisdom, the selfsame power of 
understanding, yielding to the divine law, 
is the source of all healing and restoring 
influences, and the serpent-form thus be- 
comes a symbol of deliverance and health. 
The Israelites were taught that it would be 
so to them in proportion as they ceased to 
be sensual and rebellious. Preserved as a 
relic, whether on the spot of its first erec- 
tion or elsewhere, the Brazen Serpent, 
called by the name of Nehushtan, became 
an object of idolatrous veneration, prob- 
ably in connection with the Ophite worship 
that was adopted in the reign of Ahaz, with 
all the other idolatries of the neighboring 
nations ; and the zeal of Hezekiah destroyed 
it with the other idols of his father (2 K. 
xviii. 4). [Nehushtan.] But the passion 
for relics is not extinguished by the destruc- 
tion of its objects. In a. d. 971, a Milanese 
envoy to Constantinople, being asked to 
select a present from the imperial treas- 
ures, chose a brazen serpent which the 
Greeks assured him was made of the same 
metal that Hezekiah had broken up; and 
this serpent, probably the idol of some 



Ophite sect, is still shown in the church of 
St. Ambrose at Milan as that wliich was 
lifted up by Moses in the wilderness. 

Se'rug, son of Reu, and great-grand- 
father of Abraham. His age is given in the 
Hebrew Bible as 230 years (Gen. xi. 20- 
23) ; 30 years before he begat Nahor, and 
200 years afterwards. 

Servant. [Slave.] 

Seth (Gen. iv. 25, v. 3 ; 1 Chr. i. 1), the 
third son of Adam, and father of Enos. 
The signification of his name is " appoint- 
ed " or "put" in the place of the murdered 
Abel. Adam handed down to Seth and hi» 
descendants the promise of mercy, faith in 
which became the distinction of God's chil- 
dren. This seems to be the meaning of 
the statement that, in the days and in th« 
family of Seth, " men began to call upon 
the name of Jehovah " (Gen. iv. 26). 

Se'thur, The Asherite spy, son of Mi- 
chael (Num. xiii. 13). 

Seven, the frequent recurrence of cer- 
tain numbers in the sacred literature of 
the Hebrews is obvious to the most super- 
ficial reader; and it is almost equally ob- 
vious that these numbers are associated 
with certain ideas, so as in some instances 
to lose their numerical force, and to pass 
over into the province of symbolic signs. 
This is more or less true of the numbers 
three, four, seven, twelve, and forty; but 
seven so far surpasses the rest, both in the 
frequency with which it recurs, and in the 
importance of the objects with which it i& 
associated, that it may fairly be termed the 
representative symbolic number. It has 
hence attracted considerable attention, and 
may be said to be the keystone on which 
the symbolism of numbers depends. The 
origin of this symbolism is a question that 
meets us at the threshold of any discussion 
as to the number seven. The views of 
Biblical critics may be ranged under two 
heads, according as the symbolism is at- 
tributed to theoretical speculations as to the 
internal properties of the number itself, or 
to external associations of a physical or 
historical character. According to the for 
mcr of these views, the symbolism of the 
number seven would be traced back to the 
symbolism of its component elements three 
and four, the first of which = Divinity, and 
the second = Humanity, whence seven = 
Divinity -f~ Humanity, or, in other words, 
the union between God and Man, as effected 
by the manifestations of the Divinity ir 
creation and revelation. This theory is se 
ductive from its ingenuity, and its appeal 
to the imagination, but there appears to be 
little foundation for it. We turn to the 
second class of opinions which attribute 
the symbolism of the number seven to ex- 
ternal associations. The influence of the 
number seven was not restricted to the He- 
brews- it prevailed among the Persiani 



SEVTEN 



6<i0 



SHADRACH 



Jlist h. i. 10, 14), among the ancient Indians, 
among the Greeks and Romans to a certain 
extent, and probably among all nations 
irhere the week of seven days was estab- 
lished, as in China, Egypt, Arabia, &c. 
The peculiarity of the Hebrew view con- 
sists in the special dignity of the seventh, 
and not simply in that of seven. We can- 
not trace back the peculiar associations of 
the Hebrews farther than to the point when 
the seventh day was consecrated to the 
purposes of religicus rest. Assuming this, 
therefore, as our starting-point, the first 
idea associated with seven would be that of 
religious periodicity. The Sabbath, being 
the seventh day, suggested the adoption of 
seven as the coefficient, so to say, for the 
appointment of all sacred periods ; and we 
thus find the 7th month ushered in by the 
Feast of Trumpets, and signalized by the 
celebration of the Feast of Tabernacles and 
the great Day of Atonement; 7 weeks as 
the interval between the Passover and the 
Pentecost; the 7th year as the Sabbatical 
year ; and the year succeeding 7X7 years 
as the Jubilee year. From the idea of pe- 
riodicity, it passed by an easy transition to 
the duration or repetition of religious pro- 
ceedings ; and thus 7 days were appointed 
as the length of the Feasts of Passover and 
Tabernacles ; 7 days for the ceremonies of 
the consecration of priests, and so on ; 7 
rictims to be offered on any special occa- 
sion, as in Balaam's sacrifice (Num. xxiii. 
1), and especially at the ratification of a 
treaty, the notion of seven being embodied 
in the very term signifying to swear, liter- 
ally meaning to do seven times (Gen. xxi. 
158). The number seven, having thus been 
impressed with the seal of sanctity as the 
symbol of all connected with the Divinity, 
was adopted generally as a cyclical number, 
with the subordinate notions of perfection 
or completeness. The foregoing applica- 
tions of the number seven become of great 
practical importance in connection with the 
interpretation of some of the prophetical 
portions of the Bible, and particularly of 
the Apocalj'pse. We have but to run over 
the chief subjects of that book, in order to 
see the necessity of deciding whether the 
number is to be accepted in a literal or a 
metaphorical sense — in other words, wheth- 
er it represents a number or a quality. 
The decision of this question affects not 
only the number seven, but also the num- 
ber which stands in a relation of antago- 
nism to seven, viz. the half of seven, which 
appears under the form of forty-two months, 
= 3i years (Rev. xiii. 5^, twelve hundred 
and sixty days, also = 3i years (xi. 3, xii. 
6), a,nd again a time, times, and half a time 
= 3i years (xii. 14). If the number seven 
express the notion of completeness, then 
the number half- 'even = incompleteness 
and the secondar;* id^as of sufi'ering and 



disaster : if the one represent divine agency 
the other we may expect to represent hu 
man agency. 

Shaal'bim or Shaalab'bin, a town in 
the allotment of Dan, named between Ir- 
Shemesh and Ajalon (Judg. i. 35; «¥o«h. 
xix. 42 ; IK. iv. 9). By Eusebius and Jer- 
ome it is mentioned in the Onoma liicon af 
a large village in the district of Sebaste (» •. 
Samaria), and as then called Selaba. 

Shaal'bonite, The. Eliahbathe Skaal- 
bonite was one of David's thirty-se\ en he- 
roes (2 Sam. xxiii. 32; 1 Chr. xi. 33). He 
was the native of a place named Shaalbon, 
which is unmentioned elsewhere, unless it 
is identical with Shaalbim or Shaalabbim 
of the tribe of Dan. 

Sha'aph. 1. The son of Jahdai (1 
Chr. ii. 47). 2. The son of Caleb the 
brother of Jerahmeel by his concubiue 
Maachah (1 Chr. ii. 49). 

Shaara'ira, a city in the territory allot 
ted to Judah (Josh. xv. 36 ; in A. V. incor- 
rectly Sharaim ; 1 Sam. xvii. 52). Shaara- 
im, one of the towns of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 
31), must be a different place. 

Shaash'gaz, the eunuch in the palace 
of Xerxes who had the custody of the women 
in the second house (Esth. ii. 14). 

Shabbetha'i. 1. A Levite in the time 
of Ezra (Ezr. x. 15). It is apparently the 
same who with Jeshua and others instruct- 
ed the people in the knowledge of the Law 
(Neh. viii. 7). 2. One of the chief of the 
Levites after the return from Babylon 
(Neh. xi. 16). Possibly 1. and 2. are ideu- 
tical.' 

Shachl'a, properly " Shabiah," a son ot 
Shaharaim by his wife Hodesh (1 Chr. viii 
10). 

Shad'dai, an ancient name of God, 
rendered " Almighty" everywhere in the A. 
V. In all passages of Genesis, except one 
(xlix. 25), in Ex. vi. 3, and in Ez. x. 6, it 
is found in connection with il, " God," EI 
Shaddai being there rendered *' God Al- 
mighty," or "the Almighty God." By the 
name or in the character of El-Shaddai, 
God was known to the patriarchs (Gen. 
xvii. 1, xxviii. 3, xliii. 14, xlviii. 3, xlix. 
25), before the name Jehovah, in its fiiU 
significance, was revealed (Ex. vi. 8). Tht 
prevalent idea attaching to the name m all 
the passages in which it occurs is that of 
strength and power, and our translators 
have probably given to " Shaddai" its true 
meaning when they rendered it " Almighty." 
[God.] 

Sha'drach, the Hebrew, or rather 
Chaldee name of Hananiah, the chief of 
the " three children," whose song, as given 
in the apocryphal Daniel, forms part of 
the service of the Church of England, un- 
der the name of " Benedicite, omnia opera." 
Th* tustory of Shadrach, or Hananiah, a* 
toU 4. Dan i.-iii., is well known After 



SUAGE 



631 



SHALMANESER 



tl<eu d^Ii^erauce from the furnace, we hear 
DO more of SliaiJrach, Meshach, and Abed- 
nego in the O. 7 . ; neither are they spoken 
of in the N. T., except in the pointed allu- 
sion to them in the Epistle to the Hebrews, 
as having " through faith quenched the vio- 
lence of fire " (Heb. xi. 33, 34). But there 
are repeated allusions to them in the later 
apocryphal books, and the martyrs of the 
Maccabaeau period seem to have been much 
encouraged bj their example. See 1 Mace. 
U. 59, 00 ; 3 Mace. vi. 6 ; 4 Mace. xiii. 9, 
XTi. 3, 21, xviii. 12. 

Sha'ge. Father of Jonathan the Hara- 
rito, one of David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 34). 
I^Ree Shammah 5.] 

Sliahara' im. A Benjamite whose his- 
tory and descent are alike obscure in the 
present text (1 Chr. viii. 8). It is more in- 
telligible if we remove the full stop from 
tl e end of ver. 7, and read on thus : " and 
b> gat Uzza and Ahihud, and Shaharaira he 
begat in the field of Moab," &c. 

Shaliaz'iuiah. One of the towns of 
ihe allotment of Issachar (Josh. xix. 22 
only). 

Sha'lem, Gen. xxxiii. 18. It seems 
more than probable that this word should 
not here be taken as a proper name, but 
that the sentence should be rendered, " Ja- 
job came safe to the city of Shechem." 
It is certainly remarkable that there should 
be a modern village bearing the name of 
Salim, 3 miles east of Ndhlus (the ancient 
Shechem) ; but this appears to be only a 
fortuitous coincidence. 

Sha'lim, The Land of, a district 
through which Saul passed on his journey 
in quest of his father's asses (1 Sam. ix. 4, 
only). The spelling of the name in the 
original, properly Sha'dlim, shows that it 
had no connection with Shalem, or with 
the modern SaliTn, east of Ndhlus. 

Shal'isha, The Land of, one of the 
districts traversed by Saul when in search 
of the asses of Kish (1 Sam. ix. 4, only). 
If the land of Shalisha contained, as it not 
impossibly did, the place called Baal- Sha- 
lisha (2 K. iv. 42), then tlie whole disposi- 
tion of Saul's route would be changed. 

Shftl'lecheth, The Gate, one of the 
gates 01 the " house of Jehovah" (1 Chr. 
xxvi. 16). It was the gate " to the cause- 
way of the ascent." As the causeway is 
actually in existence, the gate Shallecheth 
can hardly fail to be identical with the Bah 
Silsileh, or Sinsleh, which enters the west 
wall of the Haram about 600 feet from the 
south-west corn'3r of the Haram wall. 

Shal'lum. 1. The fifteenth king of 
Israel, son of Jf bosh, conspired against 
Zechariah, son of Jeroboam II., killed him, 
and brought the dynasty of Jehu to a close, 
B. c. 770. Shallum, after reigning in Sa- 
maria for a raontli only, was in his turn de- 
throned and kille 3 by Menahem (2 K. x- . 



10-14). 2. The husband of Huldan tni 
prophetess (2 K. xxii. 14; 2 Chr. xxxir. 
22) in the reign of Josiali. 3. A descend- 
ant of Shesham (1 Chr. ii. 40, 41). 4. 
The third son of Josiah king of Judah, 
known in the books of Kings and Clirou 
icles as Jehoahaz (1 Chr. iii. 15; Jer. xxii. 
11). [Jehoahaz.] 5. Son of Shaul the 
son of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 25). 6. A high- 
priest, son of Zadok and ancestor of Ezra 
(1 Chr. vi. 12, 13; Ezr. vii. 2). 7. A sou 
of Naphtali (1 Chr. vii. 13). 8. The chief 
of a family of porters or gate-keepers of 
the east gate of the Temple (1 Chr. ix. 17). 
9. Son of Kore, a Korahite (1 Chr. ix. 19, 
31). With this Shallum we may identify 
Meshelemiah and Shelemiah (1 Chr. xxvi. 
1, 2, 9, 14), but he seems to be difierent 
from the last-mentioned Shallum. 10. 
Father of Jehizkiah, an Ephraimite (2 Chr. 
xxviii. 12). 11. One of the porters of the 
Temple who had married a foreign wife 
(Ezr. X. 24). 12. One of the sons of 
Bani (Ezr. x. 42). 13. The son of Halo- 
hesh and ruler of a district of Jerusalem 
(Neh. iii. 12). 14. The uncle of Jeremiah 
(Jer. xxxii. 7) ; perhaps the same as 2. 
15. Father or ancestor of Maaseiah (Jer. 
XXXV. 4) ; perhaps the same as 9. 

Shal'lun. The son of Col-hozeh, and 
ruler of a district of the Mizpah (Neh. iii. 
15). 

Shalma'i. The children of Shalmai 
(or Shamlai, as in the margin of Ezr. ii. 
46) were among the Nethinim who returned 
with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 46; Neh. vii. 48). 
In Nehemiah the name is properly Sal- 

MAI. 

Shal'man. Shalmaneser king of As 
Syria (Hos. x. 14). 

Shalmane'ser was the Assyrian king 
who reigned immediately before Sargon, 
and probably immediately after Tiglath- 
pileser. He can scarcely have ascended 
the throne earlier than b. c. 730. and may 
possibly not have done so till a few years 
later. It must have been soon after his 
accession that he led the forces of Assyria 
into Palestine, where Hoshea, the last king 
of Israel had revolted against his authority 
(2 K. xvii. 3). No sooner was he come 
than Hoshea submitted, acknowledged him- 
self a "servant" of the Great King, and 
consented to pay him a fixed tribute ainu- 
ally. He soon after concluded an alliance 
with the king of Egypt, and withheli^ his 
tribute in consequence. In b. c. 723 f)hul- 
maneser invaded Palestine for the second 
time, and, as Hoshea refused to sulmit, 
laid siege to Samaria. The siege la-^stt^d to 
the third year (b. c. 721), when the As- 
syrian arms prevailed (2 K. xvii. 4-6, 
xviii. 9-11). It is uncertain whether Sbu>- 
maneser conducted the siege to its dope, 
or whether he did not lose his crown vt 
Sargon before the city was taken. 



SHAMA 



632 



SHAllAR 



Sha'ma. One of David's guard, son of 
Qothan of Aroer (1 Chr. xi. 44). 

Shamari'ah- Son of Rehoboam (2 
Chr. xi. 19). 

Sha'med. Properly Shamer, or She- 
oHjr ; one of the sons of Elpaal the Benja- 
aite (1 Chr. viii. 12). 

Sha'mer. 1. A Merarite Levite (1 
Chr. vi. 4(j). 2. Shomer the son of Heber 
an Asherite (1 Chr. vii. 34). 
• Sham gar, son of Anath, judge of Is- 
rael after Ehud, and before Barak, though 
possibl} contemporary with the latter, since 
tie seems to be spoken of in Judg. v. 6 as 
a contemporary of Jael. In the days of 
Shamgar, Israel was in a most depressed 
condition, and the whole nation was cowed. 
At this conjuncture Shamgar was raised up 
CO be a deliverer. With no arms in his 
baud but an ox-goad (Judg. iii. 31 ; comp. 
1 Sam. xiii. 21), he made a desperate assault 
upon the Philistines, and slew (500 of them. 
But it was reserved for Deborah and Barak 
to complete the deliverance. 

Sham'huth. The fifth captain for the 
fifth month in David's arrangement of his 
army (1 Chr. xxvii 8). From a compari- 
son of the lists in 1 Chr. xi., xxvii., it would 
seem that Shamhuth is the same as Sham- 
moth the Harorite. 

Sha'mir. 1. A town in the mountain 
district of Judah (Josh. xv. 48, only). It 
probably lay some eight or ten miles south 
of Hebron, but it has not been yet discov- 
ered. 2. A place in Mount Ephraim, the 
residence and burial-place of Tola the 
judge (Judg. x. 1, 2). Perhaps Samur, 
half way between Samaria and Jenin. 3. 
A Kohathite, son of Micah, or Michal, the 
first- oorn of XJzziel (1 Chr. xxiv. 24). 

Sham'ma. One of the sons of Zophar, 
tin Abherite (1 Chr. vii. 37). 

Sham'mah. 1. The son of Reuel the 
son of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 13, 17; 1 Chr. 
i. 37). 2. The third son of Jesse, and 
brother of David (1 Sam. xvi. 9, xvii. 13). 
Called also Shimea, Shimeah, and Shim- 
ma. 3. One of the three greatest of 
David's mighty men. He was with him 
during his outlaw life in the cave of Adul- 
1am, and signalized himself by defending a 
piece of ground full of lentiles against the 
FMiilistines on one of their marauding in- 
cursions. This achievement gave him a 
place among the first three heroes (2 Sam. 
ixiii 11-17). 4 The Harodite, one of 
David's mightips (2 Sam. xxiii. 25). He 
is called "^ Shammoth the Harorite " in 
1 Chr. xi. 27, and in 1 Chr. xxvii. 8 
" Shamhuth the Izrahite." Kennicott 
maintained the true reading in both to be 
"Shamhoth the Harodite." 5. In the list 
of David's mighty men in 2 Sara, xxiii. 
82, 33, we nnd "Jonathan, Shammah the 
Hararite ; " while in the corresponding 
vai&e of I Chr. xi. 34, it is " Jonatlian, 



the son of Shage tne Harante " Com* 
bining the two, Kennicott proposes to read 
" Jonathan, the son of Shamha, the Hara- 
rite." 

Sham'mai. 1. The son of On am (1 
Chr. ii. 28, 32). 2. Sonof Rekem (1 Chr. 
ii. 44, 45). 3. The brother of Miriam anJ 
Ishbah the founder )f Eshtemoa, in an oh* 
scure genealogy of the descendants of Ju- 
dah (1 Chr. iv. 17). 

Shain'moth. [Shammah.] 

Shamniu'a. 1. The Reubenite spy, 
son of Zaccur (Num. xiii. 4.) 2. Son of 
David, by his wife Bathsheba (1 Chr. xiv. 
4). 3. A Levite, the father of Abda (Neh. 
xi. 17). The same as Shemaiah6. 4. The 
representative of the priestly family of 
Bilgah, or Bilgai, in the days of Joiakim 
(Neh. xii. 18). 

Shamniu'ah. Son of David (2 Sam. 
V. 14) ; elsewhere called Shammda, and 
Shimea. 

Shamshera'i. One of the sons of 
Jeroam, a Benjamite (1 Chr. viii. 26). 

Sha'pham. A Gadite of Bashan (1 
Chr. V. 12). 

Sha'phan, the scribe or secretary of 
king Josiah. He was the son of Azaliah 
(2 K. xxii. 3; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 8), father 
of Ahikam (2 K. xxii. 12 ; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 
20) Elasah (Jer. xxix. 3), and Gemariab 
(Jer. xxxvi. 10, 11, 12), and grandfather 
of Gedaliah (Jer. xxxix. 14, xl. 5, 9, 11, 
xli. 2, xliii. 6), Michaiah (Jer. xxxvi. 11), 
and probably of Jaazaniah (Ez. viii. 11). 
The history of Shaphan brings out some 
points with regard to the ofiice of scribe 
which he held. He appears on an equality 
with the governor of the city and the royal 
recorder, with whom he was sent by the 
king to Hilkiah to take an account of the 
money which had been collected by the 
Levites for the repair of the Temple and to 
pay the workmen (2 K. xxii. 4 ; 2 Chr. 
xxxiv. 9; comp. 2 K. xii. 10). It was on 
this occasion that Hilkiah communicated 
his discovery of a copy of the Law, which 
he had probably found while making prep- 
arations for the repair of the Temple. 

Sha'phat. 1. The Simeonite spy, sod 
of Hori (Num. xiii. 5). 2. The faiher or 
the prophet Elisha (I K. xix. 16, 19; 2 K 
iii. 11, vi. 31). 3. One of the six sons of 
Shemaiah in the royal line of Judah (1 
Chr. iii. 22). 4. One of the chiefs of the 
Gadites in Bashan (1 Chr. v. 12). 5. The 
son of Adlai, who was over David's oven 
in the valleys (1 Chr. xxvii. 29). 

Sha'pher, Mount (Num. xxxiii. 23), 
the name of a desert station where the Is- 
raelites encamped. No site nas been sujc- 
gested for it. 

Shar'ai. One of the sons of B»ni (Ezr. 
X. 40). 

Shar'aim. [Shaakaim.] 

Slia'rar. The father >f Ahia-n tl'« 



SHAREZER 



633 



SIIEBA 



riararite (2 Sam. xxiii. 33.)- Ti 1 Chr. xi. 
55 he is called Sacar, which Kennicott 
thinks the true reading. 

Sharo'zer was a son of Sennacherib, 
irhom, in conjunction with his brother 
\drammelech, he murdered (2 K. xix. 37). 

Sha'ron, a district of the Holy Land 
jccasionally referred to in the Bible (1 
Chr. V. 16, xxvii. 29; Is. xxxiii. 9, xxxv. 
i, Ixv. 10 ; Cant. ii. 1 ; Acts ix. 35, A. V. 
Saron). The name has on each occur- 
rence, with one exception only, the definite 
article (1 Chr. v. 16). It would therefore 
appear that *'the Sharon" was some well- 
defined region familiar to the Israelites. 
It is that broad, rich tract of land which lies 
between the mountains of the central part 
of the Holy Land and the Mediterranean — 
the northern continuation of the Shefelah. 
A general sketch of the district is given 
under the head of Palestine (p. 487). 
2. The Sharon of 1 Chr. v. 16, to which 
allusion has already been made, is distin- 
guished from the western plain by not 
having the article attached to its name, as 
the other invariably has. It is also ap- 
parent from the passage itself that it was 
some district on the east of Jordan, in the 
neighborhood of Gilead and Eashan. The 
Qame has not been met with in that direc- 
tion. 

Sha'ronite, The. Shitrai, who had 
charge of the royal herds pastured in Sha- 
ron (1 Chr. xxvii. 29), is the only Sharon- 
ite mentioned in the Bible. 

Sharu'hon. A town ndmed in Josh, 
xix. 6 only, amongst those which were al- 
lotted within Judah to Simeon. Sharuhen 
does not appear in the catalogue of the 
cities of Judah ; but instead of it, and oc- 
cupying the same position with regard to 
the other names, we find Shilhim (xv. 32). 
lu the list of 1 Chr., on the other hand, the 
same position is occupied by Shaaraim (iv. 
SI). Whether these are different places, 
or different names of the same place, or 
mere variations of careless copyists, and, 
in the last case, which is the original form, 
it is perhaps impossible now to determine. 

Shash'ai. One of the sons of Bani in 
the time of Ezra (Ezr. x. 40). 

Sha'shak. A Benjamite, one of the 
ijons of Beriah (1 Chr. viii. 14, 25). 

Sha'lll. 1. The son of Simeon by a 
Canaanitish woman (Gen. xlvi. 10 ; Ex. vi. 
16; Num. xxvi. 13; 1 Chr. iv. 24), and 
founder of the family of the Shaulites. 
2. One of the kings of Edom (1 Chr. i. 48, 
49). In the A. V. of Gen. xxxvi. 37 he is 
iess accurately called Saul. 

Sha'veh, The Valley of, described as 
*the Valk-y of the King" (Gen. xiv. 17). 
Tlie " Valley of the King " is mentioned 
again in 2 Sam. xviii. 18, as the site of a 
pillar set up by Absalom ; but neither pas- 
sage con^ ej s any indication of its position ; 



and it is by no means certain that the tw« 
passages refer to the same spot. 

Sha'veh Kiriatha'im, mentioned 
(Gen. xiv. 5) as the residence of tha Emim 
at the time of Chedorlaomer's incursion. 
Kiriathaim is named in the later history, 
though it has not been identified ; and Sha- 
veh Kiriathaim wqs nrobablv the vallev in 
or by which the io\rix i«,^ . 

Shav'sha. The royal secretary in the 
reign of David (1 Chr. xviii. 16). He ia 
apparently the same with Seraiah (2 Sam 
viii. 17). In 2 Sam. xx. 25 he is called 
Sheva, and in 1 K. iv. 3, Shisha. 

Shawm. In the Prayer-book version 
of Ps. xcviii. 7, " with trumpets also and 
shawms " is the rendering of what stands 
in the A. V. '* with trumpets and sound 
of cornet." The Hebrew word translated 
" cornet " is treated under that head. The 
" shawm " was a musical instrument resem- 
bling the clarionet. 

She'al. One of the sons of Bani who 
had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 29). 

Sheal'tiel. Father of Zerubbabel (Ezr. 
iii. 2, 8, V. 2 ; Neh. xii. 1 ; Hagg. i. 1, 12, 
14, ii. 2, 23). 

Sheari'ah. One of the six sons of 
Azel, a descendant of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 38, 
ix. 44). 

Shearing-house, The, a place on the 
road between Jezreel and Samaria, at which 
Jehu, on his way to the latter, encountered 
forty-two members of the royal family of 
Judah, whom he slaughtered at the well or 
pit attached to the place (2 K.. x. 12, 14). 
Eusebius mentions it as a village of Samaria 
" in the great plain [of Esdraelon], 15 miles 
from Legeon." 

She'ar-ja'shub (lit. " a remnant shall 
return"), the son of Isaiah the prophet 
(Is. vii. 3). The name, like that of Maher- 
shalal-hash-baz, had a mystical significance 
(comp. Is. x. 20-22). 

She'ba, the son of Bichri, a Benjamite 
from the mountains of Ephraim (2 Sam. 
XX. 1-22), the last chief of the Absalom 
insurrection. He is described as a " man 
of Belial." But he must have been a per 
son of some consequence, from the immense 
effect produced by his appearance. It was 
in fact all but an anticipation of the revolt 
of Jeroboam. The occasion seized by Sheba 
was the emulation, as if from loyalty, be- 
tween the northern and southern tribes on 
David's return (2 Sam. xx. 1, 2). The king 
might well say, " Sheba the son of Bichn 
shall do us more harm than did Absalom." 
Sheba traversed the whole of Palestine, 
apparently rousing the population, Joab 
following in full pursuit. It seems to have 
been his intention to establish himself in 
the fortress of Ab<!l-Beth-maachah, famous 
for the prudence of its inhabitants (2 Sam. 
XX. 18). That prudence was put to the test 
on the present occasion. Joab's terms ^'»t% 



SHEBA 



634 



SUECHEM 



the Head of the insurgent chief. A woman 
of the place undertook the mission to her 
city, and proposed the execution to her 
foUow-citizens. The head of Sheba was 
thrown over the wall, and the insurrection 
ended. 

She'ba. 1. A son of Raamah, son of 
Cush (Gen. x. 7; 1 Chr. i. 9). 2. A son 
of Joktan (Gen. x. 28 ; 1 Chr. i. 22). 3. A 
ion of Jokshan, son of Keturah (Gen. xxv. 
9; 1 Chr. i. 32). We shall consider, first, 
the history of the Joktanite Sheba; and, 
secondly, the Cushite Sheba and the Ketu- 
rahite Sheba together. I. The Joktanites 
were among the early colonists of Southern 
Arabia, and the kingdom which they there 
founded was, for many centuries, called the 
kingdom cf Sheba, after one of the sons of 
Joktan- The inhabitants are the " Sabaei" 
of th'^; Greeks and Romans. In the Bible, 
the floktanite Sheba, mentioned genealogi- 
cally in Gen. x. 28, recurs, as a kingdom, 
in the account of the visit of the queen of 
S'»eba to king Solomon (1 K. x. 1). That 
the queen was of Sheba in Arabia, and not 
c^ Seba the Cushite kingdom of Ethiopia, 
>« unquestionable. The other passages in 
cfae Bible which seem to refer to the 
Joktanite Sheba occur in Is. Ix. 6; and 
again in Jer. vi. 20. In Ps. Ixxii. 10, the 
Joktanite Sheba is undoubtedly meant. The 
kingdom of Sheba embraced the greater 
part of the Yemen, or Arabia Felix. Its 
chief cities, and probably successive capi- 
tals, were Seba, San'a (Uzal), and Zafar 
(Sephar). Seba was probably the name 
of the city, and generally of the country 
and nation. II. Sheba, son of Raamah 
son of Cush, settled somewhere on the 
shores Af the Persian Gulf. It was this 
Sheba that carried on the great Indian 
traffic ^ith Palestine, in conjunction with, 
as we Lold, the other Sheba, son of Jok- 
shan oon of Keturah, who, like Dedan, 
appeal <i to have formed, witn the Cushite 
of the same name, one tribe. 

She'ba, one of the towns of the allot- 
ment of Simeon (Josh. xix. 2), probably 
the same as Shema (xv. 26). 

She'bah, the famous well which gave 
Us name to the city of Beersheba (Gen. 
xxvi. 33). [Beersheba.] 

Slio'bain, one of the towns in the pas- 
toral district on the east of Jordan — de- 
manded by and finally ceded to the tribes 
af Reuben and Gad (Num. xxiii. 3). It is 
probably thti same which appears in the 
altered forms of Shibmah (Num. xxxii. 38) 
And SiBMAH (Josh. xiii. 19 ; Is. xvi. 8, 9 ; 
Jer. xlviii. 32). 

Shebani'all. 1. A Levite in the time 
ui Ezra (Neh. ix. 4, 5). He sealed the 
covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 10). 2. 
A priest or priestly family, who sealed the 
covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 4, xii. 
14). Called Shechaniah in Neh. xii. 3. 



3. An )therLe\itewho sealeu /ht oienant 
with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 12). 4. One of 
the priests appointed by David to blow with 
the trumpets before the ark of God (1 
Chr. XV. 24). 

Sheb'arim, a place named in Josh. vii. 
5, only, as one of the points in the flight 
from Ai. 

Slie'ber. Son of Caleb ben-IIezron bj 
his concubine Maachah (1 Chr. ii. 48). 

Sheb'ua, a person of high position in 
Hezekiah's court, holding at one time the 
office of prefect of the palace (Is. xxii. 15), 
but subsequently the subordinate office of 
secretary (Is. xxxvi. 3; 2 K. xix. 2). 

Sheb'uel. 1. A descendant of Ger. 
shorn (1 Chr. xxiii. 16, xxvi. 24), who was 
ruler of the treasures of the house of God ; 
called also Shubael (1 Chr. xxiv. 20). He 
is the last descendant of Moses of whom 
there is any trace. 2. One of the fourteen 
sons of Heman the minstrel (1 Chr. xxv. 
4) ; called also Shubael (1 Chr. xxv. 20). 

Shecani'ah. 1. The tenth in order oi 
the priests who were appointed by lot in the 
reign of David (1 Chr. xxiv. 11). 2. A 
priest in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr 
xxxi. 15). 

Shechani'ah. 1. A descendant of Ze- 
rubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 21, 22). 2. Some de- 
scendants of Shechaniah returned with Ezra 
(Ezr. viii. 3). 3. The sons of Shechaniah 
were another family who returned with 
Ezra (Ezr. viii. 5). In this verse some 
name appears to have been omitted. Per- 
haps the reading should be, " of the sons 
of Zattu, Shechaniah, the son of Jahaziel." 

4. The son of Jehiel of the sons of Elam 
(Ezr. X. 2). 5. The father of Shemaiah 2 
(Neh. iii. 29). 6. The son of Arab (Neh. 
vi. 18). 7. The head of a priestly family 
who returned with Zerubbabel (Neh. xii. 3). 

She'chem {hack or shoulder). 1. An 
important city in Central Palestine. The 
etymology of the Hebrew word indicate! 
that the place was situated on some moun- 
tain or hill-side ; and that presumption 
agrees with Josh. xx. 7, which places it in 
Mount Ephraim (comp. 1 K. xii. 25), and 
with Judg. ix. 9, which represents it as 
under the summit of Gerizim, which be- 
longed to the Ephraim range. Its present 
name, Ndbulus, is a corruption of Neapolis ; 
which succeeded the more ancient Slieehera, 
and received its new name from Vespasian. 
On coins still extant it is called Flavia 
Neapolis. The situation of the town i& 
one of surpassing beauty. It lies in a shel- 
tered valley, protected by Gerizim on the 
south, and Ebal on the north. The feet of 
these mountains, where they rise from the 
town, are not more than five hundred yards 
apart. The bottom of the valley is about 
1800 feet above the level of the sea, and 
the top of Gerizim 800 feet higher still. 
The site of the present city, which wiis also 



SHECHEM 



635 



iJHEC^HEM 



that of the Hebrew city, occurs exactly on 
the water-summit ; and streams issuing from 
the numerous springs there, flow down the 
opposite slopes of the valley, spreading 
verdure and fertility in every direction. 
Travellers vie with each other in the lan- 
guage which they employ to describe tlie 
Bcene that bursts here so suddenly upon 
them on arriving in spring or early summer 
at tms paradise of the Holy Land. " The 
whole valley," says Dr. Robinson, " was 
filled w'th gardens of vegetables, and or- 
chards of all kinds of fruits, watered by 
fountains, which burst forth in various parts 
and flow westwards in refreshing streams. 
It came upon us suddenly like a scene of 
fairy enchantment. We saw nothing to 
compare with it in all Palestine. Here, 
beneath the shadow of an immense mul- 
berry-tree, by the side of a purling rill, we 
pitched our tent for the remainder of the 
day and the night. . . . We rose early, 
awakened by the songs of nightingales and 
other birds, of which the gardens around 
us were full." — The allusions to Shechem 
in the Bible are numerous, and show how 
important the place was in Jewish history. 
Abraham, on his first migration to the Land 
of Promise, pitched his tent and built an 
altar under the Oak (or Terebinth) of 
Moreh at Shechem. ** The Canaanite was 
then in the land ; " and it is evident that 
the region, if not the city, was already in 
possession of the aboriginal race (see Gen. 
xii. 6). At the time of Jacob's arrival 
here, after his sojourn in Mesopotamia 
(Gen. xxxiii. 18, xxxiv.), Shechem was a 
Hivite city, of which Hamor, the father of 
Shechem, was the headman. It was at this 
time that the patriarch purchased from that 
chieftain " the parcel of the field," which he 
subsequently bequeathed, as a special patri- 
mony, to his son Joseph (Gen. xliii. 22; 
Josh. xxiv. 32 ; John iv. 5). The field lay un- 
doubtedly on the rich plain of the Mukhna, 
and its value was the greater on account of 
the well which Jacob had dug there, so as 
not to be dependent on his neighbors for a 
supply of water. The defilement of Dinah, 
Jacob's daughter, and the capture of She- 
chem and massacre of all the male inhabit- 
ants by Simeon and Levi, are events that 
belong to this period (Gen. xxxiv. 1, sq. The 
oak under which Abraham had worshipped 
survived to Jacob's time (Gen. xxxv. 1-4). 
The " oak of the monument " (Judg. ix. 6), 
where the Shechemites made Abimelech 
king, marked, perhaps, the veneration with 
which the Hebrews looked back to these 
earliest footsteps of the patriarchs in the 
Holy Land. In the distribution of the 
land after its conquest by the Hebrews, 
Shechem fell to the lot of Ephraim (Josh. 
^x. 7), but was assigned to the Levites, 
and became a city of refuge (Josh. xxi. 
80, 21). It acquired new importance as 



the scene of the renewed promulj^ytioB 
of the Law, when its blessings were heard 
from Gerizim and its curses from Ebal, and 
the people bowed their heads and acknowl- 
edged Jehovali as their king and ruler (Deut. 
xxvii. 11, and Josh. ix. 33-35). It was here 
Joshua assembled the people, shortly before 
his death, and delivered to them his last 
counsels (Josh. xxiv. 1 25) After the death 
of Gidt'on, Abimelech, his bawtard son, in- 
duced tlie Shechemites to rev^olt from tht 
Hebrew commonwealth and electhim as king 
(Judg. ix.). In revenge for his expulsion, 
after a reign of three years, Abimelech de- 
stroyed the city, and as an emblem of the 
fate to which he would consign it, sowed 
the ground with salt (Judg. ix. 34-45). It 
was soon restored, however, for we are 
told in 1 K. xii. that all Israel assembled at 
Shechem, and Rehoboam, Solomon's suc- 
cessor, went thither to be inaugurated as 
king. Here, at this same place, the ten 
tribes renounced the house of David, and 
transferred their allegiance to Jeroboam (1 
K. xii. 16), under whom Shechem became 
for a time the capital of his kingdom. Fron 
the time of the origin of the Samaritans, 
the history of Shechem blends itself with 
that of this people and of their sacred 
mount, Gerizim. [Samaria ; Samaritan 
Pent.] — Shechem reappears in the New 
Testament. It is the Sychar of John iv. 
5, near which the Saviour conversed with 
the Samaritan woman at Jacob's Well. In 
Acts vii. 16, Stephen reminds his hearers 
that certain of the patriarchs (meaning 
Joseph, as we see in Josh. xxiv. 32, and 
following, perhaps, some tradition as to 
Jacob's other sons) were buried at Sychem. 
— The population of NAbulus consists of 
about 5000, among whom are 500 Greek 
Christians, 150 Samaritans, and a few Jews. 
The enmity between the Samaritans and 
Jews is as inveterate still, as it was in the 
days of Christ. The Mohammedans, of 
course, make up the bulk of the population. 
The Well of Jacob and the Tomb of 
Joseph are still shown in the neighborhood 
of the town. The Well of Jacob lies about 
a mile and a half east cf the city, close to 
the lower road, and just beyond the wretch 
ed hamlet of Baldta. The Christians 
sometimes call it Bir es- Samariyeh — 
"the well of the Samaritan woman." The 
well is deep — 75 ft. when last measured — 
and there was probably a considerable ac- 
cumulation of rubbish at the bottom. Some- 
times it contains a few feet of water, but at 
others it is quite dry. It is entirely exca- 
vated in the solid rock, perfectly round, 9 
ft. in diameter, with the sides hewii smor/.ij 
and regular. Of all the special localities 
of our Lord's life, this is almost the only 
one absolutely undisputed. The Tomb of 
Joseph lies about a quarter of a mile north 
of the well, exactly in the centre of tb« 



J5HECHEMITE55 



636 



SHEEP 



opcmng vjf the valley betvreen Gerizim and 
Ebal. It is a small, square euclosure of 
high whitewashed walls, surrounding a 
tomb of the ordinary kind, but with the 
peculiarity that it is placed diagonally to 
the walls, instead of parallel, as usual. A 
rough pillar used as an altar, and black 
with the traces of fire, is at the head, and 
i^noiner at the foot of the Tomb. In the 
wails are two slabs with Hebrew inscrip- 
tions, and the interior is almost covered 
■^th the names of pilgrims in Hebrew, 
/irauic, aiiu Saraaritan. Beyond this there 
is nothing to remark in the structure itself. 
The local tradition of the Tomb, like that 
of the well, is as old as the beginning of 
the 4th century. 2. The son of Hamor the 
chieftain of the Hivite settlement of She- 
chem at the time of Jacob's arrival (Gen. 
xxxiii. 19, xxxiv. 2-26 ; Josh. xxiv. 32 ; 
Judg. ix. 28). 3. A man of Manasseh, of 
the clan of Gilead (Num. xxvi. 31). 4. A 
Gileadite, son of Shemida, the younger 
brother of the foregoing (1 Chr. vii. 19). 

She'chemites, The. The family of 
Shechem, son of Gilead (Num. xxvi. 31 ; 
comp. Josh. xvii. 2). 

Shechi'nah. This term is not found 
in the Bible. It was used by the later 
Jews, and borrowed by Christians from 
them, to express the visible majesty of the 
Divine Presence, especially when resting, 
or dwelling, between the Cherubim on the 
mercy -seat in the Tabernacle, and in the 
temple of Solomon ; but not in Zerubba- 
bel's temple, for it was one of the five par- 
ticulars which the Jews reckon to have 
been wanting in the second temple. The 
use of the term is first found in the Tar- 
gums, where it forms a frequent periphrasis 
for God, considered as dwelling amongst 
the children of Israel, and is thus used, 
especially by Onkelos, to avoid ascribing 
corporeity to God Himself. In Ex. xxv. 8, 
frhere the Hebrew has, " Let them make 
me a sanctuary, that I may dwell among 
them," Onkelos has, " I will make my She- 
chinah to dwell among them." In xxix. 
+5, 46, for the Hebrew, " I will dwell among 
the children of Israel," Onkelos has, " I 
will make my Shecliinah to dwell," &c. 
As regards the visible manifestation of the 
Divine Presence dwelling amongst the Isra- 
ehtes, to which the term Shechinah has 
iitached itself, the idea which the different 
accoimts in Scripture convey is that of a 
most brilliant and glorious light, enveloped 
in a cloud, and usually concealed by the 
oloud, so that the cloud itself was for the 
most part alone visible ; but on particular 
occasions the glory appeared. The allu- 
sions in the N. T. to the Shechinah are not 
unfrequent. Thus in the account of the 
Nativity, the words, "Lo, the angel of the 
Lord came upon them, and the glory of th*^ 
T/Ord biione round a\)out them " (Luke u. 



9), followed by the apparition of "t)Mf 
multitude of the heavenly host," recall the 
appearance of the Divine glory on Sinai, 
when "He shined foith from Paran, and 
came with ten thousands of saints " (Deut. 
xxxiii. 2, comp. Ps. Ixviii. 17 ; Acts vii. 53 ; 
Heb. ii. 2; Ezek. xliii. 2). The " God of 
glory" (Acts vii. 2, 55), ''the cherubims 
of glory" (Heb. ix. 5), " the glorj " (Rom 
ix. 4), and other like passages, are distinct 
references to the manifestations of the glory 
in the O. T. When we read in John i. 14, 
that " the Word was made flesh, and dwell 
among us, and we beheld his glory ; " or in 
2 Cor. xii. 9, " that the power of Christ maj 
rest upon me ; " or in Rev. xxi. 3, " Behold, 
the tabernacle of God is with men, and He 
will dwell with them," we have not only ref- 
erences to the Shechinah, but are distinctly 
taught to connect it with the incarnation 
and future coming of Messiah, as type with 
antitype. 

Shed'eur. The father of Elizur, chiel 
of the tribe of Reuben at the time of the 
Exodus (Num. i. 5, ii. 10, vii. 30, 35, x. 
18) 

Sheep. Sheep were an important part 
of the possessions of the ancient Hebrews 
and of Eastern nations generally. The 
first mention of sheep occurs in Gen. iv. 2. 
They were used in the sacrificial ofierings, 
both the adult animal (Ex. xx. 24; 1 K. 
viii. 63 ; 2 Chr. xxix. 33) and the lamb, t e. 
" a male from one to three year& old," but 
young lambs of the first year were more 
generally used in the offerings (see Ex. 
xxix. 38 ; Lev. ix. 3, xii. 6 ; Num. xxviii. 
9, &c.). Sheep and lambs formed an im- 
portant article of food (1 Sara. xxv. 18; 1 
K. i. 19, iv. 23; Ps. xliv. 11, &c.). The 
wool was used as clothing (Lev. xiii. 47; 
Deut. xxii. 11; Prov. xxxi. 13; Job xxxi. 
20, &c.). "Rams' skins dyed red " were 
used as a covering for the tabernacle (Ex. 
xxv. 6). Sheep and lambs were sometimes 
paid as tribute (2 K. iii. 4). It is very 
striking to notice the immense numbers of 
sheep that were reared in Palestine in 
Biblical times. Sheep-shearing is alluded 
to Gen. xxxi. 19, xxxviii. 13; Deut. xv. 19; 
1 Sam. xxv. 4; Is. liii. 7, &c. Sheep-dogs 
were employed in Biblical times, as is evi- 
dent from Job xxx. 1, "the dogs of my 
flock." Shepherds in Palestine and the 
East generally go before their flocks, which 
they induce to follow by calling to them 
(comp. John x. 4; Ps. Ixxvii. 20, Ixxx. 1), 
though they also drove them (Gen. xxxiii. 
13). The following quotation from Hart- 
ley's Researches in Greece and the Levnni, 
p. 321, is strikingly illustrative of the al- 
lusions in John x. 1-16 : " Having had 
my attention dire;ted last night to the 
words in John x. 3, I asked my man if 
it was usual in Greece to give names to 
the sheep. He h. formed me that it was, 



SHEEP-GATE 



637 



SHEl OMiTH 



*nd that the sheep obeyed the shepherd 
«rhcQ he called them by their names. 
'I'his morning I had an opportunity of veri- 
'ying the truth of this remark. Passing by 
i flock of sheep, I asked the shepherd the 
same question which I had put to the ser- 
vant, and he gave me the same answer. I 
Chen bade him call one of his sheep. He 
did so, and it instantly left its pasturage 
and its companions and ran up to the hands 
of the shepherd with signs of pleasure and 
with a prompt obedience which I had never 
before observed in any other animal. It is 
also true in this country that ' a stranger 
will they net follow, but will flee from him.' 
The shepherd told me that many of his 
sheep were still wild, that they had not yet 
learned their names, but that by teaching 
them they would all learn them." The 
common sheep of Syria and Palestine are 
rtie broad-tailed. As the sheep is an em- 
blem of meekness, patience, and submis- 
sion, it is expressly mentioned as typifying 
these qualities in the person of our Blessed 
Lord (Is. liii. 7; Acts viii. 32, &c.;. The 
relation that exists between Christ, "the 
chief Shepherd," and His members is beau- 
tifully compared to that which in the East 
is so strikingly exhibited by the shepherds 
to their flocks. [Shepherd.] 

Sheep-gate, The, one of the gates of 
Jerusalem as rebuilt by Nehemiah (Neh. 
iii. 1, 32. xij. 39). It stood between the 
tower of Meah and the chamber of the 
corner (iii. 32, 1) or gate of the guard- 
house (xii. 39, A. V. " prison-gate "). The 
latter seems to have been at the angle 
formed by the junction of the wall of the 
city of David with that of the city of Jeru- 
salem proper, having the sheep-gate on the 
north of it. The position of the sheep-gate 
may therefore have been on or near that 
of the Bah el-Kattdnin. 

Sheep-market, The (John y. 2), 
The word " market " is an interpolation of 
our translators. We ought probably to 
supply the word " gate " (not " market" ), 
meaning the gate mentioned in the preced- 
ing article. 

Shehari'ah, a Benjamite, son of Je- 
horam (1 Chr. viii. 26). 

Shekel. In a former article [Monet] 
some account has been given of the coins 
called shekels. The present article will 
only contain a few particulars relating 
to ihe Jewish coinage which did not fall 
within the plan of the former. Although 
some shekels are found with Hebrew letters 
instead of Samaritan, these are undoubt- 
edly all forgeries. Eamban, i. e. Rabbi- 
Hoses- Bar- Nachman, who lived about the 
commencement of the 13th century, de- 
scribes a shekel which he had seen, and of 
which the Cuthaeans read the inscription 
with ea?e. The explanation which they 
gave of the inscription ws»s on one side, 



Shekel na Shekalim, "the shekel of shek- 
els," and on the other, "Jerusalem the 
Holy." Bit the most important passage 
of all is that in which R. Azarias de Rossi 
quotes the description of a shekel seen by 
Ramban at St. Jean d'Acre, a. i>. 1210. He 
gives the inscriptions as above, " the Shekel 
of Shekels," arid "Jerusalem the Holy; " 
but he also determines the weight, which 
he makes about half an ouncf.. We find, 
therefore, that in early times shekels were 
known to the Jewish Rabbis with Samari- 
tan inscriptions, corresponding with those 
now found (except in one point, which ii 
probably an error), and corresponding with 
them in weight. We believe that W. Pos- 
tell is the first Christian writer who saw 
and described a shekel. He was a Parisian 
traveller, who visited Jerusalem early in the 
16th century. Postell gives a very bad 
wood-cut of one of these shekels, but the 
inscription is correct. The correspondence 
of the newly-found coins with the earliej 
description is almost demonstrative. But 
they bear such undoubted marks of genu 
ineness, that no judge of ancient coins 
could doubt them for a moment. On thf 
contrary, to a practised eye, those with 
Hebrew inscriptions bear undoubted markic 
of spuriousness. [Monet.] 

She'lah. 1. The youngest son of Tudal 
by the daughter of Shuah (Gen. xxx*dii. 5 
11, 14, 26, xlvi. 12; Num. xxvi. 20; 1 Chr 
ii. 3, iv. 21). 2. Tlie proper form of the 
name of Salah the son of Arphaxad (J 
Chr. i. 18, 24). 

She'lanites, The. The descendant* 
of Shelah 1 (Num. xxvi. 20). 

Shelemi'ah. 1. One of the sons of 
Bani in the time of Ezra (Ezr. x. 39). 2. 
The father of Hananiah (Neh. iii. 30). 3. 
A priest in the time of Nehemiah (Neh 
xiii. 13). 4. The father of Jehucal, oi 
Jucal, in the time of Zedekiah (Jer. xxxvii. 
3). 5. The father of Irijah, the captain 
of the ward who arrested Jeremiah (Jer. 
xxxvii. 13). 8. The same as Meshele- 
MiAH and Shallum 8 (1 Chr. xxvi. 14). 7. 
Another of the sons of Bani in the time of 
Ezra (Ezr. x. 41). 8. Ancestor of Jehudi 
in the time of Jehoiakim (Jer. xxxvi. 14). 
9. Son of Abdeel ; one of those who re- 
ceived the orders of Jehoiakim to take 
Baruch and Jeremiah (Jer. xxxvi. 26). 

She'leph, the second in order of the 
sons of Joktan (Gen. x. 26; 1 Chr. i. 20). 
The tribe which sprang from him has been 
satisfactorily identified, both in motlem 
and classical times. The district cf the 
Yemen named after him is that of Smlaf. 

She'lesh, son of Helem (1 Chr. vii. 36). 

Sheromi, an Asherite, father of Ahi- 
hud (Num. xxxiv. 27). 

Shel'omith. 1. The daughter of Dibri 
of the tribe of Dan (Lev. xxiv. 11). 2. 
The daughter of Zerubbabel (1 Clu*. iii 



SHELOMOTH 



638 



SHEMAKIAH 



19). 3. Chief of the Izharites (1 Chr. 
xxiii. 18). 4. A descendant of Eliezer 
the son of Moses, in the reign of David 
(1 Chr. xxvri, 25, 26, 28). 5. A Ger- 
shonite, son of Shiniei (1 Chr. xxiii. 9). 
" Shiniei " is probably a mistake. 6. Ac- 
cording to the present text, the sons of 
Shelomith, with the son of Josiphiah at 
their head, returned from Babylon with 
Ezra (Ezr. viii. 10). There appears, how- 
ever, to be an omission, and the true read- 
ing is probably, " Of the sons of Bani, 
Shelomith the son of Josiphiah." 

Shel'omoth, the same as Shelomith 
8 (1 Chr. xxiv. 22). 

Shelu'raiel, the son of Zurishaddai, 
and prince of the tribe of Simeon at the 
time of the Exodus (Nupa. i. 6, ii. 12, vii. 
86, 41, X. 19). 

Shem, the eldest son of Noah, born 
(Gen. V. 32) when his father had attained 
ihe age of 500 years. He was 98 years old, 
oaarried, and childless, at the time of the 
Flood. After it, he, with his father, broth- 
ers, sisters-in-law, and wife, received the 
blessing of God (ix. 1), and entered into 
the covenant. Two years afterwards he 
became the fatlier of Arphaxad (xi. 10), 
*nd other children were born to himM«ubse- 
i|uently. With the help of his brother Ja- 
pheth, he covered the nakedness of their 
father, whijh Canaan and Ham did not care 
to hide. In the prophecy of Noah which 
is connected with this incident (ix. 25-27), 
the first blessing falls on Shem. He died 
it the age of 600 years. The portion of 
fhe earth occupied by the descendants of 
Shorn (x. 21-31) intersects the portions of 
Japheth and Ham, and stretches in an un- 
interrupted line from the Mediterranean 
Sea to the Indian Ocean. Beginning at its 
north- western extremity with Lydia, it in- 
cludes Syria (Aram), Chaldaea (Arphax- 
ad), parts of Assyria (Asshur), of Persia 
(Elam), and of the Arabian Peninsula 
(Joktan). Modern scholars have given the 
name of Shemitic or Semitic to the lan- 
guages spoken by his real or supposed de- 
scendants. [Hebrew.] 

Sh.e'ma. 1. A Reubenite, ancestor of 
Bela (1 Chr. v. 8). 2. Son of Elpaal (1 
Chr. viii. 13). Probably the same as 
Shimhi. 3. One of those who stood at 
Ezra's right hand when he read the law to 
the people (Neh. viii. 4). 4. (Josh. xv. 
26). [Sheba.] 

Shem'aail, a Benjamite of Gibeah, 
and father of Ahiezer and Joash (1 Chr. 
xii. 3). 

Shemai'ah. 1. A prophet in the reign 
of Rehoboam. When the king had assem- 
bled 180,000 men of Benjamin and Judah to 
rei onquer the northern kingdom after its re- 
volt, Shemaiah was commissioned to charge 
tk^ni to return to their homes, and not to 
war asrainst their brethren (1 K. xii. 22; 



2 Chr. li. 2). His second and last appear- 
ance u j on the stage was upon the occasioxv 
of the invasion of Judah and siege of Jeru- 
salem by Shishak king of Egypt (2 Chr. 
xii. 5, 7). He wrote a chronicle contain- 
ing the events of Rehoboam's reign (2 Chr. 
xii. 15). 2. The son of Shechaniah, 
among the descendants of Zerubbabel (1 
Chr. iii. 22). He was keeper of the east 
gate of the city, and assisted Nehemijih in 
restoring the wall (Neh. iii. 29). 3. An- 
cestor of Ziza, a prince of the tribe of 
Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 37). Perhaps the same 
as Shimei 6. 4. Son of Joel, a Reubenite ; 
perhaps the same as Shema (1 Chr. v. 4). 
5. Son of Hasshub, a Merarite Levite (1 
Chr. ix. 14; Neh. xi. 15). 6. Father of 
Obadiah, or Abda, a Levite (1 Chr. ix. 
16). 7. Son of Elizaphan, and chief of 
his house in the reign of David (1 Chr. xv 
8, 11). 8. A Levite, son of Nethaneel, and 
also a scribe in the time of David (1 Chr- 
xxiv. 6). 9. The eldest son of Obed-edom 
the Gittite (1 Chr. xxvi. 4, 6, 7). 10. A 
descendant of Jeduthun the singer, who 
lived in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. 
xxix. 14). 11. One of tlie sons of Adoni- 
kara who returned with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 

13. 12. One of the "heads" whom Ezra 
sent for to his camp by the river of Ahava, 
for the purpose of obtaining Levites and 
ministers for tlie Temple from " the place 
Casiphia" (Ezr. viii. 16). 13. A priest 
of tlie family of Harim, who put away his 
foreign wife at Ezra's bidding (Ezr. x. 21). 

14. A layman of Israel, son of another 
Harim, who bad also married a foreignei 
(Ezr. X. 31.) 16. Son of Delaiah the son of 
Mehetabeel, a prophet in the time of Nehe- 
miah (Neh. vi. 10). 16. The head of a 
priestly house who signed tlie covenant 
with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 8). His family 
went up with Zerubbabel, and were repre- 
sented in the time of Joiakim by Jehonathan 
(Neh. xii. 6, 18). Probably the same who 
is mentioned again in Neh. xii. 35. 17. 
One of the princes of Judah at the time of 
the dedication of the wall of Jerusalem 
(Neh. xii. 34). 18. One of the choir on 
the same occasion (Neh. xii. 36). 19. A 
priest who blew a trumpet on the sam«> 
occasion (Neh. xii. 42). 20. Shemaiah the 
Nehelamite, a false prophet in the time of 
Jeremiah (Jer. xxix. 24-32). 21. A Le- 
vite in the reign of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. 
xvii. 8). 22. A Levite in the reign of Hez- 
ekiah (2 Chr. xxxj. 15). 23. A Levite m 
the reign of Josiah, who assisted at thn 
solemn passover (2 Chr. xxxv. 9). 24. 
The father of Urijah of Kiriath-jearim 
(Jer. xxvi. 20). 25. The father of Delaiah 
(Jer. XXX vi. 12). 

Shemari'an. 1. One of the Benja- _ 
mite warriors who came to David at Ziklag ■ I 
(1 Chr. xii. 5). 2. One of the family of ■' 
Harim, a layman of Israel, v ho out awa> 



SHEMEBER 



639 



SHEMITIC LANGUAGES 



lis foreign wife in the time of Ezra (Ezr. 
X. 32). 3. One of the family of Bani, 
under the same circumstances as the pre- 
ceding (Ezr X. 41). 

Sheme'ber, king of Zeboim, and ally of 
the king of Sodom when he was attacked 
hy the north-eastern invaders under Che- 
ilorlaomcr (Gen. xiv. 2). 

She'jner, the owner of the hill on which 
the city of Samaria was built (1 K. xvi. 
1J4). [Samaria.] 

Shemi'da, a son of Gilead (Num. xxvi. 
(52 ; Josh, xvii, 2). 

Sbemi'dah, Sbemida the son of Gilead 
(1 Chr. vii. 19) 

Shemida'ites, The, the descendants 
of Shemida the son of Gilead (Num. xxvi. 
32). Tliey obtained their lot among the 
male children of Manasseh. 

Shem'iuith. The title of Ps. vi. is: 
" To the chief Musician on Neginoth upon 
Sheminith," or " the eighth," as the mar- 
gin of the A. V. has it. A similar direc- 
tion is found in the title of Ps. xii. (comp. 
1 Chr. XV. 21). It seems most probable 
that Sheminith denotes a certain air known 
as the eighth, or a certain key in which the 
Psalm was to be sung. 

Shemir'amoth. 1. A Levite of the sec- 
ond degree, in the choir formed by David 
(1 Chr. XV. 18, 20, xvi. 5). 2. A Levite in 
the r*^:gii of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 8). 

Shemitic Languages. 1. The expres- 
sions, " Shemitic family," and " Shemitic 
languages," are based, as is well known, 
on a reference to Gen. x. 21, seqq. Subse- 
quently, the obvious inaccuracy of the ex- 
pression has led to an attempt to substitute 
others, such as Western Asiatic, or Syro- 
Arabic — this last a happily chosen desig- 
nation, as bringing at once before us the 
two geographical extremes of this family 
of languages. 2. It is impossible to lay 
down with accuracy the boundaries of the 
area occupied by the tribes employing so- 
called Shemitic dialects. For general pur- 
poses, the highlands of Armenia may be 
taken as the Northern boundary — the river 
Tigris and tlie ranges beyond it as the East- 
ern — and the Red Sea, the Levant, and 
certain portions of Asia Minor as the West- 
ern. 3. Varieties of the great Shemitic 
language-family are to be found in use in 
die following localities within the area 
oamed. Along the Mediterranean seaboard, 
and among the tribes settled in Canaan, 
must be placed the home of the language 
of the canonical books of the Old Testa- 
ment, among which were interspersed some 
relics of that of the Phoenicians. In the 
south, amid the seclusion of Arabia, was 
preserved the dialect destined at a subse- 
quent period so widely to surpass its sisters 
in the extent of territory over which it is 
spoken. 4. The peculiar elements of the 
Slix^toitic character wiU be found to have 



exercised considerable influence on theii 
literature. Like other languages, this one 
is mainly resolvable into monosyllabic prim- 
itives. Another leading peculiarity of this 
branch of languages is the absence (save 
in the case of proper names) of compound 
words — to whi^h the sister family is in- 
debted for so much life and variety. 

Hebrew Language. — Period or 
Growth. — 5. The Hebrew language is a 
branch of the so-called Shemitic family, 
extending over a large portion of South- 
western Asia. In the ncr.th (or Aram, 
under which designation are comprehended 
Syria, Mesopotamia, Babylonia), and under 
a climate partially cold and ungenial — in 
the close proximity of tribes of a diflTerent 
origin, not unfrequently masters by con 
quest — the Shemitic dialect became in 
places harsher, and its general character 
less pure and distinct. Towards the south, 
opposite causes contributed to maintain the 
language in its purity. Originally, the lan- 
guage of the Hebrews presented more affin- 
ities with the Aramaic, in accordance with 
their own family accounts, which bring the 
patriarchs from the N. E., — more directly 
from Northern Mesopotamia. 6. Two ques- 
tions, in direct connection with the early 
movements of the ancestors of the subse- 
quent Hebrew nation, have been discussed 
with great earnestness by many writers — 
the first bearing on the causes which set 
the Terachite family in motion towards the 
south and west; the second, on tlie origin 
and language of the tribes in possession of 
Canaan at the arrival of Abraham. Scrip- 
ture only tells us that, led in a way which 
they knew not, chosen Shemitic wanderers 
of the lineage of Arphaxad set forth on the 
journey fraught with such enduring con- 
sequences to the history of the world, as 
recorded in Scripture, in its second stage 
of progress. There is nothing unreasonable 
in the thought, that the movement of Terah 
from Ur of the Chaldees was caused by 
Divine suggestion, acting on a mind ill at 
ease in the neighborhood of Cushite thought 
and habits. Scripture is distinct upon the 
fac, that the new comers and the early 
settlers in Canaan found no difficulty in 
conversing. Of the origin of its earliest 
occupants, history records nothing certain. 
Some claim for the early inhabitants of Asia 
Minor a Japhetian origin. Others affirm tine 
descent of these early tribes from Lud, the 
fourth son of Shem. 7. Anotlier view is 
that put forward by Rawlinson, and shared 
by other scholars. " Either from ancient 
monuments, or from tradition, or from the 
dialects now spoken by their descendants, 
we are autliorized to infer that at some 
very remote period, before the rise cf the 
Sliemitic or Arian nations, a great Scythic" 
(= Hamitic) " population must have over- 
i^pread Europe, Asia, and Africa, speaking 



SHEMITIC LANGUAGES 



640 



SHEMITIC LANGUAGES 



languages all more or less dissimilar in 
their vocabulary, but possessing in common 
certain organic characteristics of grammar 
and construction." And this statement 
w^ould appear, in its leading features, to be 
historically sound. Looking to the authori- 
tative records (Gen. ix. 18, x. 6, 15-20) 
there would seem to be no reason for doubt 
as to the Hamitic origin of these tribes. 
Nor can the singular accordances discernible 
between the language of these Canaanitish 
(= Hamitic) occupants and the Shemitic 
family be justly pleaded in bar of this view 
of the origin of the former. " If we ex- 
amine tbe invaluable ethnography of the 
Book of Genesis, we shall find that, while 
Ham is the brother of Shem, and therefore 
a relationship between his descendants and 
the Shemitic nations fully recognized, the 
Hamites are described as those who previ- 
ously occupied the different countries into 
jrhich the Aramaean race afterwards forced 
their way. Thus Scripture (Gen. x. se«iq.) 
attributes to the race of Ham not only the 
aboriginal population of Canaan, with its 
wealthy and civilized communities on the 
coast, but also the mighty empires of Baby- 
lon and Nineveh, the rich kingdoms of Sheba 
and Havilah in Arabia Felix, and the won- 
derful realm of Egypt. There is every 
reason to believe — indeed in some cases 
the proof amounts to demonstration — that 
all these Hamitic nations spoke languages 
which differed only dialectically from those 
of the Syro- Arabic family." 8. Connected 
with this subject is the question. Did the 
Terachite branch of the Shemitic stock 
acquire the art of writing from the Phoe- 
nicians, or Egyptians, or Assyrians — or 
was it evolved from given elements among 
themselves? [Writing.] 9. Between the 
dialects of Aram and Arabia, that of the 
Terachites occupied a middle place. The 
dialect which we are now considering has 
been ordinarily designated as that of the 
Hebrews, rather than of the Israelites. 
Probably the term " Hebrews " should be 
regarded as designating all the Shemitic- 
speaking tribes which had migrated to the 
south from the other side of the Euphrates, 
and in that case might have been applied 
by the earlier inhabitants of Canaan. 10. 
Many causes, all obvious and intelligible, 
combine to make difficult, if not impossible, 
any formal or detached account of the 
Hebrew language, anterior to its assuming 
a written shape. The general style of 
Hebrew prose literature is plain and simple, 
but lively and pictorial, and rising with the 
STxbject, at times, to considerable elevation. 
But the requisite elevation of poetical com- 
position led to the introduction of many 
expressions which we do not commonly find 
in Hebrew prose literature. For the origin 
and existence of these we must look espe- 
cially to the Aramaic. But from the earliest 



period of the existence of a literature among 
the Hebrew people to b. c. 600, the Hebrew 
language continued singularly exempt from 
change. From that period the Hebrew dia- 
lect will be found to give way before th« 
Aramaic. 

Aramaic Language. — Scholastic Pe- 
riod. 11. The language ordinarily called 
Aramaic is a dialect of the great Shemitic 
family, deriving its name from the district 
over which it was spoken, Aram = the high 
or hill country (as Canaan = the low 
country). In general practice Aram was 
divided into Eastern and AVestern. The 
dialects of these two districts were seveiaily 
called Chaldaic and Syriac. The eastern 
boundary of the Shemitic languages is ob- 
scure ; but this much may be safely as- 
sumed, that this family had its earliest set- 
tlement on the upper basin of the Tigris, 
from which extensions were doubtless made 
to the south. 12. The earliest extant frag- 
ments are the well-known ones to be found 
at Dan. ii. 4-vii. 28 ; Ezr. iv. 8-vi. 18, vii. 
12-26; Jer. x. 11. The Christian or eccle- 
siastical Aramaic is that ordinarily known 
as Syriac — the language of early Christian- 
ity, as Hebrew and Arabic, respectively, of 
the Jewish religion and Mohammedanism. 
13. Perhaps few lines of demarcation are 
traced with greater difficulty than those l;j 
which one age of a language is separated 
from another. This is remarkably the case 
in respect of the cessation of the Hebrew, 
and the ascendency of the Aramaic. 14. 
Of the other main division of the Aramaic 
language — the W<^stern or Syriac dialect — 
the earliest existing document is the Peshito 
version of the Scriptures, which not im- 
probably belongs to the middle of the second 
century. The Syrian dialect is thickly 
studded with foreign words — Arabic, Per- 
sian, Greek, and Latin, especially with the 
third. 15. The Chaldaic paraphrases of 
Scripture are exceedingly valuable for the 
light which they throw on Jewish manners 
and customs, and the meaning of passages 
otherwise obscure, as likewise for many 
happy renderings of the original text. But 
they are valuable also on higher reasons — 
the Christian interpretation put by their 
authors on controverted passages. A com- 
parative estimate is not yet attainable, as to 
what in Targumic literature is the pure ex- 
pression and development of the Jewish 
mind, and what is of foreign growth. But, 
as has been said, the Targums and kindred 
writings are of considerable dogmatical and 
exegetical value ; and a similar good work 
has been effected by means of tlie cognate 
dialect. Western Aramaic or Syriac. From 
the 3d to the 9th century, Syriac was, to a 
great part of Asia, what in their spheres 
Hellenic Greek and mediaeval Latin hare 
respectively been — the one ecclesiastical 
language of the district named. 



J5HEMITIC LANG1:AGE8 



641 



SHEPHERD 



ARA.nic Language. — Pkriod or Revi- 
rAL. 16. Wc find Arabia occupied by a 
eonflnenoe of tribes, the leading one of un- 
doubt<^d Ishmaelitish descent — the others 
of the seed or lineage of Abraham, and 
blended by alliance, language, neighbor- 
hood, and habits. Before these any abori- 
ginal inhabitants must have disappeared. 
We have seen that the peninsula of Arabia 
lay in the nack of Cushite civilization, in 
its supposed return-course towards the 
noith-east. 17. Internal evidence demon- 
strates that the Arabic language, at the 
time when it first appears on the field of 
historJ^ was being gradually developed in 
its remote and barren peninsular home. 
That the Arnos possessed a literature an- 
terior to the birth of Mohammed, and ex- 
pressed in a language marked with many 
grammatical peculiarities, is beyond doubt. 
The earliest reliable relics of Arabic litera- 
ture are only fragments, to be found in 
what has come down to us of pre-Islamite 
(compositions. 18. With regard to the value 
of Arabic in illustration, two different judg- 
ments obtain. According to one, all the 
lexical riches and grammatical varieties of 
the Shemitic family are to be found com- 
bined in the Arabic. 19. Another school 
maintains very different opinions. The 
comparatively recent date (in their present 
form at least) and limited amount of Arabic 
remains are pleaded against its claims as a 
ptandard of reference in respect of the He- 
l rew . Its verbal copiousness, elaborate 
mechanism, subtilty of thought, wide and 
diversified fields of literature, cannot be 
called in question. But it is urged (and 
colorably) that its riches are not all pure 
metal, and that no great attention to ety- 
mology has been evinced by native writers 
on the language. 20. We now approach a 
question of great interest. Was the art of 
writing invented by Moses and his contem- 
poraries, or from what source did the He- 
brew nation acquire it? It can hardly be 
doubted that the art of writing was known 
to the Israelites in the time of Moses. 
Great difference of opinion has prevailed as 
to which of the Shemitic peoples may justly 
claim the invention of letters, [Writing.] 
The history of the Arabic language has a 
peculiar feature. Until a comparatively 
short tinie before the days of Mohammed, 
the art of writing appears to have been 
practically unknown. For the Himyarites 
guarded with jealous care their own peculiar 
character — the " musnad," or elevated; in 
itself unfitted for general use. Possibly 
different tribes might have possessed ap- 
proaches to written characters ; but about 
the beginning of the 7th century, the heavy 
cumbrous Cufic character (so called from 
Cufa, the city whence it was most early used) 
appears to have been generally adopted. 
It was said to liave been invented by Mura- 
41 



mar-Ibn Murrat, a native ot Babylonian 
Irak. 21. A comparison of the Shemitic 
languages, as known to us, presents them 
as very unevenly developed. In their pres- 
ent form the Arabic is undoubtedly t)ie 
richest : but it would have been rivalled l)j 
the Hebrew had a career been vouchsalV d 
equally long and favorable to this latter. 

Shemu'el. 1. Son of Ammihud, ap- 
pointed from the tribe of Simeon to di\ idf 
the land of Canaan (Num. xxxiv. 20). 2. 
Samuel the prophet (1 Chr. vi. 33). 3. 
Son of Tola, and one of the chiefs of the 
tribe of Issachar (1 Chr. vii. 2). 

Shen. A place mentioned only in 1 
Sam. vii. 12. Nothing is knoM'n of it. 

Shena'zar. Son of Salathiel, or Sheal- 
tiel (1 Chr. iii. 18). 

She'nir. [Senir.] 

She'pliani, a place mentioned only in 
the specification by Moses of the eastern 
boundary of the Promised Land (Num. 
xxxiv. 10, 11). The ancient interpreters 
render the name by Apamea ; but it seems 
uncertain whether by this they intend the 
Greek city of that name on the Orontes, 50 
miles below Antioch, or whether they use 
it as a synonyme of Banias or Dan. 

Shephathi'ah. A Benjamite, father 
of Meshullam 6 (1 Chr. ix. 8). The name 
is properly Shephatiah, as in the ed. of 
1611. 

Shephati'ah.. 1. The fifth son of Da- 
vid by his wife Abital (2 Sam. iii. 4 ; 1 Chr. 
iii. 3). 2. The family of Shephatiah, 372 
in number, returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. 
ii. 4; Neh. vii. 9). A second detachment 
3f eighty, with Zebadiah at their head, 
came up with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 8). 3. The 
family of another Shephatiah were among 
the children of Solomon's servants, wh«> 
came up with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 57 ; Neh. 
vii. 59). 4. A descendant of Perez, or- 
Pharez, the son of Judah, and ancestor of 
Athaiah (Neh. xi. 4). 5. The son of Mat-- 
tan; one ot the princes of Judah who* 
counselled Zedekiah to put Jeremiah in the- 
dungeon (Jer. xxxviii. 1). 6. The Har— 
uphite, or Hariphite, one of the Benjamite - 
warriors who joined David in his retreat at; 
Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 5). 7. Son of Maachah, . 
and chief of the Simeonites in the reigns 
of David (1 Chr. xxvii. 16). 8 Son of 
Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xxi. 2). 

Sheplierd. In a nomadic state of so^- 
ciety every man, from the sheikh down to. 
the slave, is more or less a shepherd. Tht 
progenitors of the Jews in the patriarchal, 
age were nomads, anO their history is rich, 
in scenes of pastoral I'fe. The occupation t 
of tending the flocks was undertaken, not, 
only by the sons of wealthy chiefs (Gen. 
XXX. 29, ff., xxxvii. 12, ff.), but even by theirr 
daughters (Gen. xxix. 6, ff ; Ex. ii. 19).. 
The Egyptian captivity did much to im^- 
plant a love of settled abode, and constv- 



SHEPHEKD 



642 



SHESHiJ 



^uuntly we lind the tribes which still re- 
tained a taste for shepherd life selecting 
their own quarters apart from theii brethren 
m the trans-Jordanic district (Num. xxxii. 1, 
ff.). Henceforward in J*alestine Proper 
the shepherd held a subordinate position. 
The office of the Eastern* shepherd, as de- 
?*oribed in the Bible, visis attended with 
ciuch hardship, and even danger. He was 
exposed to the extremes of heat and cold 
(Gen. xxxi. 40) ; his food frequently con- 
sisted of the precarious supplies afforded 
by nature, such as the fruit of the " syca- 
more" or Egyptian fig (Am. vii. 14), the 
*' husks " of the carob-tree (Luke xv. 16), 
and perchance the locusts and wild honey 
which supported the Baptist (Matt. iii. 4) ; 
he had to encounter the attacks of wild 
beasts, occasionally of the larger species, 
such as lions, wolves, panthers, and bears 
(1 Sara. xvii. 34; Is. xxxi. 4; Jer. v. 6; 
Am. iii. 12) ; nor was he free from the risk 
of robbers or predatory hordes (Gen. xxxi. 
39). To meet these various foes the shep- 
herd's equipment consisted of the follow- 
ing articles : a mantle, made probably of 
sheepskin with the fleece on, wliich he 
turned inside out in cold weather, as im- 
plied in the comparison in Jer. xliii. 12 (cf. 
Juv. xiv. 187) ; a scrip or wallet, contain- 
ing a small amount of food (1 Sam. xvii. 
40) ; a sling, which is still the favorite 
weapon of the Bedouin shepherd (1 Sam. 
xvii. 40) ; and, lastly, a staff, which served 
the double purpose of a weapon against 
loes, and a crook for the management of 
the flock (1 Sam. xvii. 40; Ps. xxiii. 4; 
Zech. xi. 7). If the shepherd was at a dis- 
tance from his home, he was provided with 
■A light tent (Cant. i. 8; Jer. xxxv. 7), the 
removal of which was easily effected (Is. 
xxxviii. 12). In certain localities, more- 
over, towers were erected for the double 
purpose of spying an enemy at a distance, 
and protecting the flock : such towers were 
erected by Uzziah and Jotham (2 Chr. xxvi. 
iO, XKvii. 4), while their existence in earlier 
times is testified by the name Migdal-Eder 
<Gen. XXXV. 21, A. V. *' tower of Edar; " 
Mic. iv. 8, A. V. " tower of the flock "). 
The routine of the shepherd's duties ap- 
pears to have been as follows : In the 
morning she led forth his flock from the 
•^■old (John X. 4), which he did by going be- 
fore them and calling to them, as is still 
usual in the -East; arrived at the pasturage, 
he watched the flock with the assistance of 
doses (Job XXX. 1,), and, should any sheep 
stray, he had to search for it until he found 
•; (Ez. xxxiv. 12 ; Lake xv. 4) ; he sup- 
plied tliem with water, either at a running 
stream or at troughs attached to wells 
(Gen. xxix. 7, xxx. 38; Ex. ii. 16; Ps. 
xxiii. 2) ; at evening he brought them back 
to the fold, and reckoned them, to see that 
D<»ne were missing, by ^ftassing /them '' un- 



der the rod " as they entered the door of 
the enclosure (Lev. xxvii. 32; Ez. xx. 37), 
checking each sheep, as it passed, by a mo- 
tion of the hand (Jer. xxxiii. 13) ; and, 
finally, he watched the entrance of the fold 
throughout the night, acting as porter (John 
X. 3). The shepherd's oflice thus required 
great watchfulness, particularly by night 
(Luke ii. 8; cf. Nah. iii. 18). It also re- 
quired tenderness towards the young and 
feeble (Is. xl. 11), particularly in driving 
them to and from the pasturage (Gen. 
xxxiii. 13). In large establishments there 
were various grades of shepherds, the high- 
est being styled " rulers " (Gen. xlvii. 6), 
or ** chief shepherds " (1 Pet. v. 4) : in a 
royal household the title of abbir, ** mighty," 
was bestowed on the person who held the 
post (1 Sara. xxi. 7). [Sheep.] The ha- 
tred of the Egyptians towards shepherds 
(Gen. xlvi. 34) may have been raainly due 
to their conterapt for the sheep itself, which 
appears to have been valued neither foi 
food nor generally for sacrifice, the only 
district where they were offered being 
about the natron lakes. It may have been 
increased by the memory of the Shepherd 
invasion. 

She'phi. Son of Shobal, of the sons of 
Seir (1 Chr. i. 40). Called also Shepho 
(Gen. xxxvi. 23). 

She'pIlO (Gen. xxxvi. 23). [Shephi.J 

Shephu'phau. One of the sons of 
Bela the first-born of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 
5). His name is also written Shefhupham 
(A. V. " Shupham," Num. xxvi. 39), Shuf- 
piM (1 Chr. vii. 12, 15), and Muppim (Gen. 
xlvi. 21). [Muppim.] 

She'rah. Daughter of Ephraim (1 Chr. 
vii. 24), and foundress of the two Beth- 
borons, and of Uzzen-Sherah. 

Sherebi'ah. A Levite in the time of 
Ezra, of the family of Mahli the son of 
Merari (Ezr. viii. 18, 24). When Ezra 
read the Law to the people, Sherebiah was 
among the Levites who assisted him (Neh. 
viii. 7). He took part in the psalm of con- 
fession and thanksgiving which was sung at 
the solemn fast after the Feast of Taber- 
nacles (Neh. ix. 4, 5), and signed the cov- 
enant with Neheraiah (Neh. x. 12). 

She'resh. Son of Machir the son of 
Manasseh by his wife Maachah (1 Chr. vii. 
16). 

Shere'zer. Properly '* Sharezer ; " one 
of the messengers sent in the fourth year 
of Darius by the people who had returned 
from the Captivity to inquire concerning 
fasting in the fifth month (Zech. vii. 2). 
[Reoemmelech.] 

She'shaoh is a term which occurs only 
in Jeremiah (xxv. 26, Ii. 41), who evident- 
ly uses it as a synonyme either for Babylon 
or for Babylonia. 

She'shai, one of the three sons of Anak 
who dwelt in Hebron (Num. xiii. 22) and 



SHESEAN 



648 



SHIBBOLETH 



wcTii driven thence and slain by Caleb at 
the liead of the children of Judah (Josh. 
zr, 14; Judg. i. 10). 

Sae'shan. A descendant of Jerahmeel 
the son of He^ron (1 Chr. ii. 31, 34, 35). 

Sheshbaz''zar, the Chaldean or Per- 
sian name given to Zerubbabel, in Ezr. i. 
8, 11, V. 14, 16; 1 Esdi. ii. 12, 15. [Ze- 

m,UBBABEL.] 

Sheth. 1. The patriarch Seth (1 Chr. 
L 1). 2. In the A. V. of Num. xxiv. 17, 
the Heb. Sheth is> rendered as a proper 
name, but there is reason to regard it as an 
appellative, and to translate, instead of 
" the sons of Sheth," " the sons of tumult," 
the wild warrio»*8 of Moab (comp. Jer. 
xlviii. 45). 

She'thar (Pers. "a star"), one of the 
•even princes of Persia and Media, who 
had access to the king's presence (Esth. i. 
U). 

She'thar-boz'nai (Pers. " star of 
splendor "), a Persian officer of rank in 
the reign of Darius Hystaspis (Ezr. v. 3, 
6, vi. 6, 13). He joined with Tatnai and 
the Apharsachites in trying to obstruct 
the progress of the Temple in the time of 
Zerubbabel, and in writing a letter to Dari- 
us, of which a copy is preserved in Ezr. v. 

She'va. 1. The scribe or royal secretary 
of David (2 Sam. xx. 25). He is called else- 
where Seraiah (2 Sam. viii. 17), Shisha 
CI K. iv. 3), and Shavsha (1 Chr. xvi. 18). 
2. Son of Caleb ben-Hezron by his con- 
jubine Maachah (1 Chr. ii. 49). 

Shew-bread (Ex. xxv. 30, xxxv. 13, 

nxix. 36, &c.), literally " bread of the face " 
or '* faces." Within the Ark it was directed 
that there should be a table of shittim wood, 
i. e. acacia, two cubits in length, a cubit in 
breadth, and a cubit and a half in height, 
overlaid with pure gold, and " having a gold- 
en crown to the border thereof roundabout," 
* tf. a border or list, in order, as we may 
suppose, to hinder that wmvii was placed 
on it from, by any accident, falling off. 
"^he further description of this table will 




tmble of Shew-bread. (From the Arch of Titaa.) 

t>e found in Ex xxv. 23-30, and a repre- 
sentation of it an it existed in the Hero«lian 
Temple forms an interesting feature in the 
bafls-reliefs within the Arih of Titis. It 



exhibits one striking correspondence with 
the prescriptions in Exodus. We there 
find the following words : " And thou shalt 
make unto it a border of a hand-breadth 
round about." In the sculpture of the 
Arch the hand of one of the slaves who is 
carrying the Table, and the border, are of 
about equal breadth. The table of the sec- 
ond Temple was carried away by AntioiHiui 
Epiphanee (1 Mace. i. 22), and a new one 
made at the refurnishing of the sanctuary 
under Judas Maccabaeus (1 Mace. iv. 49\ 
Afterwards Ptolemy Philadelphus presf nted 
a magnificent table. The Table stood is 
the sanctuary together with the seven- 
branched candlestick and the altar of in- 
cense. Every Sabbath twelve newly-baked 
loaves were put on it in two rows, six in 
each, and sprinkled with incense, where they 
remained till the followmg Sabbath. Then 
they were replaced by twelve new ones, the 
incense was burned, and they were eaten 
by the priests in the Holy Place, out of 
which they might not be removed. Besides 
these the Shew-bread Table was adorned 
with dishes, spoons, bowls, &c., which were 
of pure gold (Ex. xxv. 29). The number 
of loaves (twelve) plainly answers to the 
twelve tribes (compare Rev. xxii. 2). But, 
taking this for granted, we have still to as- 
certain the meaning of the rite, and there 
is none which is left in Scripture so wholly 
unexplained. But, although unexplained, 
it is referred to as one of the leading and 
most solemn appointments of the sanctuary 
(comp. 2 Chr. xiii. 10, 11). Its name 
"Bread of the Face" seems to indicate 
that bread through which God is seen, that 
is, with the participation of which the see- 
ing of God is bound up, or through the 
participation of which man attains the sight 
of God. Whence it follows that we hare 
not to think of bread merely as such, as the 
means of nourishing the bodily life, but as 
spiritual food, as a means of appropriating 
and retaining that life which consists in 
seeing the face of God. 

Shib'boleth (Judg. xii. 6) is the He- 
brew word which the Gileadites under Jeph- 
thah made use of at the passage of the Jor- 
dan, after a victory over the Ephraimites, 
to test the pronunciation of the sound sh 
by those who wished to cross over the 
river. The Ephraimites, it would appear, 
in their dialect substituted for sh the sim- 
ple sound s ; and the Gileadites, regarding 
every one who failed to pronounce sh as 
an Ephraimite, and therefore an enemy, 
put him to death accordingly. The word 
" Shibboleth," which has now a second life 
in the English language in a new significa- 
tion, has two meanings in Hebrew : Ist, an 
ear of corn ; 2dly, a stream or flood (Ps. 
Ixix. 2, 15) : and it was, perhaps, in the 
latter sense that this particular word sug- 
gested itself to the GUeadites, the Jurdui 



8I1IBMAH 



644 



SniLOB 



o«rmg a TLphl river. There is no mystery 
in this particular wor 1. Any word begin- 
ning with the sound sh would have an- 
swered equally well as a test. 

Shib'mah (properly Sibmah). [She- 
bam.] 

Shi'cron, one of the landmarks at the 
western end of the north boundary of Judah 
rjosh. XV. 11, only). It lay between Ekron 
(AJcir) and Jabneel {Yebna), the port at 
which the boundary ran to the sea. 

Shield- The ordinary shield consisted 
of a framework of wood covered with 
leather; it thus admitted of being burnt 
(Ez. xxxix. 9). It was frequently cased 
with metal, either brass or copper ; its ap- 
pearance in this case resembled gold, when 
the sun shone on it (1 Mace. vi. 39), and to 
this, rather than to the practice of smear- 
ing blood on the shield, we may refer the 
redness noticed by Nahum (ii. 3). The 
surface of the shield was kept bright by the 
application of oil, as implied in Is. xxi. 5. 
The shield was worn on the left arm, to 
which it was attached by a strap. Shields 
of state were covered with beaten gold. 
Shields were suspended about public build- 
ings for ornamental purposes (1 K. x. 17). 
In the metaphorical language of the Bible 
the shield generally represents the protec- 
tion of God (e. g. Ps. iii. 3, xxviii. 7) ; but 
in Ps. xlvii. 9 it is applied to earthly rulers, 
and in Eph. vi. 16, to faith. [Arms.] 

Shigga'ion (Ps. vii. 1), a particular 
kind of Psalm, the specific character of 
which is now not known. 

Shi'llOU, a town of Issachar, named only 
in Josh. xix. 19. Eusebius mentions it as 
then existing •' near Mount Tabor." 

Shi'hor of Egsrpt. [Sihor.] 

Shi'hor-lib'nath, named only in Josh, 
xix. 26 as one of the landmarks of the 
boundary of Asher. Nothing is known of it. 

Shil'hi. The father of Azubah, Je- 
hoshaphat's mother (IK. xxii. 42 ; 2 Chr. 
XX. 31). 

Shil'him. One of the cities in the 
•outhern portion of the tribe of Judah. 
Its place in the list is between Lebaoth and 
Ain, or Ain-Rimraon (Josh. xv. 32), and it 
is not elsewhere mentioned. No trace of 
it has yet been discovered. 

Shillem. Son of Naphtali, and an- 
cestor of the family of the Shillemites 
(Gen. xlvi. 24; Num. xxvi. 49). 

Shil'lemites, The. [Shillem.] 

Shilo'ah, The Waters of, a certain 
Boft-flowing stream mentioned by the proph- 
et Isaiah (viii. 6), better known under the 
later name of Siloam — the only perennial 
spring of Jerusalem. 

Shiloh. In the A. V. of the Bible, 
Shiloh is once used as the name of a per- 
son, in a very difficult passage, in Gen. 
xlix. 10, *' The sceptre shall not depart 
from Judah, nor a lawgiver fronr^ between 



his feet, until Shiloh come a. d unto hloi 
shall tlie gathering of the pe(»ple be." Sup* 
posing that the translation is correct, the 
meaning of tlie woi'd is Peaceable or Pa- 
cific, and the allusion is either to Solomon, 
whose name has a similar signification, or 
to the expected Messiah, who in Is. ix. 6 
is expressly called the Prince of Peace. 
[Messiah, p. 405, b.] Other interpreta- 
tions, however, of the passage are given, 
one of which makes it refer to the city of 
this name. (See the following article.) It 
might be translated, ''The sceptre shall not 
depart from Judah, nor the ruler's staflf 
from between his feet, till he shall go to 
Shiloh." In this case the allusion would 
be to the primacy of Judah in war (Judg. i. 
1, 2, XX. 18; Num. ii. 3, x. 14), which was 
to continue until the Promised Land was 
conquered, and the Ark of the Covenant 
was solemnly deposited at Shiloh. The 
next best translation of Shiloh is perhaps 
that of "Rest." The passage would then 
run thus : " The sceptre shall not depart 
from Judah . . . till rest come, and the na- 
tions obey him ; " and the reference would 
be to the Messiah, who was to spring from 
the tribe of Judah. This translation de- 
serves respectful consideration, as having 
been ultimately adopted by Gesenius. A 
third explanation of Shiloh, on the assump- 
tion that it is not the name of a person, is a 
translation by various learned Jews, appar- 
ently countenanced by the Targum of Jona- 
than, that Shiloh merely means "his son," 
i. e. the son of Judah (in the sense of the 
Messiah), from a supposed word Shtl, "a 
son." There is, however, no such word in 
known Hebrew. The translation, then, of 
Shiloh as the name of a city is to be re- 
garded as the soundest, if the present He- 
brew text is correct. But the fact that 
there were different readings, in former 
times, of this very difficult passage, neces- 
sarily tends to suggest the possibility that 
the correct reading may have been lost. 
Whatever interpretation of the present 
reading may be adopted, the one which 
must be pronounced entitled to the least 
consideration is that which supposes the 
prophecy relates to the birth of Christ as 
occurring in the reign of Herod just before 
Judaea became a Roman province. 

Shiloh, a city of Ephraim. In Judg. 
xxi. 19 it is said that Shiloh is "on the 
north side of Bethel, on the east side of the 
highway that goeth up from Bethel to She- 
chem, and on the south of Lebonah." In | 
agreement with this the traveller at the ^ 
present day, going north from Jerusalem, ^ 
lodges the first night at Beittn, the ancient 
Bethel ; the next day, at the distance of a 
few hours, turns aside to the right, in or- 
der to visit SeilAn^ the Arabic for Shiloh ; 
and then passing through the narrow Wady, 
wliich brings him to the main road, learw 



SHILONI 



645 



smMITES 



it Lebbdn, the Lebonah of Scripture, on 
the left, as he pursues " the highway " to 
Xdblus, the ancient Shechem. [Shechem.] 
Shiloh was one of the earliest and most 
sacred of the Hebrew sanctuaries. The 
ark of the covenant, which had been kept 
at Gilgal dui ing the progress of the Con- 
quest (Josh, xviii. 1, sq.), was removed 
thence on the subjugation of the country, 
and kept at Shiloh from the last days of 
Joshua to the time of Samuel (Josh, xviii. 
10; Judg. xviii. 31 ; 1 Sam. iv. 3). It was 
here th3 Hebrew conqueror divided among 
tlie tribes the portion of the west Jordan- 
ragio:!, which had not been already allotted 
(Josh, xviii. 10, xix. 51). In this distribu- 
tion, or an earlier one, Shiloh fell within 
the limits of Ephraim (Josh. xvi. 5). The 
ungodly conduct of the sons of Eli occa- 
sioned the loss of the ark of the covenant, 
which had been carried into battle against 
the Philistines, and Shiloh from that time 
sank into insignificance. It stands forth in 
the Jewish history as a striking example of 
the Divine indignation (Jer. vii. 12). 

Shilo'ni. This word occurs in the A. 
V. only in Neh. xi. 5, where it should be 
rendered — as it is in other cases — "the 
Shilonite," that is, the descendant of Shelah 
the youngest son of Judah. 

Shilo'nite, The, that is,' the native or 
resident of Shiloh ; a title ascribed only to 
Ahijah (1 K. xi. 29, xii. 15, xv. 29 ; 2 Chr. 
ix. 29, X. 15), 

Shilo'ni tes, The, are mentioned among 
*e descendants of Judah dwelling in Jeru- 
«alem at a date difficult to fix (1 Chr. ix. 
6). They are doubtless the members of 
the house of Shelah, who in the Penta- 
teuch are more accurately designated She- 

LANITES. 

Shil'shah. Son of Zophah of the tribe 
of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 37). 

Shim'ea. 1. Son of David by Bath- 
fsheba (1 Chr. iii. 5). 2. A Merarite Levite 
(1 Chr. vi. 30 [15]). 3. A Gershonite Le- 
vite, ancestor of Asaph the minstrel (1 Chr. 
vi. 39 [24]). 4. The brother of David (1 
Chr. XX. 7), elsewhere called Shammah, 
Shimma, and Shimeah. 

Shim'eah. 1. Brother of David, and 
father of Jonathan and Jonadab (2 Sam. 
xxi 21); called also Shammah, Shimea, 
*nd Shimma. 2. A descendant of Jehiel, 
the lather or founder of Gibeon (1 Chr. viii. 
32). 

Shim'eam. A descendant of Jehiel, 
the founder or prince of Gibeon (1 Chr. ix. 
38). Called Shimeah in 1 Chr. viii. 32. 

Shim/eath. An Ammonitess, mother 
it' Jozachar, or Zabad, one of the murder- 
ers /.f king Joash (2 K. xii. 21 [221 ; 2 Chr. 
Kxiv. 26). 

Shim'ei. 1. Son of Gershon the son 
of Levi (Num. iii. 18; 1 Chr. vi. 17, 29, 
udii. 7, 9, 10 ; Zech. xiL 1 3) ; called Sh-mi 



in Ex. vi. 17. 2. Shimei the sjn of Gera, 
a Benjamite of the house of Saul, who lived 
at Bahurim. When David and his suite 
were seen descending the long defile, on 
his flight from Absalom (2 Sam. xvi. 5-13), 
the whole feeling of the clan of Benjamin 
burst forth without restraint in the person 
of Shimei. He ran along the ridge, curs- 
ing, and throwing stones at the king and 
his companions. The next meeting was 
very different. The king was now return- 
ing from his successful campaign. Just as 
he was crossing the Jordan (2 Sam. xix- 
18), the first person to welcome him was 
Shimei, who threw himself at David's feet 
in abject penitence. But the king's sus- 
picions were not set at rest by this submis- 
sion ; and on his death-bed he recalls the 
whole scene to the recollection of his son 
Solomon. Solomon gave Shimei notice that 
from henceforth he must consider himself 
confined to the walls of Jerusalem on pain 
of death (1 K. ii. 36, 37). For three years 
the engagement was kept. At the end of 
that time, for the purpose of capturing two 
slaves who had escaped to Gath, he went 
out on his ass, and made his journey suc- 
cessfully (ib. ii. 40). On his return, the 
king took him at his word, and he was slain 
by Benaiah (ib. ii. 41-46). 3. One of the 
adherents of Solomon at the time of Adoni- 
jah's usurpation (1 K. i. 8). 4. Solomon's 
commissariat officer in Benjamin (1 K. iv. 
18). 5. Son of Pedaiah, and brother of 
Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 19). 6. A Simeon- 
ite, son of Zacchur (1 Chr. iv. 26, 27). 7. 
Son of Gog, a Reubenite (1 Chr. v. 4). 8. 
A Gershonite Levite, son of Jahath (1 Chr. 
vi. 42). 9. Son of Jeduthun, and chief of 
the tenth division of the singers (1 Chr. 
XXV. 17). 10. The Ramathite who was 
over David's vineyards (1 Chr. xxvii. 27). 
11. A Levite of the sons of Heman, who 
took part in the purification of the Temple 
under Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 14). 12. 
The brother of Cononiah the Levite in the 
reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 12, 13). 
Perhaps the same as the preceding. 13. 
A Levite in the time of Ezra who had mar- 
ried a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 23). 14. One 
of the family of Hashum, who put away his 
foreign wife at Ezra's command (Ezr. x. 
33). 15. A son of Bani, who had also 
married a foreign wife, and put her away 
(Ezr. X. 38). 16. Son of Kish a Benja- 
mite, and ancestor of Mordecai (Eslh. ii. 5) 

Shim'eon. A layman of Israel, «)f the 
family of Harim, who had married a foreign 
wife and divorced her in the time of Ezra 
(Ezr. X. 31). 

Shim'hi. A Benjamite, apparently thv 
same as Shema the son of Elpaal (1 Chr 
viii. 21). 

Shi'mi = Shimei 1, Ex. vi. 17. 

Shim'ites, The. The descendants of 
Shimei the son of Gershom (Num. iii. 21 1 



SHIMMY 



640 



SHIP 



Slum'ma The third son of , Jesse, and 
brother ol" David (1 Chr. ii. 13). 

Shi'mon. The four sons of Shimon are 
enumerated in an obscure genealogy of the 
tribe of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 20). 

Shim'rath. A Benjamite, of the sons 
of Shirahi (1 Chr. viii. 21). 

Shira'ri. 1. A Siraeonite, son of Shem- 
aiah (] Chr. iv. 37). 2. The father of 
Jediael one of David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 
45). 3. A Kohathite Levite in the reign 
of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 13). 

Shiiu'rith. A Moabitess, mother of 
Jehozabad, one of the assassins of king 
Joash (2 Chr. xxiv. 2Q). In 2 K. xii. 21, 
ihe is called Shomer. 

Shira'rom (l Chr. vii. l.) [Shimron.] 

Shim'ron. 1. A city of Zebulun (Josh, 
xi. 1, xix. 15). Its full appellation was per- 
haps Shimron-meron. 2. The fourth son 
of Issachar according to the lists of Genesis 
(xlvi. 13) and Numbers (xxvi. 24), and the 
head of the family of the Shimronites. 

Shim'ronites, The. [Shimron.] 

Shirn'ron-me'ron. The king of Shim- 
ron-meron is mentioned as one of the thirty- 
one kings vanquished by Joshua (Josh. xii. 
20). It is probably the complete name of 
the place elsewhere called Shimron, a city 
of Zebulun (Josh. xi. 1, xix. 15). 

Shim'shai. The scribe or secretary of 
Uehum, who was a kind of satrap of the 
conquered province of Judaea, and of the 
colony of Samaria, supported by the Per- 
sian court (Ezr. iv. 8, 9, 17, 23). He was 
apparently an Aramaean, for the letter 
which he wrote to Artaxerxes was in Syri- 
ac (Ezr. iv. 7). 

Shi'nab. The king of Admah in the 
lime of Abraham (Gen. xiv. 2). 

Sbi'nar. The ancient name of the great 
alluvial tract through which the Tigris and 
Euphrates pass before reaching the sea — 
the tract known in later times as Chaldaea 
or Babylonia. It was a plain country where 
orick had to be used for stone, and slime 
for mortar (Gen. xi. 3). Among the cities 
were Babel (Babylon), Erech or Orech 
(Orchoe), Calneh or Calno (probably Nif- 
fer)y and Accad, the site of whi(;h is un- 
known. It may be suspected that Shinar 
was the name by which the Hebrews origi- 
nally knew the lower Mesopotamian coun- 
try, where they so long dwelt, and which 
Abraham brought with him from *'Ur of 
the Chaldees." 

Ship. No one writer in the whole range 
of Greek and Roman literature has supplied 
us with so much information concerning 
the merchant- ships of the ancients as St. 
Luke in the narrative of St. Paul's voyage 
to Rome (Acts xxvii., xxviii.). It is im- 
portant to remember that he accomplished 
it in three ships : first the Adramyttian 
vessel which took him from Caosarea to 
Myra, and which vas probably a coasting 



vessel of no great siae (xxvii. l-Cy; aee 
ondly, the large Alexandrian corn-ship, in 
which he was wrecked on the coast of 
Malta (xxvii. 6-xxviii. 1) ; and thirdly, 
another large Alexandrian corn-ship, in 
which he sailed from Malta by Syracuie 
and 'Rhegiura to Puteoli (xxviii. 11-15) 
(1.) Size of Ancient Ships. — The narra' 
tive which we take as our chief guide af- 
fords a good standard for estimating this. 
The ship in which St. Paul was wrecked 
had 276 persons on board (Acts xxvii. 37), 
besides a cargo of wheat (ib. 10, 38) ; and 
all these passengers seem to have been 
taken on to Puteoli in another ship (xxviii. 
11), which had its own crew and its own 
cargo. Now, in English transport-ships, 
prepared for carrying troops, it is a com- 
mon estimate to allow a ton and a half per 
man. On the whole, if we say that an 
ancient merchant-ship might range from 
500 to 1000 tons, we are clearly within the 
mark. (2.) Steering Apparatus. — Some 
commentators have fallen into strange per- 
plexities from observing that in Acts xxvii. 
40 (" the fastenings of the rudders ") St. 
Luke uses the plural. Ancient ships were 
in truth not steered at all by rudders fas- 
tened or hinged to the stern, but by means 
of two paddle-rudders, one on each quar- 
ter, acting in a rowlock or through a port- 
hole, as the vessel might be small or large. 
(3.) Build and Ornaments of the Hull. — 
It is probable that there was no very 
marked diflference between the bow and 
the stern. The "hold" (Jonah i. 5) would 
present no special peculiarities. That per- 
sonification of ships, which seems to be in- 
stinctive, led the ancients to paint an eye 
on each sid§ of the bow (comp. Acts xxvii. 
15). An ornament of that which took Paul 
on from Malta to Pozzuoli is more explicit- 
ly referred to. The "sign" of that ship 
(Acts xxviii. 11) was Castor and Pollux; 
and the symbols of these heroes were doubt- 
less painted or sculptured on each side of 
the bow. (4.) Under- girders. — The im- 
perfection of the build, and still more (set 
below, 6) the peculiarity of the rig, in 
ancient ships, resulted in a greater ten- 
dency than in our times to the starting of 
the planks, and consequently to leaking 
and foundering. Hence it was customary 
to take on board peculiar contrivances, 
suitably called " helps " (Acts xxvii. 17), 
as precautions against such dangers. These 
were simply cables or chains, which in case 
of necessity could be passed round the 
frame of the ship, at right angles to it« 
length, and made tight. (5.) Anchors. — 
Ancient anchors were similar in form to 
those which we use now, except that they 
were without flukes. Two allusions to 
anchoring are found in the N. T., one in a 
very impressive metaphor C(mcerning Chris- 
tian hope (Heb. vi IS'). Tlie other pas 



^ 



SHIP 



t)47 



SHIF 



itt)^e is p»rt of the literal narrathe of St. 
Paul's voyage at its mo<3t critical point. 
Tbp sliip in which he was sailing had four 
anchors on board, and these were all em- 
ployed in the night, when the danger of 
falling on breakers was imminent. The 
sailors on this occasion anchored by the 
Btern (Acts xxvii. 29). (6.) Masts, Sails, 
Ropt , and Yards. — The rig of an ancient 
Bliip was more simple and clumsy than 
that employed in modern times. Its great 
feat are was one large mast, with one large 
square sail fastened to a yard of great 
length. Hence the strain upon the hull, 




Ancient Ship. (From a painting at Pompeii.) 

dnd the danger of starting the planks, were 
greater than under the present system, 
which distributes the mechanical pressure 
aacre evenly over the whole ship. Not 
that there were never more masts than 
ouv', or more sails than one on the same 
mast, in an ancient merchantman. But 
these were repetitions, so to speak, of the 
game general unit of rig. In the O. T. 
the mast is mentioned (Is. xxxiii. 23) ; and 
from another prophet (Ez. xxvii. 5) we 
learn that cedar-wood from Lebanon was 
sometimes used for this part of ships. 
There is a third passage (Prov. xxiii. 
34), where the top of a ship's mast is 
probably intended. In Ez. xxvii. 29, oars 
are distinctly mentioned ; and it seems that 
oak-wood from Bashan was used in making 
them. Another feature of the ancient, as of 
the modern ship, is the flag at khe top of the 
mast (Is. I. c, and xxx. 17). (7.) Rate of 
Sailing. — St. Paul's voyages furnish ex- 
cellent data for approximately estimating 
this ; and they are quite in harmony with 
what we learn from other sources. We 
must notice here, however (what commen- 
tators sometimes curiously forget), that 
winds are variable. Thus the voyage be- 
tween Troas and Philippi, accomplished 
on one occasion (Acts xvi. 11, 12) in two 
ilays, occupied on another occasion (Acts 
KX. G) five days. With a f^ir wind an 
ancient sliip would sail fully ^even knots 
an hour. (8.) Sailing hef' « the wind, 
mnd near the ufi%i. • Th<> 'yfiT which has 



been described is, like the fig of Chinese 
junks, peculiarly favorable to a quick run 
before the wind (Acts xvi. 11, xxvii. 16). 
It would, however, be a great mistake tu 
suppose that ancient ships could not woih 
to windward. The supt rior rig and build, 
however, of modern sb ps enable them t<> 
sail nearer to the wind than was the ca&e 
in classical times. A modern ship, if tlv* 
weather is not very boisterous, will sail 
within six points of the wind. To an 
ancient vessel, of which the hull was 
more clumsy, and the yards could not be 
braced so tight, it would be safe to assign 
seven points as the limit. (9.) Lying-to. 
— A ship that could make progress on her 
proper course, in moderate weather, when 
sailing within seven points of the wind, 
would lie-to in a gale, with her length 
making about the same angle witii the 
direction of the wind. This is done when 
the object is, not to make progress at all 
hazards, but to ride out a gale in safety; 
and this is what was done in St. Paul's 
ship when she was undergirded and the 
boat taken on board (Acts xxvii. 14-17) 
under the lee of Clauda. (10.) Ship's 
Boat. — This appears prominently in Acts 
xxvii. 16, 32. Every large merchant-ship 
must have had one or more boats. It is 
evident that the Alexandrian corn-ship in 
which St. Paul was sailing from Fair 
Havens, and in which the sailors, appre- 
hending no danger, hoped to reach Phk- 
NiCE, had her boat towing behind. (11.) 
Officers and Crew. — In Acts xxvii. 11 we 
have both y.v(ieQvi]ry]g and xarxXijoog. The 
latter is the owner (in part or in whole) of 
the ship or the cargo, receiving also (pos- 
sib' ▼) the fares of the passengers. The 
for ner has the charge of the steering. 
The word for " shipmen " (Acts xxvii. 27, 
30) and "sailors" (Rev. xviii. 17) is sim- 
ply the usual term vavrai. (12.) Storms 
avvd Shipwrecks. — The first century of 
the Christian era was a time of immi nse 
traffic in the Mediterranean; and tlere 
must have been many vessels lost there 
every year by shipwreck, and (perhaps) 
as many by foundering. This last danger 
would be much increased by the form of 
rig described above. Besides this, we must 
remember that the ancients had no com- 
pass, and very imperfect charts and instru- 
ments, if any at all. Certain coasts wen 
much dreaded, especially the African Syr* 
tis (Acts xvii. 17). The danger indicate! 
by breakers (ib. 29), and the fea,^ c' fj^.lling 
on rocks, are matters of course. St. Paul's 
experience seems to have been full of illus- 
trations of all these perils. (13.^ JooJs on 
the Sea of Galilee. — In th3 narratives of 
the call of the disciples to be '* fishers of 
men" (Matt. iv. 18-22; Mr.rk i. 16-20? 
Luke V. 1-11), there is no special informa- 
tion concerning the characteristics of tbe.s( 



JSHIPHl 



64b 



SHOBACH 



boats In the account of the storm and 
the miracle on the lake CMatt. viii. 23-27 ; 
Mark iv. 35-41 ; Luke viii. 22-25), it is for 
every reason instructive to compare the 
three narratives ; and we should observe 
that Luke is more technical in his language 
than Matthew, and Mark than Luke. With 
the large population round the Lake of 
Tiberias, there must have been a vast num- 
ber both of fishmg-boats and pleasure-boats, 
and boat-building must have been an ac- 
ti-, e trade on its shores. (14.) Merchant- 
ships iti the Old Testament. — The earliest 
passages where seafaring is alluded to in 
the O. T. are the following in order : Gen. 
kUx. 13, in the prophecy of Jacob concern- 
hig Zebulun ; Num. xxiv. 24, in Balaam's 
prophecy ; Deut. xxviii. 68, in one of the 
warnings of Moses ; Judg. v. 17, in Deb- 
orali's Song. Next after these it is natural 
to mention the illustrations and descriptions 
connected with this subject in Job (ix. 26) ; 
and in the Psalms (xlvii. [xlviii.] 7, ciii. 
[civ.] 26, cvi. 23). Prov. xxiii. 34 has al- 
ready been quoted. To this add xxx. 19, 
xxxi. 14. Solomon's own ships, which 
may have suggested some of these illus- 
trations (1 K. ix. 26 ; 2 Chr. viii. 18, ix. 
21), have previously been mentioned. We 
must notice the disastrous expedition of 
Jehoshaphat's ships from the same port of 
Ezion-geber (1 K. xxii. 48, 49 ; 2 Chr. xx. 
30, 37). The passages which remain are 
in the prophets (Is. ii. 16, xxiii. 1, 14, Ix. 
9; Ez. xxvii. ; Jon. i. 3-16). 

Shi'phi, a Simeonite, father of Ziza, 
A prince of the tribe in the time of Hezekiah 
(1 Chr. iv. 37). 

Shiph'mite, The, probably, though 
not certainly, the native of Shepham (1 
Chr. xxvii. 27). 

Shiph'rah (Ex. i. 15), the name of 
one of the two midwives of the Hebrews 
who disobeyed the command of Pharaoh to 
kill the male children (vers. 15-21). 

Shiph'tan, father of Kemuel, a prince 
of the tribe of Ephraim (Num. xxxi v. 24). 

Shi'sha, father of Elihoreph and Ahiali, 
the royal secretaries in the reign of Solo- 
mon (IK. iv. 3). He is apparently the 
same as Shavsha, who held the same po- 
sition under David. 

Shi'shak, king of Egypt, the Sheshenk 
I. of the monuments, first sovereign of the 
Bubastite xxiid dynasty. His reign offers 
the first determined synchronisms of Egyp- 
tieiu and Hebrew history. The first year 
•»f Shishak would about correspond to the 
26th ol Solomon, and the 20th of Shishak 
to the 5th of Rehoboam. Shishak at the 
beginning of his reign received the fugitive 
Jeroboam (IK. xi. 40) ; and it was proba- 
bly at the instigation of Jeroboam that he 
attacked Rehoboam. " He took the fenced 
cities which [pertained] to Judah, and came 
fc'> Jeiusalem." He exacted all the treas- 



ures of his city from Rehoboam, and ap- 
parently made him tributary (IK. xiv. 25, 
26; 2 Chr. xii. 2-9). Shishak has left a 
record of this expedition, sculptured on the 
wall of the great temple of El-Karnak. II 
is a list of the countries, cities, and tribes, 
conquered or ruled by him, or tributary to 
him. 

Shittah-tree, Shittim (Heb. skitt&h), 
is without doubt correctly referred to some 
species of Acacia, of which three or four 
kinds occur in the Bible lands. The wood 
of this tree — perhaps the Acacia Seyal is 
more definitely signified — was extensively 
employed in the construction of the taber- 
nacle (see Ex. xxv., xxvi., xxxvi,, xxxvii. 
xxxviii.). The A. Seyal is very common 
in some parts of the peninsula of Sinai. 
It yields the weh-knowv substance called 
gum arable which is obtained by incisions 
in the bark, but it is impossible to say 
whether the ancient Jews were acquainted 
with its use. From the tangled thickets 
into which the stem of this tree expands, 
Stanley well remarks that hence is to be 
traced the use of the plural form of the 
Heb. noun Shittim, the sing, number oc- 
curring but once only in the Bible. This 
acacia must not be confounded with the 
tree (Eobinia pseudo-acacia) popularly 
known by this name in England, which 
is a North American plant, and belongs 
to a different genus and sub-order. The 
true acacias belong to the order Legumi- 
nosae, sub-order Mimoseae. 

Shit'tim, the place of Israel's encamp- 
ment between the conquest of the trans- 
Jordanic highlands and the passage of the 
Jordan (Num. xxxiii. 49, xxv. 1 ; Josh. ii. 
1, iii. 1 ; Mic. vi. 5). Its full name appears 
to be given in the first of these paf i?.)ges — 
Abel has-Shittim — " the meadow, rr moist 
place, of the acacias." It was '*in the 
Arboth-Moab, by Jordan -Jericho" (Num. 
xxii, 1, xxvi. 3, xxxi. 12, xxjriJi. 48, 49). 
That is to say, it was in the i.' ?,tdh or Jor- 
dan Valley, opposite Jerichc. Tha" Valley 
of Shittim," of Joel (iii. 18), can hardly be 
the same spot as that dei'jribed above, 
but there is nothing to give a clew to iti 
position. 

Shi'za, a Reubenite, father of Adina [i 
Chr. xi.'42). 

Sho'a, a proper name which occurs onl^ 
in Ez. xxiii. 23, in connection with Pekod 
and Koa. The three apparently designate 
districts of Assyria w ith which the southern 
kingdom of Judah had been intimately con- 
nected, and which were to be arrayed againsi 
it for punishment. 

Sho'bab. 1. Son cf David by Bathsheba 
(2 Sam. V. 14 ; 1 Crr. iii. 5, xiv. 4). 2. 
Apparently the so'; of Calelr the son of 
Hezron by his wife A^ubah (1 Chr. ii. 18;. 

Sho'bach, the /'jujral of Hardarezoi 
king of the Sv/iaiz/ol Zoba. who was d^- 



SHOBAl 



649 



SHUPHAMITES 



lulled 1/ Divid (2 Sam. x. 15-18} In 1 
Chr. xix 16, 18, he is called Shophach. 

Sho'bai. The child'-en of Shobai were 
* family of the door-keepers of the Temple, 
who returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 42 ; 
Neh. vii. 45). 

Sho bal. 1. Second son of Seir the 
tlorite (Gen. xxxvi. 20- 1 Chr. i. 38), and 
)ne of the " dukes " ot the Horites (Gen. 
O'jcvi. 2d). 2. Son of Caleb the son of 
lur , and founder or prince of Kirjath-jearim 
1 Chr. ii. 50, 52). 3. In 1 Chr. iv. 1, 2, 
Shobai appears with Hur among the sons 
of Judah. He is possibly the same as the 
preceding. 

Sho'bek, one of the heads of the peo- 
ple who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah 
(Neh. X. 24). 

Sho'bi, son of Nahash of Kabbah of 
the children of Ammon (2 Sam. xvii. 27). 
He was one of the first to meet David at 
Mahanaim on liis flight from Absalom. 

Sho' CO, 2 Chr. xi. 7. A variation in 
the A. V. of the name Socoh. 

Sho'cho, 2 Chr. xxviii. 18. One of the 
four varieties of the name Socoh. 

Sho'choh, 1 Sara. xvii. 1. Same as 
Socoh. 

Shoe. [Sandal.] 

Sho'ham, a Merarite Levite, son of 
Jaaziah (1 Chr. xxiv. 27). 

Sho'mer. 1. An Asherite (1 Chr. vii. 
S2) ; also called Shamer (ver. 34). 2. The 
father (mother?) of Jehozabad, who slew 
king Joash (2 K. xii. 21) ; in the parallel 
passage in 2 Chr. xxiv. 26, the name is 
converted into the feminine form Shimrith, 
who is further described as a Moabitess. 
[Shimrith.] 

Sho'phach, Shobach, the general of 
Hadarezer (1 Chr. xix. 16, 18). 

Sho'phan, one of the fortified towns 
on the east of Jordan which were taken 
possession of and rebuilt by the tribe of 
Gad (Num. xxxii. 35). 

Shoshan'nim. " To the chief musi- 
cian upon Shoshannim " is a musical direc- 
tion to the leader of the Temple-choir which 
occurs in Ps. xlv., Ixix., and most probably 
indicates the melody "after" or "in the 
manner of" (A. V. "upon") which the 
Psalms were to be sung. Shoshannim- 
Eduth occurs in the same way in the title 
of Ps. Ixxx. As the words now stand they 
signify " lilies, a testimony," and the two 
are separated by a large distinctive accent. 
In themselves they have no meaning in the 
present text, and must therefore be regard- 
ed ao probably a fragment of the beginning 
of an older Psalm with which the choir 
were familiar. 

Shu'ah. 1. Son of Abraham by Ketu- 
rah (Gen. xxv. 2; 1 Chr. i. 32^. 2. Prop- 
erly " Slmchah," brother of Chelub (1 
Chr. iv. 11). 3. The father of Judah's 



wife (Gen. xxxviii. 2, 12); also called 
Shua in the A. V. 

Shu'al, son of Zophah, an AsLeiite (1 
Chr. vii. 36). 

Shu'al, The Laud of, a district named 
only in 1 Sam. xiii. 17. It is pretty cer- 
tain from t)ie passage that it lay north of 
Michmash. If therefore it be identical with 
the " land of Slialim " (1 Sam. ix. 4), — aa 
is not impossible, — we obtain the first and 
only clew yet obtained to Saul's journey in 
quest of the asses. The name Shual has 
not yet been identified. 

Shu'bael. 1. Shebuel the son of 
Gershom (1 Chr. xxiv. 20). 2. Shbbuel 
the son of Heman the minstrel (1 Chr. xxv. 
20). 

Shu'haui, son of Dan, and ancestor ol 
the Shuhamites (Num. xxvi. 42). 

Shu'hamites, The. [Shdham.] 

Shu'hite. This ethnic appellative 
" Shuhite " is frequent in the Book of Job, 
but only a« the epithet of one perr.on, Bil- 
dad. 'The local indications of the Book of 
Job point to a region on the western side 
of Chaldaea, bordering on Arabia ; and ex- 
actly in this locality, above Hit and on both 
sides of the Euphrates, are found, in the 
Assyrian inscriptions, the Tsukhi, a power- 
ful people. It is probable that these wer* 
the Shuhites. 

Shu'lamite, The, one of the person 
ages in the poem of Solomon's Song (vi. 
13). The name denotes a woman belong' 
ing to a place called Shulem, which is prob- 
ably the same as Shunem. [Shunem.] I^ 
then, Shulamite and Shunammite are equiv- 
alent, we may conjecture that the Shunam- 
mite who was the object of Solomon's pas- 
sion was Abishag. 

Shu'uiathites, The, one of the four 
families who sprang from Kirjath-jearinc 
(1 Chr. ii. 53). 

Shu'nammite, The, t. «. the native 
of Shunem, is applied to two persons : Abi- 
shag, the nurse of king David (1 K. i. 3, 
15, ii. 17, 21, 22), and the nameless hostess 
of Elisha (2 K. iv. 12, 25, 36). 

Shu'uem, one of the cities allotted to 
the tribe of Issachar (Josh. xix. 18). It is 
mentioned on two occasions (1 Sam. xxviii. 
4; 2 K. iv. 8). It was besides the native 
place of Abishag (1 K. i. 3). It is men- 
tioned by Eusebius as 5 miles south of 
Mount Tabor, and then known as Sulem. 
This agrees with the position of the present 
Solam, a village 3 miles N. of Jezreel, and 
5 from Gilboa. 

Shu'ui, son of Gad, and founder of the 
family of the Shunites (Gen. xlvi. 16; 
Num. xxvi. 15;. 

Shu'uites, The, the descendants of 
Shuni. 

Shu'pham. [Shtjppim.] 

Shu'phauiices. The, mn desoeD^anti 



8HUPPIM 



650 



SIDE 



of Sbupbam, or Shephupham, the Bcn- 
jaiiiite (Num. xxvi. 39). 

Shup'pim. In the genealogj- of Ben- 
jamin •• ShuppLm and Huppim, tho children 
of Ir," are reckoned in 1 Chr. vii. 12. Ir 
is the same as Iri the son of Bela, the son 
of Benjamin, so that Shuppim was the 
great-grandKO'i of Benjamin. 

Shur, a place just without the eastern 
border of Egypt. Shur is first mentioned 
in the narrative of Hagar's flight from 
Sarah (Gen. xvi. 7). Abraham afterwards 
** dwelled between Kadesh and Shur, and 
aojourned in Gerar" (xx. 1). The first 
clear indication of its position occurs in the 
account of Isbmael's posterity. " And they 
dwelt from Havilah unto Shur, that [is] 
before Egypt, as thou goest towards As- 
syria " (xxv. 18 ; comp. 1 Sam. xv. 7 ; xxvii. 
8). The wilderness of Shur was entered 
by the Israelites after they had crossed 
the Red Sea (Ex. xv. 22, 23). It was also 
called the Wilderness of Etham (Num. 
xxxiii. 8). Shur may have been a fortified 
town east of the ancient head of the Red 
Sea ; and from its being spoken of as a limit, 
it was probably the last Arabian town be- 
fore entering Egypt. 

Shu'shan, or Su'sa, is said to have re- 
ceived its name from the abundance of the 
lily (^ShUshan, or ShUsJianah) in its neigh- 
borhood. It was originally the capital of 
the country called in Scripture Elam, and 
by the classical writers Susis or Susiana. 
In the time of Daniel Susa was in the pos- 
session of the Babylonians, to whom Elam 
had probably passed at the division of the 
Assyrian empire made by Cyaxares and 
Nabopolassar (Dan. viii. 2). The conquest 
of Babylon by Cyrus transferred Susa to the 
Persian dominion ; and it was not long be- 
fore the Achaemenian princes determined 
to make it the capital of their whole empire, 
and the chief place of their own residence. 
According to some writers the change was 
made by Cyrus ; according to others, it had 
at any rate taken place before the death of 
Cambyses ; but, according to the evidence 
of the place itself and of the other Achae- 
menian monuments, it would seem most 
probable that the transfer was really the 
work of Darius Hystaspis. Nehemiah re- 
sided here (Neh. i. 1). Shushan was situ- 
ated on the Ulai or Choaspes. It is identi- 
fied with the modern Sus or Shush, and its 
ruins are about 3 miles in circumference. 

Shu'shan-e'duth (Ps. Ix.) is prob- 
ably an abbreviation of " Shoshannim- 
eduth" (Ps. Ixxx.). [Shoshannim.] 

Shu'thalhites, The. [Shuthelah.] 

Shu'thelah., head of an Ephraimite 
family, called after him Shuthalhites (Num. 
xxvi. 35), and lineal ancestor of Joshua, 
the son of Nun (1 Chr. vii. 20-27). 

Si'a. *'The children of Sia" were a 
family of Nethinim who returned with Ze- 



rubbabel (Neh. vii. 47). The name is i:rit 
ten SiAHA in Ezr. ii. 44. and l^ui> in 1 Esu. 
V. 29) 

Si'aha= Sia (Ezr. ii. 44). 

Sib'becai = Sibbecilii the Husha- 
thite. 

Sib'bechai, one of David's guard, and 
eighth captain for the eighth month of 
24,000 men of the king's army (1 Chr. xi. 
29, xxvii. 11). He belonged to one of th»' 
principal families of Judah, the Zarhites , or 
descendants of Zerah, and is called " the 
Hushathite," probably from the place of 
his birth. Sibbechai's great exploit, which 
gave him a place among the mighty men 
of David's army, was his single combat with 
Saph, or Sippai, the Philistine giant, in the 
battle at Gezer, or Gob (2 Sam. xxi. 18 ; 1 
Chr. XX. 4). 

Sib'boleth, the Ephraimite pronuncia- 
tion of the word Shibboleth (Judg. xii 6). 
[Shibboleth.] 

Sib'mah. [Shebam.] 

Sibra'im., one of the landmarks on the 
northern boundary of the Holy Land as 
stated by Ezekiel (xlvii. 16.) It has not 
been identified. 

Si'cliem (Gen. xii. 6). [Shechem.] 

Sic'yon (l Mace. xv. 23), a celebrated 
Greek city in Peloponnesus upon the Co- 
rinthian gulf. 

Sid'dim, The Vale of, a place nameo 
only in one passage of Genesis (xiv. 3, 8^ 
10). It was one of that class of valleys 
which the Hebrews designated by the word 
Emek. This term appears to have been 
assigned to a broad, fiattish tract, sometimes 
of considerable width, enclosed on each 
side by a definite range of hills. It was so 
far a suitable spot for the combat between 
the four and five kings (ver. 8) ; but it con- 
tained a multitude of bitumen-pits sufficient 
materially to affect the issue of the battle. 
In this valley the kings of the five allied 
cities of Sodom, Gomorrah, Admah, Ze- 
boim, and Bela, seem to have awaited the 
approach of the invaders. It is therefore 
probable that it was in the neighborhjod 
of the " plain, or circle, of Jordan " in 
which those cities stood. If we could ven- 
ture, as some have done, to interpret the 
latter clause of ver. 3, " which is near," or 
" which is at, or by, the Salt Sea," then we 
might agree with Dr. Robinson and ethers 
in identifying the Valley '>f Siddim with the 
enclosed plain which intervenes betwecjn 
the south end of the lake and the range of 
heights which terminate the Gh6r and com- 
mence the Wady Arahah. But the original 
of the passage seems to imply that the Salt | 
Sea covers the actual space formerly occu- 
pied by the Vale of Siddim. [Sea, thh 
Salt, p. 620.] 

Si'de, a city on the coast of Paraphylia, 
10 or 12 miles to the east of the river Eu . 
rymedou. It is mentioned in 1 Mace. vv. t&. I 



SIDON 



b51 



MliOj^M 



among the list of places to which the Roman 
senate sent letters in favor of the Jews. It 
was a colony of Curaaeans. 

Si'don, the Greek form of the Phoeni- 
cian name Zidon. [Zidon.] 

Sido'nians, the Greek form of the 
word ZiDONiANS, usually so exhibited in 
the Auth. Vers, of the O. T. It occurs 
Deut. iii. 9 ; Josh. xiii. 4, 6 ; Judg. iii. 3 ; 1 
K. V. 6. [Zidon.] 

Si'hon, king of the Amorites when Israel 
arrived on the borders of the Promised Land 
(Num. xxi. 21). Shortly before the time 
of Israel's arrival he had dispossessed the 
Moabites of a splendid territory, driving 
them south of the natural bulwark of the 
Arnon (xxi. 26-29). When the Israelite 
host appears, he does not hesitate or tem- 
porize like Balak, but at once gathers his 
people together and attacks them. But the 
battle was his last. He and all his host 
were destroyed, and their district from 
Arnon to Jabbok became at once the pos- 
session of the conqueror. 

Si'hor, accurately Shi'hor, once The 
Shihor or Shihor of Egypt, when un- 
qualified a name of the Nile. It is held to 
signify "the black" or ''turbid." There 
are but three occurrences of Shihor in the 
Bible, and but one of Shihor of Egypt, or 
Shihor-Mizraim. It is spoken of as one of 
the limits of territory which was still un- 
conquered when Joshua was old (Josh. xiii. 
2, 3). With this passage must be compared 
that in which Shihor-Mizraim occurs. Da- 
vid is related to have '* gathered all Israel 
together from Shihor of Egypt even unto 
the entering of Hamath" (1 Chr. xiii. 5). 
There is no other evidence that the Israel- 
ites ever spread westward beyond Gaza. 
The stream may therefore be that of the 
Wddi'V Areesh. That the stream intended 
by Shihor unqualified was a navigable riv- 
er is evident from a passage in Isaiah, 
where it is said of Tyre, " And by great 
waters, the sowing of Shihor, the harvest 
of the river [is] her revenue" (xxiii. 3). 
Here Shihor is either the same as, or com- 
pared with, Yeor, generally thought to be 
the Nile, but perhaps the extension of the 
Red Sea. In Jeremiah the identity of 
Shihor with the Nile seems distinctly stated 
(ii. 18). 

Silas, an eminent member of the early 
Christian Church, described under that name 
in the Acts, but as Silvanus in St. Paul's 
Epistlea. He first appears as one of the 
Ip.aders of the Church at Jerusalem (Acts 
Kv. 22), holding the oflice of an inspired 
teacher (xv. 32). His name, derived from 
the Latin silva, "wood," betokens him a 
Hellenistic Jew, and he appears to have 
been a Roman citizen (Acts xvi. 37). He 
was appointed as a delegate to accompany 
Paul and Barnabas on their return to An- 
tioch witli the decree of the Council of 



Jerusalem (Acts xv. J^f^, 32). Having ac- 
complished this mif^ion, he returned to 
Jerusalem (^A.cts xv. 33). He must, how- 
ever, have imjuediaufcly revisited Antioch, 
for we find him selected by St. Paul as the 
companion of his second missionary jcur- 
ney (Acts xv. 40'Xvii. 40). At Beroea he 
was left behind with Timothy while St 
Paul proceeded to Athens (Acts xvii. 14), 
and we hear nothing more of his movement* 
until he rejoiued the Apostle at Corinth 
(Acts xviii. 5). His presence at Corinth in 
several times aoticed (2 Cor. i. 19 ; 1 Thess. 
i. 1 ; 2 Thess. i. 1). Whether he was the Sil- 
vanus who conveyed St. Peter's First Epis- 
tle to Asia Minor (1 Pet. v. 12) is doubt- 
ful; the probabilities are in favor of the 
identity. A tradition of very slight author- 
ity rei)resents Silas to have become bishop 
of Corinth. 

Silk. The only undoubted notice of 
silk in the Bible occurs in Rev. xviii. 12, 
where it is mentioned among the treasures 
of the typical Babylon. It is, however, in 
the highest degree probable that the texture 
was known to the Hebrews from the time 
that their commercial relations were ex- 
tended by Salomon. The well-known clas- 
sical name of the substance does not occur 
in the Hebrew language. The Hebrew 
terms which have been supposed to refer 
to silk are meshi and demeshek. The for- 
mer occurs only in Ez. xvi. 10, 13 (A. V. 
" silk "). The other term demeshek occurs 
in Am. iii. 12 (A. V. "Damascus"), and 
has been supposed to refer to silk from the 
resemblance of the word to our " damask." 
It appears, however, that "damask "is a 
corruption of dimakso, a term applied by 
the Arabs to the raw material alone. We 
must, therefore, consider the reference to 
silk as extremely dubious. The value set 
upon silk by the Romans, as implied in 
Rev. xviii. 12, is noticed by Josephus a.9 
well as by classical writers. 

Sil'la. "The house of Millo which 
goeth down to Silla," was the scene of the 
murder of king Joash (2 K. xii. 20). What 
or where Silla was is entirely matter of 
conjecture. Some have suggested the Pool 
of Siloam. 

Sil'oah, The Pool of, properly " the 
Pool of Shelach" (Neh. iii. 15). [Sil- 
oam.] 

Sir O am {Shiloach, Is. viii. 6; Sheliuh, 
Neh. iii. 15; Siloam, John ix. 7, 11). Sil- 
oam is one of the few undisputed locali- 
ties in the topography of Jerusalem ; still 
retaining its old name (with Arabic modi- 
fication, Silwdn)y while every other pool 
has lost its Bible-designation. This is the 
more remarkable as it is a mere suburban 
tank of no great s^ze, and for many an age 
not particularly good or plentiful in its 
waters, though Josephus tells us that in hit 
day they were both " sweet and abundant.' 



SILOAM 



t)&*2 



SIMEON 



A little uray below th(3 Jewish binying- 
ground, but on the opposite side of zh\i val- 
ley, whore the Kedron turns slightly west- 
«^ard, and widens itself considerably, is the 
fount! in of the Virgin or Um-ed-Deraj, 
near the beginning of that saddle-shaped 
projection of the Temple-hill supposed 
to be the Ophel of the Bible, and the 
OphZas of Josephus. At the back part of 
this fountain a subterraneous passage be- 
gins, through which the water flows, and 
through which a man may make his way, 
sometimes walking erect, sometines stoop- 
ing, sometimes kneehng, and sometimes 
crawling, to Siloam. This conduit has 
had tributaries which have formerly sent 
their waters down from the city pools or 
Temple-walls to swell Siloam. It enters 
Siloam at the north-west angle ; or rather 
enters a small rock-cut chamber which 
forms the vestibule of Siloam, about five 
or six feet broad. To this you descend by 
a few rude steps, under which the water 
pours itself into the main pool. This pool is 
oblong ; about 18 feet broad, and 19 feet deep ; 
but it is never filled, the water either passing 
directly through, or being maintained at a 
depth of three or four feet. The present 
pool is a ruin, with no moss or ivy to make 
it romantic ; its sides falling in ; its pillars 
broken; its stair a fragment; its walls 
giving way ; the edge of every stone worn 
round or sharp by time; in some parts 
mere ddbris ; though around its edges, wild 
flowers, and, among other plants, the caper- 
tree, grow luxuriantly. The gray crum- 
bling limestone of the stone (as well as of 
the surrounding rocks, which are almost 
verdureless) gives a poor and worn-out 
aspect to this venerable relic. The present 
pool is not the original building ; it may be 
the work of crusaders, perhaps even im- 
proved by Saladin, whose afl'ection for 
wells and pools led him to care for all these 
things. Yet the spot is the same. This 
pool, which we may call the second^ seems 
anciently to have poured its waters into 
a third, before it proceeded to water the 
royal gardens. This third is perhaps that 
which Josephus calls " Solomon's pool," 
and which Nehemiah calls the " King's 
pool " (ii. 14). The expression in Isaiah 
(viii. 6), " waters of Shiloah that go soft- 
ly," seems to point to the slender rivulet, 
flowing gently, though once very profusely, 
out of Siloam into the lower breadth of 
level, where the king's gardens, or royal 
paiadise, stood, and which is still the 
greenest spot about the Holy City. Siloam 
is a sacred spot, even to the Moslem; 
much more to the Jew. It was to Siloam 
that the Levite was sent with the golden 
pitcher on the " last and great day of the 
feast" of Tabernacles ; it was from Siloam 
that he brought the \»ater which was then 
poured o ve^ the sacr fii ie. in memory of 



the wat.r from the lock of Rephidim ; and 
it was to this Siloam water that the Lord 
pointed when He stood in the Temple on 
that day and cried, " If any man thir.«t, let 
him corae unto me and drink." The Lord 
sent the blind man to wash, not i», as out 
version has it, but at (e^e), the pool of 
Siloam ; for it was the clay from his eyes 
that was to be washed ofi*; and the Evan- 
gelist is careful to throw in a remark, not 
for the purpose of telling us that Siloam 
meant an "aqueduct," as some think, but 
to give higher significance to the miracle. 
"Go wash at Siloam," was the command; 
the Evangelist adds, " which is, by inter- 
pretation, sent" (John ix. 7). That 
" Sent " is the natural interpretation is 
evident, not simply from the word itself, 
but from other passages where the Hebrew 
word is used in connection with water, as 
Job iii. 10, " He sendeth waters upon tho 
fields;" and Ezek. xxxi. 4, " She sew< oiit 
her little rivers unto all the trees of the 
field." 

Sil'oam, Tower in (Lukexiii. 4). Of 
this we know nothing definitely beyond 
these words of the Lord. In connection 
with Ophel, there is mention made of "a 
tower that lieth out " (Neh. iii. 26) ; and 
there is no unlikelihood in connecting this 
projecting tower with the tower in Siloam, 
while one may be almost excused for the 
conjecture that its projection was the cause 
of its ultimate /aZZ. 

Silva'nus. [Silas.] 

Silver. In very early times, silver wan 
used for ornaments (Gen. xxiv. 53) and 
for vessels of various kinds. Images for 
idolatrous worship were made of silver or 
overlaid with it (Ex. xx. 23; Hos. xiii. 2; 
Hab. ii. 19 ; Bar. vi. 39), and the manufac- 
ture of silver shrines for Diana was a trade 
in Ephesus (Acts xix. 24). But its chief 
use was as a medium of exchange, and 
throughout the O. T. we find " silver " 
used for money, like the Fr. argent. Sil- 
ver was brought to Solomon from Arabia 
(2 Chr. ix. 14) and from Tarshish (2 Chr. 
ix. 21), which supplied the markets of 
Tyre (Ez. xxvii. 32). From Tarsliish it 
came in the form of plates (Jer. x. 9), like 
those on which the sacred books of the 
Singhalese are written to this day. Spain 
appears to have been iY i chief source 
whence silver was obtainea by the ancients. 
Possibly the hills of Palestine may have 
afforded some supply of this metal. Silver 
mixed with alloy is referred to in Jer. vi. 
30, and a finer kind, either purer in itself, 
or more thoroughly purified, is mentior' ec' 
in Prov. viii. 19. 

Sil'verlings, a word used once only m 
the A. V. (Is. vii. 23), as a translation of 
the Hebrew word elsewhere rendered " sil- 



II 



, ver or "money. 
' Sim eon (hea/rd). 



1. The second of J»- 



SIMEON 



Qi)'6 



SfMOJi 



cob's 8un& by Leah. His birth is recorded in 
Gen. xxix. 33. The first group of Jacob's 
children consists, besides Simeon, of the 
three other sons of Leah — Reuben, Levi, 
Judah. With each of these Simeon is 
mentioned in some connection. " As Reu- 
ben and Simeon are mine," says Jacob, 
" so shall Josephjs, sons, Ephraim and 
Manasseh, be mine^ (Gen. xlviii. 5). With 
Levi, Simeon was associated in the massa- 
cre of the Shechemites (xx::iv. 25). With 
Judah the connection was drawn still closer. 
He and Simeon not only " went up " to- 
gether, side by side, in the fore-front of 
the nation, to the conquest of the south of 
the Holy Land (Judg. i. 3, 17), but their 
allotments lay together in a more special 
manner than those of the other tribes. 
Besides the massacre of Shechem, the only 
personal incident related of Simeon is the 
fact of his being selected by Joseph as the 
hostage for the appearance of Benjamin 
(Gen. xlii. 19, 24, 36; xliii. 23). The 
chief families of the tribe are mentioned 
in the lists of Gen. xlvi. (10), in which 
one of them, bearing the name of Shaul 
(Saul), is specified as "the son of the Ca- 
naanitess " — Num. xxvi. (12-14), and 1 
Chr. iv. (24-43). At the census at Sinai 
Simeon numbered 59,300 fighting men 
(Num. i. 23). When the second census 
was taken, at Shittim, the numbers had 
fallen to 22,200, and it was the weakest 
of all the tribes. This was no doubt partly 
due to the recent mortality following the 
idolatry of Peor, but there must have been 
other causes which have escaped mention. 
The connection between Simeon and Levi 
implied in the blessing of Jacob (Gen. 
xlix. 5-7) has been already adverted to. 
The connection between Judah and Simeon 
already mentioned seems to have begun 
with the Conquest. Judah and the two 
Joseph-brethren were first served with the 
lion's share of the land; and then, the 
Canaanites having been sufficiently sub- 
dued to allow the Sacred Tent to be es- 
tablished without risk in the heart of the 
country, the work of dividing the remain- 
der amongst the seven inferior tribes was 
oroceeded with (Josh. viii. 1-6). Benja- 
min had the first turn, then Simeon (xix. 1). 
By this time Judah had discovered that the 
tract allotted to him was too large (xix. 9), 
and also too much exposed on the west and 
south for e^en his great powers. To Sim- 
eon accordingly was allotted a district out 
of the territory of his kinsman, on its south- 
ern frontier, which contained eighteen or 
nineteen cities, with their villages, spread 
round the venerable well of Beersheba 
(Josh. xix. 1-8; 1 Chr. iv. 28-33). Of 
these places, with the help of Judah, the 
Simeon ites possessed themselves (Judg. i. 
8, 17) ; and here they were found, doubt- 
leea by Joab, residin&r in the rei^n of David 



(1 Chr. iv. 31). What pa.t Si nef,n tojk 
at the time of tlu division of th(j kingdom 
we are not told. The only thing which car 
be interpreted into a trace of its having 
taken any part wi*h the northern kingdoir, 
are the two casual notices of 2 Chr. xv. 8 
and xxxiv. 6, which appear to imply the 
presence of Simeonites there in the reigns 
of Asa and Josiah. On the other hand the 
definite statement of 1 Chr. iv. 41-43 prov*^ 
that at that time there were still some oJ 
them remaining in the original seat of the 
tribe, and actuated by all the warlike law- 
less spirit of their progenitor. Simeon la 
named by Ezekiel (xlviii. 25), and the au- 
thor of the Book of the Revelation (vii. 7) 
in their catalogues of the restoration of Is- 
rael. 2. A devout Jew, inspired by the 
Holy Ghost, who met the parents of our 
Lord in the Temple, took Him in his arms, 
and gave thanks for what he saw and knew 
of Jesus (Luke ii. 25-35). There was a 
Simeon who succeeded his father Hillel as 
president of the Sanhedrim about a. d. 13, 
and whose son Gamaliel was the Pharisee 
at whose feet St. Paul was brought up 
(Acts xxii. 3). It has been conjectured 
that he may be the Simeon of St. Luke. 
Sim'eon Ni'ger (Actsxiii. i), [Nigeb J 
Si'mon. 1. Son of Mattathias. [Mac- 
cabees.] 2. Son of Onias the high-priest, 
whose eulogy closes the " praise of famous 
men " in the Book of Ecclesiasticus (ch. 
iv.). 3. "A governor of the Temple" in 
the time of Seleucus Philopator, whose in- 
formation as to the treasures of the Temple 
led to the sacrilegious attack of Heliodorus 
(2 Mace. iii. 4, &c.). 4. Simon the Broth- 
er OF Jesus. — The only undoubted notice 
of this Simon occurs in Matt. xiii. 55, Mark 
vi. 3. He has been identified by some writers 
with Simon the Canaanite, and still more 
generally with Symeon who became bishop 
of Jerusalem after the death of James, a. d. 
62. The former of these opinions rests on 
no evidence whatever, nor is the latter with- 
out its difficulties. 5. Simon the Canaan- 
ite, one of the Twelve Apostles (Matt. x. 
4. ; Mark iii. 18), otherwise described aa 
Simon Zelotes (Luke vi. 15; Acts i. 13). — 
The latter term, which is peculiar to Luke, 
is the Greek equiv ilent for the Chaldee 
term preserved by Matthew and Mark. 
[Canaanite.] Each of these equally points 
out Simon as belonging to the faction of th^ 
Zealots, who were conspicuous for their 
fierce advocacy of the Mosaic ritual. 6. 
Simon of Ctrenb. — A Hellenistic Jew, 
born at Cyrene on the north coast of Africa, 
who was present at Jerusalem at the time 
of the crucifixion of Jesus, either as an at- 
tendant at the feast (Acts ii. 10), or as one 
of the numerous settlers at Jerusalem from 
that place (Acts vi. 9). Meeting the pro- 
cession that condu 3ted Jesus to Golgotha, 
as he was returning fr.tm the country, h« 



SIBHOi^i 



654 



SIN-OFFERING 



#a« pressc'J '^o ihe service to bear the 
cro8£ (Matt. : fvii. 32; Mark xv. 21; Luke 
xxiii. 26), wjji n Jesus himself was unable 
to bear it any longer (comp. John xix. 17). 
Mark describes him as the father of Alex- 
andei and Rufus, perhaps because this was 
the Rufus known to the Roman Christians 
(Rem. xvi. 13), for whom he more especial- 
ly wrote. 7. Simon the Leper. — A res- 
ident at Bethany, distinguished as "the 
leper." It is not improbable that he had 
been miraculously cured by Jesus. In his 
house Mary anointed Jesus preparatory to 
His death and burial (Matt. xxvi. 6, &c. ; 
Mark xiv. 8, &c. ; John xii. 1, &c.). 8. Si- 
mon Maous. — A Samaritan living in the 
Apostolir. age, distinguished as a sorcerer 
or "m9«^ician," from his practice of magi- 
cal art?. (Acts viii. 9). According to eccle- 
siasticil writers he was born at Gitton, a 
village of Samaria, and was probably edu- 
cated at Alexandria in the tenets of the 
Gnostic school. He is first introduced to 
us as practising magical arts in a city of Sa- 
maria, perhaps Sychar (Acts viii. 6 ; comp. 
John iv. 5), and with such success, that he 
was pronounced to be "the power of God 
which is called great" (Acts viii. 10). The 
preaching and miracles of Philip having ex- 
cited his observation, he became one of his 
disciples, and received baptism at his hands. 
Subsequently he witnessed the eflfect pro- 
duced by the imposition of hands, as prac- 
tSsed by the Apostles Peter and John, and, 
ipieing desirous of acquiring a similar power 
»OT himself, he oflPered a sum of money for 
»t His object evidently was to apply the 
power to the prosecution of magitnl arts. 
The mollve and the means were equally to 
be reprobated ; and his proposition met with 
a severe denunciation from Peter, followed 
by a petition on the part of Simon, the tenor 
of which bespeaks terror, but not penitence 
(Acts viii. 9-24). The memory of his pe- 
culiar guilt has been perpetuated in the word 
fimony, as applied to all traflSic in spiritual 
offices. Simon's history, subsequently to 
his meeting with Peter, is involved in diffi- 
culties. Early Church historians depict him 
as the pertinacious foe of the Apostle Peter, 
whose movements he followed for the pur- 
pose of seeking encounters, in which he was 
signally defeated. He is said to have fol- 
lowed the Apostle to Rome. His death is 
Associated with this meeting ; according to 
Hippolytus, the earliest authority on the 
jubject, Simon was buried alive at his own 
request, in the confident assurance that he 
would rise again on the third day. Accord- 
ing to another account, he attempted to fly, 
in proof of bis supernatural power; in an- 
swer to the prayers of Peter, he fell, and 
«uf tained a fracture of his thigh and ankle- 
bones ; overcome with vexation, he commit- 
ted suicide. 9. Simon Peter. [Peter.] 
10 SiMoj?, a Pharisee, in whose house a 



penitent woman anointed the head and feet 
of Jesus (Luke vii, 40). 11. Simon the 
Tanner. — A Christian convert living at 
Joppa, at whose house Peter lodged (Acts 
ix. 43). The house was near the sea-side 
(Acts X. 6, 32), for the convenience of the 
water. 12. Simon, the father of Judas 
Iscariot (John vi. 71, xiii. 2, 26). 

Sim'ri, properly " Shimri," son of 
Hosah, a Merarite Levite in the reign of 
David (1 Chr. xxvi. 10). 

Sin, a city of Egypt, mentionei onlj by 
Ezekiel (xxx. 15, 16). The name is He- 
brew, or, at least, Semitic, perhaps signify- 
ing " clay." It is identified in the Vulg. 
with Pelusium, "the clayey or muddy** 
town. Its antiquity may perhaps be in- 
ferred from the mention of " the wilderness 
of Sin " in the journeys of the Israelites 
(Ex. xvi. 1; Num. xxxiii. 11). Ezekiel 
speaks of Sin as " Sin the stronghold of 
Egypt" (xxx. 15V This place it held from 
that time until the period of the Romans. 
Herodotus relates that Sennacherib ad- 
vanced against Pelusium, and that near 
Pelusium Cambyses defeated Psammenitus. 
In like manner the decisive battle in which 
Ochus defeated the last native king, Nec- 
tanebos, was fought near this city. 

Sin, Wilderness of, a tract of the 
wilderness which the Israelites reached after 
leaving the encampment by the Red Sea. 
(Num. xxxiii. 11, 12). Their next halting- 
place (Ex. xvi. 1, xvii. 1) was Rephidim, 
probably the Wady Feirdn [Rephid'm] , 
on which supposition it would follow that 
Sin must lie between that wady and the 
coast of the Gulf of Suez, and of course 
west of Sinai. In the wilderness of Sin the 
manna was first gathered, and those who 
adopt the supposition that this was merely 
the natural product of the tarfa bush, find 
from the abundance of that shrub in Wady - 
es Sheikh, S. E. of W. GhHrundel a proof 
of local identity. 

Sin-ofi*ering. The sin-offering among 
the Jews was the sacrifice, in which the 
ideas of propitiation and of atonement for 
sin were most distinctly marked. The cer- 
emonial of the sin-offering is described in 
Lev. iv. and vi. The Trespass-ofpbbino 
is closely connected with the sin-offering in 
Leviticus, but at the same time clearly dis- 
tinguished from it, being in some cases 
offered with it as a distinct part of the same 
sacrifice ; as, for example, in the cleansing 
of the leper (Lev. xiv.). The distinction 
of ceremonial clearly indicates a differencf 
in the idea of the two sacrifices. The na- 
ture of that difloreiice is still a subject of 
great controvt rsy. We find that the sin- 
offerings were — (A.) Regular. (1.) For 
the whole people, at the New Moon, Pass- 
over, Pentecost, Feast of Trumpets, and 4 
Feast of Tabernacles (Num. xxviii. 16- ' 
xxix. 38) ; besides the solemn offering o' 



d 



SIN-OFFERING 



655 



SINAI 



die two goats on the Great Day of Atone- 
ment (Lev. xvi.). (2.) For the Priests 
and Levites at their consecration (Ex. xxix. 
10-14, 36) ; besides the yearly sin-ofFering 
(a bullock} for the high-priest on the Great 
Dny of Atonement (Lev. xvi.) (B.) Spe- 
cial. (1.) For any sin of '•'■ ignorance" 
(Lev. iv.). (2). For refusal to hear wit- 
ness (Lev. V. 1). (3.) For ceremonial de- 
filement not wilfully contracted (Lev. v. 2, 
% xii. 6-8, xiv. 19, 31, xv. 15, 30; Num. vi. 
6-11, 16). (4.) For the breach of a rash 
9ath (Lev. v. 4). The trespass-offerings, 
on the other hand, were always special, as 
^ (1.) For sacrilege ^^ in ignorance" 
(Lev. V. 16, 16). (2.) For ignorant trans- 
gression (v. 17-19). (3.) For fraud, sup- 
),yression of the truth, or perjury (vi. 1-6). 
(4.) For rape of a betrothed slave (Lev. 
yix. 20, 21). (5.) At the purification of 
the leper (Lev. xiv. 12), and the polluted 
Nazarite (Num. vi. 12), offered with the 
sin-offering. From this enumeration it will 
be clear that the two classes of sacrifices, 
although distinct, touch closely upon each 
other. It is also evident that the sin-offer- 
ing was the only regular and general rec- 
ognition of sin in the abstract, and accord- 
ingly was far more solemn and symbolical 
in its ceremonial ; the trespass-offering was 
confined to special cases, most of which 
reiatsd to the doing of some material dam- 
age, either to the holy things or to man, 
except in (5), where the trespass-offering 
is united with the sin-offering. Josephus 
declares that the sin-offering is presented 
by those " who fall into sin in ignorance," 
and the trespass offering by "one who has 
sinned and is conscious of his sin, but has 
no one to convict him thereof." Without 
attempting to decide so difficult and so 
controverted a question, we may draw the 
following conclusions ' First, that the sin- 
offering was far the more solemn and com- 
prehensive of the two sacrifices. Secondly, 
that the sin-offering looked more to the 
guilt of the sin done, irrespective of its 
consequences, while the trespass-offering 
looked to the evil consequences of sin, 
either against the service of God, or against 
man, and to the duty of atonement, as far 
as atonement was possible. Thirdly, that 
In the sin-offering especially we nna sym- 
bolized the acknowledgment of sinfulness 
as inherent in man, and of the need of ex- 
f iation by sacrifice to renew the broken 
covenant between man and God. There is 
one other question of some interest, as to 
4he nature of the sins for which either sac- 
rifice could be offered. It is seen at once 
that in the Law of Leviticus, most of them, 
which are not purely cereraoni<il, are called 
sins of "ignorance" (see Heb. ix. 7); and 
in Num. xv. 30, it is expressly said that 
while such sins can be aton?d fcr by offer- 
ings, *' the soul that doeth aught presump- 



tuously" (Heb. with a high ha7id) "shall 
be cut off from among his people." . . . 
" His iniquity shall be upon him " (comp. 
Heb. X. 26). But here are sufficient indi- 
cations that the sins here called " of igno- 
rance " are more strictly those of " negli- 
gence " or " frailty," repented of by the 
unpunished offender, as opposed to ^hose 
of deliberate and unrepentant sin. ] f we 
turn to the sins actually referred to in Lev. 
iv., v., we find some which certainly are not 
sins of pure ignorance ; they are indeed few 
out of the whole range of sinfulness, but 
they are real sins. In considering this sub- 
ject, it must be remembered that the sac- 
rifices of the Law had a temporal, as well 
as a spiritual, significance and effect. They 
restored an offender to his place in the 
commonwealth of Israel ; they were there- 
fore an atonement to the King of Israel for 
the infringement of His law. 

Sin!a, Mount, the Greek form of the 
well-known name Sinai (Acts vii. 30, 38). 

Si'nai. Nearly in the centre of the pe- 
ninsula which stretches between the horns of 
the Red Sea lies a wedge of granite, grtln- 
stein, and porphyry rocks rising to be- 
tween 8000 and 9000 feet above the sea. Ita 
shape resembles a scalene triangle. These 
mountains may be divided into two great 
masses — that of Jebel Serbal (6759 feet 
high) in the north-west above Wady Feirdm 
and the central group, roughly denoted bf 
the general name of Sinai. This groujp 
rises abruptly from the Wady es-Sheykh at 
its north foot, first to the cliffs of the Ra^ 
Siifsdfeh, behind which towers the pinnacU 
of Jebel MUsa (the Mount of Moses), and 
farther back to the right of it the summit 
of Jebel Katerin {Mount St. Catherine, 8706 
feet), all being backed up and overtopped 
by Um Shaumer (the mother of fennel, 
9300 feet) , which is the highest point of the 
whole peninsula. Before considering the 
claims of the individual mountains to Scrip- 
tural notice, there occurs a question regard- 
ing the relation of the names Horeb and 
Sinai. The latter name first occurs as that 
of the limit on the farther side from Egypt 
of the wilderness of Sin (Ex. xvi. 1), and 
again (xix. 1, 2) as the " wilderness " or 
" desert of Sinai," bpfore Mount Sinai is 
actually spoken of, as in ver. 11 soon after 
we find it. But the name " Horeb " is, in 
the case of the rebuke of the people by God 
for their sin in making the golden calf, rein- 
troduced into the Sinaitic narrative (xyxiii. 
6), having been previously most recently 
used in the story of the murmuring at Reph- 
idim (xvii. 6), and earlier as tbe name ol 
the scene of the appearance of Gr^yd in the 
"burning bush " (iii. 1). Horeb, strictly 
taken, may probably be a dry plain, valley, 
or bed of a wady near the mountain ; and 
yet Mount Horeb, on tho " vast green plain " 
of which was doubtlesA excellent pasture, 



niNIM 



656 



SLAVE 



»ay mean the mountain viewed in refer- 
jjnoe thereto, or its side abutting thereon. 
But beyond the question of the relation 
wliieh these namfis natur«»iiy bear, there re- 
mains tiiat 01 site. Sinai is clearly a sum- 
mit distinctly marked. Where are we to 
look for it? There are three principal 
views in answer to this question : I. That 
Serbdl is Sinai, some 30 miles distant west- 
ward from the Jebel Miisa, but close to the 
Wady Feirdn, which is thus identified with 
Rephidim. The earliest traditions are in 
Its favor. But there are two main objec- 
tions to this : (1.) It is clear, from Ex. 
xix. 2 (comp. xvii. 1), that the interval be- 
tween Rephidim and Sinai was that of a 
regular stage of the march. (2.) There is 
no plain or wady of any sufficient size near 
Serbdl to offer camping-ground to so large 
a host, or perhaps the tenth part of them. 
II. That Jebel MUsa is Sinai, and that the 
Wady es Sebayeh, which its S. E. or highest 
summit overhangs, is the spot where the 
people camped before the mount ; but the 
second objection to Serbdl applies almost 
in equal force to this — the want of space 
below. III. That the modern Horeb of 
the monks — viz. the N. W. and lower face 
of the Jebel MUsa, crowned with a range of 
magnificent cliffs, the highest point called 
Ras SufsAfeh, as overlooking the plain er 
Rahahl is the scene of the giving of the 
Law, and that peak the mountain into which 
Moses ascended. But the whole of Jebel 
ifusais, compared with the adjacent moun- 
tains, insignificant. The conjunction of 
mountain with plain is the greatest feature 
of this site ; in choosing it, we lose in the 
mountain, as compared with Serbdl, but we 
gain in the plain, of which Serbdl has noth- 
ing. It may be added that, supposing Wady 
Tayibeh to have been the encampment " by 
the sea," as stated in Num. xxxiii. 10, three 
routes opened there before the Israelites ; 
the most southerly one down the plain el 
Kda to Txir ; the most northerly by the 
SarbUi el Khadem ; and the middle one by 
Wady Feirdn, by which they would pass 
the foot of Serbdl, which therefore in this 
case alone could possibly be Sinai. The 
middle route aforesaid from W. Tayibeh 
reaches the W. Feirdn through what is 
called the W. Mokatteb, or ♦' written valley," 
from the inscriptions on the rocks which line 
it, generally considered to have been the 
work of Christian hands, but whether those 
of a Christian people localized there at an 
unknown period, as Lepsius thinks, or of 
passing pilgrims, as is the more general 
opinion, is likely to continue doubtful. 

Si'nim, a people noticed in Is. xlix. 12, 
%* living at the extremity of the known 
irorld. They may be identified with the 
classical Sinae, the inhabitants of the south- 
ern part of China. 

Sin'ite, a tribe of Canaanites (Gen. x. 17 ; 



1 Chr. i. 15),wno»e position is to be sought 
for in the northern part of the Lebanon dis- 
trict. ^ 

Si'on, Mount. 1. One of the various 
names of Mount Hermon (Deut. iv. 48 
only). 2. The Greek form of the Hebre^r 
name, Zion, the famous Mount of the Tem- 
ple (1 Mace. iv. 37, 60, v. 54, vi. 48, 62, vii. 
33, x. 11, xiv. 27; Heb. xii. 22; Rev. xiv. 
1). [Jerusalem.] 

Siph'moth, one of the places in the 
south of Judah which David frequented 
during his freebooting life (1 Sam. xxx. 
28). 

Sip'pai, Saph, one of the sons of Repb- 
aim, or "the giants," slain by Sibbechai at 
Gezer (1 Chr. xx. 4). 

Si'rach., the father of Jesus (Joshua;, 
the writer of the Hebrew original of the 
Book of Ecclesiasticus. 

Si'rah, The Well of, from which Ab- 
ner was recalled by Joab to his death at 
Hebron (2 Sam. iii. 26, only). It was ap- 
parently on the northern road from Hebron. 
There is a spring and reservoir on the 
western side of the ancient northern road, 
about one mile out of Hebron, which is 
called Ain Sara. 

Sir'ion, one of the various names of 
Mount Hermon, that by which it was known 
to the Zidonians (Deut. iii. 9). The use ol 
the name in Ps. xxix. 6 (slightly altered in 
the original — Shirion instead of Sirion) is 
remarkable. 

Sisam'ai, a descendant of Sheshan in 
the line of Jerahmeel (1 Chr. ii. 40). 

Sis'era. 1. Captain of the army of 
Jabin king of Canaan who reigned '.n Ha- 
zor. He himself resided in Harosheth of the 
Gentiles. The particulars of the rout of 
Megiddo and of Sis era's flight and death 
are drawn out under the heads of Barak, 
Deborah, Jael, Kishon. 2. After a long 
interval the name re-appears in the lists of 
the Nethinim who returned from the Cap- 
tivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 53 ; Neli. vii. 
55). It doubtless tella of Canaanite cap- 
tives devoted to the lowest offices of the 
Temple. 

Sifnah., the second of the two wells dug 
by Isaac in the valley of Gerar, the pos- 
session of which the herdmen of the valley 
disputed with him (Gen. xxvi. 21). 

Sivan. [Month.] 

Slave. The institution of slavery wa« 
recognized, though not established, by the 
Mosaic Law with a view to mitigate its 
hardship and to secure to every man his 
ordinary rights. I. Hebrew Slaves, 1. 
The circumstances under which a Hebrew 
might be reduced to servitude were — (1) 
poverty; (2) the commission of theft; and 
(3) the exercise of paternal authority. In 
the first case, a man who had mortgage<f 
his property, and was unable to support hif 
family, might sell himself to another He 



SLAVE 



657 



SLAVE 



br^iw. with a view both to obtain mainte- 
oance, and p« rchance a smplus sufficient to 
redeem his pronorty (Lev. xxv. 25, 39). 
^2) The commijsion of theft rendered a 
person liable to servitude, whenever resti- 
tution could not be made on the scale pre- 
scribed by the Law (Ex. xxii. 1, 3). The 
thief was bound to work out the value of 
his restitution money in the service of him 
on whom the theft had been committed. 
(3) The exercise of paternal authority was 
limited to the sale of a daughter of tender 
age to be a maid-servant, with the ulterior 
view of her becoming the concubine of the 
purchaser (Fx. xxi. 7). 2. The servitude 
af a Hebrew might be terminated in thr*** 
ways : (1) by the satisfaction or the re- 
mission of all claims against him; (2) by 
the recurrence of the year of Jubilee (Lev. 
xxv. 40) ; and (3) the expiration of six 
years from the tiuie that his servitude com- 
menced (Ex. xxi. 2; Deut. xv. 12). (4) 
To the above modes of obtaining L'berty 
the Rabbinists added, as a fourth, the death 
of the master without leaving a son there 
being no power of claiming the slave on 
the part of any heir except a son. If a 
servant did not desire to avail himself of 
the opportunity of leaving his service, he 
was to signify his intention in a formal 
manner before the judges (or more exactly 
at the place of judgment), and then the 
master was to take him to the door-post, 
and to bore his ear through with an awl (Ex, 
xxi. 6), driving the awl into or "unto the 
door," as stated in Deut. xv. 17, and thus 
fixing the servant to it. A servant who 
had submitted to this operation remained, 
according to the words of the Law, a ser- 
vant '* forever " (Ex. xxi. 6). These words 
are, however, interpreted by Josephus and 
by the Rabbinists as meaning until the 
year of Jubilee. 3. The condition of a 
Hebrew servant was by no means intoler- 
able. His master was admonished to treat 
him, not *' as a bond-servant, but as an hired 
servant and as a sojourner," and, again, 
" not to rule over him with rigor " (Lev. 
xxv. 39, 40, 43). At the termination of his 
servitude the master was enjoined not to 
" let him go away empty," but to remuner- 
ate him liberally out of his flock, his floor, 
and his wine-press (Deut. xv. 13, 14). In 
the event of a Hebrew becoming the ser- 
vant of a •' stranger," meaning a non-He- 
bre\%, the servitude could be terminated 
"inly in two ways, viz. by the arrival of the 
jrear of Jubilee, or by the repayment to the 
master of the purchase-money paid for the 
aervant, after deducting a sum for the 
value of his services proportioned to the 
length of his servitude (Lev. xxv. 47-55). 
A Hebrew woman might enter into volun- 
tary servitude on the score of poverty, and 
in this case she was entitled to her freedom 
*fber Hix years' service, together with her 
42 



usual gratuity at leaving, just as in tht« 
case of a man (Deut. xv. 12, 13). Thu? 
far W9 have seen little that is objectionable 
in tiie condition of Hebrew servants. In 
respect to marriage there were some pecu- 
liai'ities which, to our ideas, would be re- 
garded as hardships. A master might, for 
instance, give a wife to a Hebrew servo ni 
for the time of his servitude, the wife bein^ 
in this case, it must be remarked, not only 
a slave, but a non-Hebrew. Should he 
leave when his term had expired, liis vnte 
an^ children would remain the absolute 
property of the master (Ex. xxi. 4, 5"). 
Again, a father might sell his young daugh- 
ter to a Hebrew, with a view eillier of 
marrying her himself, or of giving her to 
his son (Ex. xxi. 7-9). It diminishes the 
apparent harshness of this proceeding if 
we look on the purchase-money as in the 
light of a dowry given, as was not un- 
usual, to the parents of the bride ; still 
more, if we accept the Rabbinical view 
that the consent of the maid was required 
before the marriage could take place. The 
position of a maiden thus sold by her 
father was subject to the following regula- 
tions : (1) She could not " go out as tlie 
men-servants do," i. e. she could not leave 
at the termination of six years, or in the 
year of Jubilee, if her master was willir.g 
to fulfil the object for which he had pur- 
chased her. (2) Should he not wish to 
marry her, he should call upon lier friends 
to procure her release by th. repayment 
of the purchase-money. (3) If he b(>- 
trothed her to his son, he was bound to 
make such provision tor her as he would , 
for one of his own daughters. (4) If either' 
he or his son, having married her, took a, 
sec md wife, it should not be to the pre- 
judice of the first. (5) If neither of the- 
three first specified alternatives took place, 
the maid was entitled to immediate andi 
gratuitous liberty (Ex. xxi. 7-11). The- 
custom of reducing Hebrews to servitude^ 
appear* to have fallen into disuse subse-- 
quently to the Babylonish captivity. Vast;: 
numbers of Hebrews were reduced to sla- 
very as war-captives atdiflerent periods by 
the Phoenicians (Joel iii. 6), the Philistines, 
(Joel iii. 6 ; Am. i. 6), the Syrians (1 Mace. 
iii. 41; 2 Mace. viii. 11), the Egyptiansi 
(Joseph. Ant. xii. 2, § 3), and, above alL. 
by the Romans (Joseph. B. J. vi. 9, § 3;., 
II. Non- Hebrew Slaves. 1. The majority 
of non-Hebrew slaves were war-captives,, 
either of the Canaanites who had survived'! 
the general extermination of their race 
under Joshua, or such as were conquered^ 
from the other surrounding nations (Num. 
xxxi. 26, fi*.) Besides these, many were- 
obtained by purchase from foreign slave- 
dealers (Lev. xxv. 44, 45) ; and others may- 
have been resident foreigners who were* 
reduced to tliis state either by poverty o^ 



SIIME 



658 



SO 



crloie. The children of slaves remained 
slaves, being the class describeJ as " born 
in the house " (Gen. xiv. 14, xvii. 12 ; Eccl. 
ii. 7), and hence the number was likely to 
increase as time went on. The average 
value of a slave appears to have been thirty 
fhekels (Ex. xxi. 32.) 2. That the slave 
might be manumitted, appears from Ex. 
xxi. 26, 27; Lev, xix. 20. 3. The slave is 
described as the " possession " of his mas- 
ter, apparently with a spe< ial reference to 
tlie power which the latter had of disposing 
of him to his heirs as he would any other 
article of personal property (Lev. xxv. 45, 
46) ; the slave is also described as his mas- 
ter's '* money" (Ex. xxi. 21), i. e. as rep- 
resenting a certain money value. Such 
expressions show that he was regarded 
very much in the light of a chattel. But 
on the other hand, provision was made for 
the protection of his person (Lev. xxiv. 17, 
22; Ex. xxi. 20). A minor personal in- 
jury, such as the loss of an eye or a tooth, 
was to be recompensed by giving the ser- 
vant his liberty (Ex. xxi. 26, 27). The 
position of the slave in regard to religious 
privileges was favorable. He was to be 
circumcised (Gen. xvii. 12), and hence was 
entitled to partake of the Paschal sacrifice 
(Ex. xii. 44), as well as of the other re- 
ligious festivals (Deut. xii. 12, 18, xvi. 11, 
J 4). The occupations of slaves were of a 
menial character, as implied in Lev. xxv. 
1)1), consisting partly in the work of the 
house, and partly in personal attendance on 
tlie master. 

Sliine, translated bitumen in the Vul- 
gate. The three instances in which it is 
mentioned in the O. T. are illustrated by 
travellers and historians. It is first spoken 
of as used for cement by the builders in the 
plain of Shinar, or Babylonia (Gen. xi. 3). 
The bitumen pits in the vale of Siddim 
are mentioned in the ancient fragment of 
Canaanitish history (Gen. xiv. 10) ; and 
the ark of papyrus in which Moses was 
placed was made impervious to water by a 
coating of bitumen and pitch (Ex. ii. 3). 
Herodotus (i. 179) tells us of the bitumen 
found at Is, a town of Babylonia, eight 
days' journey from Babylon. The town 
of Is, mentioned by Herodotus, is the mod- 
ern Hii or Heet, on the west or right bank 
of the Euphrates, and four days' journey 
from Bagdad. The principal bitumen pit 
at Heet has two sources, and is divided by 
« wall in the centre, on one side of which 
bitumen bubbles up, and on the other th* 
oil of naphtha. 

Sling. [Arms, p. 62.] 

Smith. [Handicraft.] 

Smyr'na, the city to which allusion is 
made in Revelation ii. 8-11, was founded 
by Alexander the Great, and was situated 
twpi"*^^^ stades from the city of the same 
Qft«np. ^Hi<t,],i : after a long series of wars 



witli the Lydians had been finally taken 

and sacked by Halyattes. It seems nol 
impossible, that just as St. Paul's illustra- 
tions in the Epistle to the Corinthians are 
derived from the Isthmian games, so the 
message to the Church in Smyrna contains 
allusions to the ritual of the pagan mys- 
teries which prevailed in that city. In the 
time of Strabo the ruins of the Old Smyrn» 
still existed, and were partially inhabited, 
but the new city was one of the most beau- 
tiful in all Asia. The streets were laid out 
as near as might be at right angles. There 
was a large public library there, and also a 
handsome building surrounded with porti- 
cos which served as a museum. It was 
consecrated as a heroaro to Homer, whom 
the Smyrnaeans claimed as a countryman. 
Olympian games were celebrated here, and 
excited great interest. 

Snail. 1. The Hebrew word shablM 
occurs only in Ps. Iviii. 8. The rendering 
of the A. V. is probably correct. The 
term would denote either a Limax or a 
Helix, which are particularly noticeabl* 
for the slimy track they leave behind them 
2. The Hebrew word chdmet occurs onlj 
as the name of some unclean animal ii 
Lev. xi. 30. Perhaps some kind of lizard 
may be intended. 

Snow. The historical books of the 
Bible contain only two notices of snow 
actually falling (2 Sam. xxiii. 20 : 1 Mace, 
xiii. 22) ; but the allusions in the poetical 
books are so numerous that there can be 
no doubt as to its being an ordinary occur- 
rence in the winter months (Ps. cxlvii. 16, 
cxlviii. 8). The snow lies deep in the 
ravines of the highest ridge of Lebanon 
until the summer is far advanced, and in- 
deed never wholly disappears ; the summit 
of Hermon also perpetually glistens with 
frozen snow. From these sources proba- 
bly the Jews obtained their supplies of ice 
for the purpose of cooling their beverages 
in summer (Prov. xxv. 13). The hability 
to snow must of course vary considerably 
in a country of such varying altitude na 
Palestine. At Jerusalem snow often falls 
to the depth of a foot or more in January 
and February, but it seldom lies. At 
Nazareth it falls more frequently and deep- 
ly, and it has been observed to fall even 
in the maritime plain of Joppa and about 
Carmel. 

So. " So, king of Egypt " is once men- 
tioned in the Bible. Hoshea, the last king 
of Israel, evidently intending to become 
the vassal of Egypt, sent messengers to 
him, and made no present, as had been the 
yearly custom, to the king of Assyria (I 
K. xvii. 4). So has been identified \f 
different wi iters with the first awd Recond 
kings of the Ethiopian xxvth dynasty, 
called, by Manetho, Sahakon rSh<»h»?k) 
and Sebicl/'8 uShebetek"). 



SOAP 



659 



SODOM 



Soap The Hebrew terra hdrith is a 
general term for any substance of cleansing 
qualities. As, however, it appears in Jer. 
ii. 22, in contradistinction to nether, which 
undoubtedly means " natron," or mineral 
alkali, it is fail to infer that hdrith refers 
to vegetable alkali, or some kind of potash, 
which foims one of the usual ingredients 
in our soap. Numerol s plants, capable 
of yielding alkalies, exist in Palestine and 
tlie surrounding countries ; we may notice 
one named Huheibeh (the salsola kali of 
botanists) found near the Dead Sea, the 
ashes of which are called el-Kuli from 
their strong alkaline properties. 

So'cho, 1 Chr. iv. 18. Probably the 
town of Socoh in Judah, though which of 
the two cannot be ascertained. 

So'choh., another form of the name 
trhich is more correctly given in the A. V. 
AS Socoh. The present one occurs in 1 K. 
iv. 10, and is therefore probably, though 
not certainly, Socoh 1. 

So'coh., the name of two towns in the 
tribe of Judah. 1. In the district of the 
Shefelah (Josh. xv. 35 ; 1 Sam. xvii. 1 ; 
2 Chr. xi. 7, xxviii. 18). In the time of 
Eusebius it hove the name of Socchoth, and 
lay between 8 and 9 Roman miles from 
Eleutheropolis, on the road to Jerusalem. 
Et may be identified with esh-Shuweikeh, 
in the western part of the mountains of 
Judah. From this village probably came 
" Antigonus of Soco," who lived about the 
commencement of the 3d century b. c. 
2. Also a town of Judah, but in the moun- 
tain district (Josh. xv. 48). It has been 
liscovered about 10 miles S W. of He- 
bron; bearing, like the other Sonoh, the 
name of esh- Shuweikeh. 

So'di, the father of Gaddiel. the spy 
flelected from the tribe of Zebulun (Num. 
xiii. 10). 

Sod'om, one of the most anciem cities 
)f Syria. It is commonly mentioned in 
connection with Gomorrah, but also v^ith 
Admah and Zeboim, and otj one occasion 
(Gen. xiv.) with Bela n Zoar Sodom 
was evidently the chief town i^ the settle- 
ment. The four are first named in the 
r*thnological records of Gen. x. 19, as 'o<:- 
ionging to the Canaanites. The next men- 
tion of the name of Sodom (Gen viii. 10- 
13) gives more certain indication of the 
positivvn .)f me city. Abram and Lot are 
standing together between Bethel and Ai 
vo! 8\ taking a survey of the land 
iruund a.iv! below them. Eastward of 
them, and absolutely at their feet, lay the 

circle of Jordan." The whole circle was 
one great oasis — "a garden of Jehovah " 
(ver. 10). In the midst of the garden the 
four cities of Sodom, Gomorrah, Admah, 
md Zeboim appear to ha^e been situated. 
It is necessary to notice how absolutely 
!;he citif <> are identified ^ith the district. 



In the subsequent account of their destruc- 
tion (Gen. xix.), the topographical terms 
are employed with all the precision which 
is characteristic of such early times. The 
mention of the Jordan is conclusive as to 
the situation of the district, for the Jordan 
ceases where it enters the Dead Sea, and 
can have no existence south of that point 
The catastrophe by which they were de- 
stroyed is described in Gen. xix. as a 
shower of brimstone and fire from Jeliovah, 
However we may interpret the words of 
the earliest narrative, one thing is certain 
— that the lake was not one of the agents in 
the catastrophe. Nor is it implied in any 
of the later passages in whicl^the destruc- 
tion of the cities is referred to throughout 
the Scriptures. Quite the contrary Those 
passages always speak of the district on 
which the cities once stood, not as sub- 
merged, but as still visible, though deso- 
late and uninhabitable. In agreement with 
this is the statement of Josephus, and the 
accounts of heathen writers, as Strabo and 
Tacitus ; who, however vague their state- 
ments, are evidently under the belief that 
the district was not under water, and that 
the remains of the towns were still to be 
seen. From all these passages, though 
much is obscure, two things seem clear 
1. That Sodom and the rest of the cities 
of the plain of Jordan stood on the north 
of the Dead Sea. 2. That neither the 
cities nor the district were submerged by 
the lake, but that the cities were over- 
thrown and the land spoiled, and that it 
may still be seen in its desolate condition. 
When, however, we turn to more modern 
views, we discover a remarkable variance 
from these conclusions. 1. The opinion 
long iiurrent, that the five cities were sub- 
merged in the lake, and that their remains 
- walls, columns, and capitals — might be 
still discerned below the water, hardly 
needs refutation after the distinct state- 
ment and the constant implication of Scrip- 
ture. But - 2- A more serious departure 
from the terms of the ancient history is 
exhibited in the prevalent opinion that the 
eiciev- stood at the south end of the lake. 
This appears to have been the belief of 
Josephus and Jerome. It seems to have 
been universally held by the mediaeval 
historians and pilgrims, and it is adopted 
by modern topographers, probably without 
exception. There are several grounds for 
this belief; but the main point on which 
Dr. Robinson rests his argument is the sit- 
uation of Zoar. (a.) " Lot," says he, " flod 
to Zoar, which was near to Sodom ; ai d 
Zoar lay almost at the southern en<l of the 
present sea, probabi y in the mouth of Wady 
KerakJ" {b.) Another consideration in 
favor of placing the cities at the southern 
end of the lake is the existence of similar 
names in that direction, (c.) A third arga- 



SODOMA 



660 



SOLOMON 



ment, and perhaps the wei^itiest of the 
three, is the existence of the salt moun- 
tain at the south of the lake, and its ten- 
dency to split off in columnar masses, pre- 
senting a rude resemblance to the human 
form. But it is by no means certain that 
salt does not exist at other spots round the 
lake. It thus appears that on the situation 
of Sodcm no satisfactory conclusion can at 
present be come to. On the one hand, the 
narrative of Genesis seems to state posi- 
tively that it lay at the northern end of the 
Dead Sea. On the other hand, the long- 
continued tradition and the names of exist- 
ing spots seem to pronounce with almost 
equal positivdlhess that it was at its southern 
end. — Of the catastrophe which destroyed 
the city and the district of Sodom we can 
hardly hope ever to form a satisfactory con- 
ception. Some catastrophe there undoubt- 
edly was. But what secondary agencies, 
htsides fire, were employed in the accom- 
plishment of the punishment cannot be safe- 
ly determined in the almost total absence of 
exact scientific description of the natural 
features of the ground round the lake. It 
was formerly supposed that the overthrow 
of Sodom was caused by the convulsion 
which formed the Dead Sea. But the 
changes which occurred when the limestone 
strata of Syria were split by that vast 
fissure which forms the Jordan Valley and 
the basin of the Salt Lake, must not only 
have taken place at a time long anterior to 
the period of Abraham, but must have 
been of such a nature and on such a scale 
as to destroy all animal life far and near. 
But in fact the narrative of Gen. xix. 
neither states nor implies that any convul- 
sion of the earth occurred. If it were pos- 
sible to speculate on materials at once so 
slender and so obscure as are furnished by 
that narrative, it would be more consistent 
to suppose that the actual agent in the igni- 
tion and destruction of the cities had been 
of the nature of a tremendous thunder- 
storm accompanied by a discharge of 
meteoric stones. The name Sodom has 
been interpreted to mean '' burning." The 
miserable fate of Sodom and Gomorrah is 
held up as a warning in numerous passages 
of the Old and New Testaments (2 Pet. ii. 
6; Jude 4-7; Mark vi. H). 

Sod'oma. Rom ix. 29. In this place 
alone the Authorized Version has followed 
the Greek and Vulgate form of the well- 
known name Sodom. 

Sod'omites. This word does not de- 
note the inhabitants of Sodom; but it is 
employed in the A. V. of the Old Testa- 
ment for those who practised as a religious 
rite the abominable and unnatural vice 
from which the inhabitants of Sodom and 
Gomorrah have derived their lasting infamy. 
It occurs in Deut. xxiii. 17 ; IK. xiv. 24, 
cv. 12, xxii. 46; 2 E xxiii. 7; and Job 



XXX vi. 14 (maigin). The Hebrew woitl 
Kadesh is said to be derived from a loot 
kadash, which (strange as it may appear) 
means *' pure," and thence "holy." Tliii 
dreadful " consecration," or rather des- 
ecration, was spread in differei A forms over 
Phoenicia, Syria, Phrygia, Assyria, Baby- 
lonia. 

Soromon. I. Early Life and AcceS' 
sion. — He was the child of David's old 
age, the last-born of all his sons (1 Chr. iii. 
5). The feelings of the king and of his 
prophet-guide expressed themselves in the 
names with which they welcomed his birth 
The yearnings of the " man of war " now 
led him to give to the new-born infant the 
name of Solomon {^\\e\6v[\o\\ =. the peace- 
ful one'). Nathan, with a marked reference 
to the meaning of the king's own name 
(David = the darling, the beloved one), calls 
the infant Jedidiah (Jedid-yah), that is, tht 
"darling of the Lord" (2 Sam. xii. 24, 
25). He was placed under the care of 
Nathan from his earliest infancy. At first, 
apparently, there was no distinct pur- 
pose to make him his heir. Absalom is 
still the king's favorite son (2 Sam. xiii. 
37, xviii. 33) — is looked on by the people 
as the destined successor (2 Sam. xiv. 13, 
XV. 1-6). The death of Absalom, when 
Solomon was about ten years old, left the 
place vacant, and David pledged his word 
in secret to Bathsheba that he, and no 
other, should be the heir (1 K. i. 13). The 
words which were spoken somewhat later, 
express, doubtless, the purpose which 
guided him throughout (1 Chr. xxviii. 9 
20). His son's life should not be as hi» 
own had been, one of hardships and wars, 
dark crimes and passionate repentance, but, 
from first to last, be pure, blameless, peace- 
ful, fulfilling the ideal of glory and of 
righteousness, after which he himself hac 
vainly striven. The glorious visions of 
Ps. Ixxii. maybe looked on as the prophetic 
expansion of those hopes of liis old age. 
So far, all was well. But we may net 
ignore the fact, that the later years of 
David's life presented a change for the 
worse, as well as for the better. We can- 
not rest in the belief that his influence over 
his son's character was one exclusively for 
good. Nothing that we know of Bathsheba 
leads us to think of her as likely to mould 
her son's mind and heart to the higher 
forms of goodness. Under these influences 
the boy grew up. At the age of ten or eleven 
he must_have passed through the revolt of 
Absalom, and shared his father's exile (2 
Sam. XV. 16). He would be taught all m\ 
that priests, or Levites, or prophets had to ■ 
teach. Admirable, however, aa all this 
was, a shepherd-life, like his father's, fur- 
nished, we may believe, a better education 
for the kingly calling (Ps. Ixxviii. 70, IV 
The feebleness of Dai* id's old age led to an 



SOLOMON 



661 



SOLOMON 



Attempt which might have deprived Solomon 
of the throne his father destined for him. 
Adonijah, next in order of birth to Absa- 
lom, like Absalom " was a goodly man " (1 
K. i. 6), in full maturity of years, backed 
by tlie oldest of the king's friends and 
counsellors. Following in the steps of Ab- 
salom, he assumed the kingly state of a 
chariot and a bodyguard. At last a time 
was chosen for openly proclaiming him as 
king. A solemn feast at En-kogel. was to 
maug;irate the new reign. It was necessary 
for those whose interests were endang red 
to take prompt measures. Bathsheba and 
Nathan took counsel together. The king 
was reminded of his oath. Solomon went 
down to GiHON, and was proclaimed and 
anointed king. The shouts of his followers 
fell on the startled ears of the guests at 
Adonijah's banquet. One by one they rose 
and departed. The plot had failed. A few 
months more, and Solomon found himself, 
by his father's death, the sole occupant of 
the throne. The position to which he suc- 
ceeded was unique. Never before, and never 
after, did the kingdom of Israel take its 
place among the great monarchies of the 
East. Large treasures accumulated through 
many years were at his disposal. — Of Solo- 
mon's personal appearance we have no di- 
rect description, as we have of the earlier 
kings. There are, however, materials for 
filling up the gap. Whatever higher mystic 
meaning may be latent in Ps. xlv., or the 
Song of Songs, we are all but compelled to 
think of them as having had, at least, an his- 
torical starting-point. They tell us of one 
who was, in the eyes of the men of his own 
time, " fairer than the children of men," the 
face " bright and ruddy " as his father's 
(Cant. V. 10 ; 1 Sam. xvii. 42), bushy locks, 
dark as the raven's wing, yet not without a 
golden glow, the eyes soft as " the eyes of 
doves," the " countenance as Lebanon, ex- 
cellent as the cedars," " the chiefest among 
ten thousand, the altogether lovely" (Cant. 
V. 9-16). Add to this all gifts of a noble, 
far-reaching intellect, large and ready sym- 
pathies, a playful and genial humor, the 
lips " full of grace," the soul " anointed " 
&s " with the oil of gladness " (Ps. xlv.), 
and we may form some notion of what the 
king was like in that dawn of his golden 
prime. — The narrative of the earliest facts 
in the history of the new reign, as told in 
i K. ii., is not a little perplexing. Bath- 
sheba, who had before stirred up David 
against Adonijah, now appears as interced- 
ing for him, begging that Abishag the Shu- 
nammite, the virgin concubine of David, 
might be given him as a wife. Solomon, 
who till then had professed the profoundest 
reverence for his mother, suddenly flashes 
into fiercest wrath at this. The petition is 
tr*^ated as part of a conspiracy in which 
loab and A^l'»t^ar are sharers. Adonijah 



is put to death at once. Joab is slain even 
within the precincts of the Tabernacle, to 
which he had fled as an asylum. Abiathar 
is deposed, and exiled, sent to a life of pov- 
erty and shame (1 K. ii. 31-36), and the 
high-priesthood transferred to another fam- 
ily. [Zadok.] II. Reign. — All the data 
for a continuous history that we have of 
Solomon's reign are — (a.) The duration 
of the reign, 40 years (1 K. xi. 42) b. c. 
1015-975. (h.) The commencement of the 
Temple in the 4th, its completion in the 
11th year cf his reign (1 K. vi. 1, 37, 38). 
(c.) The commencement of his own palace 
in the 7th, its completion in the 20th year 
(1 K. vii. 1 ; 2 Chr. viii. 1). {d.') The con- 
quest of Hamath-Zobah, and the conse- 
quent foundation of cities in the region 
north of Palestine after the 20m year (2 
Chr. viii. 1-6). With materials so scanty 
as these, it will be better to group the chief 
facts in an order which will best enable us 
to appreciate their significance. III. For' 
eign Policy. — 1. Egypt. The first act of the 
foreign policy of the new reign must have 
been to most Israelites a very startling one 
He made aflBnity with Pharaoh, king of 
Egypt, by marrying his daughter (1 K. ii^ 
1). The immediate results were probably 
favorable enough. The new queen brought 
with her as a dowry the frontier-city of 
Gezer, against which, as threatening the 
tranquillity of Israel, and as still possessed 
by a remnant of the old Canaanites, Pha^ 
raoh had led his armies. She was received 
with all honor. A separate and stately pal- 
ace was built for her, before long, outside 
the city of David (2 Chr. viii. 11). The 
ultimate issue of the alliance showed that 
it was hollow and impolitic. There may 
have been a revolution in Egypt. There 
was, at any rate, a change of policy. There 
was planned the scheme which first led to 
the rebellion of the Ten Tribes, and then 
to the attack of Shishak on the weakened 
and dismantled kingdom of the son of 
Solomon. 2. Tyre. The alliance with the 
Phoenician king rested on a somewhat dif- 
ferent footing. It had been part of David's 
policy from the beginning of his reign. 
Hiram had been " ever a lover of David " 
As soon as he heard of Solomon's accession 
he sent ambassadors to salute him. A cor- 
respondence passed between the two kings, 
which ended in a treaty of commerce. The 
opening of Joppa as a port created a new 
coasting-trade, and the materials from Tyre 
were conveyed to it on floats, and thence to 
Jerusalem (2 Chr. ii. 16). In return for these 
exports, the Phoenicians were only too glax. 
to receive the corn and oil of Solomon's ter- 
ritory. The results of the alliance did not end 
here. Now, for the first time in the history ol 
Israel, they entered on a career as a commer 
cial people. They joined the Phoenicians in 
their Meditf rranean voyages to the coasts q1 



myLCM(>^ 



662 



SOLOMON 



Spaiu iidl >mon's possession of tlie Edom- 
ite coast enabled him to open to his ally a 
new world of commerce. The ports of Elath 
and Ezion-g iber were filled with ships of 
Tarshish, merchant-ships, manned chiefly 
by Phoenicians, but built at Solomon's ex- 
pense, which sailed down the Aelanitic 
Gulf of the Red Sea, on to the Indian 
Ocean, to lands which had before been 
hardly known even by name. According 
to the statement of the Phoenician writers 
quoted by Josephus {Ant. viii. 5, § 3), the 
■fltircourse of the two kings had in it also 
something of the sportiveness and freedom 
of friends. They delighted to perplex each 
other with hard questions, and laid wagers 
as to their power of answering them. The 
singular fragment of history inserted in 1 
K. ix. 11-14, recording the cession by Sol- 
omon of sixteen cities, and Hiram's dis- 
satisfaction with them, is perhaps connect- 
ed with these imperial wagers. 3. These 
were the two most important alliances. 
The absence of any reference to Babylon 
and Assyria, and the fact that the Euphrates 
was recognized as the boundary of Solo- 
mon's kingdom (2 Chr. ix. 26), suggest the 
inference that the Mesopotamian monar- 
chies were at this time comparatively feeble. 
Other neighboring nations were content to 
pay annual tribute in the form of gifts (2 
Chr. ix. 42). 4. The survey of the influ- 
ence exercised by Solomon on surrounding 
nations would be incomplete if we were to 
pass over that which was more directly 
personal — the fame of his glory and his 
wisdom. "Wherever the ships of Tars his h 
went, they carried with them the report, 
losing nothing in its passage, of what their 
crews had seen and heard. The journey 
of the queen of Sheba, though from its cir- 
cumstances the most conspicuous, did not 
stand alone. She had heard of the wisdom 
of Solomon, and connected with it ** the 
name of Jehovah " (1 K. x. 1). She came 
with hard questions to test that wisdom, 
and the words just quoted may throw light 
upon their nature. The historians of Israel 
delighted to dwell on her confession that 
the reality surpassed the fame, " the one 
half of the greatness of thy wisdom was not 
cold me" (2 Chr. ix. 6). IV. Internal 
History. — 1. The first prominent scene 
in Solomon's reign is one which presents 
his character in its noblest aspect. There 
were two holy places which divided the 
reverence of the peopl<^, the ark and its 
provisional tabernacle at Jerusalem, and 
tlie original Tabernacle of the congrega- 
tion, which, after many wanderings, was 
now pitched at Gibeon. It was thought 
right that the new king should offer solemn 
sacrifices at both. After those at Gibeon, 
there (;ame that vision of the night, in 
which Solomon prayed, not for riches, or 
Vong life, or viitory over enemies, but for 



a " wise and understanding heart," that he 
might judge the people. The " speech 
pleased the Lord." The wisdom asked 
for was given in large measure, and took 
a varied range. The wide world of nature, 
animate and inanimate, the lives and char- 
acters of men, lay before him, and he took 
cognizance of all. But the highest wi&dom 
was that wanted for the highest work, for 
governing and guiding, and the historian 
hastens to give an illustration of it. The 
pattern-instance is, in all its circumstances, 
thoroughly Oriental (1 K. iii. 16-28). 2. 
In reference to the king's finances, the first 
impression of the facts given us is that of 
abounding plenty. Large quantities of the 
precious metals were imported from Ophir 
and Tarshish (1 K. ix. 28). All the kings 
and princes of the subject provinces paid 
tribute in the form of gifts, in money and 
in kind, "at a fixed rate year by year" (1 
K. x. 25). Monopolies of trade contributed 
to the king's treasury (1 K. x. 28, 29). 
The king's domain-lands were apparently 
let out, at a fixed annual rental (Cant, 
viii. 11). All the provinces of his own 
kingdom were bound each in turn to sup- 
ply the king's enormous household witn 
provisions (1 K. iv. 21-23). The total 
amount thus brought into the treasury in 
gold, exclusive of all payments in kind, 
amounted to 6Q6 talents (1 K. x. 14). 3. 
It was hardly possible, however, that any 
financial system could bear the strain of 
the king's passion for magnificence. The 
cost of the Temple was, it is true, provided 
for by David's savings and the offerings of 
the people ; but even while that was build- 
ing, yet more when it was finished, one 
structure followed on another with ruinous 
rapidity. All the equipment of his court, 
the " apparel " of his servants, was on the 
same scale. A bodyguard attended him, 
" threescore valiant men," tallest and hand- 
somest of the sons of Israel. Forty thou- 
sand stalls of horses for his chariots, and 
twelve thousand horsemen, made up the 
measure of his magnificence (1 K. iv. 26). 
As the treasury became empty, taxes mul- 
tiplied and monopolies became more irk- 
some. The people complained, not of the 
king's idolatry, but of their burdens, of hia 
"grievous yoke" (1 K. xii. 4). Their 
hatred fell heaviest on Adoniram, who was 
over the tribute. 4. A description of the 
Temple erected by Solomon is given else- 
where. After seven years and a half the 
work was completed, and the day came to 
which all Israelites looked back as the cui- 1 1 
minating glory of their nation. The ark Ti 
from Zion, the tabernacle from Gibeon, 
were both removed (2 Chr. v, 5), and 
brouglit to the new Temple. In the sol- 
emn dedication of the building the person 
of the king is the one central object, com- 
pared with whom even priests and propheii 



SOLOMON 



663 



SOLOMON'S SERVANTS 



»rt} fi r the titae subordinate. From him 
came the lofty prayer, the noblest utter- 
ance of the creed of Israel, setting forth 
the distance and the nearness of the Eter- 
nal God, One, Incomprehensible, dwelling 
Qot in temples made with hands, yet ruling 
meu, hearing their prayers, giving them 
all good things, wisdom, peace, righteous- 
aess. 5. We cannot ignore the fact that 
evfcD now there were some darker shades in 
tLe picture. He reduced the " strangers " 
in the land, the remnant of the Canaanite 
ra'jes to the state of helots, and made their 
lif»; * bitter with all hard bondage." One 
hundred and fifty-three thousand, with wives 
and children in proportion, were torn from 
their homes and sent off to the quarries and 
the forests of Lebanon (1 K. v. 15 ; 2 Chr. 
ii. 1 r, 18). And the king soon fell from the 
loftiest height of his religious life to the 
lowest depth. Before long the priests and 
prophets had to grieve over rival temples to 
Moloch, Chemosh, Ashtaroth, forms of ritual 
not idolatrous only, but cruel, dark, impure. 
This evil came as the penalty of another 
(1 K. xi. 1-8). He gave himself to " strange 
women." He found himself involved in a 
fascination Aihich led to the worship of 
strange gods. Something there was per- 
haps in his very " largeness of heart," so 
far in advance of the traditional knowledge 
of his age, rising to higher and wider 
thoughts of God, which predisposed him to 
it. In recognizing what was true in other 
forms of faith, he might lose his horror at 
what was false. With this there may have 
mingled political motives. He may have 
hoped, by a policy of toleration, to concili- 
ate neighboring princes, to attract a larger 
traffic. But probably also there was another 
influence less commonly taken into account. 
The wide-spread belief of the East in the 
magic arts of Solomon is not, it is believed, 
without its foundation of truth. Disasters 
followed before long as the natural conse- 
quence of what was politically a blunder as 
well as religiously a sin. The strength of 
che nation rested on its unity, and its unity 
depended on its faith. Whatever attrac- 
tions the sensuous ritual which he intro- 
duced may have had for the great body of 
the people, the priests and Levites must 
have looked on the rival worship with en- 
tire disfavor. The zeal of the prophetic or- 
der was now kindled into active opposition 
(1 K. xi. 28^-39). The king in vain tried 
to check the current that was setting strong 
against him. The old tribal jealousies 
gave signs of renewed vitality. Ephraim 
was prepared once more to dispute the 
supremacy of Judah, needing special con- 
trol (1 K. xi. 28). And with this weakness 
within there came attacks from without. 
The king, prematurely old, must have fore- 
seen tlie rapid breaking up of the great 
monari bi to which be had succeeded. Of 



the inner changes of mind and heart which 
ran parallel with this history Scripture i? 
comparatively silent. Something may be 
learnt from the books that bear his name: 
something also from the fact that so little 
remains out of so much, out of the soii}J"s. 
proverbs, treatises of which the historian 
speaks (1 K. iv. 32, 33). Excerpta only art 
given from tlie 3000 Proverbs. Of the 
thousand and five Songs we know absolute- 
ly nothing. They represent the three stages 
of his life. The Song of Songs brings be- 
fore us the briglitness of his youth. Then 
comes in the Book of Proverbs, the stage 
of practical, prudential thought. The poet 
has become the philosopher, the mystic has 
passed into the moralist. But the man 
passed through both stages without being per- 
manently the better for either. They were 
to him but phases of his life which he had 
known and exhausted (Eccl. i., ii.). And 
therefore there came, as in the Confessions 
of the Preacher, the great retribution. V. 
Legends. — Round the facts of the history, 
as a nucleus, there gathers a whole world 
of fantastic fables, Jewish, Christian, and 
Mohammedan. Even in the Targum of 
Ecclesiastes we find strange stories of his 
character. He left behind him spells and 
charms to cure diseases and cast out evil 
spirits. His wisdom enabled him to inter- 
pret the speech of beasts and birds. He 
knew the secret virtues of gems and herbs. 
Arabic imagination took a yet wilder flight. 
After a strong struggle with the rebellious 
Afreets and Jinns, Solomon conquered them 
and cast them into the sea. To him be- 
longed the magic ring which revealed to 
him the past, the present, and the future. 
The visit of the queen of Sheba furnished 
some three or four romances. — We pass 
from this wild farrago of Jewish and other 
fables, to that which presents the most en- 
tire contrast to them. The teaching of the 
N. T. adds nothing to the materials for a 
life of Solomon. It enables us to take the 
truest measure of it. The teaching of the 
Son of Man passes sentence on all that 
kingly pomp (Matt. vi. 29). It was re- 
served for the true, the later Sun cf David 
to fulfil the prophetic yearnings which had 
gathered round the birth of the earlier. He 
was the true Shelomoh, the Prince of P'^ace, 
the true Jedid-jah, the well-beloved of the 
Father. 
Solomon's Porch. [PAj..iCE,- Tem 

PLE.] 

Solomon's Servants (Ceildrpn of;, 
(Ezr. ii. 56, 58; Neh. vii. 57, 60). The 
persons thus named appear in the lists of 
the exiles who returned from th^' Captivity. 
They were the descendant? of the Catrrtan- 
ites, who wero reduced by Solomon to the 
helot state, and compelled to laoor in the 
king's stone-quarries, and in building hii 
palaces and cities (1 K. v. I?, 14. ix. 2P 



SOLOMON'S SONG 



664 



SPARROW 



81 , 2 Ciir. viii. 7, 8). They appear to have 
formed a distinct order, inheriting probably 
the same functions and the same skill as 
their ancestors. 

Solomon's Song. [Canticles.] 

Solomon, Wisdom of. [Wisdom, 
Book of.] 

Son The term " son " is used in Scrip- 
ture language to imply almost any kind of 
descent or succession, as ben shdndh, *' son 
of a year," i. e. a year old, ben kesheth, 
'* son of a bow," i. e. an arrow. The word 
bar is often found in the N. T. in composi- 
tion, as Bar-timaeus. 

Soothsayer. [Divination.] 

Sop'ater, sonof Pyrrhus of Beroea, was 
ine of the companions of St. Paul on his re- 
turn from Greece into Asia (Acts xx. 4). 

Soph'ereth. " The children of Soph- 
treth " were a family who returned from 
Babylon with Zerubbabel among the de- 
scendants of Solomon's servants (Ezr. ii. 
55; Neh. vii. &7). 

Sorcerer. [Divination.] 

So'rek, The Valley of, a wady in 
which lay the residence of Delilah (Judg. 
xvi. 4). It was possibly nearer Gaza than 
any other of the chief Philistine cities, since 
thither Samson was taken after his capture 
at Delilah's house. 

Sosip'ater, kinsman or fellow-tribes- 
man of St. Paul (Rom. xvi. 21), is proba- 
bly the same person as Sopater of Beroea. 

Sos'thenes was a Jew at Corinth, who 
was seized and beaten in the presence of 
Gallio (see Acts xviii. 12-17). Paul wrote 
tb° First^ Epistle to the Corinthians jointly 
in his own name and that of a certain Sos- 
thenes whom he terms "the brother" (1 Cor. 
i. 1). Some have held that he was identi- 
cal with the Sosthenes mentioned in the 
Acts. If this be so, he must have been 
converted at a later period, and have been 
at Ephesus, and not at Corinth, when Paul 
wrote to the Corinthians. The name was 
a common one, and but little stress can be 
laid on that coincidence. 

So'tai. The children of Sotal were a 
family of the descendants of Solomon's 
servants who returned with Zerubbabel 
(Ezr. ii. 55; Neh. vii. 57). 

South Ra'moth. [Ramath of the 
South.] 

Sow. [Swine.] 

Sower, Sowing. The operation of 
sowing with the hand is one of so simple a 
character as to need little description. The 
Egyptian paintings furnish many illustra- 
tions of the mode in which it was conduct- 
ed. The sower held the vessel or basket 
ccntaining the seed, in his left hand, while 
With his right he scattered the seed broad- 
east. The "drawing out" of the seed is 
noticed, as the most characteristic action of 
the sower, in Fs. cxxvi. 6 (A. V. " precious ") 
&nd Am. ix. 13 In wet soils the seed was 



trodden in by the feet of animals (Is. xxxil 
20). The sowing season commenced in Oc- 
tober and continued to the end of February, 
wheat being put in before, ard barley after, 
the beginning of January. The Mosaic lai» 
prohibited the sowing of mixii seed (Lev 
xix. 19; Deut. xxii. 9). 

Spain (1 Mace. viii. 3; Rom. xv. 24, 
28). The local designation, Tar.shish, lep- 
resenting the Tartessus of the Greeks, 
probably prevailed until the fame of the 
Roman wars in that country reached the 
East, when it was superseded by its classi- 
cal name. The mere intention of St. Paul 
to visit Spain implies two interesting facts, 
viz. the establishment of a Christian com- 
munity in that country, and this by means 
of Hellenistic Jews resident there. The 
early introduction of Christianity into that 
country is attested by Irenaeus and Ter- 
tullian. 

Sparrow. (Heb. tzippdr). This Heb. 
word occurs upwards of forty times in the 
O. T. In all passages excepting two it is 
rendered by A. V. indiflferently "bird" or 
" fowl." In Ps. Ixxxiv. 3, and Ps. cii. 7, it 
is rendered " sparrow." The Greek 2t(jov- 
&10V (" sparrow," A. V.) occurs twice in 
N. T., Matt. x. 29, Luke xii. 6, 7. Tzip- 
por, from a root signifying to " chirp" or 
" twitter," appears to be a phonetic repre- 
sentation of the call-note of any passerine 
bird. Although the common sparrow of 
England (Passer domesticus, L.) does not 
occur in the Holy Land, its place is abun- 
dantly supplied by two very closely allied 
Southern species {^Passer salicicola, VieilL, 
and Passer cisalpina, Tern.). Our Eng- 
lish tree sparrow {Passer montanus, L.) is 
also very common, and may be seen in 
numbers on Mount Olivet, and also about 
the sacred enclosure of the mosque of 
Omar. This is perhaps the exact sjecies 
referred to in Ps. Ixxxiv. 3. Most cf our 
commoner small birds are found in Pales- 
tine. The starling, chaffinch, greenfinch, 
linnet, goldfinch, corn-bunting, pipits, 
blackbird, song-thrush, and the various 
species of wagtail abound. The rock spar- 
row {Petronia stulta, Strickl.) is a commoik 
bird in the barer portions of Palestine, es- 
chewing woods, and generally to be seen 
perched alone on the top of a reck or on 
any large stone. From this habit it has 
been conjectured to be the bird alluded to 
in Ps. cii. 7, as "the sparrow that sitteth 
alone upon the house-top ; " but as the rock 
sparrow, though found among ruins, never 
resorts to inhabited buildings, it seeme 
more probable that the bird to whi( h the 
psalmist allud« ? is the blue thrush {Petro- 
cossyphus cyafveus). It is a solitary bird. 
eschewing the society of its own species, 
and rarely more than a pair are seen to- 
gether. There are but two allusions to ti«* 
sLiiiiiniJ: of birds in tho SciiptuD*. F«tj«''le» 



SPARTA 



665 



SPIKENARD 



sii. 4 and Ps. ch 12. As thf psalmist is 
here speaking of tae sides of sti earns and 
rivers, he probably had in his mind the 
bulbul of the countrj , or Palestine nightin- 
gale {Ixos xanthopygxus, Hempr.), a bird 
not very far removed from the thrush tribe, 
and a closely allied species of which is the 
t)*ue bulbul of Persia and India. Small 
!)irde were probably as ordinary an article 
»f ccr^amption among the Israelites as 
hey sail are in the markets both of the 
Jontinent and of the East (Luke xii. 6 ; 
Matt. X. 29). There are four or five sim- 
ple methods of fowling practised at this 
day in Palestine which are probably iden- 
tical with those alluded to in the O. T. 
The simplest, but by no means the least 
successful, among the dexterous Bedouins, 
is fowling with the throw-stick. The only 
weapon used is a short stick, about 18 
Inches long and half an inch in diameter. 
When the game has been discovered, the 
stick is hurled with a revolving motion so 
as to strike the legs of the bird as it runs, 
or sometimes at a rather higher elevation, 
so that when the victim, alarmed by the 
approach of the weapon, begins to rise, its 
wings are struck, and it is slightly disabled. 
The fleet pursuers soon come up, and, using 
their burnouses, as a sort of net, catch and 
at once cut the throat of the game. A 
more scientific method of fowling is that 
alluded to in Ecclus. xi. 30, by the use of 
decoy-birds. Whether falconry was ever 
employed as a mode of fowling or not is by 
no means so clear. At the present day it 
is practised with much care and skill by the 
Arab inhabitants of Syria, though not in 
Judaea proper. 

Spar'ta (l Mace. xiv. 16 ; 2 Mace. v. 9 : 
A. V. " Lacedaemonians "). In the history 
of the Maccabees mention is made of a re- 
markable correspondence between the Jews 
and the Spartans, which has been the sub- 
ject of much discussion. The alleged facts 
are briefly these : When Jonathan endeav- 
ored to strengthen his government by for- 
eign alliances (b. c. 144), he sent to Sparta 
to renew a friendly intercourse which had 
been begun at an earlier time between Are- 
us and Onias, on the ground of their com- 
mon descent from Abraham (1 Mace. xii. 
5-23). The embassy was favorably re- 
ceived, and after the death of Jonathan 
" the firiendship and league " was renewed 
•vithS'mon (1 Mace. xiv. 16-23). Several 
questions arise out of these statements. 1. 
The whole context of the passage, as well as 
tljo independent reference to the connection 
af the *' Lacedaemonians " and Jews in 2 
Mace. V. 9, seems to prove clearly that the 
reference is to the Spartans, properly so 
inlled. 2. The actual relationship of the 
Jews and Spartans (2 Mace. v. 9) is an eth- 
nological error, which it is difficult to trace 
^ its origin. It is certain, from an inde- 



pendent paisage, that a Jewish cjlcny ex- 
isted at Sparta at an early time (1 Mace. 
XV. 23). 3. The difficulty of fixing the 
date of the first correspondence is increastd 
by the recurrence of the names involved. 
Two kings bore the name Areus, one ol 
whom reigned b. c. 309-265, and the other, 
his grandson, died b. c. 257, being only 
eight years old. The same name was also 
borne by an adventurer, who occupied a 
prominent position at Sparta, b. c. 184. In 
Judaea, again, three high- priests bore the 
name Onias, the first of whom held office 
B. c. 330-309 (or 300) ; the second b. c. 240- 
226; and the third b. c. 198-171. Jose- 
phus is probably correct in fixing the event 
in the time of Onias III. 

Spear. [Arms.] 

Spearmen. The word thus rendered in 
the A. V. of Acts xxiii. 23 is of very rare 
occurrence, and its meaning is extremely 
obscure. They were probably troops so 
lightly armed as to be able to keep pace on 
the march with mounted soldiers. 

Spice, Spices, l. Hebrew Bdsaih., 
besem, or bdsem. In Cant. v. 1, "I have 
gathered my myrrh with my spice," the 
word points apparently to some definite 
substance. In the other places, with the 
exception perhaps of Cant. i. 13, vi. 2, the 
words refer more generally to sweet aro- 
matic odors, the principal of which was 
that of the balsam or balm of Gilead ; the 
tree which yields this substance is now 
generally admitted to be the Balsamoden- 
dron opobdlsamum. The balm of Gilead 
tree grows in some parts of Arabia aiid 
Africa, and is seldom more than fifteen feet 
high, with straggling branches and scanty 
foliage. The balsam is chiefly obtained 
from incisions in the bark, but the sub- 
stance is procured also from the green and 
ripe berries. 2. Nicdih (Gen. xxxvii. 25, 
xUii. 11). The most probable explanation 
is that which refers the word to the Arabic 
naka'at, i. e. "the gum obtained from the 
tragacanth" (^Astragalus). 3. Sammim. 
A general term to denote those aromatic 
substances which were used in the prepara- 
tion of the anointing oil, the incense offer- 
mgs, &c. The spices mentioned as being 
used by Nicodemus for the preparation of 
our Lord's body (John xix. 39, 40) are 
" myrrh and aloes," by which latter word 
must be understood not 1 'le aloes of medi- 
cine (Aloe), but the higr. 'y-scented wood 
of the Aquilaria agallochi n. 

Spider. The Hebrew word 'accdhish 
in Job viii. 14, Is. lix. 5, is correctly ren- 
dered "spider." But Semdmith is wrongly 
translated "spider" in Prov. xxx. 28; it 
refers probably to some kind of lizard. 

Spikenard (Heb. ntrd) is mentioned 
twice in the O. T., viz. in Cant. i. 12, iv. 
13, 14. The ointment with which our Lord 
was anointed as He sat at mnat in Simon i 



SPINNING 



666 



STEi HEN 



houBfj at Bethany consisted of this precious 
substance, the costliness of which may be 
Inferred from the indignant surprise mani- 
fested by some of the witnesses of the 
cransaction (see Mark xiv. 3-5 ; John xii. 3, 
5). There is no doubt that sunhul is by 
Arabian authors used as the representative 
of the Greek nardos. Dr. Royle, having 
ascertained that the jatamansee, one of the 
Hindu synonymes for the sunhul, was annu- 
ally brought from the mountains overhang- 
ing the Ganges and Jumna rivers down to 
the plains, purchased some of these fresh 
roots, and planted them in the botanic gar- 
dens at Saharunpore. This plant has been 
called Na/rdostachys jatamansi by De Can- 
'iolle. 




Spikenard. 

Spinning. The notices of spinning in 
the Bible are confined to Ex. xxxv. 25, 26 ; 
Matt. vi. 28; and Prov. xxxi. 19. The 
latter passage implies (according to the A. 
V.) the use of the same instruments which 
have been in vogue for hand-spinning down 
to the present day, viz. the distaff and 
Bpindlo. The distaff, hovr'iver, appears to 
have been dispensed with, and the term so 
rendered means the spindlr itself, while that 
rendered *' spindle " represents the whirl 
of the spindle, a button of circular rim 
which was affixed to it, a ad gave steadiness 
to its circular motion, '^tlie " whirl " of the 
Syrian women was mf>de of amber in the 
time of Pliny. The syandle was held per- 
pendicularly in tho oae hand, while the 
other was empioyp/i'. in drawing out the 
thread. 

SpODge is menti:7ned only in the N. T. 
{Matt, xxvii. 48 ; Mark xv. 36 ; John xix. 
29). The commercial value of the sponge 
was known from very early times ; and al- 
though there appears to be no notice of it 



in the O. '» , yet it is probabk tnat it iv«« 
used by the ancient Hebrews, who CGu2d 
readily have obtained it good from the MeJ- 
iterranean. 

Sta'chys, a Christian at Rome, salatoit 
by St. Paul in the Epistle to the Uoinanik 
(xvi. 9). 

Spouse. [Marriage.] 

Stacte (Heb. nAtdf), the name of one 
of the sweet spices which composed tht 
holy incense (see Ex. xxx. 34). The He- 
brew word occurs once again (Job xxxvi. 
27). Some identify the nAtAf^viih tlic gura 
of the storax tree {Styrax officinale), but. 
all that is positively known is that it signi- 
fies an odorous distillation from some plant 

Standards. [Ensigns.] 

Star of the Wise Men. [Magi.] 

Stater. [Money, p. 424.] 

Steel. In all cases where the word 
" steel" occurs in the A. V. the true ren- 
dering of the Hebrew is " copper." Whether 
the ancient Hebrews were acquiiinted with 
steel is not perfectly certain. It has been 
inferred from a passage in Jeremiah (xv. 
12), that the " iron from the north" there 
spoken of denoted a superior kind of meial, 
hardened in an unusual manner, like the 
steel obtained from the Chalybes of tht 
Pontus, the ironsmiths of the ancient 
world. The hardening of iron for cutting- 
instruments was practised in Pontus, Lydia, 
and Laconia. There is, however, a word 
in Hebrew, palddh, which occurs only in 
Nah. ii. 3 [4], and is there rendered 
" torches," but which most probably de 
notes steel or hardened iron, and refers <x 
the flashing scythes of the Assyrian chari- 
ots. Steel appears to have been known to 
the Egyptians. The steel weapons in the 
tomb of Rameses III., says Wilkinson, are 
painted blue, the bronze red. 

Steph'anas, a Christian convert of 
Corinth whose household Paul baptized aa 
the " first fruits of Achaia" (1 Cor. i. 16- 
xvi. 15). 

Ste'phen, the First Christian Martyi. 
was the chief of the Seven (commonly 
called Deacons) appointed to rectify the 
complaints in the early Church of Jerusa- 
lem, made by the Hellenistic against the 
Hebrew Christians. His Greek name in- 
dicates his own Hellenistic origin. His 
importance is stamped on the narrative by 
a reiteration of emphatic almost superla- 
tive phrases : " full of faith and of the 
Holy Ghost " (Acts vi. 5) ; "• full of grace 
and power" (ib. 8) ; irresistible " spirit and 
wisdom" (ib. 10); "full of the Holy 
Ghost" (vii. 55). He shot far aliead ol 
his six companions, and far above his par- 
ticular office. First, he arrests attention 
by the " great wonders and miracles that 
he did." Then begins a series of disputa- 
tions with the Hellenistic Jews of North 
Africa, Alexandria, and Asia Minoi . hi* 



I 



STEPHEN 



667 



STOICS 



companions in race and birth^ .ace. The 
subject of these disputations is not ex- 
pressly mentioned ; but from what follows, 
it is obvious that he struck into a new vein 
of teaching, which evidently caused his mar- 
tyrdom. Down to this time the Apostles and 
the early Christian community had clung in 
their worship, not merely to the Holy Land 
and the Holy City, but to the Holy Place 
of the Temple. This local worship, with 
the Jewish customs belonging to it, he 
now denounced. So we must infer from 
the accusations brought against him, con- 
firmed as they are by the tenor of his 
defence. He was arrested at the instigation 
of the Hellenistic Jews, and brought before 
the Sanhedrin. His speech in his defence, 
and his execution by stoning outside the 
gates of Jerusalem, are related at length in 
the zVcts (vii.). The framework in which 
his defence is cast is a summary of the his- 
tory of the Jewish Church. In the facts 
which he selects from this history, he is 
guided by two principles. The first is the 
endeavor to prove that, even in the pre- 
vious Jewish history, the presence and favor 
of God had not been confined to the Holy 
Land or the Temple of Jerusalem. This 
lie illustrates with a copiousness of detail 
which makes his speech a summary almost 
as much of sacred geography as of sacred 
history. The second principle of selection 
is based on the attempt to show that there 
was a tendency from the earliest times to- 
wards the same ungrateful and narrow spirit 
that had appeared in this last stage of their 
political existence. It would seem that, 
just at the close of his argument, Stephen 
saw a change in the aspect of his judges, as 
if for the first time they had caught the drift 
of his meaning. He broke ofl" from his calm 
address, and turned suddenly upon them in 
an impassioned attack, which shows that he 
•aw what was in store for him. As he spoke 
they showed by their faces that their hearts 
"were being sawn asunder," and they kept 
j^nashing their set teeth against him; but 
still, though with difficulty, restraining 
themselves. He, in this last crisis of his 
fate, turned his face upwards to the open 
sky, and as he gazed the vault of heaven 
seemed to him to part asunder; and the 
Divine Glory appeared through the rending 
of the earthly veil — the Divine Presence, 
seated on a tnrone, and on the right hand 
the human form of " Jesus." Stephen spoke 
as if to himself, describing the glorious 
vision; and, in so doing, alone of all the 
speakers and writers in the N. T., except 
only Christ Himself, uses the expressive 
phrase, "the Son of Man." As his judges 
'^eard the words, they could hear no longer. 
They broke into a loud yell ; they clapped 
their hands to their ears ; they flew as with 
one impulse upon him, and dragged him 
out of the city to the place of execution. 



Those who took the lead in the exeoutJon 
were the persons who ha ] taken upon tlvm- 
selves the responsibility of denouncing him 
(Deut. xvii. 7 ; comp. John viii. 7). In this 
instance, they were the witnesses v ho had 
reported, or mis-reported, the words of Ste- 
phen. ^ They, according to the custom, 
stripped themselves ; and one of the prom- 
inent leaders in the transaction was deputed 
by custom to signify his assent to the act 
by taking the clothes into his custody, and 
standing over them whilst the bloody work 
went on. The person who officiated on this* 
occasion was a young man from Tarsus • 
the future Apostle of the Gentiles. [Paul.j 
As the first volley of stones burst upon him, 
Stephen called upon the Master whose hu- 
man form he had just seen in the heavens, 
and repeated almost the words with which He 
himself had given up His life on the cross, 
" O Lord Jesus, receive my spirit." An- 
other crash of stones brought him on his 
knees. One loud, piercing cry, answering 
to the loud shriek or yell with which hit 
enemies had flown upon him, escaped hii. 
dying lips. Again clinging to the spirit o1 
his Master's words, he cried, " Lord, lay 
not this sin to their charge," and instantlj 
sank upon the ground, and, in the touching 
language of the narrator, who then uses for 
the first time the word, afterwards applied 
to the departure of all Christians, but here 
the more remarkable from the bloody scene! 
in the midst of which the death took placi 
— '■^ fell asleep " His mangled body was 
buried by the class of Hellenists and prose- 
lytes to which he belonged. The impor- 
tance of Stephen's career may be briefly 
summed up under three heads : I. He was 
the first great Christian ecclesiastic, " the 
Archdeacon," as he is called in the Eastern 
Church. II. He is the first martyr — the 
proto-martyr. To him the name " martyr " 
is first applied (Acts xxii. 20). III. He 
is the forerunner of St. Paul. He was the 
anticipator, as, had he lived, he would have 
been the propagator, of the new phase of 
Christianity, of which St. Paul became the 
main support. 

Stocks. The term " stocks " is ai)plie( 
in the A. V. to two different articles, one 
of which answers rather to our pillory ; 
while the other answers to our " stocks," 
the feet alone being confined in it. The 
prophet Jeremiah was confined in the first 
sort (Jer. xx. 2), which appears to have 
been a common mode of punishment in his 
day (Jer. xxix. 26), as the prisons contained 
a chamber for the special purpose, termed 
"the house of the pillory " (2 Chr. xvi. 10; 
A. V. "prison-house *'). The stocks, prop- 
erly so called, are noticed in Job xiii. 27, 
xxxiii. 11, and Acts xvi. 24. The terra used 
in Prov. vii. 22 (A. V. " st( cks ") more 
properly means a fetter. 

Stoics. Ihe Stoics and £iicureaiii» 



STOMACHER 



668 



STORK 



who are mentioned together in Acts xvii. 
18, repr< sent the two opposite schools of 
practical philosophy which survived the fall 
of higher speculation in Greece. The Stoic 
school was founded by Zeno of Citium (cir. 
«. c. 280), and derived its name from the 
painted " portico " (orou) in which he taught. 
Zeno was followed by Cleanthes (cir. b. c. 
260), Cleanthes bj Chrysippus (cir. b. c. 
240), who was regarded as the intellectual 
founder of the Stoic system. The ethical 
system of the Stoics has been commonly 
supposed to have a close conn<^ction with 
Christian morality. But the morality of 
stoicism is essentiallj based on pride, that 
of Christianity on humility; the one up- 
holds individual independence, the other 
absolute faith in another ; the one looks for 
consolation in the issue of fate, the other in 
Providence ; the one is limited by periods 
of cosmical ruin, the other is consummated 
in a personal resurrection (Acts xvii. 18). 
But in spite of the fundamental error of 
stoicism, which lies in a supreme egotism, 
the teaching of this school gave a wide 
currency to the noble doctrines of the 
Fatherhood of God, the common bonds of 
mankind, the sovereignty of the soul. 

Stomacher. The Hebrew word, so 
translated, describes some article of female 
attire (Is. iii. 24), the character of which is 
a mere matter of conjecture. 

Stones. Besides the ordinary uses to 
which stones were applied, we may mention 
that large stones were set up to commemo- 
rate any remarkable events (Gen. xxviii. 18, 
XXXV. 14, xxxi. 45 ; Josh. iv. 9 ; 1 Sam. vii. 
12). Such stones were occasionally conse- 
crated by anointing (Gen. xxviii. 18). A 
similar practice existed in heathen coun- 
tries, and by a singular coincidence these 
etones were described in Phoenicia by a 
name very similar to Bethel, viz. haetylia. 
The only point of resemblance between the 
two consists in the custom of anointing. 
That the worship of stones prevailed among 
the heathen nations surrounding Palestine, 
and was borrowed from them by apostate 
Israelites, appears from Is. Ivii. 6, accord- 
ing to the ordinary rendering of the pas- 
page. Heaps of stones were piled up on 
rarious occasions, as in token of a treaty 
(Gen. xxxi. 46) ; or over the grave of some 
notorious offender (Josh. vii. 26, viii. 29 ; 
2 Sam. xviii. 17). The ** white stone" 
noticed in Rev. ii. 17 has been variously 
regarded as referring to the pebble of ac- 
quittal used in the Greek courts ; to the lot 
3ast in elections in Greece ; to both these 
combined ; to the stones in tlie high-priest's 
breastplate ; to the tickets presented to the 
victors at the public games ; or, lastly, to 
the custom of writing on stones. The no- 
tice in Zsch. xii. 3 of the "burdensome 
Btone " is referred by Jeiome to the custom 
of Uftinj; stones is as ixercise of strength 



(comp. Ecclus. vi. 21) ; but it may equally 
well be explained of a large corner-stone as 
a symbol of strength (Is. xxviii. 16). Stones 
are used metaphorically to d(3note hardness 
or insensibility (1 Sam. xxv. 37 ; Ez. xi. 19, 
xxxvi. 26), as well as firmness or strength 
(Gen. xlix. 24). The members of the 
Church are called " living stones," as con- 
tributing to rear that living temple in which 
Christ, himself *' a living stone" is the chief 
or head of the corner (Eph. ii. 20-22; 1 
Pet. ii. 4-8). 

Stones, Precious. Precious stones 
are frequently alluded to in the Holy Scrip- 
tures; they were known and very highly 
valued in the earliest times. The Tyrians 
traded in precious stones supplied by Syria 
(Ez. xxvii. 16). The merchants of Sheba 
and Raamah in South Arabia, and doubtless 
India and Ceylon, supplied the markets of 
Tyre with various precious stones. The art 
of engraving on precious stones was known 
from the very earliest times (Gen. xxxviii. 
18). The twelve stones of the breastplate 
were engraved each one with the name of 
one of the tribes (Ex. xxviii. 17-21). It is 
an undecided question whether the diamond 
was known to the early nations of antiquity. 
The A. V. gives it as the rendering of the 
Heb. Yahdldm, but it is probable that the 
jasper is intended. Precious stones are 
used in Scripture in a figurative sense, to 
signify value, beauty, durability, &c., in 
those objects with which they are compared 
(see Cant. v. 14; Is. liv. 11, 12; Lam. iv. 
7; Rev. iv. 3, xxi. 10, 21). 

Stoning. [Punishments.] 

Stork (Heb. chastddh). The White 
Stork {Ciconia alba, L.) is one of the largest 
and most conspicuous of land birds, standing 
nearly four feet high, the jet black of its 
wings and its bright red beak and legs con- 
trasting finely with the pure white of its 
plumage (Zech. v. 9). In the neighborhood 
of man it devours readily all kinds of offal 
and garbage. For this reason, doubtless, it 
is placed in the list of unclean birds by the 
Mosaic Law (Lev. xi. 19; Deut. xiv. 18). 
The range of the white stork extends over 
the whole of Europe, except the British 
Isles, where it is now only a rare visitf^nt 
and over Northern Africa and Asia as far at 
least as Birmah. The Black Stork (Cicv, 
nia nigra, L.), though less abundant in 
places, is scarcely less widfely distributed, 
but has a more easterly range than its con 
gener. Both species are very numerous in 
Palestine. While the black st »rk is never 
found about buildings, but prefers marsh} 
places in forests, and breeds on the tops of 
the loftiest trees, th^ white stork attaches 
itself to man, and for the service which it 
renders in the destruction of reptiles and 
the removal of offal has been repaid from 
the earliest times by protection and rever- 
ence. The derivation of chastddh (froir 



STRAIN 



t)69 



blBAW 



cJieaed, " kindness ") points to the paternal 
and filial attachment of which the stork 
seems to have been a type among the He- 
brews no less than the Greeks and Romans. 
It was believed that the young repaid the 
jare of their parents by attaching them- 
selves to them for life, and tending them in 
)ld age. That the parental attachment of 
the stork is very strong, has been proved 
on many occasions. Few migratory birds 
are more punctual to the time of their 
reappearance than the white stork. The 
stork has no note, and the only sound it 
emits is that caused by the sudden snapping 
of its long mandibles. 

Strain at. The A. V. of 1611 renders 
Matt, xxiii. 24, " Ye blind guides ! Yrhich 
strain at a gnat, and swallow a camel." 
T here can be little doubt that this obscure 
phrase is due to a printer's error, and that 
the true rea/^ang is "strain out." Arch- 
bishop Trench gives an interesting illus- 
tration of the passage from the letter of a 
.fiveller in North Africa, who says, "In 
A ride from Tangier to Tetuan, I observed 
that a Moorish soldier who accompanied 
me, when he drank, always unfolded the 
end of his turban and placed it over the 
mouth of his hota, drinking through the 
muslin, to strain out the gnats, whose larvae 
Bwarm in the water of that country." 

Stranger. A " stranger " in the tech- 
nical sense of the term may be defined to 
be a person of foreign, i. e. uon-Israelitish, 
extraction resident within the limits of the 
promised land. He was distinct from the 
proper "foreigner," inasmuch as the latter 
still belonged to another country, and 
would only visit Palestine as a traveller : he 
was still more distinct from the " nations," 
or non-Israelite peoples. The term may 
be compared with our expression "natural- 
ized foreigner." The terms applied to the 
" stranger " have special reference to the 
fact of his residing in the land. The ex- 
istence of such a class of persons among 
vhe Israelites is easily accounted for : the 



Mi^ 




" mixed multitude " that accompanied tl/em 
out of Egypt (Ex. xii. 38) formed one ele- 
ment; the Canaanitish population, which 
was never wholly extirpated from th«ir 
native soil, formed another and a still more 
important one; captives taken in war 
formed a third ; fugitives, hired servants, 
merchants, &c., formed a fourth. The en- 
actments of the Mosaic Law, which regu- 
lated the political and social position of 
resident strangers, were conceived in a 
spirit of great liberality. "With the excep- 
tion of the Moabites and Ammonites (Deut 
xxiii. 3), all nations were admissible to thf- 
rights of citizenship under certain condi 
tions. The stranger appears to have beei 
eligible to all civil offices, — that of kin^ 
excepted (Deut. xvii. 15). In regard tc 
religion, it was absolutely necessary that 
the stranger should not infringe any of the 
fundamental laws of the Israelitish state. 
If he was a bondsman, he was obliged to 
submit to circumcision (Ex. xii. 44) ; if he 
was independent, it was optional with him; 
but if he remained uncircumcised, he wat 
prohibited from partaking of the Passover 
(Ex. xii. 48), and could not be regarded a? 
a full citizen. Liberty was also given io 
regard to the use of prohibited food to an 
uncircumcised stranger. Assuming, how 
ever, that the stranger was circumcised, no 
distinction existed in regard to legal right? 
between the stranger and the Israelites. 
The Israelite is enjoined to treat him as a 
brother (Lev. xix. 34 ; Deut. x. 19). It also 
appears that the "stranger" formed the 
class whence the hirelings were drawn ; the 
terms being coupled together in Ex. xii. 
45 ; Lev. xxii. 10, xxv. G, 40. The libera,} 
spirit of the Mosaic regulations respecting 
strangers presents a strong contrast to the 
rigid exclusiveness of the Jews at the com- 
mencement of the Christian era. The 
growth of this spirit dates from the time of 
the Babylonish captivity. 

Straw. Both wheat and barley straw 
were used by the ancient Hebrews chieflj 







Foreixn CtptiTei employed in making Brieki at Thebet. CWIlklMO».> 



STREAM OF EGYPT 



670 



SUN 



A8 fodder for the horses, cattle, and camels 
(Gen. xxiv. 25 ; 1 K. iv. 28 ; Is. xi. 7, Ixv. 
25). There is no intimation that straw was 
ased for litter. It was employed by the 
Egyptians for making bricks (Ex. v. 7, 16), 
being chopped up and mixed with the clay 
to make them more compact, and to prevent 
their cracking. [See Brick, p. 92.] The 
ancient Egyptians reaped their corn close 
to the oar, and afterwards cut the straw 
close to the ground, and laid it by. This 
was the straw that Pharaoh refused to give 
to the Israeliets, who were therefore com- 
pelled tD gather " stubble " instead — a mat- 
ter of considerable difficulty, seeing that 
the straw itself had been cut off near to the 
ground. [Brick.] 

Stream of Egypt occurs once in the 
N. T. (Is. xxvii. 12). [River of Egypt.] 

Street. The streets of a modern Orien- 
tal town presented a great contrast to those 
with wliich we are familiar, being generally 
narrow, tortuous, and gloomy, even in the 
best towns. Their character is mainly fixed 
by the climate and the style of architec- 
ture, the narrowness being due to the ex- 
treme heat, and the gloominess to the cir- 
cumstance of the windows looking for the 
most part into the inner court. Tlie street 
called " Straight," in Damascus (Acts ix. 
11), was an exception to the rule of nar- 
rowness : it was a noble thoroughfare, 100 
fpet wide, divided in the Roman age by col- 
onnades into three avenues, the central one 
for fc^t passengers, the side passages for 
vehicles and horsemen going in different 
Jirections. The shops and warehouses were 
probably collected together into bazaars in 
ancient as in modern times (Jer. xxxvii. 
21), and perhaps the agreement between 
Benhadad and Ahab that the latter should 
" make streets in Damascus " (1 K. xx. 
34), was in reference rather to bazaars, 
and thus amounted to the establishment of 
a jus commercii. That streets occasionally 
had names appears from Jer. xxxvii. 21 ; 
Acts ix, 11. That they were generally un- 
paved may be inferred from the notices of 
the pavement laid by Herod the Great at 
A.ntioch, and by Herod Agrippa II. at Jeru- 
ialem. Hence pavement forms one of the 
peculiar features of the ideal Jerusalem 
(Tob. xiii. 17; Rev. xxi. 21). Each street 
and bazaar in a modern town is locked up 
at night ; the same custom appears to have 
prevailed in ancient times (Cant. iii. 3). 

Stripes. [Punishments.] 

Sxi'ah, son of Zophah, an Asherite (1 
Chr. vii. 36). 

Suc'cothi. 1 An ancient town, first 
heard of in the account of the homeward 
journey of Jacob from Padan-aram (Gen. 
xxxiii. 17). The name is derived from 
the fact of Jacob's having there put up 
"broths" (Svccdih) for his cattle, as well 
\t a house for himself. From the itinerary 



^ 



of Jacob's return it seems that Succoth iaj 
between Peniel, near the ford of the tor- 
rent Jabbok, and Shechem (comp. xxxii. 
30, and xxxiii. 18). In accordance with this 
is the mention of Succoth in the narrative 
of Gideon's pursuit of Zebah and Zalmun- 
na (Judg. viii. 5-17). It would appeal 
from this passage that it lay east of the 
Jordan, which is corroborated by the fact 
that it was allotted to the tribe of Gad 
(Josh. xiii. 27). Succoth is named onct> 
again after this — in 1 K. vii. 46; 2 Chr. 
iv. 17 — as marking the spot at wliich the 
brass founderies were placed for casting 
the metal work of the Temple. It appears 
to have been known in the time of Jerome, 
who says that there was then a town named 
Sochoth beyond the Jordan, in the district 
of Scythopolis. 2. The first camping 
place of the Israelites when they left Egypt 
(Ex. xii. 37, xiii. 20; Num. xxxiii. 5, 6). 
This place was apparently reached at the 
close of the first day's march. Rameses, 
the starting-place, was probably near the 
western end of the Wadi-t-Tumeylat. The 
distance traversed in each day's journey 
was about fifteen miles. 

Suc'eoth-be'noth occurs only in 2 K. 
xvii. 30. It has generally been supposed 
that this term is pure Hebrew, and signifies 
the " tents of daughters ; " which some ex- 
plain as " the booths in which the daughters 
of the Babylonians prostituted themselves 
in honor of their idol," others as " small 
tabernacles in which were contained im- 
ages of female deities." Sir H. Rawlinson 
thinks that Succoth-benoth represents the 
Chaldaean goddess Zerhanit, the wife of 
Merodach, who was especially worshipped 
at Babylon. 

Su'chathites, one of the families of 
scribes at Jabez (1 Chr. ii. 55). 

Suk'kiims, a nation mentioned (2 Chr. 
xii. 3) with the Lubim and Cushim as sup- 
plying part of the army which came with 
Shishak out of Egypt when he invaded Judah. 
The Sukkiims may correspond to some 
one of the shepherd or wandering racea 
mentioned on the Egyptian monuments. 

Sun. In the history of the creation the 
sun is described as the " greater light," in 
contradistinction to the moon, or "lesser 
light," in conjunction with which it was to 
serve " for signs, and for seasons, and for 
days, and for years," while its special 
office was "to rule the day" (Gen. i. 14- 
16). The " signs " referred to were prob- 
ably such extraordinary phenomena as 
eclipses, which were regarded as conveying 
premonitions of coming events (Jer. x. 2; 
Matt. xxiv. 29, with Luke xxi. 25;. The 
joint influence assigned to the sun and 
moon in deciding the " seasons," both for 
agricultural operations and for religious 
festivals, and also in regula/ing the length 
and subdivisions of the "years, * correctly 



SUN 



671 



SWEAT, BLOODY 



describes the ooiubination of the hinar and 
Bolar year, which prevailed at all events 
iubsequontly to the Mosaic period. Sun- 
rise and sunset are the only defined points 
of time in the absence of artificial con- 
trivances lor telling the hour of the day. 
Between these two points the Jews rec- 
ognized three periods, viz. when the sun 
became hot, about 9 a. m. (1 Sara. xi. 
9 : Neh. vii. 3) ; the double light, or noon 
(Gen. xliii. 16; 2 Sam. iv. 5); and "the 
cool of the day," shortly before sunset 
(Gen. iii. 8). The sun also served to 
fix the quarters of the hemisphere, east, 
west, north, and south, which were repre- 
sented respectively by the rising sun, the 
letting sun (Is. xlv. 6; Ps. 1. 1), the dark 
quarter (Gen. xiii. 14; Joel ii. 20), and the 
ferilliant quarter (Deut. xxxiii. 23 ; Job 
xxxvii. 17; Ez. xl. 24); or otherwise by 
their position relative to a person facing 
the rising sun — before, behind, on the left 
hand, and on the right hand (Job xxiii. 8, 
J). The apparent motion of the sun is 
frequently referred to (Josh. x. 13; 2 K. 
XX. 11; Ps. xix. 6; Eccl. i. 5; Hab. iii. 11). 
— The worship of the sun, as the most 
prominent and powerful agent in the king- 
dom of nature, was widely diflused through- 
out the countries adjacent to Palestine. 
The Arabians appear to have paid direct 
^rorship to it without the intervention of 
any statue or symbol (Job xxxi. 26, 27), 
a.id this simple style of worship was prob- 
ably familiar to the ancestors of the Jews 
in Chaldaea and Mesopotamia. The He- 
brews must have been well acquainted with 
the Idolatrous worship of the sun during 
the captivity in Egypt, both from the con- 
'iguity of On, the chief seat of the worship 
of ♦^^he sun as implied in the name itself 
(On = the Hebrew Bethshemesh, "house 
of the sun," Jer. xliii. 13), and also from 
the connection between Joseph and Poti- 
pherah (" he who belongs to Ra"), the priest 
of On (Gen. xli. 45). After their removal 
to Canaan, the Hebrews came in contact 
with various forms of idolatry, which origi- 
Ucited in the worship of the sun ; such as 
the Baal of the Phoenicians, the Molech 
or Milcom of the Ammonites, and the 
Hjiad of the Syrians. The importance 
attached to the worship of the sun by the 
Jewish kings may be inferred from the 
fact that the horses sacred to the sun were 
stalled within the precincts of the Temple 
[2 K. xxiii. 11). — In the metaphorical 
language of Scripture the sun is emblem- 
atic of the law of God (Ps. xix. 7), of the 
dieering presence of God (Ps. Ixxxiv. 11), 
of the person of the Saviour (John i. 9 ; 
Mai. iv. 2), and of the glory and purity of 
heavenly beings (Rev. i. 16, x. 1, xii. 1). 

Suretyship. In the entire absence of 
commerce the law laid down no rules on 
the subject of suretyship ; but it is evident 



that in the time of Solomon commercial 
dealings had become so multiplied that 
suretyship in the commercial sense was 
common (Prov. vi. 1, xi. 15, xvii. 18, xx. 
16, xxii. 26, XX vii. 13). But in older times 
the notion of one man becoming a surety 
for a service to be discharged by another 
was in full force (pee Gon. xliv. 32). The 
surety of course became liable for his 
client's debts in case of his failure 

Su'sa (Esth. xi. 3, xvi. 18). [Shushan.] 

Su'sanchites is found onne only — in 
Ezr. iv. 9. There can be no doubt that i1 
designates either the inhabitants of the cilj 
Susa, or those of the country — Susis or 
Susiana. Perhaps the former explanation 
is preferable. 

Susan'na. 1. The heroine of the story 
of the Judgment of Daniel (see p 132). 2. 
One of the women who rainisterod to the 
Lord (Luke viii. 3). 

Su'si, the father of Gaddi the Manas- 
site spy (Num. xiii. 11). 

Swallow (Heb. derdr, in Ps. lyjwuv. 
3; Prov. xxvi. 2; Heb. 'dgUr, in Is. 
xxxviii. 14; Jer. viii. 7, but " crane " ia 
more probably the true signification or 
'dgUr [Crane]). The rendering of A. V 
for dirdr seems correct. The character- 
ascribed in the passages where the name*- 
occur, are strictly applicable to the swal- 
low, viz. its swiftness of flight, its nesting 
in the buildings of the Temple, its mourn- 
ful, garrulous note, and its regular migra- 
tion, shared indeed in common with several 
others. Many species of swallow occur in 
Palestine. All those common in England 
are found. 

Swan (Heb. tinshemeth) , thus rendered 
by A. V. in Lev. xi. 18; Deut. xiv. 16, 
where it occurs in the list of unclean birds* 
But the renderings of the LXX., "por- 
phyrio" (purple water-hen) and "ibis," are 
either of them more probable. Neither of 
these birds occurs elsewhere in the cata- 
logue ; both would be familiar to residents 
in Egypt, and the original seems to point to 
some water-fowl. The purple water-hen 
is allied to our corn-crake and water-hen 
and is the largest and most beautiful of the 
family Rallidae. It frequents marshes and 
the sedge by the banks of rivers in all the 
countries bordering on the Mediterranean, 
and is abundant in Lower Egypt. 

Swearing. [Oath.] 

Sweat, Bloody. One of the physical 
phenomena attending our Lord's agony in 
the Garden of Gethsemane is described by 
St. Luke (xxii. 44) : " His sweat was as it 
were great drops (lit. clots) of blood falling 
down to the ground." Of th"s malady, 
known in medical science by the term 
diapedesis, there have been examples re- 
corded both in ancient and modern times. 
The cause assigned is generally violeni 
mental emotion. D^. Millingen (Curiost- 



bWINE 



672 



SYCHAR 



ttes of Medical Experience, p. 489, 2d ed.) 
gives the following explanation of the phe- 
nomenon : " It is probable that this strange 
disorder arises from a violent commotion 
vf the nervous system, turning the streams 
of blood out of their natural course, and 
forcing the red particles into the cutaneous 
excretories. A mere relaxation of the 
fibres could not produce so powerful a re- 
Tuleion. It may also arise in cases of ex- 
treme debility, in connection with a thin- 
ner condition of the blood." 

Swine (Heb. chazir). (1.) The flesh 
of swine was forbidden as food by the 
Levitical law (Lev. xi. 7 ; Deut. xiv. 8) ; 
the abhorrence which the Jews as a nation 
had of it may be inferred from Is. Ixv. 4, 
and 2 Mace. vi. 18, 19. No other reason 
for the command to abstain from swine's 
flesh is given in the law of Moses beyond 
the general one which forbade any of the 
mammalia as food which did not literally 
fulfil the terms of the definition of a *' clean 
animal," viz. that it was to be a cloven- 
footed ruminant. It is, however, probable 
that dietetical considerations may have in- 
fluenced Moses in his prohibition of swine's 
flesh ; it is generally believed that its use 
in hot countries is liable to induce cu- 
taneous disorders ; hence in a people lia- 
ble to leprosy the necessity for the ob- 
servance of a strict rule. Although the 
Jews did not breed swine, during the great- 
er period of their existence as a nation, 
there can be little doubt that the heathen 
nations of Palestine used the flesh as food. 
At the time of our Lord's ministry it would 
appear that the Jews occasionally violated 
the law of Moses with regard to swine's 
flesh. Whether " the herd of swine " into 
which the devils were allowed to enter 
(Matt. viii. 32; Mark v. 13) were the 
property of the Jewish or Gentile inhabit- 
ants of Gadara does not appear from the 
eacred narrative. (2.) The wild boar of 
the wood (Ps. Ixxx. 13) is the common 
Sus scrofa, which is frequently met with in 
the woody parts of Palestine, especially in 
Mount Tabor. 

Sword. [Arms.] 

Sycamine-tree is mentioned only in 
Luke xvii. 6. There is no reason to doubt 
that the sycamine is distinct from the syc. . 
more of the same evangelist (xix. 4). The 
sycamine is the mulberry -tree {Morus). 
Both black and white mulberry-trees are 
common in Syria and Palestine. 

Sycamore (Heb. shikmdh). The He- 
•rew word occurs in the O. T. only in the 
plural form masc. and once fem., Is. 
Ixxviii. 47. The two Greek words occur 
only once each in the N. T. (Luke xvii. 6, 
xix. 4). Although it may be admitted that 
^he Sycamine is properly, and in Luke 
xvii. 6, tlie Mulberry ^ and the Sycamore the 
Fig-mulberry, or Sycamore-fig {Ficus Syc- 



omorus), yet the latter is the tree gen- 
erally referred to in the O. T., ar.d called 
by the Sept. sycamine, as 1 K. x. 27; 1 
Chr. xxvii. 28 ; Ps. Ixxviii. 47 ; Am. vii. 
14. The Sycamore, or Fig-mulberry, ii 
in Egypt and Palestine a tree of great im- 
portance and very extensive use. It attains 
the size of a walnut-tree, has wide-spread- 
ing branches, and affords a delightful shade. 
On this account it is frequently planted by 
the waysides. Its leaves are heart-shaped, 
downy on the under side, and fragrant. 
The fruit grows directly from the trunk 
itself on little sprigs, and in clusters like 
the grape. To make it eatable, each fruit, 
three or four days before gathering, must, 
it is said, be punctured with a sharp instru- 
ment or the finger-nail. This was the 
original employment of the prophet Amos, 
as he says, vii. 14. So great was the value 
of these trees, that David appointed for 
them in his kingdom a special overseer, as 
he did for the olives (1 Chr. xxvii. 28) ; 
and it is mentioned as one of the heaviest 
of Egypt's calamities, that her sycamores 
were destroyed by hailstones (Ps. Ixxviii. 
47). 




FUnu SyeoTMfnu. 

Sy'char, a place named only in John 
iv. 6. Sychar was either a name applied 
to the town of Shechem, or it was an in' 



S7CiIEM 



673 



SYNAGOGUE 



dependent place. The first of these alter- 
Qati\es is now almost universally accept- 
ed. [Shiohem.J 

Sy'chem. the Greek form of the word 
Shed era. It occurs in Acts vii. 16 only. 

[SlIKOHEM.J 

Sye'ne, properly Seveneh, a town of 
Egypt, on the frontier of Gush or Ethiopia. 
The prophet Ezekiel speaks of the desola- 
tion ot Egypt " from Sligdol to Seveneh, 
even unto the bordei of Gush " (xxix. 10), 
and of its people being slain " from Mig- 
dol to Seveneh " (xxx. 6). Migdol was on 
the eastern border, and Seveneh is thus 
rigl'tly identified with the town of Syene, 
wliich was always the last town of Egypt 
on tlie south, though at one time included 
in tlie nome Nubia. 

Synagogue. I. History. — The word 
Synagogue (ouiaywy/;), which means a 
" congregation," is used in the New Testa- 
ment to signify a recognized place of wor- 
ship. A knowledge of the history and wor- 
ship of the synagogues is of great importance, 
since they are the characteristic institution 
of the later phase of Judaism. We cannot 
separate them from the most intimate con- 
nection with our Lord's life and ministry. In 
them he worsliipped in His youth and in His 
manhood. They were the scenes, too, of 
no small portion of His work. We know 
too little of the life of Israel, both before 
and under the monarchy, to be able to say 
with certainty whether there was anything 
at all corresponding to the synagogues of 
later date. They appear to have arisen 
during the exile, in the abeyance of the 
Tempie-worship, and to have received their 
full dev^elopment on the return of the Jews 
froi Gaptivity. The whole history of Ezra 
presupposes the habit of solemn, probably 
of periodic meetings (Ezr. viii. 15 ; Neh. 
viii. 2, ix. 1; Zech. vii. 5). The "ancient 
days " of which ft. James speaks (Acts 
XV. 21) may, at lea-t, go back so far. After 
the Maccabaean st'^'iggle for independence, 
we find almost ev- ry town or village had 
its one or more s» 'nagogues. Where the 
Jetws were not in sufficient numbers to be 
abl** to erect and Ai' a building, there was the 
Proseucha i^ooasv^ij), or place of prayer, 
«ometimes op<^ned, sometimes covered in, 
commonly b^ a. running stream or on the 
soa-shore, in tviiich devout Jews and pros- 
elytes m«;t to worship, and, perhaps, to 
read (^Acts xvi. 13; Juven. Sat. iii. 296). 
It is hardly possible to overestimate the in- 
fluence of the system thus developed. To 
It we may ascribe the tenacity with which, 
after the Maccabaean struggle, the Jews 
adliered to the religion of iheir fathers, and 
never again relapsed into idolatry. The 
peoj^le were now i a no danger of forgetting 
the liEw, and the external ordinances that 
hedged it round. Here, as in the cognate 
order of the SciiV s, there was an influence 
43 



tend.n« to diminish, and ultimately alajost 
to destroy, the authority of the herec'.tary 
priesthood. The way was silently pre- 
pared for a new and higher order, which 
should rise in " the fulness of time " out 
of the decay and abolition of both the 
priesthood and the Temple. II. Structure. 

— The size of a synagogue varied with the 
population. Its position was, however, de- 
terminate. It stood, if possible, on the 
highest ground, in or near the city to which 
it belonged. And its direction too was 
fixed. Jerusalem was tlie Kibleh of Jew- 
ish devotion. The synagogue was so con- 
structed, that the worshippers as th'y on 
tered, and as they prayed, looked towards a. 
The building was commonly erected at tlie 
cost of the district. Sometimes it was built 
by a rich Jew, or even, as in Luke vii. 5, hy 
a fjiendly proselyte. In the internal ar- 
rangement of the synagogue we trace an 
obvious analogy to the type of the Taber 
nac'e. At the upper or Jerusalem end 
stood the Ark, the chest which, like the 
older and more sacred Ark, contained 
the Book of the Law. It gave to that end 
the name and character of a sanctuary. 
This part of the synagogue was natu- 
rally the place of honor. Here were the 
" chief seats," after which Pharisees and 
Scribes strove so eagerly (Matt, xxiii. 6), 
to which the wealthy and honored worship- 
per was invited (James ii. 2, 3). Here 
too, in front of the Ark, still reprodu- 
cing the type of the Tabernacle, was the 
eight-branched lamp, lighted only on the 
greater festivals. Besides this, there was 
one lamp kept burning perpetually. A 
little farther towards the middle of the 
building was a raised platform, on wliich 
several persons could stand at once, and in 
the middle of this rose a pulpit, in which 
the Reader stood to read the lesson or ?at 
down to teach. The congregation were 
divided, men on one side, women on the 
other, a low partition, five or six feet high, 
running between them. The arrangements 
of modern synagogues, for many centuries, 
have made the separation more complete 
by placing the women in low side-galleries, 
screened oflf by lattice-work. III. Officers. 

— In smaller towns there was often but 
one Rabbi. Where a fuller organization 
was possible, there was a college of Elders 
(Luke vii. 3), presided over by one who was 
*' the chief of the synagogue " (Luke viii. 
41, 49, xiii. 14; Acts xviii. 8, 17). The 
most prominent functionary in a large syn- 
agogue was known as the Sheliach (=le~ 
gatus), the officiating minister who acted 
as the delegate of the congregation, and 
was therefore the chief reader of prayers, 
&c., in their name. The Chazzdn or 
"minister" of the synagogue (Luke i>. 
20) had duties of a lower kind, resem- 
bling those of the Christian deacon or sub- 



SYNiiGOGUE 



674 



SYRACUSE 



deacon. He was to open the doon^ to 
get the building ready for service. Besides 
these there were ten rien attac/ied to every 
synagogue, known as the Batlanim (= Oti- 
osi). They were supposed to be men 
of leisure, not obliged to labor for their 
lireliliood, able therefore to attend the 
w^eek-day as well as the Sabbath services. 
It will be seen at once how closely the 
organization of the synagogue was repro- 
duced in that of the Ecclesia. Here also 
there was the single presbyter-bishop in 
small towns, a council of presbyters under 
one head in large cities. The legatus of 
the synagogues appears in the Angel (Rev. 
i. 20, ii. 1), perhaps also in the Apostle of 
the Christian Clmrch. IV. Worship. — It 
will be enough, in this place, to notice in 
what way the ritual, no less than the organi- 
zation, was connected with the facts of the 
N. T. history, and with the life and order 
of the Christian Church. From the syna- 
gogue came the use of fixed forms of prayer. 
To that the first disciples had been accus- 
tomed from their youth. They had asked 
their Master to give them a distinctive one, 
and he had complied with their request 
(Luke xi. 1), as the Baptist had done be- 
fore for his disciples, as every Rabbi did 
for his. The forms might be, and were, 
abused. The large admixture of a didactic 
element in Christian worship, that by which 
it was distinguished from all Gentile forms 
of adoration, was derived from the older 
order. '' Moses " was " read in the syna- 
gigues every Sabbath-day" (Acts xv. 21), 
tue whole Law being read consecutively, so 
as to be completed, according to one cycle, 
m three years. The writings of the Proph- 
ets were read as second lessons in a cor- 
responding order. They were followed by 
the Derash (Acts xiii. 15), the exposition, 
the sermon of the synagogue. The con- 
formity extends also to the times of prayer. 
In the hours of service this was obviously 
the case. The third, sixth, and ninth hours 
were in the times of the N. T. (Acts iii. 1, 
X. 3,9), and had been probably for some 
time before (Ps. Iv. 17; Dan. vi. 10), the 
fixed times of devotion. The same hours, 
it is well known, were recognized in the 
Church of the second, probably in that of 
the first centurj' also. The solemn days of 
tlie synagogue were the second, the fifth, 
and the seventh, the last or Sabbath being 
thr conclusion of the whole. The transfer 
of the sanctity of the Sabbath to the Lord's 
Day involved a corresponding change in 
the order of the week, and the first, the 
fourth, and the sixth became to the Chris- 
tian society what the other days had been 
to the Jewish. From the synagogue, lastly, 
come many less conspicuous practices, 
which meet us in the liturgical life of the 
first three ceuturies : Ablution, entire or 
partial, before entering the place of meeting 



(Heb. X. 22; John xiii. 1-15); stA.iding, 
and not kneeling, as the attitude of prayei 
(Luke xviii. 11); the arms stretched out; 
the face turned towards the Kibleli of the 
East; the responsive Amen of the congre- 
gation to the prayers and benedictions of the 
elders (1 Cor. xiv. 16). V. Judicial Func- 
tions. — The language of the N. T. shows 
that the officers of the synagogue exerci&ftd 
in certain cases a judicial power. It is not 
quite so easy, however, to define the nature 
of the tribunal, and the precise limits of 
its jurisdiction. In two of the passages 
referred to (Matt. x. 17 ; Mark xiii. 9) they 
are carefully distinguished from the coun- 
cils. It seems probable that the council 
was the larger tribunal of 23, which sat 
in every city, and that under the term 
synagogue we are to understand a smaller 
court, probably that of the Ten judges 
mentioned in the Talmud. Here also we 
trace the outline of a Christian institution. 
The Church, either by itself or by appointed 
delegates, was to act as a Court of Arbi- 
tration in all disputes among its members. 
The elders of the church were not, how- 
ever, to descend to the trivial disputes of 
daily life. For the elders, as for those of 
the synagogue, were reserved the graver 
offences against religion and morals. 

Synagogue, The Great. On the re 
turn of the Jews from Babylon, a great 
council was appointed, according to Rab- 
binic tradition, to re-organize the religious 
life of the people. It consisted of 120 
members, and these were known as the 
men of the Great Synagogue, the suc- 
cessors of the prophets, themselves, iu 
their turn, succeeded by scribes promi- 
nent, individually, as teachers. Ezra was 
recognized as president. Their aim wa? 
to restore ajrain the crown, or glory, of 
Israel. To this end they collected all the 
sacred writmgs of former ages and their 
own, and so completed the canon of the 
O. T. They instituted the feast of Purim, 
organized the ritual of the synagogue, and 
gave their sanction to the Shemdneh Esrihy 
the eighteen solemn benedictions in it. 
Much of this is evidently uncertain. The 
absence of any historical mention of such a 
body, notuDuly in the O. T. and the Apocry- 
pha, but in Josephus, Pliilo, &c., have led 
some critics to reject the whole statement 
as a Rabbinic invention. The narrative of 
Neh. viii. 13 clearly implies the existence 
of a body of men acting as councillors un- 
der the presidency of Ezra ; and these uiay 
have been an assembly of delegates from 
all provincial synagogues — a synod of thu 
National Church. 

Syn'tyehe, a female member of th«» 
Church of Philippi (Phil. iv. 2, 3). 

Syr'aouse, the celebrated city on the 
eastern coast of Sicily. St. Paul arrived 
thi»;her in an Alexandrian ship from Melita 



SFRIA 



675 



SYHIA 



»n hi* voyage to Rome (Acts xxviii. 12). 
TLe sito of Sj ratuse rendered it a con- 
venient p(ace for the African corn-ships to 
touch at, for the harbor was an excellent 
one, and the fountain Arethusa in the 
Island furnished an unfailing supply of 
excellent water. 

Syr'ia is the term us -d throughout our 
▼ ersion for the Hebrew Aram, as well as 
for the Greek SvQia. Most probably Syria 
is for Tsyria, the country about Tsur, or 
Tyre, which was the first of the Syrian 
to'rns known to the Greeks. It is diffi- 
cult to fix the limits of Syria. The limits 
of the Hebrew Aram and its subdi Ads- 
Ions are spoken of under Aram. Syria 
Proper was bounded by Araanus and 
Taurus on the N., by the Euphrates and 
the Arabian desert on the E., by Palestine 
on the S., by the Mediterranean near the 
mouth of the Orontes, and then by Phoeni- 
cia upon the W. This tract is about 300 
miles long from north to south, and from 
50 to 150 miles broad. It contains an area 
of about 30,000 square miles. — The gen- 
eral character of the tract is moutainous, 
as the Hebrew name Aram (from a root 
signifying "height") sufficiently implies. 
The most fertile and valuable tract of 
Syria is the long valley intervening be- 
tween Libanus and Anti-Libanus. Of the 
various mountain-rangps of Syria, Lebanon 
possesses the greatest interest. It extends 
from the mouth of the Litany to Arka, a 
distance of nearly 100 miles. Anti-Libanus, 
fts the name implies, stands over against 
Lebanon, running in the same direction, 
t. «. nearly north and south, and extending 
the same length. [Lebanon.] — The prin- 
cipal rivers of Syria are the Litany and the 
Orontes. The Litany springs from a small 
lake situated in the middle of the Coele- 
syrian valley, about six miles to the south- 
west of Baalbek. It enters the sea about 5 
miles north of Tyre. Tlie source of the 
Orontes is but about 15 miles from that of 
the Litany. Its modern name is the Nahr- 
d'Asi, or "Rebel Stream," an appellation 
given to it on account of its violence and 
impetuosity in many parts of its course. 
The chief towns of Syria may be thus ar- 
ranged, as nearly as possible in the order 
of their importance: 1. Antioch; 2. Da- 
mascus; 3. Apamea; 4. Seleucia; 5. Tad- 
mor or Palmyra ; 6. Laodicea ; 7. Epipha- 
nia (Hamath) ; 8. Samosata; 9. Hierap- 
olis (Mabug) ; 10. Chalybon; 11. Emesa; 
12. Heliopolis ; 13. Laodicea ad Libanum ; 
J 4. Cyrrhus; 15. Chalcis; 16. Poseideum; 
17. Heraclea; 18. Gindarus ; 19. Zeugma; 
20. Thapsacus. Of these, Samosata, Zeug- 
ma, Thapsacus, are on the Euphrates ; 
Seleucia, Laodicea, Posoiieum, and Her- 
aclea, on the 8ea-^hor€ ; Antioch, Apa- 
mea, F<piphania, an! 'i^mesa (Hems) on the 



Oro.ites; Hcl?opolis and Laodicea ad Liba« 
num, inCoe^'^pyria; Hierapolis, Chalybon, 
Cyrrhus, Chalcis, and Gindarus, in the 
northern highlands; Damascus on the 
skirts, and Palmyra in the centre, of tlie 
eastern desert. History. — The first oc- 
cupants of Syria appear to have been of 
Hamitic descent. The Canaanitish races, 
the Hittites, Jebusite*, Amorites, &c., are 
connected in Scripture with Egypt and 
Ethiopia, Cush and Mizraim (Gen. x. 6 
and 15-18). These tribes occupied no! 
Palestine only, but also Lower Syria, in 
very early times, as we may gather from 
the fact that Hamath is assigned to them 
in Genesis (x. 18). Afterwards they seem 
to have become possessed of Upper Syria 
also. After a white the first comers, who 
were still to a great extent nomads, re- 
ceived a Semitic infusion, which most prob- 
ably came to them from the south-east. 
The only Syrian town whose existence we 
find distinctly marked at this time is Da- 
mascus (Gen. xiv. 15; xv. 2), which ap- 
pears to have been already a place of some 
importance. Next to Damascus must be 
placed Hamath (Num. xiii. 21, xxxiv. 8). 
Syria at this time, and for many centuries 
afterwards, seems to have been broken up 
among a number of petty kingdoms. The 
Jews first come into hostile contact with the 
Syrians, under that name, in the time of Da- 
vid. Claiming the frontier of the Euphrates, 
which God had promised to Abraham (Gen. 
XV. 18), David made war on Hadadezer, 
king of Zobah (2 Sam. viii. 3, 4, 13). The 
Damascene Syrians were likewise defeated 
with great loss (ib. ver. 5). Zobah, however, 
was far from being subdued as yet. When, 
a few years later, the Ammonites deter- 
mined on engaging in a war with David, 
and applied to the Syrians for aid, Zobah, 
together with Beth-Rehob, sent them 20,000 
footmen, and two other Syrian kingdoms 
furnished 13,000 (2 Sam. x. 6). This army 
being completely defeated by Joab, Hada 
dezer obtained aid from Mesopotamia (ib. 
ver. 16), and tried the chance of a third 
battle, which likewise went against him, 
and produced the general submission of 
Syria to the Jewish monarch. The sub- 
mission thus begun continued under the 
reign of Solomon (1 K. iv. 21). The only 
part of Syria which Solomon lost seems to 
have been Damascus, where an independent 
kingdom was set up by Rezon, a native of 
Zobah (1 K. xi. 23-25). On the separation 
of the twq kingdoms, soon after the acces- 
sion of Rehoboam, the remainder of Syria 
no doubt shook off the yoke. Damascus 
now became decidedly the leading state, 
Hamath being second to it, and the north- 
ern Hittites, whose capital was Oarchemish 
near Bamhuk, third. [Damascus.] Syria 
became attached to the great Assyrian em 



SYRO-PIIOENICIAN 



676 



TABEENACLB 



pire, from which it passed to the Babylo- 
nians, and from them to the Persians. In 
B. c. 333 it submitted to Alexander without 
a struggle. Upon the death of Alexander 
Syria became, for the first time, the head 
of a great kingdom. On the division of 
the provinces among his generals (b. c. 
321), Seleucus Nicator received Mesopo- 
tamia and Syria. Antioch was begun in 
B. c. 300, and, being finished in a few years, 
was made the capital of Seleucus' kingdom. 
The country grew rich with the wealth 
which now flowed into it on all sides. The 
history of Syria under the Seleucid princes 
has been already given in the articles treat- 
ing of each monarch [Antiochus, Deme- 
trius, Seleucus, &c.]. — Syria holds an 
important place, not only in the Old Testa- 
ment, but in the New. While the country 
generally was formed into a Roman prov- 
ince, under governors who were at first 
propraetors or quaestors, then proconsuls, 
and finally legates, there were exempted 
from the direct rule of the governor, in the 
first place, a number of " free cities," which 
retained the administration of their own 
affairs, subject to a tribute levied according 
to the Roman principles of taxation ; and 
2dly, a number of tracts, which were as- 
signed to petty princes, commonly natives, 
to be ruled at their pleasure, subject to the 
same obligations with the free cities as to 
taxation. After the formal division of the 
provinces between Augustus and the Sen- 
ate, Syria, being from its exposed situation 
among the provinciae principis, was ruled 
by legates, who were of consular rank (con- 
iulares) and bore severally the full title of 
" Legatus Augusti pro praetore." Judaea 
occupied a peculiar position. A special 
procurator was therefore appointed to rule 
it, who was subordinate to the gOA'ernor of 
Syria, but within his own province had the 
power of a legatus. Syria continued with- 
out serious disturbance from the expulsion 
of the Parthians (b. c. 38) to the breaking 
out of the Jewish war (a. d. 66). In a. d. 
44-47 it was the scene of a severe famine. 
A little earlier Christianity had begun to 
spread into it, partly by means of those who 
" were scattered " at the time of Stephen's 
persecution (Acts xi. 19), partly by the ex- 
ertions of St. Paul (Gal. i. 21). The Syrian 
Church soon grew to be one of the most 
flourishing (Acts xiii. 1, xv. 23, 35, 41, &c.). 
Sy'ro-phoeni'cian, occurs only in 
Mark vii. 26. The word denoted perhaps 
a mixed race, half -Phoenicians and half- 
Syrians. Matthew (xv. 22) speaks of " a 
woman of Canaan " in place of St. Mark's 
" Syro-phoenician," on the same ground 
that the Septuagint translate Canaan by 
Phoenicia. The names Canaan and Phoe- 
nicia had succeeded one another as geo- 
graphical names in the same country. 



T. 

Ta'anach, an ancient (^anfamtish eit» 
whose king is enumerated amongst tb« 
thirty-one conquered by Joshua (Josh, xi* 
21). It came into the half tribe of ManaM 
seh (Josh. xvii. 11, xxi. 25 ; 1 Chr. vii. 29^, 
and was bestowed on the Kohathite Levitea 
(Josh. xxi. 25). Taanach is almost alwayi 
named in company with Megiddo, and they 
were evidently the chief towns of that fine 
rich district which forms the westera por- 
tion of the great plain of Esdraelon (1 K. 
iv. 12). It is still called Taannuk, and 
stands about 4 miles S. E. of LejjUin. 

Ta'anath-shilob., a place named once 
only (Josh. xvi. 6) as one of the landukarka 
of the boundary of Ephraim. Perhaps Taa ■ 
nath was the ancient Canaanite name of 
the place, and Shiloh the Hebrew name. 

Tab'baoth. The children of Tabbaoth 
were a family of Nethinim who returned 
with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 43 ; Neh. vii. 46). 

Tab'bath, a place mentioned only in 
Judg. vii. 22, in describing the flight of the 
Midianite host after Gideon's night attack 

Tabe'al. The son of Tabeal was ap- 
parently an Ephraimite in the army of 
Pekah the son of Remaliah, or a Syrian in 
the army of Rezin, when they went up to 
besiege Jerusalem in the reign of Ahaz (Is. 
vii. 6). The Aramaic form of the name 
favors the latter supposition. 

Ta'beel, an officer of the Persian gov- 
ernment in Samaria in the reign of Arta- 
xerxes (Ezr. iv. 7). His name appears tc 
indicate that he was a Syrian. 

Tab'erah, the name of a place in the 
wilderness of Paran (Num. xi. 3 ; Deut. 
ix. 22). It has not been identified. 

Tabering, an obsolete English word 
used in the A. V. of Nahum ii. 7. The 
Hebrew word connects itself with tdph, " a 
timbrel." The A. V. reproduces the origi- 
nal idea. The " tabour "or " tabor " was 
a musical instrument of the drum type, 
which with the pipe formed the band of a 
country village. To " tabour," accordingly, 
is to beat with loud strokes as men beat 
upon such an instrument. 

Tabernacle. The Tabernacle was the 
tent of Jehovah, called by the same name as 
the tents of the people, in the midst of 
which it stood. It was also called the 
sanctuary, and the tabernacle of the con- 
gregation. The first ordinances given to 
Moses, after the proclamation of the out- 
line of the law from Sinai, related to the 
ordering of the Tabernacle, its furniture, 
and its service, as the type which was to l»e 
followed when the people came to their . 

own home, and " found a place " for the 1 1 
abode of God. Duri/'g the forty dava of ■ 



TABERISACLE 



677 



TABERNACLE 



Mojes first retirement with God in Sinai, 
an exact pattf^rn of the whole was shown 
him, and all was made according to it (Ex. 
XXV. 9, 40, >xvj. 30, xxxix. 32, 42, 43; 
Num. viii. 4; Acts vii. 44; Heb. viii. 5). 
The description of this plan is preceded by 
an account oi the freewill-oflferings which 
f.he children of Israel were to be asked to 
make for its execution. The materials 
were : — (a) Metals : gold, silver, and 
brass, (h) Textile fabrics : blue, purple, 
scarlet, and fine (white) linen, for the pro- 
d action of which Egypt was celebrated; 
also a fabric of goats' hair, the produce of 
their own flocks, (c) Skins : of the ram, 
dyed red, and of the badger, (d) Wood : 
the shittim wood, the timber of the wild 
acacia of the desert itself, the tree of the 
" burning bush." (e) Oil, spices, and in- 
cense, for anointing tha priests, and burn- 
ing in the tabernacle. (/) Gems : onyx 
stones, and the precious stones for the 
breastplate of the High-Priest. The peo- 
ple gave jewels, and plates of gold, and sil- 
ver, and brass ; wood, skins, hair, and linen : 
the women wove; the rulers offered pre- 
cious stones, oil, spices, and incense ; and 
the artists soon had more than they needed 
(Ex. XXV. 1-8; XXXV. 4-29; xxxvi. 5-7). 
The superintendence of the work was in- 
trusted to Bezaleel, of the tribe of Judah, 
and to Aholiab, of the tribe of Dan, who 
were skilled in " all manner of workman- 
Bhip " (Ex. xxxi. 2, 6, xxxv. 30, 34). — The 
^bernacle was a portable building, designed 
•o contain the sacred ark, the special sym- 
•>ol of God's presence, and was surrounded 
by an outer court, (i.) The Court of the 
Tabernacle, in which the Tabernacle itself 
stood, was an oblong space, 100 cubits by 
50 (i. e. 150 feet by 75), having its longer 
axis east and west, with its front to the east. 
It was surrounded by canvas screens — in 
the East called Kannauts — 5 cubits in 
height, and supported by pillars of brass 5 
cubits apart, to which the curtains were at- 
tached by hooks and fillets of silver (Ex. 
xxvii. 9, &c.). This enclosure was only 
broken on the eastern side by the entrance, 
which was 20 cubits wide, and closed by 
curtains of fine twined linen wrought with 
needlework, and of the most gorgeous 
colors. In the outer or eastern half of 
the court was placed the altar of burnt-of- 
fering, and between it and the Tabernacle 
itself, the laver at which the priests washed 
their hands and feet on entering the Tem- 
ple, (ii.) The Tabernacle itself wsLS-pla,ced 
towards the western end of this enclosure. 
It was an oblong rectangular structure, 30 
cubits in length by 10 in width (45 feet by 
15), and 10 in height; the interior being 
divided into two chambers, the first or outer 
of 20 cubits in length, the inner of 10 
cubits, and consequently an exact cube. 
The former wa« th« U'l^ Place, or First 



Tabernacle (Heb. ix. 2), contammg the 
golden candlestick on one side, the table 
of shew-bread opposite, and between them 
in the centre the altar of incense. The lat- 
ter was the Most Holy Place, or the Holy 
of Holies, containing the ark, surmounted 
by the cherubim, with the Two Tables in- 
side. The two sides, and the farther or 
western end, were enclosed by boards of 
shittim wood overlaid with gold, twenty on 
the north and south side, six on the western 
side, and the corner-boards doubled. They 
stood upright, edge to edge, their lower 
ends being made with tenons, which dropped 
into sockets of silver, and the corner-boards 
being coupled at the top with rings. They 
were furnished with golden rings, through 
which passed bars of shittim wood, overlaid 
with gold, five to each side, and the middle 
bar passing from end to end, so as to brace 
the whole together. Four successive cover- 
ings of curtains looped together were placed 
over the open top, and fell down over the 
sides. The first, or inmost, was a splendid 
fabric of linen, embroidered with figures of 
cherubim, in blue, purple, and scarlet, and 
looped together by golden fastenings. It 
seems probable that the ends of this set of 
curtains hung down within the Tabernacle, 
forming a sumptuous tapestry. The next 
was a woollen covering of goats' hair ; the 
third, of rams' skins dyed red; and Ihe 
outermost, of badgers' skins (so called in 
our version ; but the Hebrew word probably 
signifies seal-skins). [Badger-skins.] It 
has been usually supposed that these cover- 
ings were thrown over the wall, as a pall 
is thrown over a coffin ; but this would have 
allowed every drop of rain that fell on the 
Tabernacle to fall through; for, howevei 
tightly the curtains might be stretched, the 
water could never run over the edge, and 
the sheep-skins would only make the mat- 
ter worse, as when wetted their weight 
would depress the centre, and probably teai 
any curtain that could be made. There 
can be no reasonable doubt that the tent had 
a ridge, as all tents have had from the days 
of Moses down to the present day. The 
front of the Sanctuary was closed by a hang- 
ing of fine linen, embroidered in blue, purple, 
and scarlet, and supported by golden hooks, 
on five pillars of sliittim wood overlaid with 
gold, and standing in brass sockets ; and 
the covering of goats' hair was so made a* 
to fall down over this when required. A 
more sumptuous curtain of the same kind, 
embroidertid with cherubim, hung on four 
such pillars, with silver sockets, divided the 
Holy from the Most Holy Place. It was 
called the Veil,* as it hid from the eyes 
of all but the High Priest the inmost sanc- 
tuary, where Jehovah dwelt on his mercy 

* Sometimt» the second veil, either in reference to the firif 
at the entrance cf the Holy Place, oi aa b«lng the T»U of tiM 
second sanctuary ^Ueb. iz H). 



TABERNACLE 



67b 



TABERNACLE 



teaty between the cherubim above the ark. 
Henue " to enter within the veil " is to 
have the closest access to God. It was 
only passed by the High- Priest once a year, 
on the Day of Atonement, in token of the 
mediation of Christ, who, with his own 
blood, hath entered for us within the veil 
which separates God's own abode from earth 
(Heb. vi. 19). In the temple, the solemn 
barrier was at length profaned by a Roman 
conqueror, to warn the Jews that the privi- 
leges they had forfeited vrere " ready to 
vanish away ; " and the veil was at last rent 
by the hand of God himself, at the same 
moment that the body of Christ was rent 
upon the cross, to indicate that the entrance 
into the holiest of all is now laid open to 
all believers " by the blood of Jesus, by a 
new and living way which He hath conse- 
crated for us, through the veil, that is to 
say, His flesh" (Heb. x. 19, 20). The 
Holy Place was only entered by the priests 
daily, to offer incense at the time of morn- 
ing and evening prayer, and to renew the 
lights on the golden candlestick; and on 
the Sabbath, to remove the old shew-bread, 
and to place the new upon the table, (iii.) 
The Sacred Furniture and Instruments of 
the Tabernacle. — These are described in 
(separate articles, and therefore it is only 
accessary to give a list of them here. 1. 
In the Outer Court. The Altar of Burnt- 
Offering, and the Brazen Laver. [Al- 
tar; Laver.] 2. In the Holy Place. 
The furniture of the court was connected 
with sacrifice, that of the sanctuary itself 
»vith the deeper mysteries of mediation and 
access to God. The First Sanctuary con- 
tained three objects : the altar of incense 
in the centre, so as to be directly in front 
of the ark of the covenant (IK. vi. 22), 
the table of shew-bread on its right or north 
side, and the golden candlestick on the left 
or south side. These objects were all con- 
sidered as being placed before the presence 
of Jehovah, who dwelt in the holiest of all, 
though with the veil between. [Altar; 
Shew-bread; Candlestick.] 3. In the 
Holy of Holies, within the veil, and shroud- 
id in darkness, there was but one object, 
the Ark of the Covenant, containing the 
twa tables of stone, inscribed with the Ten 
Commandments. [Ark.J History of the 
Tabernacle. — As long as Canaan remained 
unconquered, and the people were still 
therefore an army, the Tabernacle was 
probably moved from place to place, wher- 
tiver the host of Israel was for the time en- 
camped. It rested finally at "the place 
which the Lord had chosen," at Shilgh 
(Josh. ix. 27, xviii. 1). The reasons of 
the choice are not given. Partly, perhaps, 
its central position, partly its belonging to 
the poweiful tribe of Ephraim, the tribe of 
th(? great cjiptain of the .ost, may have 
ietermined the preference There it con- 



tinued during the whole period of th« 
Judges (Josh. xix. 51, xxii. 12; Judg. xxi. 
12). It was far, however, from being wha< 
it was intended to be, the one national sanc- 
tuary, the witness against a localized and 
divided worship. The old religion of the 
high places kept its ground. Altars were 
erected, at first with reserve, as being not 
for sacrifice (Josh. xxii. ^6), afterwarda 
freely and without scruple (Judg. vi. 24, 
xiii. 19). Of the names by which the ou« 
special sanctuary was known at this period, 
those of the "House," or the "Temple,*' 
of Jehovah (1 Sam. i. 9, 24, iii. 3, 15) are 
most prominent. A state of things which 
was rapidly assimilating the worship of . Fe- 
hovah to that of Ashtaroth, or Mylitta, need- 
ed to be broken up. The Ark of God was 
taken, and the sanctuary lost its glory ; and 
the Tabernacle, though it did not perish, 
never again recovered it (1 Sam. iv. 22). 
Samuel treats it as an abandoned shrine, 
and sacrifices elsewhere ; at Mizpeh (1 
Sam. vii. 9), at Ramah (ix. 12, x. 3), at Gil- 
gal (x. 8, xi. 15). It probably became once 
again a movable sanctuary. For a time 
it seems, under Saul, to have been settled 
at Nob (1 Sam. xxi. 1-6). The massacre 
of the priests and the flight of Abiathar 
must, however, have robbed it yet further 
of its glory. It had before lost the Ark : it 
now lost the presence of the High-Priest 
(1 Sam. xxii. 20, xxiii. 6). What change 
of fortune then followed we do not know. 
In some way or other, it found its way 
to Gibeon (1 Clir. xvi. 39). The anoma- 
lous separation of the two things which, in 
the original order, had been joined, bronghi 
about yet greater anomalies ; and, while 
the Ark remained at Kirjath-jearim, the 
Tabernacle at Gibeon connected itself with 
the worship of the high places (1 K. iii. 4). 
The capture of Jerusalem and the erection 
there of a new Tabernacle, with the Ark, 
of which the old had been deprived (2 Sam. 
vi. 17 ; 1 Chr. xv. 1), left it little more 
than a traditional, historical sanctity. It 
retained only the old altar of burnt-offer- 
ings (1 Chr. xxi. 9). Such as it was, 
however, neither king nor people could 
bring themselves to sweep it away. The 
double service went on ; Zadok, as high- 
priest, oflBlciated at Gibeon (1 Chr. xvi. 39) ; 
the more recent, more prophetic service 
of psalms and hymns and music, under 
Asaph, gathered round the Tabernacle at 
Jerusalem (1 Chr. xvi. 4, 37). The di- 
vided worship continued all the days of 
David. The sanctity of both places was 
recognized by Solomon on his accession 
(1 K. iii. 15 ; 2 Chr. i. 3). But it was time 
that the anomaly should cease. The pur- 
pose of David, fulfilled by Solomon, wraa 
that the claims of both should merge in the 
higher glory of the Temple. The Snal 
day at last came, and the Tabernacle ww 



AABE/t^ACLES, FEAST OF 679 TABEKNACLES, FEAST Ur 



either tvtken down, or left to perish and be 
forgotten. So the disaster of Sliiloh led to 
tts natural consummation [Temple.] 

Tabernacles, The Feast of (Ex. 

xjdii. 16, " the feast of in-gathering"), the 
third of the three great festivals of the He- 
brews, which lasted from the lotli till the 
22d of Tisri. I. The following are the 
principii' passages in the Pentateuch wliich 
refer to it : Exod. xxiii. 16 ; Lev. xxiii. Si 
-86, 39- 43 ; Num. xxix. 12-38 ; Deut. xvi. 
IS -15, xxid. 10-13. In Neh. viii. there is 
hn account of the observance of the feast 
by Ezra. II. The time of the festival 
fell in the autumn, when the wliole of the 
chief fruits of the ground, the corn, the 
wine, and the til, were gathered in (Ex. xxiii. 
16; L(!V. xxiii. 39; Deut. xv. 13-15^. Its 
duration was strictly only seven days (Deut. 
xvi. 13; Ez. xlv. 25). But it was followed 
by a day of holy convocation, distinguished 
by sacrifices of itd own, which was some- 
'^mes spoken of as an eighth day (Lev. 
Kxiii. 36; Neh. viii. 18). During the seven 
Jays the Israeliies were commanded to 
dwell in booths or huts formed of the 
boughs of trees. The boughs were of the 
Dlive, palm, pine, myrtle, and other trees 
with thick foliage (Neh. viii. 15, 16). Ac- 
cording to Rabbinical tradition, each Is- 
raelite used to tie the branches into a 
junch, to be carried in his hand, to which 
the name lUldb was given. The burnt-of- 
ferings of the Feast of Tabernacles were 
by far more numerous than those of any 
other festival. There were offered on each 
Jay two rams, fourteen lambs, and a kid 
for a sin-otfering. But what was most 
peculiar was the arrangement of the 
sacrifices of bullocks, in all amounting to 
seventy (Num. xxix. 12-38). The eighth 
day was a day of holy convocation of pe- 
<;uliar solemnity. On the morning of this 
day the Hebrews left their huts and dis- 
mantled them, and took up their abode 
again in their houses. The special offer- 
ings of the day were a bullock, a ram, 
seven lambs, and a goat for a sin-offering 
(Num. xxix. 36, 38). When the Feast of 
Tabernacles fell on a Sabbatical year, por- 
tions of the Law were read each day in pub- 
lic, to men, women, children, and stran- 
gers (Deut. xxxi. 10-13). We find Ezra 
readiiig the Law during the festival " day 
by day, from the first day to the last day " 
(Nell. viii. 18). III. There are two par- 
ticulars in the observance of the Feast of 
Tabernacles which appear to be referred to 
in the New Testament, but are not noticed 
in the Old. These were, the ceremony of 
pouring out some water of the pool of Sil- 
oam, and the display of some great lights 
m the court of the women. We are told 
tii.at each Israelite, in holiday attire, having 
made up his Ivl^hy before he broke his fast, 
»ei aired to the Teiaple with the luldh in 



one hand and the citron in the othtr, at tfi« 
time of the ordinary morning sacrifi(;e. Thr- 
parts of the victim were laid upon the altar 
One of the priests fetched some water in a 
golden ewer from the pool oi Sdoam, which 
he Ijrouglit into the court through the water- 
gate. As he entered the trumpets sounded, 
and he ascended the slope of the cltar. Al 
tlie top of this were fixed two silver basins 
with small openings at the bottom. Wine 
was poured into that on the eastern side, 
and the water into that on the Avestern side, 
whence it was conducted by pipes into the 
Cedron. In the evening, both men and 
women assembled in the court of the wo 
men, expressly to hold a rejoicing for the 
drawing of the water of Siioam. At the 
same time there were set up in the court 
two lofty stands, each supporting four great 
lamps. These were lighted on each nighl 
of the festival. It appears to be generally 
admitted that the words of our Saviour 
(John vii. 37, 38) — '"If any man thirst, let 
him come unto me and drink. He that be- 
lieveth on me, as the Scripture hath said, 
out of his belly shall flow rivers of living 
water" — were suggested by the pouring 
out of the water of Siioam. But it is very 
doubtful what is meant by " the last day, 
that great day of the feast." It would seem 
that either the last day of the feast itself, 
that is, the seventh, or the last day of the 
religious observances of the series of an- 
nual festivals, the eighth, must be intended. 
The eighth day may be meant, and then the 
reference of our Lord would be to an ordi- 
nary and well-known observance of the 
feast, though it was not, at the very time, 
going on. We must rescrt to some such 
explanation, if we adopt the notion that our 
Lord's words (John viii. 12) — "I am the 
light of the world " — refer to the great 
lamps of the festival. IV. There are many 
directions given in the Mishna for the 
dimensions and construction of the huts. 
They were not to be lower than ten palms, 
nor higher than twenty cubits. They were 
to stand by themselves, and not to rest ou 
any external support, nor to be under the 
shelter of a larger building, or of a tree. 
They were not to be covered with skins or 
cloth of any kind, but only with boughs, or, 
in part, with reed mats or laths. The fit- 
niture of the huts was to be, according to 
most authorities, of the plainest description- 
It is said that the altar was adorned thrrtugh- 
out the seven days with sprigs of wiilows^ 
one of which each Israelite who came inta 
the court brought with him. The great P'lm - 
her of the sacrifices has been already no- 
ticed. But besides these; ihe (/hagigahs, or 
private peace-offerings, were more abuii- 
dant than at any other time. V. Thou^rh 
all the Hebrew annual festivals were sea- 
sons of rejoici'g, the Feast of Taberuaclefi 
wae, in this lespect, distinguislipd ab<.»r 



TABITHA 



680 



TABOK 



Uujm all. The huts aud the liildbs must 
have made a gay and striking spectacle 
over the city by day, and the lamps, the 
flambeaux, the music, and the joyous gath- 
f^rings in the court of the Temple must have 
given a still more festive character to the 
night. VI. The main purposes of the 
Feast of Tabernacles are plainly set forth 
(Ex. xxiii. 16 and Lev. xxiii. 43). It was 
to be at once a thanksgiving for the har- 
vest, and a commemoration of the time 
when the Israelites dwelt in tents during 
their passage through the wilderness. In 
on^e of its meanings it stands in connection 
with the Passover, as the Feast of Abib ; 
ftcd with Pentecost, as the feast of harvest; 
in its other meaning, it is related to the 
Passover as the great yearly memorial of 
the deliverance from the destroyer, and 
from the tyranny of Egypt. But naturally 
connected with this exultation in their re- 
gained freedom was the rejoicing in the 
more perfect fulfilment of God's promise, 
in the settlement of His people in the Holy 
Land. But the culminating point of this 
blessing was the establishment of the cen- 
tral spot of the national worship in the 
Temple at Jerusalem. Hence it was evi- 
dently fitting that the Feast of Tabernacles 
should be kept with an unwonted degree 
of observance at the dedication of Solo- 
mon's Temple (1 K. viii. 2, 65 ; Joseph. Ant. 
viii. 4, § 5) ; again, after the rebuilding of 
the Temple by Ezra (Neh. viii. 13-18), and 
a third time by Judas Maccabaeus when he 
had driven out the Syrians and restored the 
Temple to the worship of Jehovah (2 Mace, 
r- 5-8). 

Tab'itha, also called Dorcas by St. 
Luke; a female disciple of Joppa, "full of 
good works," among which that of making 
clothes for the poor is specifically men- 
tioned. While St. Peter was at the neigh- 
boring town of Lydda, Tabitha died ; upon 
which the disciples at Joppa sent an urgent 
message to the Apostle, begging him to 
come to them without delay. Upon his 
arrival Peter found the deceased already 
prepared for burial, and laid out in an up- 
per chamber, where she was surrounded by 
the recipients and the tokens of her char- 
ity. After the example of our Saviour in 
the h ouse of Jairus (Matt. ix. 25 ; Mark v. 
40), " Peter put them all forth," prayed for 
the Divine assistance, and then commanded 
Tabitha to -.nse (comp. Mark v. 41 ; Luke 
viii 54). She opened her eyes and sat up, 
sHvl then, assisted by the Apostle, rose from 
her couch. Thiq great miracle, as we are 
further told, produced an extraordinary 
effect in Joppa, and was the occasion of 
many conversions there (Acts ix. 36-42). 
The name "Tabitha" is an Aramaic word, 
eignifynig a " female gazelle." St. Luke 
gives " Dorcas " as the Greek equivalent 
of the name. 



Ta'bor and MoiLQt Ta bop, one ol th« 

most interesting and remarkable of the sin- 
gle mountains in Palestine. It rises ab- 
ruptly from the north-eastern arm of th« 
Plain of Esdraelon, and stands entirely in- 
sulated, except on the west, where a narrci» 
ridge connects it with the hills of Naza- 
reth. It presents to the eye, as seen from* 
distance, a beautiful appearance, being so 
symmetrical in its proportions, and roanded 
off like a hemisphere or the segment of & 
circle, yet varying somewhat as viewed from 
different directions. The body of the moun 
tain consists of the peculiar limestone of the 
country. It is now called Jebel-et-Titr. It 
lies about 6 or 8 miles almost due east from 
Nazareth. The ascent is usually made on the 
west side, near the little village of Dehuriehy 
probably the ancient Daberath (Josh. xix. 
12), though it can be made with entire ease 
in other places. It requires three quarters 
of an hour or an hour to reach the top. 
The top of Tabor consists of an irregular 
platform, embracing a circuit of half an 
hour's walk, and comir.f<nding wide views 
of the subjacent plain from end to end. 
Tabor does not occur in the New Testa- 
ment, but makes a prominent figure in tfte 
Old. The Book of Joshua (xix. 22) ir.en- 
tions it as the boundary between lu^achar 
and Zebulun (see ver. 12). Barak, at the 
command of Deborah, assembled his forces 
on Tabor, and descended thencC; with " ten 
thousand men after him," into the plain, 
and conquered Sisera on the banks of the 
Kishon (Judg. iv. 6-15). The brothers of 
Gideon, each of whom " resembled the 
children of a king," were murdered here 
by Zebah and Zalmunna (Judg. viii. 18, 
19). There are at present ruins of a for- 
tress round all the top of the summit of 
Tabor. The Latin Christians have now an 
altar here, at which their priests from 
Nazareth perform an annual mass. The 
Greeks also have a chapel, where, on cer- 
tain festivals, they assemble for the celebra- 
tion of religious rites. The idea that oui 
Saviour was transfigured on Tabor pre- 
vailed extensively among the early Chris- 
tians, and reappears often still in popular 
religious works. It is impossible, however, 
t) acquiesce in the correctness of this opin- 
ion. It can be proved from the Old Testa- 
ment, and from later history, that a fortress 
or town existed on Tabor from very earlj 
times down to b. c. 53 or 50 ; and, as Jo- 
sephus says that he strengthened the fortifi- 
cations there, about a. i>. 60, it is morally 
certain that Tabor must have been inhabit- 
ed during the intervening period^ that i&, 
in the days of Christ. Tabor, therefore, 
could not have been the Mount of Transfig- 
uration ; for when it is said that Jesus took 
his disciples "up into a high mountain 
apart, and was transfigured before them *' 
CMatt. xvii. I, 2\ we must understand thai 



lABOR 



681 



TAHPaNHES 



Hv brought them to the summit of the 
mountain, where they were alone by them- 
selves. 

Ta'bor is mentioned in the lists of 1 Chr. 
ri. as a city of tlie Merarite Levites, in the 
tribe of Zebulun (ver. 77). The list of the 
towns of Zebulun (Josh, xix.) contains the 
Qame of Chisloth-tabor (ver. 12). It is, 
tlierefore, possible, either that Chisloth- 
tabor is abbreviated into Tabor by the 
jhronickr, or that by the time these later 
list- were compiled, the Merarites had es- 
tabi-shed themselves on the sacred moun- 
tain, and that Tabor is Mount Tabor. 

Ta'bor, The Plain of. This is an 
mcorrect translation, and should be The 
Oak of Tabor. It is mentioned in 1 Sam. 
X. 3 only, as one of the points in the home- 
ward journey of Saul after his anointing by 
Samuel. 

Tabret. [Timbrel.] 

Tab'rimon, properly Tabrimmon, i. e. 
'* good is Rimraon," the Syrian god. The 
father of Benhadad I., king of Syria in the 
reign of Asa (IK. xv. 18). 

Tach.0. The word thus rendered occurs 
only in the description of the structure of 
the tabernacle and its jfittings (Ex. xxvi. 6, 
11, 33, XXXV. 11, xxxvi. 13, xxxix. 33), and 
appears to indicate the small hooks by 
^hicli a curtain is suspended to the rings 
from which it hangs, or connected vertical- 
ly as in the case of the veil of the Holy 
of Holies, with the loops of another curtain. 

Tach'monite, The. "TheTachmo- 
aite that sat in the seat," chief among David's 
captains (2 Sam. xxiii. 8), is in 1 Chr. xi. 
11 called •' Jashobeam an Hachmonite," or, 
as the margin gives it, " son of Hachmoni." 
Kennicott has shown that the words trans- 
lated "he that sat in the seat" are a cor- 
ruption of Jashobeam, and that " the Tach- 
monite" is a corruption of the " son of 
Hachmoni," which was the family or local 
name of Jashobeam. Therefore he con- 
cludes " Jashobeam the Hachmonite " to 
have been the true reading. 

Tad'mor, called " Tadmor in the wil- 
derness," is the same as the city known to 
the Greeks and Romans under the name of 
Palmyra. The identification of the two cities 
results from the following circumstances . 
1st. The same city is specially mentioned 
by Josephus (Ant. viii. 6, § 1) as bearing 
in his time tlie name of Tadmor among the 
Syrians, and Palmyra among tlie Greeks; 
4nd in his Latin translation of the Old Tes- 
tament, Jerome translates Tadmor by Pal- 
myra(2 Chr. viii 4). The word Tadmor has 
nearly the same meaning as Palmyra, signi- 
fying probably the " City of Palms," from 
Tamar, " a Palm." It was built by Sol- 
omon after his conquest of Hamath Zobah 
(2 Chr. viii. 4 ; IK. ix. 18). As the city is 
Qov here else mentioned in the Bible, it 
weuld be out of place to enter into a de- 



tailed history of it on the pres<}. i :>ccasion 
In the second century a. d. it seems to hav« 
been beautified by the Emperor Hadrian. 
In the beginning of the third century a. d. 
it became a Roman colony under Caracalla 
1^211-217 A. D.). Subsequently, in the reigo 
of Gallienus, the Roman Senate invested 
Odenathus, a senator of Palmyra, with the 
regal dignity, on account of his services in 
defeating Sapor king of Persia. On the 
assassination of Odenathus, his celebrated 
wife Zenobia seems to have conceived the 
design of erecting Palmyra into an inde- 
pendent monarchy ; and in prosecution of 
this object, she, for a while, successfully 
resisted the Roman arms. She was at 
length defeated and taken captive by the 
Emperor Aurelian (a. d. 273), who left a 
Roman garrison in Palmyra . This garrisor 
was massacred in a revolt ; and Aurelian 
punished the city by the execution not only 
of those who were taken in arras, but like- 
wise of common peasants, of old men, 
women, and children. From this blow 
Palmyra never recovered, though there are 
proofs of its having continued to be inhab 
ited until the downfall of the Roman Em- 
pire. 

Ta'han, a descendant of Ephraim 
(Num. xxvi. 35). In 1 Chr. vii. 25 h« 
appears as the son of Telah. 

Ta'hanites, The (Num. xxvi. 35). 
[Tahan.] 

Ta'hath. 1. A Kohathite Levite, an- 
cestor of Samuel and Heman (1 Cbr. vi. 
24, 37 [9, 22J). 2. According to the pres- 
ent text, son of Bered, and great-grandson 
of Ephraim (1 Chr. vii. 20). Burrington, 
however, identifies Taliath with Tahan, the 
son of Ephraim. 3. Grandson of the pre- 
ceding, as the text now stands (1 Chr. vii. 
20.) But Burrington considers him as a 
son of Ephraim. 

Ta'hath, the name of a desert station 
of the Israelites between Makheloth and 
Tarah (Num. xxxiii. 26). The site has not 
been identified. 

Tah'panhes, Tehaph'nehes, Ta- 
hap'anes, a city of Egypt, mentioned in 
the time of the prophets Jeremiah and 
Ezekiel. The name is evidently Egyptian, 
and closely resembles that of the Egyptian 
queen Tahpenes. It was evidently a town 
of Lower Egypt, near or on the eastern bor- 
der. When Johanan and the other captains 
went into Egypt "they came to Tahpan- 
hes " (Jer. xliii. 7). The Jews in Jeremi- 
ah's time remained here (Jer. xliv. 1). It 
was an important town, being twice men- 
tioned by the latter prophet with Noph oi 
Memphis (ii. 16, xlvi. 14). Here stood a 
house of Pharaoh-hophra before which Jere- 
miah hid great stones (xliii. 8-10). Herod- 
otus calls this place Daphnae of Pelusium. 
In the Itinerary of Antoninus tliis town, 
called Dafno, is. placed 16 Rom«n miles \q 



TAHPENEfci 



tJ82 



TALMUD 



Wie south-west of Pelusium. This position 
seems to agree with that of Tel-Defenneh^ 
nrhich marks the site of Daphnae. Can the 
•lame be of Greek origin? 

Tah'penes, an Egyptian queen, was 
wife of the Pharaoh who received Hadad 
the Edomite, and who gave him her sister 
in marriage (1 K. xi. 18-20). In the ad- 
dition to ch. xii. Shishak (Susakim) is said 
to have given Ano, the elder sister of The- 
kemina liis wife, to Jeroboam. It is obvi- 
ous that this and the earlier statement are 
irreconcilable. There is therefore but one 
Tahpenes or Thekemina. No name that 
has any near resemblance to either Tah- 
penes or Thekemina has yet been found 
among those of the period. 

Tah'rea, son of Micah, and grandson 
of Mephibosheth (1 Chr. ix. 41). 

Tah'tim Hod'shi, The Land of, 
one of the places visited by Joab during 
his census of the land of Israel. It occurs 
between Gilead and Dan-jaan (2 Sam. 
xxiv. 6). The name has puzzled all the 
interpreters. The old versions throw no 
light upon it. 

Talent. [Weights.] 

Tal'itha Cu'mi, two Syriac words 
(Mark v. 41), signifying, "Damsel, arise." 

Tal'mai. 1. One of the three sons of 
"the Anak," who were slain by the men 
of Judah (Num. xiii. 22 ; Josh. xv. 14 ; 
Judg. i. 10). 2. Son of Ammihud, king 
of Geshur (2 Sam. iii. 3, xiii. 37; 1 Chr. 
iii. 2). He was probably a petty chieftain, 
dependent on David. 

Tal'mon, the head of a family of door- 
keepers in the Temple, "the porters for 
the camps of the sons of Levi " (1 Chr. ix. 
17; Neh. xi. 19). Some of his descend- 
ants returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 42 ; 
Neh. vii. 45), and were employed in their 
hereditary office in the days of Nehemiah 
and Ezra (Neh. xii. 25). 

Talmud {i. e, doctrine, from the He- 
brew word "to learn") is a large collec- 
tion of writings, containing a full account 
of the civil and reliffious laws of the Jews. 
It was a fundamental principle of the Phar- 
isees, common to them with all orthodox 
modern Jews, that by the side of the writ- 
ten law, regarded as a summary of the 
principles and general laws of the Hebrew 
people, tnere was an oral law, to complete 
and to explain the written law. It was an 
article of faith that in the Pentateuch there 
was no precept, and no regulation, cere- 
monial, doctrinal, or legal, of which God 
had not given to Moses all explanations 
necessary for their application, with the 
ord IV to transmit them by word of mouth. 
The classical passage in the Mishna on this 
subject is the following: " Moses received 
the (oral) law from Sinai, and delivered it 
to Joshua, and Joshua to the elders, and 
the elders to the prophets, and the prophets 



to the men of the Great Synagogue." Tliia 
oral law, with the numerous commentaries 
upon it, forms the Talmud. It consists of 
two parts, the Mishna and Geraara. 1. The 
Mishna, or "second law," which contains 
a compendium of the whole ritual law, was 
reduced to writing in its present form by 
Rabbi Jehudah the Holy, a Jew of great 
wealth and influence, who flourished in the 
2d century of the Christian era. He sue 
ceeded his father Simeon as patriarch of 
Tiberias, and held that office at least thirty 
years. The precise date of his death is 
disputed ; some placing it in a year some 
what antecedent to 194 a. d., while others 
place it as late as 220 a. d., when he would 
have been about 81 years old. Viewed aa 
a whole, the precepts in the Mishna treated 
men like children, formalizing and defin- 
ing the minutest particulars of ritual obser- 
vances. The expressions of "bondage," 
of "weak and beggarly elements," and of* 
" burdens too heavy for men to bear," 
faithfully represent the impression pro- 
duced by their multiplicity. The Mishna 
is very concisely written, and requires 
notes. 2. This circumstance led to the Com- 
mentaries called Gemara (i. e. Supplement, 
Completion), which form the second part of 
the Talmud, and which are very commonly 
meant when the word " Talmud " is used 
by itself. There are two Gemaras : one of 
Jerusalem, in which there is said to be no 
passage which can be proved to be later 
than the first half of the 4th century ; and 
the other of Babylon, completed about 500 
A. D. The latter is the most important, and 
by far the longest. It is estimated to be 
fifteen times as long as the Mislina. The 
language of the Mishna is that of the la- 
ter Hebrew, purely written on the whole, 
though with a few grammatical Aramaisms, 
and interspersed with Greek, Latin, and 
Aramaic words which had become natu- 
ralized. The work is distributed into sL\ 
great divisions or orders. The 1st (Zeiaim) 
relates to " seeds," or productions ( f the 
land, and it embraces all matters connected 
with the cultivation of the soil, and th« 
disposal of its produce in offerings or tithe? 
It is preceded by a treatise on " Blessings ' 
(Beracoth). The 2d (Moed) relates to 
festivals and their observances. The 3d 
(Nashim) to women, and includes regula- 
tions respecting betrothals, marriages, and 
divorces. The Ith (iVezikin) relates lo 
damages sustained by means of men, beasts, 
or things ; with decisions on points at issue 
between man and man m commercial deal- 
ings and compacts. The 6th (Kodashim) 
treats of holy things, of offerings, and of 
the Temple-service. The 6th (Tohardth) 
treats of what is clean and unclean. Thesa 
6 Orders are subdivided into 61 Treatises. 
The Mishna was published by Surenhusius 
in 6 vols, folio, Amsterlam, 1698. 1703 



TAMAH 



683 



TAPPUAfl 



with a Latin translation of the text. An 
English reader may obtain an excellent 
idea of the whole work from an English 
translation of 18 of its Treatises by De 
Sola and Raphall, London, 1843. There is 
no reasonable doubt that although it may 
include a few passages of a later date, the 
Mishna was composed, as a whole, in the 
2d century, and represents the traditions 
which were current amongst the Pharisees 
at the time of Clirist. 

Ta'mab.. The children of Tamah, or 
Thamah (Ezr. ii. 53), were among the 
Nethinim who returned with Zerubbabel 
(Neh. vii. 55). 

Ta'mar (palm-tree). 1. The wife suc- 
cessively of the two sons of Judah, Er and 
Onan (Gen. xxxviii. 6-30). Her impor- 
tance in the sacred narrative depends on 
the great anxiety to keep up the lineage of 
Judah. It seemed as if the family were on 
tlie point of extinction. Er and Onan had 
successively perished suddenly. Judah's 
wife Bathshuah died; and there only re- 
mained a chilli Shelah, whom Judah was 
unwilling to trust to the dangerous union, 
as it appeared, with Tamar, lest he should 
meet with the same fate as Ms brothers. 
Accordingly sh^j resorted to the desperate 
expedient of intrapping the father himself 
into the union which he feared for his son. 
He took her for one of the unfortunate 
women who were consecrated to the impure 
rites of the Canaanite worship. He prom- 
ised her, as the price of his intercourse, a 
kid from the flocks to which he was going, 
and left as his pledge his ornaments and 
his staff. The kid he sent back by his 
shepherd, but the woman could nowhere 
be found. Months afterwards she was dis- 
covered to be his own daughter-in-law 
Tamar. She was sentenced to be burnt 
alive, and was only saved by the discovery, 
through the pledges which Judah had left, 
that her seducer was no less than the chief- 
tain of the tribe. The fruits of this inter- 
course were twins, Pharez and Zakah, 
and through Pharez the sacred line was 
continued. 2. Daughter of David and 
Maachah the Geshurite princess, and thus 
sister of Absalom (2 Sam. xiii. 1-32 ; 1 
Chr. iii. 9). She and her brother were 
alike remarkable for their extraordinary 
beauty. This fatal beauty inspired a frantic 
passion m her half-brother Amnon, the 
"^Idest Son of David by Ahinoam. Morning 
by morning, as he reueived tbf visits of his 
friend Jonadab, he is paler ix.^d thinner. 
Jonadab discovers the cause, ana suggests 
to him the means of accomplishing his 
wicked purpose. He was to feign sickness. 
The king came to visit him ; and Amnon 
entreated the presence of Tamar, on the 
pretext that she alone could give him food 
that he would eat. She came to his house, 
trok the dough and kneaded it into the form 



of cakes. She then took the i sin in wbi«Ii 

they had been baked, and poured them all 
out in a heap before the prince. Ue caused 
his attendants to retire, called her to the 
inner room, and there accomplished his 
design. In her touching remonstrance two 
points are remarkable. First, the expres- 
sion of the infamy of such a crime *'in 
Israel," implying the loftier standard of 
morals that prevailed, as compared with 
other countries at that time ; and, secondly, 
the belief that even this standard might be 
overborne lawfully by royal authority — 
" Speak to the king, for he will not withhold 
me from thee." The brutal hatred of Amnon 
succeeding to his brutal passion, and the in- 
dignation of Tamar at his barbarous insult 
even surpassing her indignation at his 
shameful outrage, are pathetically and 
graphically told. 3. Daughter of Absalom 
(2 Sam. xiv. 7), became, by her marriage 
with Uriah of Gibeah, the mother of Maa- 
chah, the future queen of Judah, or wife 
of Abijah (1 K. xv. 2). 4. A spot on th« 
south-eastern frontier of Judah, named in 
Ezek. xlvii. 19, xlviii. 28, only, evidently 
called from a palm-tree. If not Hazazox. 
Tamar, the old name of Engedi, it may b€ 
a place called Thamar in the Onomasticon 
(" Hazazon Tamar"), a day's journey south 
of Hebron. 

Tam'muz, properly " the Tammuz," 
the article indicating that at some time or 
other the word had been regarded as an 
appellative (Ez. viii. 14). Jerome identifies 
Tammuz with Adonis, and in so doing has 
been followed by most subsequent com- 
mentators. Luther and others regarded 
Tammuz as a name of Bacchus. Thai 
Tammuz was the Egyptian Osiris, and thai 
his worship was introduced to Jerusalem 
from Egypt, was held by Calvin, Piscator, 
Junius, Leusden, and Pfeiffer. The slight 
hint given by the prophet of the nature of 
the worship and worshippers of Tammuz 
has been sufficient to connect them with the 
yearly mourning for Adonis by the Syrian 
damsels. But beyond this we can attach 
no especial weight to the explanation of 
Jerome. 

Ta'nach, a slight variation of the name 
Taanach (Josh. xxi. 25). 

Tan'liunieth, the father of Seraiah in 
the time of Gedaliah (2 K. xxv. 23; Jer. 
xl. 8). 

Ta'phath, the daughter of Solomon, 
who was married to Ben-Abinadab (1 K. 
iv. 11). 

Ta'ption, one of the cities in Judaea, 
fortified by Bacchides (1 Mace. ix. 50). It 
is probably the Beth-Tappuah of the Old 
Testament. 

Tap'puah (the apple-city), 1- A city 
of Judah, in the district of the ShefeJah, 
or lowland (Josh, xv 34). 2. A place on 
the boundary of the ** children of Joseph " 



TAl'PUAfl, LA ISO OP 



684 



TARSHISH 



^Josh. xvi. 8, xvii. 8). Its full name was 
probably En-tappuah (xvii. 7). 3. One of 
the sons of Hebron, of the tribn of Judah 
(1 Chr. ii. 43). It is doubtless the same as 
Bf-th-Tappuah. 

Tap'puah, The Land of, a district 
Ddmed in the specification of the bounda- 
ry between Ephraim and Manasseh (Josh. 
xvii. 8). The name has not yet been met 
with at all in the central district of Pales- 
tine. 

Ta'rah, a desert-station of the Israel- 
ites between Tahath and Mithc*<,h (Num. 
xxxiii. 27). 

Tar'alah, one of the towns in the allot- 
ment of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 27). 

Tare'a, the same as Tahrea, the son of 
Micah (1 Chr. viii. 35). 

Tares. There can be little doubt that 
the zizania of the parable (Matt. xiii. 25) 
denote the weed called " darnel " (Lolium 
temidentuirn). The darnel before it comes 
into ear is very similar in appearance to 
wheat ; hence the command that the zizania 
should be left to the harvest, lest while men 
plucked up the tares "they should root up 
also the wheat with them." Dr. Stanley, 
however, speaks of women and children 
picking up from the wheat in the cornfields 
of Samaria the tall green stalks, still called 
by the Arabs zuwdn. "These stalks," he 
continues, " if sown designedly throughout 
the fields, would be inseparable from the 
wheat, from wliich, even when growing 
naturally and by chance, they are at first 
sight hardly distinguishable." See also 
Thomson ("The Land and the Book," p. 
420)* "The grain is in just the proper 
stage 10 illustrate the parable. In those 
parts where the grain has headed out, the 
tares have done the same, and then a child 
cannot mistake them for wheat or barley ; 
but where both are less developed, the 
closest scrutiny will often fail to detect 
them. Even the farmers who in this coun- 
try generally weed their fields, do not at- 
tempt to separate the one from the other." 
The grain-growers in Palestine believe that 
the zuwdn is merely a degenerate wheat ; 
that in wet seasons the wheat turns to tares. 
Dr. Thomson asserts that this is their fixed 
opinion. It is curious to observe the re- 
tention of the fallacy through many ages. 
" Wheat and zunin," says Lightfoot (on 
Matt. xiii. 25), quoting from the Talmud, 
" are not seeds of different kinds." The Ro- 
man writers appear to have entertained a 
similar opinion with regard to some of the 
cereals ; thus Pliny, borrowing probably 
from Theophrastus, asserts that "barley 
will degenerate into the oat." The notion 
that the zizania of the parable are merely 
diseased or degenerate wheat has been de- 
feuded by P. Brederod, and strangely adopt- 
ed by Trench, who (Notss on the Parables, 
p. 91, 4tJ ed ) lagards tb** distinction of 



these two plants to be "a falsely ussunif-i 
fact." If the zizania of the parable de 
note the Lolium temulentum, — and there 
cannot be any reasonable doubt about it, — 
the plants are certainly distinct. The graiuH 
of the L. tew,uUntum, if eaten, produce con- 
vulsions, and even death. 

Targum. [See Versions, p. 729.] 
Tar'pelites, The, a race of colonistn 
who were planted in the cities of Samaria 
after the captivity of the northern kingdom 
of Israel (Ezr. iv. 9). They have not been 
identified with any certainty. 

Tar'shish. 1. Probably Tartessus, a 
city and emporium of the Phoenicians in 
the south of Spain, represented as one 
of the sons of Javan (Gen. x. 4 ; Jon. i. 3, 
iv. 2 ; 1 Chr. i. 7 ; Is. ii. 16, xxiii. i. 6, 10, 
14, Ix. 9, Ixvi. 19 ; Jer. x. 9 ; Ez. xxvii. 12, 
25, xxxviii. 13 ; 1 K. x. 22, xxii. 48 [49] ; 
Ps. xlviii. 8, Ixvii. 10). The identity of the 
two places is rendered highly probable by 
the following circumstances : 1st. There is 
a very close similarity of name between 
them, Tartessus being merely Tarshish in 
the Aramaic form. 2dly. There seems to 
have been a special relation between Tar- 
shish and Tyre, as there was at one time 
between Tartessus and the Phoenicians. 
3dly. The articles which Tarshish is stated 
by the prophet Ezekiel (xxvii. 12) to have 
supplied to Tyre, are precisely such as we 
know, through classical writers, to have 
been productions of the Spanish Peninsula. 
In regard to tin, the trade of Tarshish in 
this metal is peculiarly significant, and ta- 
ken in conjunction with similarity of name 
and other circumstances already mentioned, 
is reasonably conclusive as to its iilentity 
with Tartessus. For even now the coun- 
tries in Europe, or on the shores of the ' 
Mediterranean Sea where tin is found, are 
very few ; and in reference to ancient times, 
it would be difficult to name any such coun 
tries except Iberia or Spain, Lusitania-, 
which was somewhat less in extent than 
Portugal, and Cornwall in Great Britain. 
In the absence of positive proof, we may 
acquiesce in the statement of Strabo, that I 
the river Baetis (now the Guadalquivir) I 
was formerly called Tartessus, that the | 
city Tartessus was situated between the 
two arms by which the river flowed int<» 
the sea, and that the adjoining country was ' 
called Tartessis. 2. From the Book of ■ 
Chronicles there would seem to have beet 
a Tarshish accessible from the Red Sea 
in addition to the Tarshish of the south 
of Spain. Thus, with regard to the ships 
of Tarshish, which Jehoshaphat caused to 
be constructed at Ezion-Geber on the Aeia- 
nitic Gulf of the Red Sea (1 K. xxii. 48\ 
it is said in the Chronicles (2 Chr. xx. 
36) that they were made to go to Tarshish ; 
and in like manner the navy of ships, which 
Solomon had previously made in Ezion* 



TARSUS 



685 



lAXES 



Gebi r (1 K. ix. 26), is said in the Chroni- 
cles (2 Chr. ix. 21) to have gone to Tar- 
•hish with the servants of Hiram. It is not 
to be supposed that the author of these 
passages in the Chronicles contemplated a 
voyage to Tarshish in the south of Spain 
by going round what has since been called 
the Cape of Good Hope. The expression 
" ships of Tarshish " originally meant ships 
destined to go to Tarshish ; and then prob- 
ably came to signify large Phoenician ships, 
of a particular size and description, destined 
for long voyages, just as in English " East 
Indiaman " was a general name given to 
vessels, some of which were not intended 
to go to India at all. Hence we may infer 
that the word Tarshish was also used to 
signify any distant place, and in this case 
would be applied to one in the Indian 
Ocean. This is shown by the nature of 
ihe imports with which the fleet returned, 
which are specified as "gold, silver, ivory, 
apes, &nd peacocks" (1 K. x. 22). The gold 
might possibly have been obtained from 
Africa, or from Ophir in Arabia, and the 
ivory and the apes might likewise have 
b<^en imported from Africa; but the pea- 
cocks point conclusively, not to Africa, but 
to In'^ia. There are only two species known ; 
both inhabit the continent and islands of 
India : so that the mention of the peacock 
seems to exclude the possibility of the voy- 
age having been to Africa. The inference 
to be drawn from the importation of pea- 
cocks is confirmed by the Hebrew name for 
the ape and the peacock. Neither of these 
names is of Hebrew, or even Semitic, ori- 
gin; and each points to India. Thus the 
Hebrew word for ape is koph, while the 
Sanscrit word is kapi. Again, the Hebrew 
word for peacock is tukki, which cannot be 
explained in Hebrew, but is akin to tdka in 
the Tamil language. There are not, how- 
ever, sufficient data for determining what 
were the ports in India or the Indian Is- 
lands which were reached by the fleet of 
Hiram and Solomon, though the suggestion 
of Sir Emerson Tennent that they went to 
Point de Galle, in Ceylon, is very prob- 
able. 

Tar'sus, the chief town of Cilicia, *' no 
mean city " in other respects, but illustri- 
ous to all time as the birthplace and early 
residence of the Apostle Paul (Acts ix. 11, 
xxi. 39, xxii. 3). Even in the flourishing 
period of Greek history it was a city of 
some considerable consequence. In the 
civil wars of Rome it took Caesar's side, 
and on the occasion of a visit from him had 
its name changed to Juliopolis. Augustus 
made it a " free city." It was renowned 
as a place of education under the early 
Roman emperors. Strabo compares it in 
this respect to Athens and Alexandria. 
Tarsus also was a place of much commerce. 
It wan situated in a wild and fertile plain 



on the banks oi the Cydnus. No ruins of 
any importance remain. 

Tar'tak, one of the gods of the Avite, 
or Avvite, colonists of Samaria (2 K. xvii. 
31). According to Rabbinical tradition, 
Tartak is said to have been worshipped un- 
der the form of an ass. 

Tar 'tan, wliich occurs only in 2 K. xviii. 
17, and Is. xx. 1, has been generally re- 
garded as a proper name ; but like Rabsaris 
and Rabshakeh, it is more probably an of- 
ficial designation, and indicates the As- 
syrian commander-in-chief. 

Tat'nai, satrap of the province west of 
the Euphrates in the time of Darius Hys- 
taspis (Ezr. v. 3, 6, vi. 6, 13). The nan»e 
is thought to be Persian. 

Taverns, The Three. [Three T i^- 

ERNS.] 

Taxes. I. Under the Judges, accord- 
ing to the theocratic government contem- 
plated by the law, the only payments in- 
cumbent upon the people as of permanent 
obligation were the Tithes, the First 
Fruits, the Redemption-money of the 
first-born, and other offerings as belonging 
to special occasions. The payment by each 
Israelite of the half-shekel as " atonement- 
money," for the service of the tabernacle, 
on taking the census oi the people (Ex. 
XXX. 13), does not appear to have had the 
character of a recurring tax, but to have 
been supplementary to the freewill-offer- 
ings of Ex. XXV. 1-7, levied for the one 
purpose of the construction of the sacred 
tent. In later times, indeed, after the re- 
turn from Babylon, there was an annual 
payment for maintaining the fabric and ser- 
vices of the Temple ; but the fact that this 
begins by the voluntary compact to pay 
one third of a shekel (Neh. x. 32) shows 
that till then there was no such payment 
recognized as necessary. A little later the 
third became a half, and under the name 
of the didrachma (Matt. xvii. 24) was paid 
by every Jew, in whatever part of the world 
he might be living. II. The kingdom, with 
its centralized government and greater mag- 
nificence, involved, of course, a larger ex« 
penditure, and therefore a heavier taxation. 
The chief burdens appear to have been, 
(1) A tithe of the produce both of the soil 
and of live stock (1 Sam. viii. 15, 17). (2) 
Forced military service for a month every 
year (1 Sam. viii. 12 ; 1 K. ix. 22 ; 1 Chr. 
xxvii. 1). (3) Gifts to the king (1 Sam. x. 
27, xvi. 20, xvii. 18). (4) Import duties (1 
K. X. 15). (5) The monopoly of certain 
branches of commerce (1 K. ix. 28, xxii 
48, X. 28, 29). (6) The appropriation to 
the king's use of the early crop of hay (Am. 
vi). 1). At times, too, in the history of 
bcth the kingdoms there were special bur- 
dens. A tribute of 50 shekels a head had 
to be paid by Menahem to the Assyrian 
king (2 K. xv. 20^. and under his successor 



TAXING 



686 



TEL-ABIB 



Hoshoa this assumed the form of an annual 
tribute (2 K. xvii. 4). III. Under the Per- 
sian empire, the taxes paid by the Jews 
were, in their broad outlines, the same in 
kind as those of other subject races. The 
financial system which gained for Darius 
Hystaspis the name of the *' shopkeeper 
king " involved the payment by each satrap 
of a fixed sum as the tribute due from his 
province. In Judaea, as in other prov- 
inces, the inhabitants had to provide in kind 
for the maintenance of the governor's house- 
hold, besides a money-payment of 40 shek- 
els a day (Neh. v. 14, 15). In Ezr. iv. 13, 
20, vii. 24, we get a formal enumeration of 
the three great branches of the revenue. 
The influence of Ezra secured for the whole 
ecclesiastical order, from the priests down 
to the Nethinim, an immunity from all 
throe (Ezr. vii. 24) ; but the burden pressed 
heavily on the great body of the people. 
IV. Under the Egyptian and Syrian kings 
the taxes paid by the Jews became yet 
heavier. The '* farming " system of finance 
was adopted in its worst form. The taxes 
were put up to auction. The contract sum 
for those of Phoenicia, Judaea, Samaria, 
had been estimated at about 8000 talents. 
An unscrupulous adventurer would bid 
double that sum, and would then go down 
to the province, and by violence and cruel- 
ty, like that of Turkish or Hindoo collect- 
ors, squeeze out a large margin of profit 
for himself. V. The pressure of Roman 
taxation, if not absolutely heavier, was 
probably more galling, as being more 
ihorough and systematic, more distinctively 
A mark of bondage. The capture of Jeru- 
salem by Pompey was followed immediate- 
ly by the imposition of a tribute, and within 
a short time the sum thus taken from the 
resources of the country amounted to 10,000 
talents. When Judaea became formally a 
Roman province, the whole financial system 
of the empire came as a natural conse- 
quence. The taxes were systematically 
farmed, and the publicans appeared as a 
new curse to the country. The Portoria 
were levied at harbors, piers, and the gates 
of cities (Matfe. xvii. 24; Rom. xiii. 7). In 
Addition to this there was the poll-tax paid 
by every Jew, and looked upon, for that 
reason, as the special badge of servitude. 
United with this, as part of the same sys- 
tem, there was also, in all probability, a 
property-tax of some kind. In addition to 
these general taxes, the inhabitants of Jeru- 
salem were subject to a special house-duty 
about this period. 

Taxing. The English word now con- 
veys to us more distinctly the notion of a 
tax or tribute actually levied ; but it appears 
to have been used in the 16th century for 
the simple assessment of a subsidy upon the 
property of a given county, or the registra- 
tion of the people for the purpose of a poll- 



tax. Two distinct registrations, or taxinga 
are mentioned in the N. T., both of them 
by St. Luke. The first is said to have been 
the result of an edict of the Emperor Au- 
gustus, that " all the world (i. e. the Roman 
empire) should be taxed " (Luke ii. 1), and 
is connected by the Evangelist with the 
name of Cyrenius, or Quirinus. [Ctre- 
Nius.] The second, and more important 
(Acts V. 37), is distinctly associated, in 
point of time, with the revolt of Judas of 
Galilee. 

Te'bah, eldest of the sons of Nahor, 
by his concubine Reumah (Gen. xxii. 24). 

Tebali'ah, third son of Hosah of tlie 
children of Merari (1 Chr. xxvi. 11). 

Te'beth. [Month.] 

Tehin'nah, the father or founder o* 
Ir-Nahash, the city of Nahash, and son of 
Eshton (1 Chr. iv. 12). 

Teil-tree. [Oak.] 

Teko'a and Teko'ah. 1. A town in the 
tribe of Judah (2 Chr. xi. 6), on the range 
of hills Avhich rise near Hebron, and stretch 
eastward towards the Dead Sea. Jerome 
says that Tekoa was six Roman miles from 
Bethlehem, and that as he wrote he had 
that village daily before his eyes. The 
" wise woman " whom Joab employed to 
effect a reconciliation between David and 
Absalom was obtained from this place (2 
Sam. xiv. 2). Here, also, Ira, the son of 
Ikkesh, one of David's thirty, " the mighty 
men," was born, and was called on that ac- 
count "the Tekoite" (2 Sam. xxiii. 26). 
It was one of the places which Rehoboaj*^ 
fortified, at the beginning of his reign, as> c 
defence against invasion from the south (2 
Chr. xi. 6). Some of the people from 
Tekoa took part in building the walls of 
Jerusalem, after the return from the Cap- 
tivity (Neh. iii. 5, 27. In Jer. vi. 1, the 
prophet exclaims, *' Blow the trumpet in 
Tekoa, and set up a sign of fire in Beth- 
Haccerem." But Tekoa is chiefly memo- 
rable as the birthplace of the prophet Amo^ 
(Amos vii. 14). Tekoa is known still as 
Tekit'a. It lies on an elevated hill, which 
spreads itself out into an irregular plain of 
moderate extent. Various ruins exist, such 
as the walls of houses, cisterns, broken 
columns, and heaps of building-stones. 2- 
A name occurring in the genealogies of 
Judah (1 Chr. ii. 24, iv. 5), as the son of 
Ashur. There is little doubt that the town 
of Tekoa is meant. 

Teko'ite, The. Ira ben-Ikkesh, one 
of David's warriors, is thus designated (2 
Sara, xxiii. 26; 1 Chr. xi. 28, xxvii. 9). 
The common people among the Tekoitem 
displayed great activity in the repairs of 
the wall of Jerusalem under Nchemiah 
(Neh. iii. 5, 27). 

Tel'-a'bib was probably a city of Chal 
daea or Babylonia, Lot of Upper Mesopota- 
mia, as generally imagined (Ez. iii. 15> 



TELAH 



6«7 



TEMPLE 



iTie whol J scene of Ezekiel's preaching and 
fiaions seems to have been Chaldaea Prop- 
er; and the river Chebar, as already ob- 
served, was not the Khabour^ but a branch 
of the Euphrates. 

Te'Iah, a descendant of Ephraim, and 
ancestor of Joshua (1 Chr. vii. 25). 

Tel'aim, the place at which Saul col- 
lected and numbered his forces before his 
attack on Araalok (1 Sara. xv. 4), may be 
identical with Telem. On the other hand, 
tht reading of the LXX. in 1 Sara. xv. 4 
— viz. Gilgal — is remarkable, and is al- 
most sufficient to induce the belief that in 
this case the LXX. and Josephus have pre- 
served the right name, and that instead of 
Telaim we should, with them, read Gilgal. 

Telas'sar is mentioned in 2 K. xix. 12, 
rtind in Is. xxxvii. 12 as a city inhabited by 
"the children of Eden," which had been 
conquered, and was held in the time of 
Sennacherib, by the Assyrians. It must 
have been in Western Mesopotamia, in the 
.leighborhood of Harran and Orfa. 

Te'lem. 1. One of the cities in the 
extreme south of Judah (Josh. xv. 24), 
probably the same as Telaim. The name 
Dhullam is found in Van de Velde's map, 
attached to a district immediately to the 
north of the Kuhhet el-Baul, south of el 
¥ilh and Ar'arah — a position very suitable. 
2. A porter or doorkeeper of the Temple 
in the time of Ezra (Ezra x. 24) . He is prob- 
ably the same as Talmon in Neh. xii. 25. 

Tel-har'sa, or Tel-hare' sha, one of 
the Babylonian towns, or villages, men- 
tioned in Ezr. ii. 59 ; Neh. vii. 61, along 
with Tcl-Melah and Cherub, probably in 
the low country near the sea. 

Tel-me'lah. [Tel-Harsa.] 

Te ma, the ninth son of Ishmael (Gen. 
jcxv. 15 ; 1 Chr. i. 30) ; whence the tribe 
called after him, mentioned in Job vi. 19, 
Jer. XXV. 23, and also the land occupied by 
this tribe (Is. xxi. 13, 14). The name is 
identified with Teymd, a small town on the 
confines of Syria. 

Te'man. 1. A son of Eliphaz, son of 
Esau by Adah (Gen. xxxvi. 11, 15, 42; 1 
Chr. i. 36, 53). 2. A country, and prob- 
ably a city, named after the Edomite phy- 
larch, or from which the phylarch took his 
name. The Hebrew signifies "south," 
&c. (see Job ix. ^ ; Is. xliii. 6) ; and it is 
probable tliat the land of Teman was a 
southern portion of the land of Edom, or, 
m a wider sense, that of the sons of the 
east. Teman is mentioned in five places 
by the prophets, in four of which it is con- 
nected with Edom, and in two with Dedan 
i^Jer. xlix. 7, 8; Ez. xxv. 13). In common 
with most Edomite names, Teman appears 
to have been lost. Eusebius and Jerome 
mennon Teman as a town in their day dis- 
tant 15 miles from Petra, and a Roman 
vo6t^ The identification of the existing 



Maan with this Teman may be geograplii* 
cally correct, but it cannot rest on etymo- 
logical grounds. The gentilic noun of Te- 
man is timdni (Job ii. 11, xxii. 1), and 
Eliphaz the Temanite was one of the wise 
men of Edom. The gen. n. occurs alsa in 
Gen. xxxvi. 34, where the land of Teman* 
is mentioned. 

Tem'ani. [Teman. | 

Te'manite. [Teman.] 

Tem'eni, son of Ashur, the father of 
Tekua, by his wife Naarah (1 Chr. iv. 6). 

Temple. There is perhaps no building 
of the ancient world which has excited so 
much attention since the time of its de- 
struction as the Temple which Solomon 
built at Jerusalem, and its successor as 
rebuilt by Herod. Its spoils were consid 
ered worthy of forming the principal illus- 
tration of one of the most beautiful of Ro- 
man triumphal arches, and Justinian's high- 
est architectural ambition was that he might 
surpass it. Throughout the middle ages 
it inlluenced to a considerable degree the 
forms of Christian churches, and its pecu- 
liarities were the watchwords and rallying- 
points of all associations of builders. When 
the French expedition to Egypt, in the first 
years of this century, had made the world 
familiar with the wonderful architectural 
remains of that country, every one jumped 
to the conclusion that Solomon's Temple 
must have been designed after an Egyptiap 
model. The Assyrian discoveries of Botta 
and Layard have within the last twenty 
years given an entirely new direction to th^ 
researches of the restorers. Unfortunate- 
ly, however, no Assyrian temple has yet 
been exhumed of a nature to throw much 
light on this subject, and we are still forced 
to have recourse to the later buildings at 
Persepolis, or to general deductions from 
the style of the nearly contemporary secu- 
lar buildings at Nineveh and elsewhere, for 
such illustrations as are available. 

The Temple of Solomon. — It was 
David who first proposed to replace the 
Tabernacle by a more permanent building, 
but was forbidden for the reasons assigned 
by the prophet Nathan (2 Sam. vii. 5, &c.), 
and though he collected materials and made 
arrangements, the execution of the task 
was left for his son Solomon. He, with 
the assistance of Hiram king of Tyre, com- 
menced this great undertaking in the fourth 
year of his reign (b. c. 1012), and com- 
pleted it in seven years (b. c. 1005). It 
occupied the site prepared for it by David, 
which had formerly been the threshing- 
floor of the Jebusite Oman or Araunah, on 
Mount Moriah. The whole area enclosed 
by the outer walls formed a square of 
about 600 feet; but the sanctuary itself 
was comparatively small, inasmuch as it 
was intended only for the ministrations of 
the priests, the congregation of the people 



TEMPLE 



688 



TEMPLE 



assembling in the courts. In this and all 
other essential poinis, the Temple followed 
the model of the Tabernacle, from which 
it differed chiefly by having chambers built 
about the sanctuary for the abode of the 
priests and attendants, and the keeping of 
treasures and stores. In all its dimen- 
sions, length, breadth, and height, the 
sanctuary itself was exactly double of the 
Tabernacle, the ground-plan measuring 80 
uubits by 40, whilst that of the Tabernacle 
was 40 by 20, and the height of the Temple 
being 30 cubits, wliile that of the Tabernacle 
iras 15. (The reader should compare the 
following account with the article Taber- 
nacle.) As in the Tabernacle, the Tem- 
ple consisted of three parts, die Porch, the 
lloly Place, and the Holy of Holies. The 
Porch of the Temple was 10 cubits deep (in 
the Tabernacle 5 cubits), the width in both 
instances being the width of the house. 
The front of the porch was supported, after 
the manner of some Egyptian temples, by 
the two great brazen pillars, Jachin and 
Boaz, 18 cubits high, with capitals of 5 cubits 
more, adorned with lily-work and pome- 
granates (I K. vii. 15-22). Some have 
supposed that Jachin and Boaz were not 
pillars in the ordinary sense of the term, 
but obelisks. But for this there is no 
authority; and as the porch was fifteen 
cubits (thirty feet) in width, a roof of that 
extent, even if composed of a wooden 
beam, would not only look painfully weak 
without some support, but, in fact, almost 
impossible to construct with the imperfect 
Bcience of those days. " The chapiter of 




Cornice of Lily-work at PerMpoUa. 

iUy-iTork " on these columns may have 
borne some resemblance to the cornice of 
lily-work figured above. The Boly Place, 
9r uuter hall, was 40 cubits long by 20 



wide, being in the Tabernacle 20 by 10 
The Holy of Holies was a cube of 20 cu- 
bits, being in the Tabernacle 10. Thi- 
places of the two "veils" of the Taber- 
nacle were occupied by partitions, in which 
were folding-doors. The whole interior 
was lined with woodwork richly carved 
and overlaid with gold. Indeed, botl 
within and without, the building was con- 
spicuous chiefly by the lavish use of the 
gold of Ophir and Parvaim. It glittered 
in the morning sun (it has been well said) 
like the sanctuary of an El Dorado. Above 
the sacred ark, which was placed, as of old, 
in the Most Holy Place, were made new 




Plcn {^t Boleincii's Ttrnp'®. shcwiny the dicpottC^a of t^H 
ehanibcn iu tiro itoiica. 

cherubim, one pair of whose wings met 
above the ark, and another pair reached to 
the walls behind them. In the Holy Place, 
besides the Altar of Incense, which was 
made of cedar, overlaid with gold, there 
were seven golden candlesticks instead of 
one, and the table of shew-bread was re- 
placed by ten golden tables, bearing, besides 
the shew-bread, the innumerable golden 
vessels for the service of the sanctuary. 
The Outer Court was no doubt double the 
size of that of the Tabernacle ; and we may 
therefore safely assume that it was 10 cubit* 
in height, 100 cubits north and south, and 
200 east and west. It contained an inner 
court, called the " court of the priests : '" 
but the arrangement of the courts and of 
the porticos and gateways of the enclosure, 
though described by Josephus, belong ap- 
parently to the Temple of Herod. There 
was an eastern porch to Herod's Temple, 
which was called Solomon's Porch, and 
Josephus XAU us that it was built by thai 
monarch : but of this there is absolutely no 



TEMPLE 



689 



TEMPLE 



pruol, and as neither in the account of 
Solomon's building nor in any subsequent 
repairs or incidents is any mention made 
of such buildings, we may safely conclude 
that they did not exist before the time of 
the great rebuilding immediately preceding 
the Christian era. In the outer court there 
was a new altar of burnt-offering much 
larger than the old one. [Altar.] Instead 
of the brazen laver there was "a molten 
sea " of brass, a masterpiece of Hiram's 
skill, for the ablution of tiie priests. It 
was called a " sea " from its great size. 
[Sea, Molten.] The chambers for the 
priests were arranged in successive stories 
against the sides of the sanctuary; not, 
however, reaching to the top, so as to leave 
space for the windows to light the Holy and 
Most Holy Places. We are told by Jose- 
phus and the Talmud that there was a 
superstructure on the Temple equal in 
height to the lower part ; and this is con- 
firmed by the statement in the Books of 
Chronicles that Solomon " overl^d the 
upper chambers with gold " (2 Chr. iii. 
9). Moreover, "the altars on the top of 
the upper chamber," mentioned in the 
Books of the Kings (2 K. xxiii. 12), were 
apparently upon the Temple. It is proba- 
ble that these upper chambers bore some 
analogy to the platform or Talar that ex- 
isted on the roofs of the Palace-Temples at 
Persepolis, as they are exhibited in the 
drawings which represent the Tomb of 
Darius. It is true this was erected five 
centuries after the building of Solomon's 
temple ; but it is avowedly a copy in stone 
of older Assyrian forms, and as such may 
represent, with more or less exactness, con- 
temporary buildings. Nothing in fact could 
represent more correctly "the altars on 
the top ol *he upper chamber," which Jo- 
siah beat down, than this, nor could any- 
thing more fully meet all the architectural 
or devotional exigencies of the case. — The 
dedication of the Temple, which was the 
grandest ceremony ever performed under 
the Mosaic dispensation, is described under 
Solomon. This Temple was destroyed on 
the capture of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnez- 
zar, B. c. 586. 

Temple of Zerubbabel. — We have 
vury few particulars regarding the Temple 
which the Jews erected after their return 
from the Captivity (about b. c. 520), and 
no description that would enable -us to real- 
ize its appearance. But there are some 
dimensions given in the Bible and else- 
where which are extremely interesting, as 
affording points of comparison between it 
and the Temple which preceded it, and the 
one erected after it. The first and most 
authentic are those given in the Book of 
Ezra (vi. 3), when quoting the decree of 
Cyrus, wherein it is said, " Let the house 
be builded the place where they offered 



sacrifices, and let the foundations thereol 
be strongly laid ; the height thereof three- 
score cubits, and the breadth thereof threc-- 
score cubits, with three rows of great stones 
and a row of new timber." Josephus quotes 
this passage almost literally, but in doinj^ 
so enables us with certainty to translate the 
word here called Row as " Story " — as 
indeed the sense would lead us to infer. 
The other dimension of 60 cubits in breadth, 
is 20 cubits in excess of that of S'^lomon's 
Temple, but there is no reason to doubt its 
correctness, for we find both from Josephus 
and the Talmud that it was the dimension 
adopted for the Temple when rebuilt, or 
rather repaired, by Herod. We are left, 
therefore, with the alternative of assuming 
that the porch and the chambers all round 
were 20 cubits in width, including the thick- 
ness of the walls, instead of 10 cubits, 
as in the earlier building. This altera- 
tion in the width of the Pteromata made 
the Temple 100 cubits in length by 60 in 
breadth, with a height, it is said, of 60 
cubits, including the upper room or Talar, 
though we cannot help suspecting that 
this last dimension is somewhat in excess 
of the truth. From these dimensions we 
gather, that if the Priests and Levites and 
Elders of families were disconsolate at 
seeing how much more sumptuous the old 
Temple was than the one which on account 
of their poverty they had just been able to 
erect (Ezr. iii. 12), it certainly was not 
because it was smaller, as almost every 
dimension had been increased one third; 
but it may have been that the carving and 
the gold and other ornaments of Solomon's 
Temple far surpassed this, and the pillars 
of the portico and the veils may all have been 
far more splendid; so also probably were 
the vessels ; and all this is what a Jew would 
mourn over far more than mere architec- 
tural splendor. In speaking of these Tem- 
ples we must always bear in mind that their 
dimensions were practically very far in- 
ferior to those of the heathen. Even that 
of Ezra is not larger than an average par- 
ish church of the last century — Solomon's 
was smaller. It was the lavish display of 
the precious metals, the elaboration i 
carved ornament, and the beauty of the 
textile fabrics, which made up their splen- 
dor and rendered them so precious in the 
eyes of the people. 

Temple op Ezekiel. — The vision of a 
Temple which the prophet Ezekiel saw 
while residing on the banks of the Chebar 
in Babylonia in the 25th year of the Captiv- 
ity, does not add much to our knowledge 
of the subject. It is not a description of a 
Temple that ever was built or ever could 
be erected at Jerusalem, and can conse- 
quently only be considered as the beau 
ideal of what a Shemitic Temple ought to 
be. Notwithstanding its ideal character. 



TEMPLE 



690 



TEMPLE 



the irhole is extremely curio as, as showing 
what were the aspirations of the Jews in 
this direction, and how different they were 
from tliose of other nations ; and it is inter- 
esting here, inasmuch as there can be little 
doubt but that the arrangements of Herod's 
Temple were in a great measure influenced 
by the description here given. 

Temple of Herod. — Herod announced 
to the people assembled at the Passover 
(b. c. 20 or 19) his intention of restoring 
the Temple. If we may believe Josephus, 
he pulled down the whole edifice to its foun- 
dations, and laid them anew on an enlarged 
scale ; but the ruins still exhibit, in some 
parts, what seem to be the foundations laid 
by Zerubbabel, and beneath them the more 
massive substructions of Solomon. The 
new edifice was a stately pile of Graeco- 



Roman architecture, built in white niarbl* 
with gilded acroteria. It is minutelj? de 
scribed by Josephus, and the New Testa- 
ment has made us familiar with the pride 
of the Jews in its magnificence. A dlfler- 
ent feeling, however, marked the com- 
mencement of the work, which met with 
some opposition from the fear that whal 
Herod had begun he would not be able to 
finish. He overcame all jealousy by en- 
gaging not to pull down any part of the 
existing buildings till all the materials foi 
the new edifice were collected on its site. 
Two years appear to have been occupied in 
these preparations, among which Josephus 
mentions the teaching of some of the priests 
and Levites to work as masons and carpen- 
ters — and then the work began. The holy 
" house," including the Porch, Sanctuary, 




^^^^^SZ. 



•mm 




u lij M M a la M m M la yj M ui i« H IB i!j IT w m tr vA i\ la i. m a ni ra a a fj t. 



STOA BASILICA 



.1 H td Bi Bi w H iH la u a a B la IB in H a a M a 'ji la u m .a m m u u n n li u ui v. ij t, u\ ; 



Temple of H«rod reitored. Scale of 200 feet to 1 inch. 



and Holy of Holies, was finished in a year 
and a half (b. c. 16). Its completion, on 
the anniversary of Herod's inauguration, 
was celebrated by lavish sacrifices and a 
great feast. About b. c. 9 — eight years 
froHi the commencement — the court and 
cloipters of the Temple were finished, and 
the bridge between the south cloister and 
the upper city (demolished by Pompey) 
was doubtless now rebuilt with that massive 
mas jnry ol which some remains still sur- 
vive. The Temple or holy " house " itself 
was in dimensions and arrangement very 
similar to that of Solomon, or rather that 
of Zerubbabel — more like the latter; but 



this was surrounded by an inner enclosure 
of great strength and magnificence, meas- 
uring as nearly as can be made out 180 
cubits by 240, and adorned by porches and 
ten gateways of great magnificence; and 
beyond tliis again was an outer enclosure 
measuring externally 400 cubits each way, 
which was adorned with porticos of great- 
er splendor than any we know of as attached 
to any temple of the ancient world. The 
Temple was certainly situated in the S. W. 
angle of the area now known as the Haram 
area at Jerusalem, and its dimensions were 
what Josephus states them to be — 400 
cubits, or one stadium, each way. At th» 



TEMPLE 



691 



TEMPLE 



nine vflien Herod rebuilt it, he enclosed a 
space " twice as large " as that before 
occupied by the Temple and its courts — an 
expression that probably must not be taken 
tov' liti'rally, at least if we are to depend on 
the measurements of Hecataeus. Accord- 
ing to them, the whole area of Herod's 
Teiaple was between four and five times 
greater than that which preceded it. What 
Herod did, apparently, was to take in the 
whole spa;e between the Temple and the 
city wall on its eastern side, and to add a 
considerable space on the north and south, 
to support the porticos which he added 
there. As the Temple terrace thus became 
the principal defence of the city on the east 
side, there were no gates or openings in that 
direction, and being situated on a sort of 
rocky brow — as evidenced from its appear- 
ance in the vaults that bound it on this side 
it was at all later times considered un- 
attackable from the eastward. The north 
side, too, where not covered by the fortress 
Antonia, became part of the defences of 
the city, and was likewise without external 
gates. On the south side, wtiich was en- 
closed by the wall of Ophel, there were 
double gates nearly in the centre. These 
gates still exist at a distance of about 365 
feet from the south-western angle, and are 
perhaps the only architectural features of 
the Temple of Herod which remain in situ. 
This entrance consists of a double archway 
of Cyclopean architecture on the level of 
the ground, opening into a square vestibule 
measuring 40 feet each way. From this a 
double tunnel, nearly 200 feet in length, 
leads to a flight of steps which rise to the 
surface in the court of the Temple, exactly 
at that gateway of the inner Temple which 
led to the altar, and is the one of the four 
gateways on this side by which any one 
arriving from Ophel would naturally wish 
to enter the inner enclosure. We learn 
from the Talmud that the gate of the inner 
Temple to which this passage led was called 
the " Water Gate , " and it is interesting 
to be able to identify a spot so prominent 
ra the description of Nehemiah (xii. 37). 
Towards the west there were four gateways 
to the external enclosure of the Temple. 
Oloisters. — The most magnificent part of 
the Temple, in an architectural point of 
view, seems certainly to have been the 
cloisters which were added to the outer 
court when it was enlarged by Herod. The 
cloisters in the west, north, and east sides 
[ were composed of double rows of Corin- 
thian columns, 25 cubits or 37 feet 6 inches 
! in height, with flat roofs, and resting against 
\ the outer wall of the Temple. These, how- 
ever, were immeasurably surpassed in mag- 
\ nificence by the royal porch or Stoa Basil- 
j ica, which overhung the southorn wall. It 
consisted of a nave and two aisles, that 
! towards the Temple being open, that to- i 



wards the country closed by a wall. The 
breadth of the centre aisle was 45 feet ; of 
the side aisles, 30 from centre to centre of 
the pillars ; their height 50 feet, and that 
of the centre aisle 100 feet. Its section was 
thus something in excess of that of York 
Cathedral, while its total length was one 
stadium or 600 Greek feet, or 100 feet in 
excess of York, or our largest Gothic ca- 
thedrals. This magnificent structure wa« 
supported by 162 Corinthian columns. The 
court of the Temple was very nearly % 
square. It may have been exactly so, fur 
we have not all the details to enable us to 
feel quite certain about it. To the eastward 
of this was the court of the women. The 
great ornament of these inner courts seems 
to have been their gateways, the three 
especially on the north and south leading 
to the Temple court. These, according to 
Josephus, were of great height, strongly 
fortified, and ornamented with great elab- 
oration. But the wonder of all was the 
great eastern gate leading from the court 
of the women to the upper court. It was 
in all probability the one called the " Beau- 
tiful Gate " in the New Testament. Imme- 
diately within this gateway stood the altar 
of burnt- offerings. Both the Altar and the 
Temple were enclosed by a low parapet, 
one cubit in height, placed so as to keep 
the people separate from the priests while 
the latter were performing their functions. 
Within this last enclosure, towards the 
westward, stood the Temple itself. As 
before mentioned, its internal dimensions 
were the same as those of the Temple of 
Solomon. Although the internal dimen- 
sions remained the same, there seems no 
reason to doubt but that the whole plan wa8 
augmented by the Pteromata, or surround- 
ing parts, being increased from 10 to 20 
cubits, so that the third temple, like the 
second, measured 60 cubits across and 100 
cubits east and west. The width of the 
facade was also augmented by wings oi 
shoulders projecting 20 cubits each way, 
making the whole breadth 100 cubits, or 
equal to the length. So far all seems cer* 
tain ; but when we come to the height, every 
measurement appears doubtful. Both Jo- 
sephus and the Talmud seem delighted with 
the truly Jewish idea of a building which, 
without being a cube, was 100 cubits long. 
100 broad, and 100 high. We cannot help 
suspecting that in this instance Josephus 
was guilty of systematically doubling the 
altitude of the building he was describing, 
as it can be proved he did in some other 
instances. But when we turn from actual 
measurement, and try to realize its appear- 
ance, or the detail of its architeoture, we 
launch into a sea of conjecture with very 
little indeed to guide us, at least in regard 
to the appeararce of the Temple itself. 
Whatever may have been the case with tb« 



TEN COMMANDMENTS 



692 



TEN COMMANIfMENTS 



remple of Solomon, it is nearly certain that 
tbe style of the second Temple must have 
been identical with this of the buildings we 
are so familiar with at Persepolis and Susa. 
The Jews were too closely connected with 
the Persians and Babylonians at this period 
to know of any other style, and in fact their 
Temple was built under the superintendence 
of the very parties who were erecting the 
contemporary edifices at Persepolis and 
Susa. There is no reason for doubting that 
tlie Sanctuary always stood on the identi- 
cally same spot in which it had been placed 
by Solomon a thousand years before it was 
rebuilt by Herod. 

Ten Commandments. The popular 
name in this, as in so many instances, is 
not that of Scripture. There we have the 
■' Ten Wokds " (Ex. xxxiv. 28 ; Deut. iv. 
13, X. 4), the "Covenant" (Ex., Deut., 
II. cc. ; 1 K. viii. 21; 2 Chr. vi. 11, &c.), 
or, very often, as the solemn attestation of 
the divine will, the Testimony (Ex. xxv. 
16, 21 ; xxxi. 18, &c.). The circumstances 
in which the Ten great Words were first 
given to the people surrounded them with 
an awe which attached to no other precept. 
In the midst of the cloud, and the dark- 
ness, and the flashing lightning, and the 
fiery smoke, and the thunder like the voice 
of a trumpet, Moses was called to receive 
the Law without which the people would 
cease to be a holy nation. Here, as else- 
where. Scripture unites two facts which 
men separate. God, and not man, was 
speaking to the Israelites in those terrors, 
and yet, in the language of later inspired 
teachers, other instrumentality was not ex- 
cluded. No other words were proclaimed 
in like manner. And the record was as 
exceptional as the original revelation. Of 
no other words could it be said that they 
were written as these were written, en- 
graved on the Tables of Stone, not as ori- 
ginating in man's contrivance or sagacity, 
but by the power of the Eternal Spirit, by 
the " finger of God " (Ex. xxxi. 18, xxxii. 
16). The number Ten was, we can hardly 
doubt, itself significant to Moses and the 
Israelites. The received symbol, then and 
at all times, of completeness, it taught the 
people that the Law of Jehovah was perfect 
(Ps. xix. 7). The term *' Commandments " 
had come into use in the time of Christ 
(Luke xviii. 20). Their division into Two 
Tables is not only expressly mentioned, but 
the stress laid upon the two leaves no doubt 
that the distinction was important, and that 
it answered to that summary of the law 
which was made both by Moses and by 
Christ into two precepts ; so that the First 
Table contained Duties to God, and the 
Second, Duties to our Neighbor. — But 
here arises a difficulty, not only as to the 
arrangement of the commandments be- 
tween the "'Two Tables," but as to the 



division of the 'Ten Words" themselves 
The division is not clearly made in the 
Scripture itself; and that arrangement, 
with which we are familiar from child- 
hood, is only one cf three modes, handed 
down from the ancient Jewish and Chris- 
tian churches, to say nothing of modem 
theories ; and otheis are used at this day 
by Jews and Roman Catholics. (1) The 
modern Jews, following the Talmud, take 
the words which are often called the Pref- 
ace, as the First Commandment (Ex. xx. 
2 ; Deut. v. 6 : " I am Jehovah thy God, 
which brought thee out of the land of 
Egypt, from the house of bondage ") ; and 
the prohibitions both against having other 
gods, and against idolatry, as the second 
(Ex. XX. 3-6 ; Deut. v. 7-10) ; the rest be- 
ing arranged as with us. (2) Tlie Koman 
Catholic and Lutheran churches, following 
St. Augustine, regard the First Command- 
ment as embracing all the above words, in 
one comprehensive law against false wor- 
ship and idolatry. Thus our Third Com- 
mandment is their Second, and so on to our 
Ninth, which is their Eighth. They then 
make our Tenth against coveting their Ninth 
and Tenth. In the arrangement of the Two 
Tables, the First contains three command- 
ments, closing with the Sabbath law, and 
the Second the remaining seven. (3) 
The arrangement adopted by the Greek 
and English churches, following Philo, Jo- 
sephus, and Origen, and all the Latin fa- 
thers, makes the law against having other 
gods besides Jehovah I5he First Command' 
ment, and that against idolatry the Second^ 
though a slight difference of opinion re- 
mains, whether the first words belong to 
the First Commandment, or form a Preface 
to the whole. — There are then three prin- 
cipal divisions of the Two Tables : (i.) 
That of the Roman Catholic Church men- 
tioned above, making the First Table con- 
tain three commandments, and the Second 
the other seven, (ii.) The familiar divis- 
ion, referring the first four to our duty to- 
wards God, and the six remaining to our 
duty towards man. (iii.) The division 
recognized by the old Jewish writers, Jo- 
sephus and Philo, which places five com- 
mandments in each Table; and thus pre- 
serves the pentade and decade grouping 
which pervades the whole code. It has 
been maintained that the law of filial duty, 
being a close consequence of God's fatherly 
relation to us, may be referred to the First 
Table. But this is to place human parents 
on a level with God, and, by parity of rea^ 
soning, the Sixth Commandment might be 
added to the First Table, as murder is the 
destruction of God's image in man. Far 
more reasonable is the view which regards 
the authority of parents as heading the 
Second Table, as the earthly reflex of that 
authority of the Father of His {»eople and 



TENT 



693 



TERTULLCS 



of all men which heads the First and as the 
first principle of the whole law of love to 
our neighbors, because we are all brethren ; 
and the family is, for good and ill, the model 
of the state. — To these Ten Command- 
ments we find in the Samaritan Pentateuch 
an elev«jnth added : " But when the Lord 
thy God shall have brought thee into the 
land of Canaan, whither thou goest to pos- 
sess it, thou shalt set thee up two great 
stones, and shalt plaister them with plais- 
ter, and shalt write upon these stones all 
the \fords of this Law. Moreover, after 
thou shalt have passed over Jordan, thou 
«halt set up those stones which I command 
thee this day, on Mount Gerizim, and thou 
shalt build there an altar to the Lord thy 
God, an altar of stones : thou shalt not lift 
up any iron thereon. Of unhewn stones 
shalt thou build that altar to the Lord thy 
God, and thou shalt offer on it burnt-offer- 
ings to the Lord thy God, and thou shalt 
sacrifice peace-offerings, and shalt eat them 
there, and thou shalt rejoice before the Lord 
thy God in that mountain beyond Jordan, 
by the way where the sun goeth down, in 
the land of the Canaanite that dwelleth in 
the plain country over against Gilgal, by 
the oak of Moreh, towards Sichem." The 
interpolation has every mark of being a 
bold attempt to claim for the schismatic 
worship on Gerizim the solemn sanction of 
the voice on Sinai, to place it on the same 
footing as the Ten great Words of God. 
The absence of any distinct reference to 
the Ten Commandments as such in the 
Pirke Aboth (= Maxims of the Fathers) 
IS both strange and significant. With all 
their ostentation of profound reverence for 
the Law, the teaching of the Rabbis turned 
on other points than the great laws of 
duty. 

Tent. Among the leading characteris- 
tics of the nomade races, those two have 
always been numbered whose origin has 
been ascribed to Jabal the son of Lamech 
^Gen. iv. 20), viz. to be tent-dwellers and 
teepers of cattle. The same may be said 
of the forefathers of the Hebrew race ; nor 
tras it until the return into Canaan from 
Egypt that the Hebrews became inhabitants 
of cities. An Arab tent is called heit, 
" house ; " its covering consists of stuff, 
about three quarters of a yard broad, made 
of black goats'-hair (Cant. i. 5), laid par- 
allel with the tent's length. This is suffi- 
cient to resist the heaviest rain. The tent- 
poles, or columns, are usually nine in num- 
ber, placed in three groups, but many tents 
have only one pole, others two or three. 
The ropes which hold the te.it in its place 
are fastened, not to the tent-cover itself, 
but to loops consisting of a leathern thong 
tied to the ends of a stick, round which is 
twisted a piece of old cloth, which ia itself 
lewcdtothe tent ^ovcr. The end^ of the 



tent-ropes are fastened to short stick g oi 
pins, which are driven into the ground with 
a mallet (Judg. iv. 21). Round the back 
and sides of the tent runs a piece of stuff re- 
movable at pleasure to admit air. The tent 
is divided into two apartments, separated by 
a carpet partition drawn across the middle 
of the tent and fastened to the thi ee middle 
posts. When the pasture near an encamp 
ment is exhausted, the tents are taken down, 
packed on camels, and removed (Is. xxxviii. 
12; Gen. xxvi. 17, 22, 25). In choosing 
places for encampment, Arabs prefer the 
neighborhood of trees, for the sake of the 
ahade and coolness which they afford (Gen 
xviii. 4, 8). 

Te'rall, the father of Abram, Nahor, 
and Haran, and through them the ancestor 
of the great families of the Israelites, Ish- 
maelites, Midianites, Moabites, and Am- 
monites (Gen. xi. 24-32). The account 
given of him in the O. T. narrative is very 
brief. We learn from it simply that he waa 
an idolater (Josh. xxiv. 2), that he dwelt 
beyond the Euphrates in IJr of the Chal- 
dees (Gen. xi. 28), and that in the south- 
westerly migration, which from some un- 
explained cause he undertook in his old 
age, he went with his son Abram, his 
daughter-in-law Sarai, and his grandson 
Lot, " to go into the land of Canaan, and 
they came unto Haran, and dwelt there " 
(Gen. xi. 31). And finally, "the days oi 
Terah were two hundred and five years ; 
and Terah died in Haran" (Gen. xi. 32). 

Ter'aphim, only in plural, images con- 
nected with magical rites. The derivation 
of the name is obscure. In one case a 
single statue seems to be intended by the 
plural (1 Sam. xix. 13, 16. The teraphim, 
translated " images " in A. V., carried 
away from Laban by Rachel, were regarded 
by Laban as gods, and it would therefore 
appear that they were used by those who 
added corrupt practices to the patriarchal 
religion. Teraphim again are included 
among Micah's images (Judg. xvii. 3-5, 
xviii. 17, 18, 20). Teraphim were con- 
sulted for oracular answers by the Israel- 
ites (Zech. X. 2; comp. Judg. xviii. 5, 6; 

1 Sam. XV. 22, 23, xix. 13, 16, LXX. ; and 

2 K. xxiii. 24), and by the Babylonians, in 
the case of Nebuchadnezzar (Ez. xxi. 19- 
22). 

Te'resh, one of the two ennuchs whose 
plot to assassinate Ahasuerus was discov- 
ered by Mordecai (Esth. ii. 21, vi. 2). He 
was hanged. 

Ter'tius, probably a Roman, was the 
amanuensis of Paul in writing the Epistle 
to the Romans (Rom. xvi. 22). 

Tertui'lus, " a certain orator " (Acts 
xxiv. 1) who was retained by the Higlv 
Priest and Sanhedrim to accuse the Apostle 
Paul at Caesarea before the Roman Procu- 
rator Antonius Felix. He evidently be- 



^TESTAMENT 



694 



THEBES 



longeJ to the class of professional orators. 
We may infer that TertuUus was of Roman, 
or at all events of Italian origin. The ex- 
ordium of his speech is designed to concil- 
iate the good will of the Procurator, and 
is accordingly overcharged with flattery. 
There is a strange contrast between the 
opening clause and the brief summary of 
the Procurator's administration given by 
Tacitus {Hist. v. 9). But the commenda- 
tions of TertuUus were not altogether un- 
founded, as Felix had really succeeded in 
putting down several seditious movements. 
It is not very easy to determine whether 
St. Luke has preserved the oration of Ter- 
tuUus entire. On the whole it seems most 
natural to conclude that the historian, who 
was almost certainly an ear-witness, merely 
gives an abstract of the speech, giving, 
however, in full the most salient points 
(ver. 5). 

Testament, New. [New Testament ; 
Bible.] 

Testament, Old. [Old Testament ; 

RiBLE.] 

Tetrareh, properly the sovereign or 
governor of the fourth part of a country. 
(^1.) Herod Antipas (Matt. xiv. 1 ; Luke 
iii. 1, 19, ix. 7; Acts xiii. 1), who is com- 
monly distinguished as " Herod the te- 
trareh," although the title of "king" is 
also assigned to him both by Matthew 
(xiv. 9) and by Mark (vi. 14, 22, sqq.). 
(2.) Herod Philip, who is said by Luke 
(iii. 1) to have been " tetrareh of Ituraea, 
and of the region of Trachonitis." (3.) 
Lysanias, who is said (Luke iii. 1) to have 
been "tetrareh of Abilene." The title of 
tetrareh was at this time probably applied 
to petty tributary princes without any such 
determinate meaning. But it appears from 
Josephus that the tetrarchies of Antipas 
and Philip were regarded as consti- 
tuting each a fourth part of their father's 
kingdom. We conclude that in these two 
cases, at least, the title was used in its 
strict and literal sense. 

Thaddae'us, a name in Mark's cata- 
logue of the twelve Apostles (Mark iii. 
18) in the great majority of MSS. In 
Matthew's catalogue (Matt. x. 3) Lebbaeus 
i> probably the original reading. From a 
comparison with the catalogue of St. Luke 
(Luke vi. 15; Acts i. 13) it seems scarcely 
possible to doubt that the three names of 
Judas, Lebbaeus, and Thaddaeus were 
borne by one and the same person. 

Tha'hash, son of Nahor by his concu- 
bine Reumah (Gen. xxii. 24). 

Tha'mah. "The children of Tha- 
mah " were a family of Nethinim who re- 
turned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 53). 

Tha'mar. Tamar l (Matt. i. 3). 

Thank-offering, or Peace-offering, 
the properly eucharistic offering among the 
Jews, in its theory rei'^mbling the Meat- 



offering, and therefore indicating that 
the offerer was already reconciled to, and 
in covenant with, God. Its ceremonial i» 
described in Lev. iii. The peace-offerings, 
unlike other sacrifices, were not ordained 
to be offered in fixed and regular course. 
The only constantly recurring peace-offer- 
ing appears to have been that of the two 
firstling lambs at Pentecost (Lev. xxiii. 19). 
The general principle of the peace-offer* 
ing seems to have been that it shoulil be 
entirely spontaneous, offered as occasion 
should arise, from the feeling of the sacri- 
ficer himself (Lev. xix. 5). On the first 
institution (Lev. vii. 11-17), peace-offer- 
ings are divided into " offerings of thanks- 
giving," and " vows or freewill- offerings ; ** 
of which latter class the offering by a 
Nazarite, on the completion of his vow, is 
the most remarkable (Num. vi. 14). We 
find accordingly peace-offerings offered foi 
the people on a great scale at periods of 
unusual solemnity or rejoicing. In two 
cases only (Judg. xx. 26 ; 2 Sam. xxiv. 26) 
peace-offerings are mentioned as offered 
with burnt-offerings at a time of national 
sorrow and fasting. 

Tha^a, Terah the father of Abraham 
(Luke iii. 34). 

Thar'ra, Esth. xii. 1. A corrupt form 
of Teresh. 

Thar'shish. 1. In this more accurate 
form the translators of the A. V. have 
given in two passages (1 K. x. 22, xxii. 48) 
the name elsewhere presented as Tarshish. 
2. A Benjamite, one of the family of Bil- 
han and the house of Jediael (1 Chr. vii. 
10 only). 

Theatre. For the explanation of the 
Biblical allusions, two or three points only 
require notice. The Greek term, like the 
corresponding English term, denotes the 
place where dramatic performances are 
exhibited, and also the scene itself or spec- 
tacle which is witnessed there. It occurs 
in the first or local sense in Acts xix. 29. 
It was in the theatre at Caesarea that Herod 
Agrippa I. gave audience to the Tyrian 
deputies, and was himself struck with death, 
because he heard so gladly the impious ac- 
clamations of the people (Acts xii. 21-23). 
The other sense of the term " theatre " oc- 
curs in 1 Cor. iv. 9, where the A. V. ren- 
ders, " God hath set forth us the apostles 
last, as it were appointed to death ; for we 
are made a spectacle unto the world, and to 
angels, and to men." Instead of " specta- 
cle," some might prefer the more energetic 
Saxon, " gazing-stock," as in Tyndale, 
Cranmer, and the Geneva version. 

Thebes (A. V. No, the multi^^^de of 
No, populous No), a chief city oi incieni 
Egypt, long the capital of the upper coun- 
try, and the seat of the Diospolitan dynas- 
ties, that ruled over all Egypt at the era of 
its hio-hest splendor. The sacred name oi 



THEi3i^« 



695 



THEOPKILUS 



Th\.be« wa« P- umen, " the abode of Anion." 
•rhich the Greeks reproduced in their Dios- 
polis, especially with the addition the Great. 
No-Amon is the name of Thebes in the 
Hebrew Scriptures ( Jer. xlvi. 25 ; Nah. iii. 
8). Ezekiel uses No simply to designate 
the Egyptian seat of Amnion (Ez. xxx. 14, 
16). [No-Amon.] The origin of the city 
lit lest in antiquity. Niebuhr is of opinion 
Ihat Thebes was much older than Memphis, 
and that, " after the centre of Egyptian 
life was transferred to Lower Egypt, Mem- 
phis acquired its greatness through the ruin 
of Thebes." But both cities date from our 
earliest autht ntic knowledge of Egyptian 
history. Tl.e first allusion to Thebes in 
classical literature is the familiar passage 
of the Ihad (ix. 381-385): —''Egyptian 
Thebes, where are vast treasures laid up in 
the houses ; where are a hundred gates, and 
from each two hundred men go forth with 
horses and chariots." In the 1st century 
before Christ, Diodorus visited Thebes, and 
he devotes several sections of his gen- 
eral work to its history and appearance. 
Though he saw the city when it had sunk 
to quite secondary importance, he pre- 
serves the tradition of its early grandeur — 
its circuit of 140 stadia, the size of its pub- 
lic edifices, the magnificence of its tem- 
ples, the number of its monuments, the 
dimensions of its private houses, some of 
them four or five stories high — all giving 
it an air of grandeur and beauty surpassing 
not only all other cities of Egypt, but of 
the world. But the monuments of Thebes 
are the most reliable witnesses for the 
ancient grandeur of the city. These are 
found in almost equal proportions upon 
botli sides of the river. The plan of tlie 
city, as indicated by the principal monu- 
ments, was nearly quadrangular, measuring 
two miles from north to south, and four 
from east to west. Its four great landmarks 
were, Karnak and Luxor upon the eastern 
or Arabian side, and Qoornah and Medee- 
net Haboo upon the western or Libyan 
side. There are indications that each of 
these temples may have been connected 
with those facing it upon two sides by grand 
dromoi, lined with sphinxes and other 
colossal figures. Upon the western bank 
there was almost a continuous line of tem- 
ples and public edifices for a distance of 
two miles, from Qoornah to Medeenet 
Haboo ; and Wilkinson conjectures that 
from a point near the latter, perhaps in the 
line of the colossi, the " Royal street" ran 
down ti, the river, which was crossed by a 
ferry terminating at Luxor on the eastern 
side. Beginning at the northern extremity 
on the western bank, the first conspicuous 
ruins aro those of the Menephtheion, a pal- 
ace-teniple of the nineteenth dynasty, and 
tlierefore belonging to the middle style of 
Egyptian ai "hitecture. Nearly a mile south- 



ward from the Menephtheion arc the n* 
mains of the combined palace and tempi* 
known since the days of Strat> i as tiie Mem- 
nonium. Proceeding again towards the 
soutli for about the same distance, we find 
at Medeenet Haboo ruii s upon a more 
stupendous scale than at any ctlier point 
upon the western bank of Thebes. These 
consist of a temple founded by Thothmes 
I., which presents some of tho grandest 
efi'ects of the old Egyptian architecture, 
and its battle-scenes are a valuable contri- 
bution to the history of Rameses III. Be- 
liind this long range of temjilcs and palaces 
are the Libyan hills, which, for a distance 
of five miles, are excavated to the depth of 
several hundred feet for sepulchral cham- 
bers. Some of these, in the number and 
variety of their chambers, the finish of 
their sculptures, and the beauty and fresh- 
ness of their frescoes, are among the most 
remarkable monuments of Egyptian gran- 
deur and skill. The eastern side of the 
river is distinguished by the remains of 
Luxor and Karnak, the latter being of it- 
self a city of temples. The approach to 
Karnak from the south is marked by a se- 
ries of majestic gateways and towers, which 
were the appendages of later times to the 
original structure. The temple properly 
faces the river, i. e. towards the north-west. 
The courts and propylaea connected with 
this structure occupy a space nearly 1800 
feet square, and the buildings represent 
almost every dynasty of Egypt, from Sesor- 
tasen I. to Ptolemy Euergetes I. Courts, 
pylons, obelisks, statues, pillars, everything 
pertaining to Karnak, are on the grandest 
scale. The grandeur of Egypt is here in 
its architecture, and almost every pillar, 
obelisk, and stone tells its historic legend 
of her greatest monarchs. Ezekiel pro- 
claims the destruction of Thebes by the 
arm of Babylon (Ez. xxx. 14-16). The 
Persian invader completed the destruction 
that the Babylonian had begun. 

TheTbez, a place memorable for the 
death of the bravo Abimelech (Judg. ix. 
50), was known to Eusebius and Jerome, in 
whose time it was situated " in the district 
of Neapolis," 13 Roman miles ^her'^from, 
on the road to Scythopolis. There it still 
is, its name — Tubds — hardly ciianged 

Thel'asar. [Tel-assar.] 

Theoph'ilus, the person to whom St. 
Luke inscribes his Gospel and tlie Acts of 
the Apostles (Luke i. 3; Acts i. 1), From 
the honorable epithet applied to him ir: 
Luke i. 3, it has been argued with much 
probability that he was a pers m in high 
official position. Thus Theophylact con- 
jectures that he was a Romf^n governoi, or 
a person of senatorial rank Oecumeniua 
tells us that iie was a governor. Jacob 
Hase conjectured that he was no other than 
the celebrated Philo. Grotius also eonjec* 



THESSALONlA^b 



696 



THESSALONIaNn 



cures tiiat he was a magistrate of Achaia 
baptized by St. Luke. Ail that can be con- 
jectured with any degree of safety con- 
cerning him, comes to this, that he was a 
Gentile of rank and consideration, who 
came under the influence of St. Luke, or 
under that of St. Paul, at Kome, and was 
c«nvertpd to the Christian faith. 

Thessalo'nians, First Epistle to 
the, was written by the Apostle Paul at 
Corinth, a few months after he had founded 
the Church at Thessalonica, at the close of 
the jear 52 or the beginning of 53. The 
Epistles to the Thessalonians then (for the 
second followed the first after no long inter- 
val) are the earliest of St. Paul's writings 
— I" erhaps the earliest written records of 
Christianity. It is interesting therefore to 
compare the Thessalonian Epistles with 
the later letters, and to note the points of 
difference. These differences are mainly 
threefold. (1.) In the general style of 
these earlier letters there is greater simpli- 
city and less exuberiince of language. The 
brevity of the opening salutation is an in- 
stance of this. The closing benediction is 
correspondingly brief. And throughout the 
Epistles there is much more evenness of 
style. (2.) The antagonism, to St. Paul is 
not the same. Here the opposition comes 
from Jews. A period of five years changes 
the aspect of the controversy. The oppo- 
nents of St. Paul are then no longer Jews, 
so much as Judaizing Christians. It was 
now urged that tlrough the Gentiles may be 
admitted to the Church of Christ, th. only 
door of admission is the Mosaic covci? ant- 
rite of circumcision. The language of St. 
''aul, speaking of the Jewish Christians in 
this Epistle, shows that the opposition to 
his teaching had not at this time assumed 
this second phase. (3.) Many of the dis- 
tinctive doctrines of Christianity were yet 
not evolved and distinctly enunciated till 
the n(!eds of the Church drew them out 
into prominence at a later date. It has 
often been ol served, for instance, that there 
is in the Epistles to the Thessalonians no 
mention of the characteristic contrast of 
*" faith and works ; " that the word " justifi- 
cation " does not once occur ; that the idea 
of dyirg with Christ and living with Christ, 
»o frequent in St. Paul's later writings, is 
aibsent in these. In the Epistles to the 
Thessalonians, the Gospel preached is that 
•f the coming of Christ, rather than of the 
cross of Christ. There are many reasons 
w}»y the subject of the second advent should 
•occupy a larger space in the earliest stage 
■of the Apostolical teaching than afterwards. 
The occasion of this Epistle was as follows : 
St. Paul had twice attempted to revisit 
^hossalonica, and both times had been dis- 
appointed. Thus prevented from seeing 
ithem in person, he had sent Timothy to in- 
tquiie and report to him as to their condition 



(iii. 1-5). Timothy returned witu most 
favorable tidings, reporting not only their 
progress in Christian faith and practice, 
but also their strong attachment to their old 
teacher (iii. 6-10). The First Epistle lo 
the Thessalonians is the outpouring of the 
Apostle's gratitude on receiving this wel- 
come news. At the same time the report 
of Timothy was not unmixed with alloy. 
There were certain features in the condi- 
tion of the Thessalonian Church which 
called for St. Paul's interference, and to 
which he addresses himself in hi^ letter. 
(1.) The very intensity of their Christian 
faith, dwelling too exclusively on the day of 
the Lord's coming, had been attended with 
evil consequences. On the other hand, i 
theoretical difficulty had been felt. Certain 
members of the Church had died, and there 
was great anxiety lest they should be ex- 
cluded from any share in the glories of the 
Lord's advent (iv. 13-18). (2.) The Thes- 
salonians needed consolation and encour- 
agement under persecution (ii. 14, iii. 2-4). 
(3.) An unhealthy state of feeling with re- 
gard to spiritual gifts was manifesting itself 
(v. 19, 20). (4.) There was the dangei 
of relapsing into their old heathen prof- 
ligacy (iv. 4-8). Yet notwithstanding all 
these drawbacks, the condition of the 
Thessalonian Church was highly satisfac- 
tory, and the most cordial relations existed 
between St. Paul and his converts there. 
This honorable distinction it shares with 
the other great Church of Macedonia, that 
of Philippi. — The Epistle is rather prac- 
tical than doctrinal. It was suggested 
rather by personal feeling, than by an}; 
urgent need, which might have formed a 
centre of unity, and impressed a distinct 
character on the whole. Under these cir- 
cumstances we need not expect to trace 
unity of purpose, or a continuous argument, 
and any analysis must be more or less artifi- 
cial. The body of the Epistle, however, may 
conveniently be divided into two parts, the 
former of which, extending over the first 
three chapters, is chiefly taken up with a 
retrospect of the Apostle's relation to hio 
Thessalonian converts, and an explanatioD 
of his present circumstances and feelings, 
while the latter, comprising the 4th and 5th 
chapters, contains some seasonable exhor- 
tations. At the close of each f hese di- 
visions is a prayer, commencing with the 
same words, " May God Himself," &c., and 
expressed in somewhat similar languagt>. 
The Epistle closes with personal injunc- 
tions and a benediction (v. 25-28). Th<j 
external evidence in favor of tht- genuine- 
ness of the First Epistle to the Thessalo- 
nians is chiefly negative, but this is impor- 
tant enough. There is no trace that ic wa.» 
ever disputed at any age or in any sernoD 
of the Church, or even by my indi\idual, 
till the present century. On the otbe* 



i'HESSALONIANS 



t)97 



THESSALONIANS 



Band, the allusions to it in writers before 
the close of the 2d century are confessedly 
faint and uncertain. It is more important 
to observe that the Epistle was included in 
tl\e old Latin and Syriac Versions, that it 
is found in the Canon of the Muratorian 
fragment, and tliat It was also contained in 
tliat of Marcion. Towards the close of the 
id century from Irenaeus downwards, we 
ind t'lis Epiftle directly quoted and as- 
cribed to St. Paul. The evidence derived 
irom the character of the Epistle itself is 
io strong that it may fairly be called irre- 
sistible. It would be impossible to enter 
into the question of style here, but the 
reader may be referred to the Introduction 
of Jowett, who has handled this subject 
very fully and satisfactorily. An equally 
strong argument may be drawn also from 
the matter contained in the Epistle. In the 
first place, the fineness and delicacy of 
touch with which the Apostle's relations to- 
wards his Thessalonian converts are drawn, 
are quite beyond the reach of the clumsy 
forgeries of the early Church. In the sec- 
ond place, the writer uses language which, 
however it may be explained, is certainly 
colored by the anticipation of the speedy 
advent of the Lord. Such a position would 
be an anachronism in a writer of the 2d 
century. 

Thessalo'nians, Second Epistle 
to the, appears to have been written from 
Corinth not very long after the First, for 
Silvanus and Tiraotheus were still with St. 
Paul (i. 1). In the former letter we saw 
chiefly the outpouring of strong personal 
affection, occasioned by the renewal of the 
Apostle's intercourse with the Thessalo- 
aians, and the doctrinal and hortatory por- 
tions are there subordinate. In the Second 
Epistle, on the other hand, his leading mo- 
tive seems to have been the desire of cor- 
recting errors in the Church of Thessalo- 
nica. We notice two points especially 
which call for his rebuke. First, it seems 
that the anxious expectation of the Lord's 
advent, instead of subsiding, had gained 
ground since the writing of the Eirst Epis- 
tle. Secondly, the Apostle had also a per- 
sonal ground of complaint. His authority 
was not denied by any, but it was tampered 
with, and an unauthorized use was made 
of his name. Desigtimg men might mi.5- 
represent his teaching in two ways, either 
by suppressing what he actually had writ- 
ten or said, or by forging letters and in 
other ways representing him as teaching 
what he had not taught. There are two 
passages which allude to these misrepre- 
sentations of his teaching. In the first of 
these he tells them, in vague language, 
•* not to be troubled either by spirit or by 
word or by letter, as coming from us, as if 
the day of the Lord were at hand " (ii. 2, 
B) In the second passage at the close of 



the Epistle he says, " The salutation ot 
Paui with mine own hand, which is a tokec 
in every Epistle : so I write " (iii. 17) — 
evidently a precaution against forgery. It 
will be seen, then, that the teaching of t*»e 
Second Epistle is corrective of, or rather 
supplemental to, that of the First, and 
therefore presupposes it. This Epistle, in 
the range of subject as well as in style and 
general character, closely resembles the 
First ; and the remarks made on that Epis 
tie apply for the most part equally well to 
this. The structure also is somewhat sim- 
ilar, the main body of the Epistle being 
divided into two parts in the same way, and 
each part closing with a prayer (ii. 16, 17, 
iii. 16). The Epistle ends with a special 
direction and benediction (iii. 17, 18). The 
external evidence in favor of the Second 
Epistli somewhat more definite than that 
which can be brought in favor of the First. 
It seems to be referred to in one or two 
passages of Polycarp ; and the language in 
which Justin Martyr speaks of the Man of 
Sin is so similar that it can scarcely be in- 
dependent of this Epistle. The Second 
Epistle, like the First, is found in the 
canons of the Syriac and Old Latin Ver- 
sions, and in those of the Muratorian frag- 
ment and of the heretic Marcion ; is quoted 
expressly and by name by Irenaeus and 
others at the close of the second century, 
and was universally received by the 
Church. The internal character of the 
Epistle too, as in the former case, bears the 
strongest testimony to its Pauline origin. 
Its genuineness, in fact, was never ques- 
tioned until the beginning of the present 
century. The apocalyptic passage (ii. 1- 
12) is the great stumbling-block. It has 
been objected to, either as alluding to 
events subsequent to St. Paul's death, the 
Neronian persecution for instance ; or as 
betraying religious views derived from the 
Montanism of the second century ; or last- 
ly, as contradicting St. Paul's anticipations 
expressed elsewhere, especially in the First 
Epistle, of the near approach of the Lord's 
advent. The most striking feature in the 
Epistle is this apocalyptic passage, an- 
nouncing the revelation of the " Man of 
Sin" (ii. 1-12), and it will not be irrele- 
vant to investigate its meaning. (I.) The 
passage speaks of a great apostasy which 
is to usher in the advent of Christ, the 
great judgment. There are three promi- 
nent figures in the picture, Christ, Anti* 
Christ, and the Restrainer. The "mystery 
of lawlessness " is already at work. At 
present it is checked by the Restrainer; 
but the check will be removed, and then it 
will break out in all its violence. Then 
Christ will appear. (II.) Many differ- 
ent explanati >ns have been offered of 
this passage. By one class of interpreters 
it has been referred to circomstances whii h 



THESSALONIANS 



t)98 



TaFSSALONlCA 



passed within the circle of the Apostle's 
own experience. Others, again, have seen 
in it the prediction of a crisis yet to be re- 
alized, the end of all things. The former 
of these, the Praeterists, have identified 
the "Man of Sin" with divers historical 
characters — with Caligula, Nero, Titus, 
Simon Magus, Simon son of Giora, the 
high-priest Ananias, &c., and have sought 
for an historical counterpart to the Re- 
strainer in like manner. The latter, the 
Futurists, have also given various accounts 
of the Antichrist, the mysterious power of 
evil which is already working. To Protes- 
tants, for instance, it is the Papacy ; to the 
Greek Church, Mohammedanism. (III.) 
Now in arbitrating between the Praeterists 
and the Futurists, we are led by the analo- 
gy of other prophetic announcements, as 
well as by the language of the passage it- 
self, to take a middle course. Neither is 
wholly right, and yet both are to a certain 
extent right. It is the special characteris- 
tic of prophecy to speak of the distant fu- 
ture through the present and immediate. 
Following the analogy of the older proph- 
ets and of our Lord himself, we may agree 
with the Praeterists that St. Paul is refer- 
ring to events which fell under his own 
cognizance ; for indeed the Restrainer is 
said to be restraining now, and the mystery 
of iniquity to be already working ; while at 
the same time we may accept the Futurist 
view, that the Apostle is describing the end 
of all things, and that therefore the proph- 
ecy has not yet received its most striking 
and complete fulfilment. (IV.) If this 
view be correct, it remains to inquire what 
particular adversary of the Gospel, and 
what particular restraining influence, St. 
Paul may have had in view. But, before 
attempting to approximate to an explana- 
tion, we may clear the way by laying down 
two rules. First. The imagery of the 
passage must be interpreted mainly by it- 
self, and by the circumstances of the time. 
'The great adversary in the Revelation 
seems to be the Roman power ; but it may 
be widely different here. There were even 
in the Apostolic age '*many Antichrists;" 
and we cannot be sure that the Antichrist 
present to the mind of St. Paul was the 
game with the Antichrist contemplated by 
St. John. Secondly. In all figurative pas- 
sages it is arbitrary to assume that a person 
V8 denoted where we find a personification, 
x'hus the " Man of Sin " here need not 
be an individual man; it maybe a body 
of men, or a power, a spiritual influence. 
(V.) Now we find that the chief opposi- 
tion to the Gospel, and especially to St. 
Paul's preaching at this time, arose from 
the Jews. It seems on the whole probable 
that the Antichrist is represented especial- 
ly by Judaism. Corresponding to this 



view of the Antichrist, we shaL prolabl; 
be correct in regarding the Roman Empire 
as the restraining power. It was to Ro- 
man justice and Roman magistrates that 
the Apostle had recourse at this time tc 
shield him from the enmity of the Jews, 
and to check their violence. It was only 
at a later date, under Nero, that Rome be- 
came the antagonist of Christendom, and 
then she also in turn was fitly portrayed by 
St. John as the type of Antichrist. 

Thessaloui'ca. The original name 
of this city was Therma ; and that part of 
the Macedonian shore on which it was sit- 
uated retained through the Roman period 
the designation of the Therraaic Gulf. 
Cassander the son of Antipater rebuilt and 
enlarged Therma, and named it after liis 
wife Thessalonica, the sister of Alexander 
the Great. The name ever since, under 
various sUght modifications, has been con- 
tinuous, and the city itself has never ceased 
to be eminent. Saloniki is still the riost 
important town of European Turkey, next 
after Constantinople. Strabo in the first 
century speaks of Thessalonica as tlie 
most populous city in Macedonia. Thus 
we are brought to St. Paul's visit (with 
Silas and Timothy) during his second mis- 
sionary journey, and to the introduction of 
Christianity into Thessalonica. Three cir- 
cumstances must here be mentioned, which 
illustrate in an important manner this visit 
and this journey as well as the two Epistles 
to the Thessalonians, (1.) This was the 
chief station on the great Roman Road 
called the Via Egnatia, which connected 
Rome with tlie whole region to the north 
of the Aegean Sea. (2.) Placed as it was 
on this great Road, and in connection with 
other important Roman ways, Thessalonica 
was an invaluable centre for the spread of 
the Gospel. In fact it was nearly, if not 
quite, on a level with Corinth and Ephesus 
in its share of the commerce of the Le- 
vant. (3.) The circumstance noted in Acts 
xvii. 1, that here was the synagogue of the 
Jews ill tliis part of Macedonia, had evident- 
ly much to do with the Apostle's plan*, 
and also doubtless with his success. Trade 
would inevitably bring Jews to Thessaloni- 
ca : and it is remarkable that, ever since, 
they have had a prominent place in the an- 
nals of the city. The first scene of the 
Apostle's work at Thessalonica was the 
synagogue (Acts xvii. 2, 3). It is stated 
that the ministrations among the Jews con- 
tinued for three weeks (ver. 2). Not thsit 
we are obliged to limit to this time the 
whole stay of the Apostle at Thessalonica. 
A flourishing Church was certainly formed 
there ; and the E[ istles show tlia tits element!? 
were mu';h more Gentile than Jewish. The 
narrative in the Acts affords a singularly 
accurate illustration of the political couitJ 



THEUDAS 



699 



TH0MA6 



tution of Thessalonica. Not only is the 
demus mentioned (Acts xvii. 6) in harmo- 
ny with what has been above said of its be- 
ing a " free city," but the peculiar title pol- 
itarchs (ib. 6), of the chief magistrates. 
This term occurs in no other writing ; but 
it may be read to this day conspicuously on 
an arch of the early Imperial times, which 
spans the main street of the city. The 
arch just mentioned (called the Varddr 
gate) is at the western extremity of the 
town. At its eastern extremity is another 
Koman arch of later date, and probably 
commemorating some victory of Constan- 
tine. The main street, which both these 
arches cross, and which intersects the city 
from east to west, is undoubtedly the line 
of the Via Egnaiia. — A word must be said, 
in conclusion, on the later ecclesiastical 
history of Thessalonica. For during sev- 
eral centuries this city was the bulwark, 
not simply of the later Greek Empire, but 
of Oriental Christendom, and was largely 
instrumental in the conversion of the Sla- 
vonians and Bulgarians. Thus it received 
the designation of "the Orthodox City;" 
and its struggles are very prominent in the 
writings of the Byzantine historians. 

Theu'das, the name of an insurgent 
mentioned in Gamaliel's speech before the 
Jewish council (Acts v. 35-39) at the time 
of the arraignment of the Apostles. He ap- 
peared, according to Luke's account, at the 
head of about four hundred men. Josephus 
speaks of a Theudas who played a similar 
part in the time of Claudius, about a. d. 44, 
t. e. some ten or twelve years at least later 
than the delivery of Gamaliel's speech ; and 
since Luke places his Theudas, in the or- 
der of time, before Judas the Galilean, who 
made his appearance soon after the de- 
thronement of Archelaus, i. e. a. d. 6 or 7, 
the Theudas mentioned by St. Luke must 
be a different person from the one spoken 
of by Josephus. The former was probably 
one of the insurrectionary chiefs or fanatics 
by whom the land was overrun in the last 
year of Herod's reign. 

Thieves, The two. The men who 
under this name appear in the history of 
the crucifixion were robbers rather than 
thieves, belonging to the lawless bands by 
which Palestine was at that time and after- 
wards infested. Against these brigands 
every Roman procurator had to wage con- 
tinual war. It was necessary to use an 
armed police to encounter them (Luke 
Kxii. 52). Of the previous history of the 
two who suffered on Golgotha we know 
nothing. They had been tried and con- 
demned, and were waiting their execution 
before our Lord was accused. It is prob- 
able enough, as the death of Barabbas was 
clearly expected at the same time, that they 
had taken part in his insurrection. They 
had expected to die with Jesus Barabbas. 



They find tht mselves with 3ne ytho 1k)1* 
the same naiie, but who was described ii» 
the superscription on his Dross as Jesus of 
Nazareth. They could hardly fail to have 
heard sometliing of his fame as a prcphet, 
of his triumphal entry as a king. They 
catch at first the prevailing tone of scorn. 
But over one of them there came a change. 
He looked back upon his past life, and saw 
an infinite evil. He looked to the man 
dying on the cross beside him, and saw 
an infinite compassion. There indeed was 
one unlike all other "kings of the Jews '* 
whom the robber had ever known. Such 
a one must be all that He had claimed 
to be. To be forgotten by that king seems 
to him now the most terrible of all puu- 
ishments ; to take part in the triumph of 
His return, the most blessed of all hopes. 
The yearning prayer was answered, not 
in the letter, but in the spirit. We can- 
not wonder that a history of such marvel- 
. lous interest should at all times have fixed 
itself on men's minds, and led them tc 
speculate and ask questions which wt 
have no data to answer. The simplest and 
truest way of looking at it has been that of 
those who have seen in the " dying thief 
the first great typical instance that " a man 
is justified by faith without the deeds of the 
law." Other conjectures turn more on the 
circumstances of the history. Bengel finds 
in the Lord's words to him an indication 
that the penitent thief wass a Gentile, the 
impenitent a Jew, and that thus the scene 
on Calvary was typical of the position of 
the two Churches. Stier reads in the words 
of reproof the language of one who had all 
along listened with grief and horror to the 
revilings of the multitude, the burst of an 
indignation previously suppressed. The 
Apocryphal Gospels, as usual, do theii 
best to lower the divine history to the level 
of a legend. 

Thim'nathah, a town in the allotment 
of Dan (Josh. xix. 43 only). It is named 
between Elon and Ekron. The name is 
the same as that of the residence of Sam 
son's wife. 
Thistle. [Thobns and Thistles.] 
Thom'as, one of the Apostles. Ac- 
cording to Eusebius, his real name was 
Judas. This may have been a mere con- 
fusion with Thaddeus, who is mentioned in 
the extract. But it may also be that Thomas 
was a surname. The word means " a twin ; " 
and so it is translated in John xi. 16, xxi. 2 
{Didymus). Out of this name has growD 
the tradition that he had a twin-sister, 
Lydia, or that he was a twin-brother of our 
Lord ; which last, again, would confirm his 
identification with Judas (comp. Matt. xiii. 
55) . He is said to have be en born at Antioch. 
In the catalogue of the Apostles he is coupled 
with Matthew in Matt. x. 3 ; Mark iii. 18 : 
Luke vi. 15 ; and with Philip in Act3 i. \B 



THOMAS 



700 



THRESHOLDS 



All that we know of him is d( rived in, n the 
Gospel of St. John; and this amotits to 
three traits, which, however, so exactly 
agree together, that, slight as they are, they 
place his character before us with a precis- 
ion which belongs to no other of the twelve 
Apostles, except Peter, John, and Judas 
Iscariot. This character is that of a man 
Blow to believe, seeing all the difficulties of 
a ease, subject to despondency, viewing 
things on the darker side, and yet full of 
ardent love of his Master. The first trait 
is his speech when our Lord detfrmined to 
face the dangers that awaited Him in Judaea 
on his journey to Bethany. Thomas said 
to his fellow-disciples, " Let us also go, 
that we may die with him" (John xi. 16). 
The second was his speech during the Last 
Supper, " Thomas saith unto Him, Lord, 
we know not whither thou goest, and how 
can we know the way?" (xiv. 6). It was 
the prosaic, incredulous doubt as to moving 
a step in the unseen future, and yet an 
eager inquiry to know how this step was to 
be taken. The third was after the Resur- 
rection. He was absent — possibly by ac- 
cident, perhaps characteristically — from 
the first assembly when Jesus had appeared. 
The others told him what they had seen. 
He broke forth into an exclamation, the 
terms of which convey to us at once the 
vehemence of his doubt, and at the same 
time the vivid picture that his mind re- 
tained of his Master's form as he had last 
«een Him lifeless on the cross (John xx. 
26). On the eighth day he was with them 
at theii gathering, perhaps in expectation 
of a recurrence of the visit of the previous 
week; and Jesus stood amongst them. He 
uttered the same salutation, " Peace be unto 
you ; " and then turning to Thomas, as if 
this had been the special object of His ap- 
pearance, uttered the words which convey 
as strongly the sense of condemnation and 
tender reproof as those of Thomas had 
shown the sense of hesitation and doubt. 
The effect on Thomas is immediate. The 
conviction produced by the removal of his 
doubt became deeper and stronger than that 
of any of the other Apostles. The words 
in which he expressed his belief contain a 
far higher assertion of his Master's divine 
nature than is contained in any other ex- 
pression used by Apostolic lips, *' My Lord, 
and my God." The answer of our Lord 
sums up the moral of the whole narrative : 
*' Because thou hast seen me, thou hast be- 
lieved : blessed are thej'^ that have not seen 
me, and yet have believed" (xx. 29). In 
the N. T. we hear of Thomas only twice 
again, once on the Sea of Galilee with the 
seven disciples, where he is ranked next 
after Peter (John xxi. 2), and again m the 
assemblage of the Apostles after the Ascen- 
lion (Acts i. 13). The earlier traditions, 
A8 beliered in the 4th century, repr< sent 



him as preaching in Parthia or Persia, and 
as finally buried at Edessa. The later tra- 
ditions carry him farther east. His mar- 
tyrdom (whether in Persia or India) is said 
to have been occasioned by a lance, and is 
commemorated by the Latin Church on 
Dec. 21, by the Greek Chrj*ch on Oct. 6, 
and by the Indians on July 1. 

Thorns and Thistles. There appear to 
be eighteen or twenty Hebrew words <Fhich 
point to different kinds of prickly or thorny 
shrubs. These words are variously ren- 
dered in the A. V. by " thorns," " briers," 
" thistles," &c. It were a hopeless task to 
enter into a discussion of these numerous 
Hebrew terms ; but it is necessary to make 
a few remarks upon the " crown of thorns " 
(^02f<j>avog i^ axav&wv, Matt, xxvii. 29), which 
was put in derision upon our Lord's head 
before his crucifixion. The Rhamnus, or 
Spina Christi, although abundant in the 
neighborhood of Jerusalem, cannot be the 
plant intended, because its thorns are so 
strong and large that it could not have been 
woven into a wreath. The large-leaved 
acanthus (bear's-foot) is totally unsuited for 
the purpose. Had the acacia been intended, 
as some suppose, the phrase would have 
been t^ axi!iv6tig. Obviously some small, 
flexile, thorny shrub is meant ; perhaps cap- 
pares spinosae. Hasselquist (Travels, p. 
260) says that the thorn used was the 
Arabian Nahk. *' It was very suitable for 
their purpose, as it has many sharp tliorns, 
which inflict painful wounds ; and its flexi- 
ble, pliant, and round branches might easily 
be plaited in the form of a crown." It also 
resembles the rich dark green of the tri- 
umphal ivy- wreath, which would give addi- 
tional pungency to its ironical purpos^. 

Three Taverns, a station on the Ap- 
pian Road, along which St. Paul travelled 
from Puteoli to Rome (Acts xxviii. 15). 
The distances, reckoning southwards from 
Rome, are given as follows in the Antonine 
Itinerary, "to Aricia, 16 miles; to Three 
Taverns, 17 miles; to Appii Forum, 10 
miles ; " and, comparing this with what is 
observed still along the line of road, we 
have no difficulty in coming to the conclu- 
sion that "Three Taverns" was near the 
modern Cisterna. Just at this point a road 
came in from Antium on the coast. There 
is no doubt that " Three Taverns " was a 
frequent meeting-place of travellers. 

Threshing. [Agriculture.] 

Threshold. Of the two words so ren- 
dered in A. v., one, miphthdn, seems to 
I mean sometimes a projecting beam or cor- 
bel (Ez. ix. 3, X. 4, 18). 

Thresholds, The. This word, Asup- 
\pS, appears to be inaccurately rendered in 
I Neh. xii. 25, though its real force has per- 
haps not yet been discovered. The " house 
of the Asuppim," or simply " the Asuppim," 
lis mentioned in 1 Chr. xxri. 16, 17. as ■ 



THRONE 



701 



TlBEUlAb 



part, probably a gate, of the enclosure of 
the " house of Jehovah," apparently at its 
S. W. corner. The allusion in Neh. xii. 25 
is undoubtedly to the same place. [Gate.] 
Throne. The Hebrew word, so trans- 
lated, applies to any elevated seat occupied 
by a person in authority, whether a high- 
priest (1 Sam. i. 9)', a judge (Ps. cxxii. 5), 
or a military chief (Jer. i. 3 5). The use of 
a chair in a country where the usual pos- 
tures were squatting and reclining, was at 
all times regarded as a symbol of dignity 
(2 K. iv. 10; Prov. ix. 14). In order to 
specify a throne in our sense of the term, 
it was necessary to add to the word the 
notion of royalty; hence the frequent oc- 
currence of such expressions as " throne 
of the kingdom " (Deut. xvii. 18 ; IK. i. 
46; 2 Chr. vii. 18). The characteristic 
feature in the royal throne was its eleva- 
tion : Solomon's throne was approached by 
six steps (1 K. X. 19; 2 Chr. ix. 18) ; and 
Jehovah's throne is described a? "high and 
lifted up" (Is. vi. 1). The materials and 
workmanship were costly. It was furnished 




Assyrian Throne, or Chair of State. (Layard.) 

with arms or '* stays." The steps were also 
Uned with pairs of lions. As to the form of 
chair, we are only informed in 1 K. x. 19 
that " the top was round behind." The 
king & .c on his throne on state occasions. 
It ssuch times he appeared in his royal 
robes. The throne was the symbol of su- 
preme power and dignity (Gen. xli. 40). 
Similarly, " to sit upon the throne," im- 
plied the exercise of regal power (Deut. 
xvii. 18; IK. xvi. 11). 
Thmn'mim. [Urim and Thummim.] 
Thunder is hardly ever heard in Pales- 
tine from the middle of April to the middle 
of September. Hence it was selected by 
Samuel as a striking expression of the I)i- 
nne displeasure towards the Israelites ^1 



Sam. xii. 17). Rain in harvest wa» deemed 
as extraordinary as snow in summer (Prov. 
xxvi. 1), and Jerome asserts that he had 
never witnessed it in the latter part of June, 
or in July {Comm. on Am. iv. 7). In the 
imaginative philosophy of the Hebrews, 
thunder was regarded as the voice of Jeho- 
vah (Job xxxvii. 2, 4, 5, xl. 9 ; Ps. xviii. 
13, xxix. 3-9; Is. xxx. 30, 31), who dweh 
beliind the thander-cloud (Ps. Ixxxi. 7). 
Thunder was, to the mind of the Jew, 
the symbol of Divine power (Ps. xxix. 3, 
&c.), and vengeance (1 Sam. ii. 10; 2 Sam. 
xxii. 14). 

Thyati'ra, a city on the Lycus, founded 
by Seleucus Nicator, lay to the left of the 
road from Pergamus to Sardis, on the very 
confines of Mysia and Ionia, so as to be 
sometimes reckoned within the one, and 
sometimes within the other. Dyeing ap- 
parently formed an important part of the 
industrial activity of Thyatira, as it did of 
that of Colossae and Laodicea (Acts xvi. 
14). The principal deity of the city wa« 
A polio ; but there was another superstition, 
of an extremely curious nature, which seema 
to have been brought thither by some of 
the corrupted Jews of the dispersed tribes. 
A fane stood outside the walls, dedicated to 
Sambatha — the name of the sibyl who is 
sometimes called Chaldaean, sometimes 
Jewish, sometimes Persian — in the midst 
of an enclosure designated " the Chaldae- 
an's court." This seems to lend an illus- 
tration to the obscure passage in Rev. ii. 
20, 21, which some interpret of the wife of 
the bishop. Now there is evidence to show 
that in Thyatira there was a great amalga- 
mation of races. If the sibyl Sambatha 
was really a Jewess, lending her aid to the 
amalgamation of different religions, and 
not discountenanced by the authorities of 
the Judaeo-Christian Church at Thyatira, 
both the censure and its qualification be- 
come easy of explanation. 

Thylne Wood occurs in Rev. xviii. 12. 
where the margin has "sweet" (wood). 
There can be little doubt that the wood here 
spoken of is that of the Thuya articulata, 
Desfont., the CaUitris quadrivalvis of pres- 
ent botanists. This tree was much prized by 
the ancient Greeks and Romans, on accoun* 
of the beauty of its wood for various orna- 
mental purposes. By the Romans the tree 
was called citrus, the wood ciirum. It is 
a native of Barbary, and grows to the 
height of 16 to 25 feet. 

Tibe'rias, a city lq the time of Christ, 
on the Sea of Galilee; first mentioned in 
the New Testament (John vi. 1,23, xxi. 1), 
and then by Josephus, who states that it was 
built by Herod Antipas, and was named by 
him in honor of the emperor Tiberius. It 
was probably a new town, and not a re- 
stored or enlarged one merely ; for *' Rak- 
kath " (Josh xix. 35), which is said in tbt 



TIBERTAS 



702 



TIGL ATH-riLE SEK 



Talmud to lia^e occupied the same position, 
lay in the tribe of Naphtali, whereas Tibe 
rias appears to have been within the limits 
of Z<^bulun (Matt. iv. 13). Tiberias was 
the capital of Galilee from the time of its 
origin until the reign of Herod Agrippa II., 
who changed the seat of power back again 
to Sepphoris, where it had been before the 
founding of the new city. Many of the 
Inhabitants were Greeks and Romans, and 
fcreign customs prevailed there to such an 
extent as to give offence to the stricter 
Jews. The ancient name has survived in 
that of the modern Tubarteh, which occu- 
pies the original site. Near TUbarteh, 
about a mile farther south along the shore, 
are the celebrated warm baths, which the 
Roman naturalists reckoned among the 
greatest known curiosities of the world. It 
is remarkable that the Gospels give us no 
fnformation, that the Saviour, who spent 
so much of his public life in Galilee, ever 
visited Tiberias. Tiberias has an interest- 
ing history, apart from its strictly Biblical 
associations. It bore a conspicuous part 
ill the wars between the Jews and the 
Romans. The Sanhedrim, subsequently to 
the fall of Jerusalem, after a temporary .so- 
journ at Jamnia and Sepphoris, became 
6xed there about the middle of the second 
century. Celebrated schools of Jewish 
learning flourished there through a succes- 
•ion of several centuries. The Mishna was 
compiled at this place by the great Rabbi 
Judah Hakkodesh (a. d. 190). It has been 
possessed successively by Romans, Per- 
sians, Arabs, and Turks ; and contains now, 
under the Turkish rule, a mixed population 
of Mohammedans, Jews, and Christians, 
variously estimated at from two to four 
thousand. 

Tibe'rias, The Sea of (John xxi. 1). 
I Gennesaret, Sea op.] 

Tibe'rius (in full, Tiberius Claudius 
Nero), the 2d Roman emperor, successor of 
Augustus, who began to reign a. d. 14, and 
reigned until a. d. 37. He was the son of Ti- 
pjerius Claudius Nero and Livia, and hence 
a step-son of Augustus. He was born at 
Rome on the 16th of November, b. c. 46. He 
became emperor in his 55th year, after hav- 
ing distinguished himself as a commander in 
various wars, and having evinced talents 
of a high order as an orator, and an admin- 
istrator of civil affairs. He even gained 
the reputation of possessing the sterner 
virtues of the Roman character, and was 
regarded as entirely worthy of the imperial 
honors to which his birth and supposed 
personal merits at length opened the way. 
f^et, on being raised to the supreme power, 
he suddenly became, or showed himself to 
be, a very different man. His subsequent 
life was one of inactivity, sloth, and self- 
indulgence. He was despotic in his gov- 
•rnnient. cruel and vindictive in His dispo- 



sition. Tiberius died, a. d. 37, at the eg^ 
of 78, after a reign of 23 years. Out 
Saviour was put to death in the reign of 
Tiberius. 

Tib 'hath, a city of Hadadezer, king 
of Zobah (1 Chr. xviii. 8), which in 2 Sam. 
viii. 8 is called Betah. Jts exact position if 
unknown. 

Tib'ni. After Zimri had burnt himself 
in his palace, there was a division in the 
northern kingdom, half of the people fol- 
lowing Tibni the son of Ginath, and half 
following Omri (1 K. xvi. 21, 22). Omri 
was the choice of the army. Tibni was 
probably put forward by the people of Tir- 
zah, which was then besieged by Omri and 
his host. The struggle between the con- 
tending factions lasted four years (comp. 1 
K. xvi. 15, 23). 

Ti'dal is mentioned only in Gen. xiv. 1, 
9. He is called " king of nations," from 
which we may conclude that he was a chief 
over various nomadic tribes. 

Tiglath-pile'ser. In l Chr. v. 26. 
and again in 2 Chr. xxviii. 20, the name of 
this king is written *' Tilgatli-pilneser; *' 
but in this form there is a double corrup- 
tion. The native word reads as Tigulii- 
pal-tsira, for which the Tiglath-Pil-esor of 
2 Kings is a fair equivalent. Tiglath-Pileser 
is the second Assyrian king mentioned in 
Scripture as having come into contact with 
the Israelites. He attacked Samaria in the 
reign of Pekah, probably because Pekah 
withheld his tribute, and, having entered his 
territories, he " took Ijon, and Abel-beth- 
maachah, and Janoah, and Kedesh, and 
Hazor, and Gilead, and Galilee, and all the 
land of Naphtali, and carried them captive 
to Assyria" (2 K. xv. 29). The date of 
this invasion cannot be fixed. After his 
first expedition, a close league was formed 
between Rezin, king of Syria, and Pekah, 
having for its special object the humiliation 
of Judah. At first great successes were 
gained by Pekah and his confederate (2 K. 
XV. 37; 2 Chr. xxviii. 6-8); but, on their 
proceeding to attack Jerusalem itself, Ahax 
applied to Assyria for assistance, and Tig- 
lath-Pileser, consenting to aid him, again 
appeared at the head of an army in these 
regions. He first marched, naturally, 
against Damascus, which he took (2 K. 
xvi. 9), razing it to the ground, and killing 
Rezin, the Damascene monarch. After 
this, probably, he proceeded to chastise 
Pekah, whose country he entered on the 
north-east, where it bordered upon " Syria 
of Damascus." Here he overran the whole 
district to the east of Jordan, carrying into 
captivity '* the Reubenites, the Gadites, 
and the half tribe of Manasseh " (1 Chr. v. 
26). Before returning into his own land, 
Tiglath-Pileser had an interview with Aha* 
at Damascus (2 K. xvi. 10). This is all 
that Scripture tells us of Tiglath-Pihser 



TIGRIS 



703 



TIMBREL 



Be appears to have succeeded Piil, and to 
have been succeeded by Shalmaneser ; to 
have been contemporary with Rezin, Pekah, 
and Ahaz; and therefore to have ruled 
Assyria during the latter half of the eighth 
century before our era. From his own 
inscriptions we learn that his reign lasted 
at least seventeen years ; that, besides war- 
ring in Syria and Samaria, he attacked 
Babylonia, Media, Armenia, and the inde- 
pendent tribes in the upper regions of 
MeLopotamia ; thus, like the other great 
Assyrian monarchs, warring along the 
whole frontier of the empire ; and finally, 
that he was (probably) not a legitimate 
prince, but a usurper and the founder of 
a dynasty. The authority of Berosus and 
Herodotus, combined with the monumental 
indications, justifies us in concluding that 
the founder of the Lower Dynasty or Em- 
pire, the first monarch of the New King- 
dom, was the Tiglath-Pileser of Scripture, 
He reigned certainly from b. c. 747 to b, c. 
730, and possibly a few years longer, being 
aucceeded by Shalmaneser at least as early 
as B. c 725. Tiglath-Pileser 's wars do not, 
generally, appear to have been of much 
Importance. No palace or great building 
can be ascribed to this king. His slabs, 
which are tolerably numerous, show that 
be must have built or adorned a residence 
at Calah (Nimrud), where they were 
Co and. 




Tiglatli-pilenr. 

Ti'gris '8 used by the LXX. as the Greek 
r«iuivalent of the Hebrew Hiddekel ; and 
occurs also in several of the apocryphal 
books, as in Tobit (vi. 1), Judith (i. 6), 
and Ecclesiaaticus (xxiv. 25). The Tigris, 
like t'le Euphrates, rises from two princi- 
Dal sjurces in the Armenian mountains, 
uid flows into the Euphrates. Its length, 



exclusive of meanders, is reckoned at I14f 
miles. It receives, along its mid«lle antl 
lower course, no fewer than five important 
tributaries. These are the river of Zakke 
or Eastern Khabour, the Great Zab {Zai 
Ala), the Lesser Zab {Zab Asfal), the Ad- 
hem, and the Diyaleh or ancient Gyndes. 
All these rivers flow from the high range 
of Zagros. We find but little mention of 
the Tigris in Scripture. It appears indeed 
under the name of Hiddekel, among the 
rivers of Eden (Gen. ii. 14), and is there 
correctly described as "running eastward 
to Assyria." But after this we hear no 
more of it, if we except one doubtful allu- 
sion in Nahum (ii. 6), until the Captivity., 
when it becomes well known to the prophet 
Daniel. With him it is " the Great River." 
The Tigris, in its upper course, anciently 
ran through Armenia and Assyria. Lower 
down, from about the point where it enters 
on the alluvial plain, it separated Babylonia 
from Susiana. In the wars between the 
Romans and the Parthians, we find it con- 
stituting, for a short time (from a. d. 114 
to A. D. 117), the boundary line between 
these two empires. 

Tik'vah. 1. The father of Shallum th« 
husband of the prophetess Huldah (2 BL. 
xxii. 14). 2. The father of Jahaziah (Ezr. 
x. 15). 

Tik'vath (properly TdMhath or Tok- 
hath), TiKVAH the father of Shallum (9 
Chr. xxxiv. 22). 

Tile. For general information on the 
subject, see the articles Brick, Potteby, 
Seal. The expression in the A. V. ren- 
dering of Luke V. 19, " through the tiling* 
has given much trouble to expositors. 1 
Terrace-roofs, if constructed improperly, 
or at the wrong season of the year, are apt 
to crack, and to become so saturated with 
rain as to be easily penetrable. May not 
the roof of the house in which our Lord 
performed his miracle, have been in thi* 
condition? 2. Or did not St. Luke, a na- 
tive, probably, of Greek Antioch, use th% 
expression '* tiles," as the form of roof 
which was most familiar to liimself and to 
his Greek readers, without reference to the 
particular material of the roof in question ? 

Til'gath-pilne'ser, a variation, and 
probably a corruption, of the name Tig- 
LATH-piLESER (1 Chr. T. 6, 26 ; 2 Chr. 
xxviii. 20). 

Ti'lon, one of the four sons of Shimon, 
whose family is reckoned in the genealogiea 
of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 20). 

Timae'us, the father of the blind man, 
Bartimaeus (Mark x. 46). 

Timbrel, Tabret (Heb. tdph). In 
old English tabor was used for any drum. 
Tabouret and tabourine are diminutives 
of tabor, and denote the instrument now 
known as the tambourine. Tabret is a 
contraction of tabouret: The Heb. tdph it 



TIMNA 



704 



TIMOTHY 



undoubtedly the instrument described by 
travellers as the duff or diff of the Arabs. 
It was used in very early times by the 
Syrians of Padan-aram at their merry- 
makings (Gen. xxxi. 27). It was played 
principally by women (Ex. xv. 20 ; Judg. 
xi. 34 ; 1 Sam. xviii. 6 ; Ps. Ixviii. 25) as 
an accompauxoent to the song and dance 
(comp. Jud. iii. 7), and appears to have 
been worn by them as an ornament (Jer. 
rxxi. 4). The dif of the Arabs is described 
by Russell as " a hoop (sometimes with 
pieces of brass fixed in it to make a jin- 
gling) over which a piece of parchment is 
distended. It is beaten with the fingers, 
and is the true tympanum of the ancients." 
In Barbary it is called tar. 

Tim'na, Tim'nah. 1. A concubine 
of Eliphaz son of Esau, and mother of 
Amalek (Gen. xxxvi. 12) : it may be pre- 
sumed that she was the same as Timna, 
sister of Lotan (ver. 22, and 1 Chr. i. 39). 
2. A duke, or phy larch, of Edom in the 
last list in Gen. xxxvi. 40-43 (1 Chr. i. 51- 
54). Timnah was probably the name of 
a place or a district. (See the following 
article.) 

Tim'liall. 1. A place which formed 
one of the landmarks on the north boun- 
dary of the allotment of Judah (Josh. xv. 
10). It is probably identical with the 
Thimnathah of Josh. xix. 43, and that 
igain with the Timnath, or, more accu- 
rately, Timnathah, of Samson (Judg. xiv. 
1, 2, 6), and the Thamnatha of the Macca- 
btes. The modern representative of all 
these various forms of the same name is 
probably Tihneh, a village about two miles 
west of Ain Shems (Beth-shemesh). In 
the later history of the Jews, Timnah must 
have been a conspicuous place. It was 
fortified by Bacchides as one of the most 
important military posts of Judaea (I Mace. 
ix. 50). 2. A town in the mountain dis- 
trict of Judah (Josh. xv. 57). A distinct 
place from that just examined. 3. Inac- 
curately written Timnath in the A. V., the 
scene of the adventure of Judah with his 
daughter-in-law Tamar (Gen. xxxviii. 12, 
13, 14). There is nothing here to indicate 
its position. It may be identified either 
with the Timnah in the mountains of Judah 
[No. 2], or with the Timnathah of Samson. 

:no. l] 

Tinrnath. [Timnah.] 

Tim'nathah, the residence of Samson's 
wife (Judg. xiv. 1, 2, 5). 

Tim'nath-he'res, the name under 
which the city and burial-place of Joshua, 
previously called Timnath-serah, is men- 
tioned in Judg. ii. 9. [Timnath-serah.] 

Tim'nath-se'rah, the name of the city 
which was presented to Joshua after the 
partition of the country (Josh. xix. 50), 
and in "the border" of which he was 
buried (xxiv. 30). It is specified as "in 



Mount fiphraim on the noith side of Mourn 
Gaash." In Judg. ii. 9, the name is altered 
to Timnath-heres. The latter form ib 
that adopted by the Jewish writers. Ac- 
cordingly, they identify the place with 
Kefar cheres, which is said by Jewisb 
travellers to be about 5 miles S. of She- 
chem (NablUs). No place with that name 
appears on the maps. Another identifica- 
tion has, however, been suggested by Dr. 
Eli Smith. In his journey from Jifna to 
Mejdel - Yaha, about 6 miles from the for- 
mer, he discovered the ruins of a consider- 
able town. Opposite the town was a much 
higher hill, in the north side of which are 
several excavated sepulchres. The whole 
bears the name of Tibneh. 

Tim'nite, The, Samsan's father-in-law, 
a native of Timnathah (Judg. xv. 6). 

Ti'mon, one of the seven, commonly 
called " deacons " (Acts vi. 1-6) He was 
probably a Hellenist. 

Timo'theus. 1. A " captain of the 
Ammonites " (1 Mace. v. 6), who was de- 
feated on several occasions by Judas Mac- 
cabaeus, b. c. 164 (1 Mace. v. 6, 11, 34- 
44). He was probably a Greek adventurer. 
2. In 2 Mace, a leader named Timotheus 
is mentioned as having taken part in the 
invasion of Nicanor (b. c. 166 : 2 Mace 
viii. 30, ix. 3). At a later time he was 
driven to a stronghold, Gazara, which was 
stormed by Judas, and there Timotheus 
was taken and slain (2 Mace. x. 24-37). It 
has been supposed that the events recorded 
in this latter narrative are identical with 
those in 1 Mace. v. 6-8.' But the name 
Timotheus was very common, and it is evi- 
dent that Timotheus the Ammonite leader 
was not slain at Jazer (1 Mace. v. 34). 3. 
The Greek name of Timothy (Acts xvi. 1, 
xvii. 14, &c.). 

Tim'othy. The disciple thus named 
was the son of one of those mixed mar- 
riages which, though condemned by stricter 
Jewish opinion, were yet not uncommon in 
the later periods of Jewish history. The 
father's name is unknown : he was a Greek, 
i. e. a Gentile by descent (Acts xvi. 1, 3). 
The absence of any personal allusion to 
the father in the Acts or Epistles suggests 
the inference that he must have died or 
disappeared during his son's infancy. The 
care of the boy thus devolved upon his 
mother Eunice and her mother Lois (2 
Tim. i, 5). Under their training his edu- 
cation was emphatically Jewish. " From 
a child" he learnt to "know the Holy 
Scriptures " daily. The language of the 
Acts leaves it uncertain whether Lystra or 
Derbe were the residence of the devout 
family. The arrival of Paul and Barnabas 
in Lycaonia (Acts xiv. 6) brought the mes- 
sage of glad tidings to Timothy and his 
mother, and thev received it with " un- 
feigned faith " (2'Tim. i. 5). If at Lystra. 



TIMUTHV 



706 



TIMOTHY 



«8 seems picbuble from 2 Tim. iii. 11, he 
may have witnessed the half-completed 
sacrifice, the half-finished martyrdom, of 
A("ts xiv. 19. The preaching of the Apos- 
tle on his return from his short circuit pre- 
pared him for a life of suffering (Acts xiv. 
22). From that time his life and education 
must have been under tlie direct superin- 
tendence of the body of elders (ib. 23). 
During the interval of seven years between 
tlie Apostle's first and second journeys, the 
boy grew up to manhood. His zeal, prob- 
ably his asceticism, became known both at 
Lystra and Iconium. Those who had the 
deepest insight into character, and spoke 
with a prophetic utterance, pointed to 
him (1 Tim. i. 18, iv. 14), as others had 
pointed before to Paul and Barnabas (Acts 
xiii. 2), ai specially fit for the missionary 
wcrk in wliic.i the Apostle was engaged. 
Personal feeling led St. Paul to the same 
conclusion (Acts xvi. 3), and he was 
solemnly set apart to do the work and 
possibly to bear the title of Evangelist (1 
Tiin. iv. 14; 2 Tim. i. 6, iv. 5). A great 
obstacle, however, presented itself. Tim- 
othy, though reckoned as one of the seed 
of Abraham, had been allowed to grow up 
to the age of manhood without the sign of 
circumcision. His condition was that of a 
negligent, almost of an apostate Israelite. 
The Jews might tolerate a heathen, as 
such, in the synagogue or the church, but 
an uncircuracised Israelite would be to 
them a horror and a portent. With a 
special view to their feehngs, making no 
sacrifice of principle, the Apostle, who had 
refused to permit the circumcision of Titus, 
"took and circumcised" Timothy (Acts 
xvi. 3;. Henceforth Timothy was one of 
his most constant companions. They and 
Silvanus, and probably Luke also, jour- 
neyed to Plilippi (Acts xvi. 12), and there 
already t}»3 young Evangelist was con- 
spicuous at once for his filial devotion and 
his zeal (Phil. ii. 22). His name does not 
appear in the account ot St. Paul's work 
at Thessalonica, and it is possible that he 
remained some time at Philippi. He ap- 
pears, however, at B-eroea, and remains 
there when Paul and Silas are obliged to 
leave (Acts xvii. 14), going on afterwards 
to join his master at Athens (1 Thess. iii. 
2). From Athens he is sent back to Thes- 
salonica (ib.)., as having special gifts for 
'^omforiing and teaching. He returns from 
Thessalonica, not to Athens, but to Corinth, 
and his name appears united with St. Paul's 
in the opening words of both the letters 
«rritten from that city to the Thessalonians 
(1 Thess. i. 1 ; 2 Thess. i. 1). Of the next 
five years of his life we have no record. 
A'^hon we next meet with him, it is as being 
Bent on in advance when the Aprstle was 
contemplating the long journey v \ ich wap 
^0 include Macedonia, Achaia, Jenisaleuk 
45 



and Rome (Acts xix. 22). It is probable 
tliat he returned by the same route and me* 
St. Paul according to a previous arrange- 
ment (1 Cor. xvi. 11), and was thus with 
him when the Second Epistle was written 
to the Church of Corinth (2 Cor. i. 1). He 
returns with the Apostle to that city, 
and joins in messages of greeting to the 
disciples whom he had known personally 
at Corinth, and who had since foimd their 
way to Rome (Rom. xvi. 21). He forms 
one of the company of friends who go with 
St. Paul to Philippi, and then sail by them- 
selves, waiting for his arrival by a different 
ship (Acts. XX. 3-6). The absence of hit 
name from Acts xxvii. leads to tlie conclu- 
sion that he did not share in the perilous 
voyage to Italy. He must have joined the 
Apostle, however, apparently soon after 
his arrival at Rome, and was with him 
when the Epistles to the Philippians, to the 
Colossians, and to Philemon were written 
(Phil. i. 1, ii. 19; Col. i. 1; Philem. 1). 
AH the indications of this period point to in- 
cessant missionary activity. From the two 
Epistles addressed to him, we are able to put 
together a few notices as to his later life. 
It follows from 1 Tim. i. 3 that he and his 
master, after the release of the latter from 
his imprisonment, revisited the proconsular 
Asia, that the Apostle then continued his 
journey to Macedonia, whilst the disciple 
remained, half reluctantly, even weeping at 
the separation (2 Tim. i. 4), at Epbesus, to 
check, if possible, the outgrowth of heresy 
and licentiousness which had sprung up 
there. The position in wliich he found 
himself might well make him anxious. He 
bad to rule presbyters, most of whom were 
older than himself (I Tim. iv. 12). Leaders 
of rival sects were there. The name of 
his beloved tea( her was no longer honored 
as it had been. We cannot wonder that the 
Apostle, knowing these trials, should be full 
of anxiety and fear for his disciple's stead- 
fastness. In the Second Epistle to him this 
deep personal feeling utters itself yet more 
fully. The last recorded words of the Apos- 
tle express the earnest hope, repeated yet 
more earnestly, that he might see him once 
again (ib. iv. 9, 21) We may hazard the 
conjecture that he reached him in time, and 
that the last hours of the teacher were 
soothed by the presence of the disciple 
whom he loved so truly. Some writers 
have even seen in Heb. xiii. 23 an indica- 
tion that he shared St. Paul's imprisonment, 
and was released from it by the death oi 
Nero. Beyond this all is apocryphal and 
uncertain. He continues, according to thp 
old traditions, to act as bishop of Ephesus, 
and dies a martyr's death under Domitian 
or Nerva. A somewhat startling theory as 
to the intervening period of his life has 
found favor with some. If he continued, 
according to the received tradition, to hf 



TIMOTHY, EPISTLES TO 



706 



TIRATHITRS 



bishop of Epliesus, then he and no other, 
must have been the "angeJ " of that church 
to whom the message of Hex. ii. 1-7 was 
addressed. 

Timothy, Epistles of Paul to. The 
First Epistle was probablj written in the 
interval between St. Paul's first and second 
imprisonments at Rome. The absence of 
any local reference but that in i. 3, suggests 
Macedonia or some neighboring district. 
In some MSS. and versions, Laodicea is 
named in the inscription as the place from 
wiiich it was sent. The Second Epistle 
appears to have been written soon after- 
wards and in all probability at Rome. The 
following are the characteristic features of 
these Epistles : — (1) The ever-deepening 
sense in St. Paul's heart of the Divine 
Mercy, of which he was the object, as 
shown in the insertion of the word " mercy " 
in the salutations of both Epistles, and in 
the " obtained mercy " of 1 Tim. i. 13. 
(2) The greater abruptness of the Second 
Epistle. From first to last there is no plan, 
no treatment of subjects carefully thought 
out. All speaks of strong overflowing emo- 
tion, memories of the past, anxieties about 
the future. (3) The absence, as com- 
pared with St. Paul's other Epistles, of Old 
Testament references. This may connect 
itself with the fact just noticed, that these 
Epistles are not argumentative, possibly 
also with the request for the " books and 
parchments " which had been left behind 
(2 Tim. iv. 13). (4) The conspicuous 
position of the " faithful sayings " as taking 
the place occupied in other Epistles by the 
O. T. Scriptures. The way in which these 
are cited as authoritative, the variety of 
subjects which they cover, suggest the 
thought that in them we have specimens 
of the prophecies of the Apostolic Church 
which had most impressed themselves on 
the mind of the Apostle, and of the disci- 
ples generally. 1 Cor. xiv. shows how 
deep a reverence he was likely to feel for 
such spiritual utterances. In 1 Tim. iv. 1, 
we have a distinct reference to them. (5) 
The tendency of tlie Apostle's mind to dwell 
more on the universality of the redemptive 
work of Christ (1 Tim. ii. 3-6, iv. 10), and 
his strong desire that all the teaching of his 
disciples should be " sound." (6) The 
importance attached by him to the practical 
details of administration. The gathered ex- 
perience of a long life had taught him that 
the life and well-being of the Church re- 
quired these for its safeguards. (7) The 
recurrence of doxologies (1 Tim. i. 17, vi. 
15, 16 ; 2 Tim. iv. 18) as from one living 
perpetually in the presence of God, to 
whom the language of adoration was as his 
natural speech. 

Tin. Among the various metals found 
among the spoils of the Midianites, tin is 
tfuumerated ''Num. xxxi. 22). It was known 



to the Hebrew metal-workers aa au alloj 
of other metals (Is. i. 25; Ez. xxii. 18, 20). 
The markets of Tyre were supplied with it 
by the ships of Tarshish (Ez. xxvii. 12), 
It was used for plummets (Zech. iv. 10), 
and was so plentiful as to furnish the writer 
of Ecciesiasticus (xlvii. 18) with a figure 
by which to express the wealth of Solomon, 
As to the country from which the Hebrews 
obtamed tin, see Tarshtsh. In the Ho- 
meric times the Greeks were familiar with 
it. Twenty layers of tin were in Agamem- 
non's cuirass. Copper, tin, and gold were 
used by Hephaestus in welding the famous 
shield of Achilles. No allusion to it is 
found in the Odyssey. Tin is not found in 
Palestine. Whence, then, did the ancient 
Hebrews obtain their supply ? " Only three 
countries are known to contain any consid- 
erable quantity of it : Spain and Portugal, 
Cornwall and the adjacent parts of Devon- 
shire, and the islands of Junk, Ceylon, and 
Banca, in the Straits of Malacca" (Ken- 
rick, Phoenicia, p. 212). There can b( 
little doubt that the mines of Britain were 
the chief source of supply to the ancient 
world. With regard to the tin obtained 
from Spain, although the metal was found 
there, it does not appear to have been pro- 
duced in suflicient quantities to supply the 
Phoenician markets. We are therefore 
driven to conclude that it was from the 
Cassiterides, or tin districts of Britain, that 
the Phoenicians obtained the great bulk ol 
this commodity, and that this was done by 
the direct voyage from Gades. 

Tiph'sah is mentioned in 1 K. iv, 24 as 
the limit of Solomon's empire towards the 
Euphrates, and in 2 K. xv. 16 it is said to 
have been attacked by Menahem. It was 
known to the Greeks and Romans undei 
the name of Thapsacus, and was the point 
where it was usual to cross the Euphrates. 
Thapsacus has been generally placed at the 
modern Delr ; but the Euphrates expedi- 
tion proved that there is no ford at DeiVy 
and that the only ford in this part of the 
course of the Euphrates is at Suriyeh, 45 
miles below Balis, and 165 above Defr. 
This, then, must have been the position of 
Thapsacus. 

Ti'ras, the youngest son of Japhetb 
(Gen. X. 2), usually identifi*»d with th£ 
Thracians, as presenting the closest verbal 
approximation to the name. The corre- 
spondence between Thrace and Tiras is not 
so complete as to be convincing. Granted, 
however, the verbal identity, no objection 
would arise on ethnological grounds to 
placing the Thracians ..mong the Japhetic 
races. 

Ti'rathites, The, one of the thiee 
families of Scribes residing at Jabez (1 
Chr. ii. 55), the others beip^the Shimeath- 
ites and Suchathites. The ptkssage is hop* 
lessly obscure. 



TIRE 



707 



TITHE 



Tire, an ornamental headdress worn on 
festive occasions (Ez. xxiv. 17, 23). 

Tir'hakah, king of Ethiopia (Cush), 
the opponent of Sennacherib (2 K. xix. 9 ; 
Is. xxxvii. 9). He nray be identified with 
Tarkos or Tarakos, who wai the third and 
last king of the xxvtli dynasty, which was 
of Etliiopians. His accession was probably 
about B. c. 695. Possibly Tirhakah ruled 
over Ethiopia before becoming king of 
Egypt. 

Tir'banall, son of Caleb ben-Hezron 
by his concubine Maachah (1 Chr. ii. 48). 

Tir'ia, son of Jehaleleel, of the tribe 
of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 16). 

Tir'shatha (always written with the 
article), the title of the governor of Judaea 
under th3 Persians, perhaps derived from a 
Persian root signifying " stern," " severe," 
Is added as a title* after the name of Nehe- 
miah (Neh. viii. 9, x. 1), and occurs also 
in three other places. In the margin of the 
A.. V. (Ezr. ii. 63; Neh. vii. 65, x. 1) it is 
rendered " governor." 

Tir'zall, youngest of the five daughters 
of Zolophehad (Num. xxvi. 33, xxvii. 1, 
ixxvi. 11; Josh. xvii. 3). 

Tir'zah., an ancient Canaanite city, 
«rhose king is enumerated amongst those 
overthrown in the conquest of the country 
Josh. xii. 24). It reappears as a royal 
city — the residence of Jeroboam and of his 
successors (1 K. xiv. 17, 18). Tirzah re- 
appears as the seat of the conspiracy of 
Menahem ben-Gaddi against the wretched 
Shallum (2 K. xv. 14, 16). Its reputation 
for beauty throughout the country must 
have been wide-spread. It is in this sense 
that it is mentioned in the Song of Solo- 
mon. Eusebius mentions it in connection 
with Menahem, and identifies it with a 
** village of Samaritans in Batanaea." Its 
site is TellAzah, a place in the mountains 
north of Nahlus. 

Tish'bite, The, the well-known desig- 
nation of Elijah (1 K. xvii. 1, xxi. 17, 28 ; 
2 K. i. 3, 8, ix. 36). The name naturally 
points to a place called Tishbeh, Tishbi, or 
rather perhaps Tesheb, as the residence of 
the prophet. Assuming that a town is al- 
luded to, as Elijah's native place, it is not 
necessary to infer that it was itself in Gil- 
ead, as many have imagined. The com- 
mentators and lexicogiaphers, with few 
exceptions, adopt the name "Tishbite" 
as referring to the place Thtsbe in Naph- 
tali, which is found in the LXX. text of 
Tobit i. 2. 

Ti'tans. These children of Uranus 
(Heaven) and Gaia (Earth) were, accord- 
ing to the earliest Greek legends, the van- 
r^uished predecessors of the Olympian gods, 
condemned by Zeus to dwell in Tartarus, 
yet not without retaining many relics of 
their ancisnt dignity. By later (Latin") 
poets they -rere confcunded with *Jie ki» 



dred Gigantes. In 2 Sam. v 18, 22, "the 
valley of Rephaim " is represented by 

\ XoiXaq Twv XiXavuiv instead of »/ xoiX'ui Tf5» 

yjyiirTwv, 1 Chr. xi. 15, xiv. 9, 13. Sev- 
eral Christian fathers inclined to the belief 
that TsiTocv was the mystic name of " the 
beast " indicated in Rev. xiii. 18. 

Tithe. Instances of the use of tithes 
are found prior to the appointment of the 
Levitical tithes under the Law. In Biblical 
history the two prominent instances are — 
1. Abram presenting the tenth of all his 
property, or rather of the spoils of his vic- 
tory, to Melchizedek (Gen. xiv. 20; Heb. 
vii. 2, 6). 2. Jacob, after his vision at Luz, 
devoting a tenth of all his property to God 
in case he should return home in safety 
(Gen. xxviii. 22). The first enactment of 
the Law in respect of tithe is the declaration 
that the tenth of all produce, as well as of 
flocks and cattle, belongs to Jehovah, and 
must be offered to Him ; that the tithe was 
to be paid in kind, or, if redeemed, with an 
addition of one fifth to its value (Lev. xxvii. 
30-33). This tenth is ordered to be as- 
signed to the Levites, as the reward of their 
service, and it is ordered further, that they 
are themselves to dedicate to the Lord a 
tenth of these receipts, which is to be de- 
voted to the maintenance of the high-priest 
(Num. xviii. 21-28). This legislation is 
modified or extended in the Book of Deu- 
teronomy, i. e. from thirty-eight to forty 
years later. Commands are given to the 
people, 1. To bring their tithes, together 
with their votive and other offerings and 
first-fruits, to the chosen centre of worship, 
the metropolis, there to be eaten in festive 
celebration in company with their children, 
their servants, and the Levites (Deut. xii. 
5-18). 2. All the produce of the soil was 
to be tithed every year, and these tithes, 
with the firstlings of the flock and herd, 
were to be eaten in the metropolis. 3. But 
in case of distance, permission is given to 
convert the produce into money, which is 
to be taken to the appointed place, and 
there laid out in the purchase of food for a 
festal celebration, in which the Levite is, 
by special command, to be included (Deut. 
xiv. 22-27). 4. Then follows the direction^ 
that at the end of three years all the tithe 
of that year is to be gathered and laid up 
" within the gates," and that a festival is to 
be held, in which the stranger, the father- 
less, and the widow, together with the Le- 
vite, are to partake (ib. vers. 28, 29). 6. 
Lastly, it is ordered that after taking the 
tithe in each third year, *' which is the year 
of tithing," an exculpatory declaration is to 
be made by every Israelite, that he has 
done his best to fulfil the divine command 
(Deut. xxvi. 12-14) From all this we 
gather, 1. That one tenth of the whole 
produce of the soil was to be assigned for 
the maintenance of the Levites. 2. That 



TITUS 



708 



TITUS 



out of this the Levites were to dedicate a 
tenth to God, for the use of the high-priest. 

3. That a tithe, in all probability a second 
tithe, was to be applied to festival purposes. 

4. That in every third year, either thi.* fes- 
tival tithe or a third tenth was to be eaten 
in company with the poor and the Levites. 
The question arises, were there three tithes 
taken in this third year ; or is the third 
tithe only the second under a different de- 
scription? It must be allowed that the 
third tithe is not without support. Josephus 
distinctly says that one tenth was to be giv- 
en to the priests and Levites, one tenth was 
to be applied to feasts in the metropolis, 
and that a tenth besides these was every 
third year to be given to the poor (comp. 
Tob. i. 7, 8). On the other hand, Maimon- 
ides says the third and sixth years' second 
tithe was shared between the poor and the 
Levites, i. e. that there was no third tithe. 
Of these opinions, that which maintains 
three separate and complete tithings seems 
improbable. It is plain that under the kings 
the tithe-system partook of the general neg- 
lect into which the observance of the Law 
declined, and that Hezekiah, among his 
other reforms, took effectual means to re- 
vive its use (2 Chr. xxxi. 5, 12, 19). Sim- 
ilar measures were taken after the Captivity 
by Nehemiah (Neh. xii. 44), and in both 
these cases special officers were appointed 
to take charge of the stores and storehouses 
for the purpose. Yet, notwithstanding par- 
tial evasion or omission, the system itself 
was continued to a late period in Jewish 
history (Heb. vii. 5-8 ; Matt, xxiii. 23 ; Luke 
xviii. 12). 

Ti'tus. Our materials for the biography 
of this companion of St. Paul must be 
drawn entirely from the notices of him in 
the Second Epistle to the Corinthians, the 
Galatians, and to Titus himself, combined 
with the Second Epistle to Timothy. He 
is not mentioned in the Acts at all. Taking 
the passages in the Epistles in the chrono- 
logical order of the events referred to, we 
turn first to Gal. ii. 1, 3. We conceive the 
Journey mentioned here to be identical with 
that (recorded in Acts xv.) in which Paul 
and Barnabas went from Antioch to Jeru- 
salem to the conference which was to de- 
cide the question of the necessity of cir- 
cumcision to the Gentiles. Here we see 
Titus in close association with Paul and 
Barnabas at Antioch. He goes with them 
to Jerusalem. His circumcision was either 
not insisted on at Jerusalem, or, if demand- 
ed, was firmly resisted. He is very em- 
phatically spoken of as a Gentile, by which 
is most probably meant that both his parents 
were Gentiles. Titus would seem, on the 
occasion of the council, to have been spe- 
cially a representative of the church of the 
ancireumcision. It is to our purpose to 
remaA^ that, in the passage cited above. 



Titus i« so mentioned as ap ^laiently io im 
ply that he had become personally known 
to the Galatian Christians. After leaving 
Galatia (Acts xviii. 23), and spending a 
long time at Ephesus (Acts xix. 1-xx. 1), 
the Apostle proceeded to Macedonia by 
way of Troas. Here he expected to meet 
Titus (2 Cor. ii. 13), who had been sent on 
a mission to Corinth. In this hope he was 
disappointed, but in Macedonia Titus joined 
him (2 Cor. vii. 6, 7, 13-15). The mission 
to Corinth had reference to the immorali 
ties rebuked in the First Epistle, and ta 
the effect of that First Epistle on the of- 
fending church. We learn further that the 
mission was so far successful and satisfac- 
tory. But if we proceed further, we discern 
another part of the mission with which he 
was intrusted. This had reference to the 
collection, at that time in. progress, for the 
poor Christians of Judaea (viii. 6). Thu? 
we are prepared for what the Apostle now 
proceeds to do after his encouraging con- 
versations with Titus regarding the Co- 
rinthian Church. He sends him back from 
Macedonia to Corinth, in company with 
two other trustworthy Christians, bearing 
the Second Epistle, and with an earnest 
request (viii. 6, 17) that he would see to 
the completion of the collection (viii. 6). 
It has generally been considered doubtful 
who the aStlifoi were (1 Cor. xvi. 11, 12) 
that took the First Epistle to Corinth. 
Most probably they were Titus and his 
companion, whoever that might be, who i| 
mentioned with him in the second letter (3 
Cor. xii. 18). A considerable interval now 
elapses before we come upon the next no- 
tices of this disciple. St. Paul's first inj- 
prisonment is concluded, and his last trial 
is impending. In the interval between the 
two, he and Titus were together in Crete 
(Tit. i. 5). We see Titus remaining in the 
island when St. Paul left it, and receiving 
there a letter written to him by the Apos- 
tle. From this letter we gather the fol- 
lowing biographical details : In the first 
place we learn that he was originally con- 
verted through St. Paul's instrumentality 
(i. 4.). Next we learn the various partic- 
ulars of the responsible duties which he 
had to discharge in Crete. He is to com- 
plete what St. Paul had been obliged to 
leave unfinished (i. 5), and he is to organ- 
ize the Church throughout the island by 
appointing presbyters in every city. Next 
he is to control and bridle (ver. 11) the 
restless and mischievous Judaizers, and he 
is to be peremptory in so doing (ver. 13). 
He is to urge the duties of a decorous and 
Christian life upon the women (ii. 3-6), 
some of whom (ii. 3) possibly had some- 
thing of an official character (ver. 3, 4). 
The notices which remain are more strictly 
personal. Titus is to look for the arrival 
in Crete of Artemas and Tychicus Ciii. 12), 



flTU^, EPISTLE TO 



709 



TOBIAn 



and then te is to hasten to join St. Paul at 
Nicopolis, where the Apostle is proposing 
to pass the winter. Zenas and Apollos are 
in Crete, or expected there ; for Titus is to 
Bend them on their journey, and supply 
them with whatever they need for it (iii. 
13). Whether Titus did join the Apostle 
at Nicopolis we cannot tell. But we natu- 
fftliy connect the mention of this place with 
what St. Paul wrote, at no great interval of 
time afterwards, in the last of the Pastoral 
Epistles (2 Tim. iv. 10) ; for Dalmatia lay 
to the north of Nicopolis, at no great dis- 
tance from it. From the form of the whole 
sentence, it seems probable that this dis- 
ciple had been with St. Paul in Rome dur- 
ing his final imprisonment ; but this cannot 
be asserted confidently. The traditional 
connection of Titus with Crete is much 
more specific and constant, though here 
again we cannot be certain of the facts. 
He is said to have been permanent bishop 
ui the island, and to have died there at an 
advanced age. The modern capital, Can- 
dia, appears to claim the honor of being 
his burial-place. In the fragment by the 
lawyer Zenas, Titus is called Bishop of 
ftortyna. Lastly, the name of Titus was 
the watchword of the Cretans when they 
were invaded by the Venetians. 

Titus, Epistle to. There are no spe- 
cialties in this Epistle which require any 
rery elaborate treatment distinct from the 
other Pastoral Letters of St. Paul. If those 
two were not genuine, it would be difficult 
confider-tly to maintain the genuineness of 
this. On the other hand, if the Epistles to 
Timothy are received as St. Paul's, there is 
not the slightest reason for doubting the au- 
thorship of that to Titus. Nothing can well 
he more explicit than the quotations in Ire- 
iiaeus, Clemens Alexandrinus, Tertullian, 
to say nothing of earlier allusions in Justin 
Martyr, Theophilus, and Clemens Romanus. 
As to internal features, we may notice, in 
the first place, that the Epistle to Titus has 
all the characteristics of the other Pastoral 
Epistles. This tends to show tliat this Let- 
ter was written about the same time and 
under similar circumstances with the other 
two. [Timothy, Epistles to.] But, on 
the other hand, this Epistle has marks in 
its phraseology and style which assimilate 
it to the general body of the Epistles of St. 
Paul. As to any difficulty arising from 
supposed indications of advanced hierarchi- 
cal arrangements, it is to be observed that 
in tliis Epistle nQto^SursQog and tnioxonog 
are used as synonymous (i. 5, 7), just as 
they are in the address at Miletus, about 
the year 58 a. d. (Acts xx. 17, 28). At 
the same time this Epistle has features of 
its own, especially a certain tone of abrupt- 
ness and severity, which probably arises 
partly out of the circumstances of the 
Cretar populp*^i(/u. partly mit of the char- 



acter of Titus himself. Concerning the 
contents of this Epistle, enough has al- 
ready been said in the preceding article. 
No very exact subdivision is either neces- 
sary or possible. As to the time and place 
and other circumstances of the writing ol 
this Epistle, the following scheme of filling 
up St. Paul's movements after his fiist ira- 
prisonment will satisfy all the conditioni 
of the case. We may suppose him (possi- 
bly after accomplishing his long projected 
visit to Spain) to have gone to Ephesus, 
and taken voyages from thence, first to 
Macedonia and then to Crete, during the 
former to have written the First Epistle to 
Timothy, and after returning from the lat- 
ter to have written the Epistle to Titus, 
being at the time of despatching it on the 
point of starting for Nicopolis, to which 
place he went, taking Miletus and Corinth 
on the way. At Nicopolis we may con- 
ceive him to have been finally apprehended 
and taken to Rome, whence he wrote the 
Second Epistle to Timothy. 

Ti'zite, The, the designation of John, 
one of the heroes of David's army (1 Chr. 
xi. 45). It occurs nowhere else, and 
nothing is known of the place or family 
which it denotes. 

To'ah., a Kohathite Levite, ancestor of 
Samuel and Heman (1 Chr. vi. 84 [19]). 

Tob-adoni'jah, one of the Levites sent 
by Jehoshaphat through the cities of Ju- 
dah to teach the Law to the people (2 Chr. 
xvii. 8). 

Tob, The Land of, a place in which 
Jephtliah took refuge when expelled from 
home by his half-brother (Judg. xi. 3), and 
where he remained, at the head of a band of 
freebooters, till he was brought back by the 
sheikhs of Gilead (ver. 5). The narrative 
implies that the land of Tob was not far 
distant from Gilead ; at the same time, 
from the nature of the case, it must have 
lain out towards the eastern deserts. It is 
undoubtedly mentioned again in 2 Sam. x. 
6, 8, as Ishtob, i. e. Man of Tob, meaning, 
according to a common Hebrew idiom, the 
" men of Tob." After a long interval it 
appears again, in the Maccabaean history 
(1 Mace. V. 13), in the names Tobie and 
Tubieni (2 Mace. xii. 17). No identifi- 
cation of this ancient district with any 
modern one has yet been attempted. 

Tobi'ah. 1. "The children of To- 
biah " were a family who returned with 
Zerubbabel, but were unable to prove theii 
connection with Israel (Ezr. ii. 60; Neh. 
vii. 62). 2. " Tobiah the slave, the Am- 
monite," played a conspicuous part in the 
rancorous opposition made by Sanballat the 
Moabite and his adherents to the rebuilding 
of Jerusalem. The two races of Moab and 
Ammon found in these men fit representa- 
tives of that hereditary hatred to the Israel- 
ite* which began before the entrance into 



TOBIJAH 



710 



TOMB 



Uanaaii, and was not extinct when the He- 
brews had ceased to exist as a nation. But 
Tobiah, though a slave (Neh. ii. 10, 19), 
unless this is a title of opprobrium, and an 
Ammonite, foimd means to ally himself 
with a priestly family, and his son Johanan 
married the daughter of Meshullam the son 
of Berechiah (Neh. vi. 18). He himself 
was the son-in-law of Shechaniah the son 
of Arab (Neh. vi. 17), and these family re- 
lations created for him a strong faction 
among the Jews. 

Tobi'jah. 1. One of the Levites sent 
by Jehoshaphat to teach the Law in the 
cities of Judah (2 Chr. xvii. 8). 2. One 
of the Captivity in the time of Zechariah, 
in whose presence the prophet was com- 
manded to take crowns of silver and gold 
and put them on the head of Joshua the 
high-priest (Zech. vi. 10, 14). Rosen- 
muller conjectures that he was one of a 
deputation who came up to Jerusalem, 
from the Jews who still remained in Baby- 
lon, with contributions of gold and silver 
for the Temple. 

To'bit, Book of, a book of the Apoc- 
rypha, which exists at present in Greek, 
Latin, Syriac, and Hebrew texts, but it was 
probably written originally in Greek. The 
scene of the book is placed in Assyria, 
whither Tobit, a Jew, had been carried as a 
captive by Shalmaneser. It is represented 
as completed shortly after the fall of Nine- 
veh (b. c. 606; Tob. xiv. 15), and written, 
in the main, some time before (Tob. xii. 
20). But the whole tone of the narrative 
bespeaks a later age; and above all, the 
doctrine of good and evil spirits is elabo- 
rated in a form which belongs to a period 
considerably posterior to the Babylonian 
Captivity (Asmodeus, iii. 8, vi. 14, viii. 3; 
Raphael, xii. 15). It cannot be regarded 
as a true history. It is a didactic narra- 
tive ; and its point lies in the moral lessons 
which it conveys, and not in the incidents. 
In modern times the moral excellence of 
the book has been rated highly, except in 
the heat of controversy. Nowhere else is 
there preserved so complete and beautiful 
a picture of the domestic life of the Jews 
after the Return. Almost every family re- 
lation is touched upon with natural grace 
and afl'ection. A doctrinal feature of the 
book is the firm belief in a glorious resto- 
ration of the Jewish people (xiv. 5, xiii. 
9--18). But the restoration contemplated 
is national, and not the work of a universal 
Saviour. In all there is not the slightest 
trace of the belief in a personal Messiah. 

To'chen, a place mentioned (1 Chr. iv. 
32 only) amongst the towns of Simeon 

Togar'mah, a son of Gomer, and brother 
of ishkenaz andRiphath (Gen. x. 3). To- 
garmah, as a geographical term, is connected 
with Armenia, and the subsequent notices 
df the name (£z. xxvii. 14, xxxviii. 6) 



accord with this view. The Armenian 
language presents many peculiarities which 
distinguish it from other branches of tli€ 
Indo-European family ; but in spite of this, 
however, no hesitation is felt by philolo- 
gists in placing it among the Indo-European 
languages. 

To'hu, an ancestor of Samuel tb« 
prophet, perhaps the same as Toah (1 
Sam. i. 1; comp. 1 Chr. vi. 34). 

To'i, king of Hamath on the Orontes, 
who, after the defeat of his powerful eiiemj 
the Syrian king Hadadezer by the army of 
David, sent his son Joram, or Uador&m, 
to congratulate the victor and do him hom- 
age with presents of gold and silver and 
brass (2 Sam. viii. 9, 10). 

Tola. 1. The first-born of Issachar, 
and ancestor of the Tolaites (Gen. xlvi. 
13; Num. xxvi. 23; 1 Chr. vii. 1, 2). 2. 
Judge of Israel after Abimelech (Judg. x. 
1, 2). He is described as " the son of 
Puah, the son of Dodo, a man of Issa- 
char." Tola judged Israel for 23 years at 
Shamir in Mount Ephraim, where he died 
and was buried. 

To'lad, one of the towns of Simeon 
(1 Chr. iv. 29), elsewhere called El 

TOLAD. 

To'laites, The, the descendants of 
Tola the son of Issachar (Num. xxvi. 26). 

Tomb. It has been hitherto too much 
the fashion to look to Egypt for the proto- 
type of every form of Jewish art ; but if 
there is one thing in the Old Testament 
more clear than another, it is the absolute 
antagonism between the two peoples, and 
the abhorrence of everything Egyptian that 
prevailed from first to last among the Jew- 
ish people. From the burial of Sarah in 
the cave of Machpelah (Gen. xxiii. 19) to 
the funeral rites prepared for Dorcas (Acts 
ix. 37), there is no mention of any sar- 
cophagus, or even coffin, in any J'^'vish 
burial. Still less were the rites of the 
Jews like those of the Pelasgi or Etrus- 
cans. They were marked with the same 
simplicity that characterized all their re- 
ligious observances. This simplicity of 
rite led to what may be called the distin- 
guishing characteristic of Jewish sepulchre! 
— the deep loculus — wliich, so far as is 
now known, is universal in all purely 
Jewish rock-cut tombs, but hardly known 
elsewhere. Its form will be understood by 
referring to the following diagram, repre- 
senting the forms of Jewish sepulture. In 
the apartment marked A, there are twelve 
such loculi, about two feet in width by three 
feet high. On the ground floor these gen- 
erally open on the level of the floor ; when 
in the upper story, as at C, on a ledge or 
platform, on which the body might be laid 
to be anointed, and on which the stonei 
might rest which closed tlw outer end o' 
each loculus. The shaLow Ui^ul jp is shown 



TUxMB 



711 



lOMB 




Oiagrftm of Jewish Sepulchre. 

m chamber B, but was apparently only 
used when sarcophagi were employed, and, 
therefore, so far as we know, only during 
the Graeco-Roraan period, when foreign 
customs came to be adopted. The shallow 
loculus would have been singularly inap- 
propriate and inconvenient, where an un- 
embalmed body was laid out to decay — as 
there would evidently be no means of 
shutting it off from the rest of the cata- 
comb. The deep loculus, on the other 
hand, was as strictly conformable with Jew- 
ish customs, and could easily be closed by 
a stone fitted to the end and luted into the 
groove which usually exists there. This 
fact is especially interesting as it affords a 
key to much that is otherwise hard to be 
onderstood in certain passages in the New 
Testament. Thus in John xi. 39, Jesus 
says, " Take away the stone," and (ver. 40), 
" they took away the stone," without difficul- 
ty, apparently. And chap. xx. 1, the same ex- 
pression is used, " the stone is taken away." 
There is one catacomb — that known as the 
'' Tombs of the Kings " — which is closed 
by a stone rolling across its entrance ; but it 
is the only one, and the immense amount of 
contrivance and fitting which it has re- 
quired is sufficient proof that such an ar- 
rangement was not applied to any other of 
the numerous rock tombs around Jerusa- 
lem, nor could the traces of it have been 
obliterated had it anywhere existed. Al- 
though, tlierefore, the Jews were singularly 
free from the pomps and vanities of fune- 
real magnificence, they were at all stages 
of their independent existence an eminently 
burying people. Tombs of the Patriarchs. 
-■ Turning from these considerations to the 
more strictly historical part of the subject, 
we find that one of the most striking events 
in the life of Abraham is the purchase of 
the field of Ephron the Hittite at Hebron, 
in which was the cave of Machpelah, in or- 
der that he might therein bury Sarah his 
wife, and that it might be a sepulchre for 
himself and his children. There he and his 
jiimediate descendants were laid 3700 years 
ago, and there they are believed to rest 
^'v)w ; but no one la modern times has seen 



their remains, or been allowed to enter into 
the cave where they rest. Unfortunately 
none of those who have visited Hebron have 
had sufficient architectural knowledge to 
be able to say when the church or mosque 
which now stands above the cyve was erect- 
ed. Though much more easy of access, it 
is almost as difficult to ascertain the age of 
the wall that encloses the sacred precincts 
of these tombs. There is, in fact, nothing 
known with sufficient exactness to deciile 
the question, but the probabilities certainly 
tend towards a Christian or Saracenic origin 
for the whole structure, both internally and 
externally. From the time when Abraham 
established the burying-place of his family 
at Hebron till the time when David fixed 
that of his family in the city which bore his 
name, the Jewish rulers had no fixed or 
favorite place of sepulture. Each was 
buried on his own property, or where he 
died, without much caring either for the 
sanctity or convenience of the place chosen. 
Tomb of the Kings. — Of the twenty-two 
kings of Judah who reigned at Jerusalem 
from 1048 to 590 b. c, eleven, or exactly 
one half, were buried in one hypogeum in 
the " city of David." Of all these it is 
merely said that they were buried in " the 
sepulchres of their fathers " or " of the 
kings " in the city of David, except of two 
— Asa and Hezekiah. Two more of these 
kings (Jehoram and Joash) were buried 
also in the city of David, " but not in the 
sepulchres of the kings." The passage in 
Nehemiah iii. 16, and in Ezekiel xliii. 7, 9, 
together with the reiterated assertion of the 
Books of Kings and Chronicles that these 
sepulchres were situated in the city of 
David, leave no doubt but tliat they were 
on Zion, or the Eastern Hill, and in the im- 
mediate proximity of the Temple. Up to 
the present time we have not been a])le to 
identify one single sepulchral excavation 
about Jerusalem which can be said with 
certainty to belong to a period anterior to 
that of the Maccabees, or, more correctly, 
to have been used for burial before the time 
of the Romans. The only important hypo 
geum which is wholly Jewish in its arrange- 
ments, and may consequently belong to am 
earlier or to any epoch, is that kuusfn as 
the Tombs of the Prophet? in tlie west( rn. 
flank of the Mount of Olives. It has ev( rj' 
appearance of having originally been a 
natural cavern improved by art, and with 
an external gallery some 140 feet in extent, 
into which twenty-seven deep or Jewish 
loculi open. Graeco- Romati Tombs. — Be- 
sides the tombs above enumerated, fin re 
are around Jerusalem, in the V alleys of 
Hinnom and Jehoshaphat, and on tiie pla- 
teau to the north, a number of remarkable 
rock-cut sepulchres, with more or less 
architectural decoration, sufficient to enable 
us to ascertain that they are all of uo'irir 



TOMB 



712 



TOMB 



^ 



the same age, and to assert with very toler- 
able confidence that the epoch to which they 
belong must be between the introduction 
of Roman influence and the destruction of 
the city h-j Titus. In the village of Siloam 
there is a monolithic cell of singularly 
Egyptian aspect, which De Saulcy assumes 
to be a chapel of Solomon's Egyptian wife. 
[t is probably of very much more modern 
date, and is more Assyrian than Egyptian 
m character. The principal remaining 
architectural sepulchres may be divided 
into three groups. First, those existing in 
the Valley of Jehoshaphat, and known 
popularly as the Tombs of Zechariah, of 
St. James, and of Absalom. Second, those 
known as the Tombs of the Judges, and 
the so-called Jewish tomb about a mile 
north of the city. Third, that known as 
the Tombs of the Kings, about half a mile 
north of the Damascus Gate. Of the three 
first-named tombs the most southern is 
known as that of Zechariah, a popular 
name which there is not even a shadow of 




Bo-eaUfrd " Tomb of Zechariah.* 

tradition to justify. It consists of a square 
iolii basement, measuring 18 feet 6 inches 
each w ay, and 20 feet high to the top of the 
eormce. On each face are four engaged 
lanic columns between antae, and these 
are surmounted, not by an Egyptian cor- 
(nice, a? is usually asserted, but by one 
•of purely Assyrian type, such as is found 
at Khorsabad. In all its details it is so dis- 
tinctly Eoman that it is impossible to as- 
sume that it belongs to an earlier age than 
that of their influence. Above the cornice 
is a pyramid rising at rather a sharp angle, 
and h(!wn like all the rest out of the solid 



rock. To call this building a tomb is evi- 
dently a misnomer, as it is absolutely solid 
— hewn out of the living rock by cutting 
a passage round it. It has no internal 
chambers, not even the semblance of u 
doorway. The hypogeura known as the 
Tombs of the Judges is one of the -nost re- 
markable of the catacombs aroun i Jeru- 
salem, containing about sixty deep l:>cuii, 
arranged in three stories ; the upper t torie* 
with ledges in front, to give convenient ac- . 
cess, and to support the stones that closed 
them ; the lower flush with the gr >und ; the 
whole, consequently, so essentially Jewish 
that it might be of any age if it were not 
for its distance from the town, and its ar- 
chitectural character. Tombs of Herod. — 
The last of the great groups enumerated 
above is that known as the Tombs of the 
Kings — Kebiir es Sultan — or the Royal 
Cavfirns, so called because of their mag- 
nificence, and also because that name is ap- 
plied to them by Josephus. They are twice 
again mentioned under the title of the 
" Monuments of Herod." The entrance 
doorway of this tomb is below the level of 
the gnmnd. It is closed by a very curious 
and elaborate contrivance of a rolling stone, 
often described, but very clumsily answer- 
ing its purpose. Within, the tomb consists 
of a vestibule or entrance-hall about 20 
feet square, from which three other square 
apartments open, each surrounded by deep 
loculi. But perhaps the most remark?' 
ble peculiarity of the hypogeum is the sar- 
cophagus chamber, in which two sarcophagi 
were found, one of which was brought 
home by De Saulcy, and is now in the 
Louvre. There seems no reason for doubt- 
ing but that all the architectural tombs of 
Jerusalem belong to the age of the Romans, 
like everything that has yet been found 




Facade ot Herod's Tombs. From a Photograpn. 

either at Fetra, Baalbec, Palmyra, O' 
Damascus, or even among the stone cities 
of the Hauran. Tomb of Helera of Adta- 
hene. — There was one other very f*iu(ri« 



TONGUES, CONFUSION OF TIS TONGUES, CONFUSION OF 



tomb at Jerusalem, which cannot be passed 
over in silence, though not one vestige of 
it exists. We are told that " she with her 
brother were buried in the pyramids which 
she had ordered to be constructed at a dis- 
tance of three stadia from Jerusalem " 
(Joseph. Ant. xx. 4, § 3). This is confirmed 
by Pausaiiias (viii. IG). It was situated 
outside the third wall, near a gate between 
ii€ Tower Psephinus and the Royal Cav- 
iTisA {B. I. V. 22, and v. 4, § 2). They re- 
mained sufficiently entire in the 4th century 
'to form a conspicuous object in the land- 
scape. Since the destruction of the city by 
Titus, none of the native inhabitants of 
Jerusalem have been in a position to in- 
dulge in much sepulcliral magnificence, or 
perhaps had any taste for this class of dis- 
play ; and we in consequence find no rock- 
cut hypogea, and no structural monuments, 
that arrest attention in modern times. The 
people, however, still cling to their ancient 
cemeteries in the Valley of Jehoshaphat 
with a tenacity singularly characteristic of 
the East. [Burial.] 

Tongues, Confusion of. The unity 
of the human race is most clearly implied, 
if not positively asserted, in the Mosaic 
writings. The general declaration, " So 
God created man in His own image . . . 
male and female created He them " (Gen. 
i. 27), is limited, as to the mode in which 
the act was carried out. by the subsequent 
narrative of the creation of Adam (Gen. ii. 
22). Unity of language is assumed by the 
sficrei historian apparently as a corollary 
of the unity of race. No explanation is 
given of the origin of speech, but its exer- 
cise is evidently regarded as cotval with 
the creation of man. The original unity of 
speech was restored in Noah. Disturbing 
'causes were, however, early at work to dis- 
solve tliis twofold union of community and 
speech. The human family endeavored to 
check the tendency to separation by the 
establishment of a great central edifice, 
and a city which should serve as the me- 
tropolis of the whole world. The project 
was defeated by the interposition of Jeho- 
vah, who determined to " confound their 
language, so that they might not understand 
one another's speech." Contemporaneous- 
ly with, and perhaps as the result of, this 
confusion of tongues, tlie people were scat- 
tered abroad from thence upon the face 
of all the earth, and the memory of the 
p'eat event was preserved in the name Ba- 
bel. [Babel, Tower of.] In the Bor- 
sippa inscription of Nebuchadnezzar there 
ie an allusion to the Confusion of Tongues. 
'* We say for the other, that is, this edifice, 
tiie house of the Seven Lights of the Earth, 
the most ancient monument of Borsippa : 
« former king built it (they reckon 42 ages), 
but he did not complete its head. Since a 
*'etfiote ti/rne people had aliandoned it^ '*oith- 



out order expressing their words. Since 
that tune, the earthquake and the thunder 
had dispersed its sun-dried clay ; the bricks 
of the casing had been split, and the earth 
of the interior had been scattered in heaps." 
It is unnecessary to assume that the judg- 
ment infiicted on the builders of Babel 
amounted to a loss, or even a suspension, 
of articulate speech. The desired object 
would be equally attained by a miraculous 
forestalment of those dialectical differences 
of language which are constantly in jiro- 
cess of production. The elements of the 
one original language may have remained, 
but so disguised by variations of pronun- 
ciation, and by the introduction of new 
combinations, as to be practically obliter- 
ated. The confusion of tongues and the 
dispersion of nations are spoken of in the 
Bible as contemporaneous events. The 
divergence of the various families into dis- 
tinct tribes and nations ran parallel with 
the divergence of speech into dialects and 
languages, and thus the 10th chapter of 
Genesis is posterior in historical sequence 
to the events recorded in the 11th chaptec 
— The Mosaic table does not profess to de- 
scribe the process of the dispersion ; but, as- 
suming that dis persion as having taken place, 
it records the ethnic relations existing be- 
tween the various nations affected by it. 
These relations are expressed under the 
guise of a genealogy ; the ethnological char- 
acter of the document is, however, clear. 
The general arrangement of the table is af 
follows : The whole human race is referred 
back to Noah's three sons, Shem, Ham, an% 
Japheth. The Shemites are described last 
apparently that the continuity of the nar 
rative may not be further disturbed; arW 
the Hamites stand next to the Shemites. 'jj 
order to show that these were more clos' i/ 
related to each other than to the JapLf t- 
ites. 1. The Japhetite list contains fourt'-en 
names, of which seven represent indepf n- 
dent, and the remainder affiliated nations, as 
follows : (i.) Gomer, connected ethnicr.llj 
with the Cimmerii, Cimbri ( ?), and Cymry ; 
and geographically with Crimea. Associ- 
ated with Gomer are the three following i 
(a) Ashkenaz. (6) Kiphath. (c) Togar- 
mah. (ii.) Magog, the Scythians, (iii.) 
Madai, Media, (iv.) Javan, the lonians, 
as a general appellation for the Hellenic 
race, with whom are associated the four 
following : (a) Elishah. (Jb) Tarshish. {e) 
Kittim. {d) Dodanim. (v.) Tubal, (vi.) 
Meshech. (vii.) Tiras. 2. The Hamitic 
list contains thirty names, of which four 
represent independent, and the remainder 
affiliated nations, as follows : (i.) Cush, 
in two branches, the western or African 
representing Aethiopia, the Keesh of the 
old Egyptian, and the eastern or Asiatic 
being connected with the names of thy tribe 
Cossaei, the district Cissia, a» 1 tuu proT' 



TONGDEfe, GIFT OF 



714 



TONGUjfiS, GliiT OF 



inte Susiana or Khuzistan. With Cush 
are associated - (a) Seba. (6) Havilah. 

(c) Sabtah. («/) Raamah, with whom are 
associated — (a^) Sheba. (i^) Dedan. (e) 
Sabtechah. (/) Nimrod. (ii.) Mizraim, 
the two Misrs, i, e. Upper and Lower Egypt, 
with whom the following seven are con- 
nected : (a) Ludim. (6) Anamim. (c) 
Naphtuhim. {d) Pathrusim. (e) Caslu- 
bim. (/) Caphtorim. {g) Phut, (iii.) Ca- 
naan, the geographical position of which 
calls for no remark in this place. To 
Canaan belong the following eleven : (a) 
Zidon, the well-known town of that name 
in Phoenicia, (jb) Heth, or the Hittites of 
Biblical history, (c) The Jebusite, of Jebus 
or Jerusalem, {d) The Amorite. (e) The 
Girgasite. (/) The Hivite. {g) The Ark- 
ite. Qi) The Sinite. {i) The Arvadite. 
(y) The Zemarite. (/fc) The Hamathite. 
3. The Shemitic list contains twenty-five 
names, of which five refer to independent, 
and the remainder to aflSiliated tribes, as 
follows : (^i.) Elam. (ii.) Asshur. (iii.) Ar- 
phaxad, with whom are associated — (a) 
Salah; Salah's son (a^) Eber; and Eber's 
two sons (o.^) Peleg and (6*) Joktan, with 
the following thirteen sons of Joktan, 
\iz. : {a*) Almodad. {¥) Sheleph. (c*) 
Hazarmaveth. (dA) Jerah. (e*) Hadoram. 
(/*) Uzal. ig*) Dikiah. Qi*) Obal. (i^) 
Abimael. {j*) Sheba. {k^) Ophir. (Z*) 
Havilah. (m*) Jobab. (iv.) Lud. (v.) 
A.ram, with whom the following are as- 
sociated : (a) Uz. (6) Hul. (c) Gether. 

(d) Mash. There is yet one name noticed 
in the table, viz. Philistim, which occurs in 
the Hamitic di^'ision, but without any direct 
assertion of Hamitic descent. The total 
number of names noticed in the table, in- 
cluding Philistim, would thus amount to 
70, which was raised by patristic writers to 
72. For an account of the identification 
of these names, see the separate articles. 

Tongues, Gift of. I. rxmrruy or 
yjLr7)ona, the word employed throughout the 
N. T. for the gift now under consideration, 
is used — (1.) for the bodily organ of speech ; 
(2.) for a foreign word, imported and half- 
naturalizod in Greek; (3.) in Hellenistic 
Greek, for " speech " or " language." The 
received traditional view, which starts from 
the third meaning, and sees in the P"ift of 
tongues a distinctly linguistic power, is the 
more correct one. II. The chief passages 
from which we have to draw our conclusion 
as to the nature and purpose of the gift in 
question are — (1.) Mark xvi. 17 ; (2.) Acts 
ii. 1-13, X. 46, xix. 6; (3.) 1 Cor. xii., xiv. 
III. The promise of a new power coming 
from the Divine Spirit, giving not only 
c«)mfort and insight into truth, but fresh 
powers of utterance of some kind, appears 
once and again in our Lord's teaching. 
The disciples are to take no thought what 
they shall speak, for the Spirit of their 



Fathe shall speak in them (Matt x. 19 
20; Mark xiii. 11). The lips of Galibaii 
peasants are to speak freely and boldl} 
before kings. The promise of our Lord tn 
his disciples, " They shall speak with new 
tongues " (Mark xvi. 17), was fulfilled on 
the day of Pentecost, when cloven tongues 
like fire sat upon the disciples, and " every 
man heard them speak in his own language" 
(Acts ii. 1-12). IV. The wonder of the 
day of Pentecost is, in its broad ieatures, 
familiar enough to us. What viewrs have 
men actually taken of a phenonienon so 
marvellous and exceptional? (1.) The 
prevalent belief of the Church has been, 
that in the Pentecostal gift the disciples 
received a supernatural knowledge of all 
such languages as they needed for their 
work as Evangelists. The knowledge was 
permanent. Widely diffused as this belief 
has been, it must be remembered that it 
goes beyond the data with which the N. T. 
supplies us. Each instance of the gift 
recorded in the Acts connects it, not with 
the work of teaching, but with that of 
praise and adoration; not with the nor- 
mal order of men's lives, but with except 
tional epochs in them. Tlie speech of 
St. Peter which follows, like most other 
speeches addressed to a Jerusalem audi- 
ence, was spoken apparently in Aramaic. 
When St. Paul, who " spake with tongues 
more than all," was at Lystra, there is no 
mention made of his using the language of 
Lycaonia. It is almost implied that he diu 
not understand it (Acts xiv. 11). N'^t one 
word in the discussion of spiritual gifts in 
1 Cor. xii. -xiv. implies that the gift was of 
this nature, or given for this purpose. Nor. 
it may be added, within the limits assigned 
by the providence of God to the working 
of the Apostolic Church, was such a gift 
necessary. Aramaic, Greek, Latin, the three 
languages of the inscription on the cross, 
were media of intercourse throughout the 
empire. Some interpreters have seen their 
way to another solution of the difficulty by 
changing the character of the miracle. It 
lay not in any new power bestowed on the 
speakers, but in the impression produced 
on the hearers. Words which the Galilean 
disciples uttered in their own tongue were 
heard by those who listened as in their na- 
tive speech. Tiiere are, it is believed, 
weighty reasons against both the earlier 
and later forms of this hypothesis. (1.) It 
is at variance with the distinct statement of 
Acts ii. 4, * ' They began to speak with 
other tongues." (2.) It at once multijiliea 
the miracle, and degrades its character. 
Not the 120 disciples, but the whole multi- 
tude of many thousands, are m this case 
the subjects of it. (3.) It involves an ele- 
ment of falsehood. The miracle, on this 
view, was wrouglit to make men beUeve 
what was not actually the fact. ^.4.) It ii 



n 

3,il I 



TONGUES, GJLfT OF 



V15 



TONGIDES, GIFT CB 



iltogether inapplicable to the phenomena 
of 1 Cor. xiv. Critics of a negative school 
have, as might be expected, adopted the 
easier course of rejecting the narrative 
either altogether or in part. What, then, 
are the facts actually brought before us ? 
W^hat inferences may be legitimately drawn 
from tliem? (1.) The utterance of words 
by the disciples, in other languages than 
their own Galilean Aramaic, is distinctly 
asserted. (2.) The words spoken appear 
to have been determined, not by the will of 
tlie speakers, but by the Spirit which " gave 
them utterance." (3.) The word used, 
atTToy^fyy*"^'*'' li3,s in the LXX. a special as- 
sociation with the oracular speech of true 
or false prophets, and appears to imply 
some peculiar, perhaps musical, solemn in- 
tonation (comp. 1 Chr. xxv. 1 ; Ez. xiii. 
9). (4.) The " tongues " were used as an 
instrument, not of teaching, but of praise. 
(5.) Those who spoke them seemed to others 
to be under the influence of some strong ex- 
citement, " full of new wine." (6.) Ques- 
tions as to the mode of operation of a power 
above the common laws of bodily or mental 
life lead us to a region where our woi'A» 
should be " wary and few." It must be re- 
membered, then, that in all hkelihood such 
words as they tlien uttered had been heard 
by the disciples before. The difference 
was, that before, the Galilean peasants had 
stood in that crowd, neither heeding, nor 
understanding, nor remembering what they 
heard, still less able to reproduce it; now 
they had the power of speaking it clearly 
and freely. The Divine work would in this 
case take the form of a supernatural exalta- 
tion of the memory, not of imparting a 
miraculous knowledge of words never heard 
before. (7.) The gift of tongues, the 
ecstatic burst of praise, is definitely assert- 
ed to be a fulfilment of the prediction of 
Joel ii. 28. We are led, therefore, to look 
for that which answers to the Gift of 
Tongues in the other element of prophecy 
which is included in the O. T. use of the 
word; and this is found in the ecstatic 
praise, the burst of song (1 Sam. x. 5-13, 
xix. 20-24 ; 1 Chr. xxv. 3). (8.) The other 
instances in the Acts offer essentially the 
t?ame phenomena. By implication in xiv. 
15-19, by express statement in x. 47, xi. 
15, 17, xix. 6, it belongs to special critical 
epochs. VI. The First Epistle to the Co- 
rinthians supplies fuller data. The spiritual 
gilts are classified and compared, arranged, 
appart-ntly, according to their worth. The 
facts wliich may be gathered are briefly 
**iose : (1.) The phenomena of the Gift 
of Tongues were not confined to one Church 
or section of a Church. ^2.) The compari- 
son of gifts, in both the lists given by St. 
Paul (1 Cor. xii. 8-10, 28-30), places that 
of tongues, and the interpretation of 
tongues, lowest in the scale. (3.) The 



mam characteristic of the " tongue " is that 
it is unintelligible. The man " speaks mys- 
teries," prays, blesses, gives thanks, in the 
tongue (1 Cor. xiv. 15, 16), but no one un- 
derstands him. (4.) The peculiar nature 
of the gift leads the Apostle into what ap- 
pears, at first, a contradiction. '* Tonguef 
are for a sign," not to believers, but to 
those who do not believe ; yet the effect on 
unbelievers is not that of attracting, but 
repelling. They involve of necessity a dis- 
turbance of the equilibrium between the un- 
derstanding and the feelings. Therefore it is 
that, for those who believe already, proph- 
ecy is the greater gift. (5.) The '* tongues,** 
however, must be regarded as real lan- 
guages. The " divers kinds of tongues " (1 
Cor. xii. 28), the " tongues of men " (1 Cor. 
xiii. 1), pointto differences of some kind, and 
it is easier to conceive of these as differences 
of language than as belonging to utterances 
all equally wild and inarticulate. (6.) 
Connected with the ** tongues," there was 
the corresponding power of interpretation. 
VI t. (1.) Traces of the gift are found, as 
n»» been said, in the Epistles to the Ko- 
maus, the Galatians, the Ephesians. From 
the Pastoral Epistles, from those of St. 
Peter and St. John, they are altogether 
absent, and this is in itself significant. (2.) 
It is probable, however, that the disappear- 
ance of the " tongues " was gradual. There 
must have been a time when "tongues" 
were still heard, though less frequently, and 
with less striking results. For the most 
part, however, the place which they had 
filled in the worship of the Church was 
supplied by the " hymns and spiritual 
songs " of the succeeding age. After this, 
within the Church we lose nearly all traces 
of them. VIII. (i.) A wider question of 
deep interest presents itself. Can we find 
in the religious history of mankind any 
facts analogous to the manifestation of 
the "tongues"? The three characteristic 
phenomena are, as has been seen, (1) an 
ecstatic state of partial or entire uncon- 
sciousness ; (2) the utterance of words ira 
tones startling and impressive, but often 
conveying no distinct meaning; (3) the 
use of languages which the speaker at 
other times was unable to converse in. (ii.) 
The history of the O. T. presents us with 
some instances in which the gift of proph- 
ecy has accompaniments of this nature 
(1 Sam. xix. 24). (iii.) We cannot ex- 
clude the false prophets and diviners of 
Israel from the range of our inquiry. We 
have distinct records of strange, mysteri- 
ous intonations. The ventriloquist wizards 
"peep and mutter" (Is. viii. 19). The 
" voice of one who has a familiar* spirit,** 
comes low out of the ground (Is. xxix. 4). 
(iv.) The quotation by St. Paul (1 Cor. 
xiv. 21) from Is. xxviii. 11. With the 
phenomena of the "tontraes" present ta 



TONGUES, GIFT OF 



716 



TORTOISE 



bis miad, he saw in them the fulfilment of 
the Prophet's words. A remarkable par- 
allel to the text thus interpreted is found in 
Hos. ix. 7. (v.) The history of heathen 
oracles presents, it need hardly be said, 
examples of the orgiastic state, in which 
the wisest of Gre !k thinkers recognized the 
lower type of inspiration, (vi.) More dis- 
tinct parallels are found in the accounts of 
the wilder, more excited sects which have, 
from time to time, appeared in the history 
of Christendom, (vii.) The history of the 
French prophets at the commencement of 
the 18th century presents some facts of 
special interest. What is specially notice- 
able is, that the gift of tongues was claimed 
by them. It is remarkable that a strange 
Revivalist movement was spreading, nearly 
at the same time, through Silesia, the chief 
feature of which was that boys and girls of 
tender age were almost the only subjects of 
it, and that they too spoke and prayed with 
a wonderful power, (viii.) The so-called 
Unknown Tongues, which manifested them- 
selves first in the west of Scotland, and 
afterwards in the Caledonian Church in 
Regent Square, present a more striking 
ph(momenon, and the data for judging of 
its nature are more copious. Here, more 
than in most other cases, there were the 
conditions of long, eager expectation, fixed 
brooding over one central thought, the mind 
strained to a preternatural tension. Sud- 
denly, now from one, now from another, 
chiefly from women, devout but illiterate, 
mysterious sounds were heard. The man 
over whom they exercised so strange a 
power, has left on record his testimony, 
that to him they seemed to embody a more 
than earthly music, leading to the belief 
that the " tongues " of the Apostolic age 
had been as the archetypal melody of which 
all the Church's chants and hymns were 
but faint, poor echoes. To those who were 
without, on the other hand, they seemed 
but an unintelligible gibberish, the yells and 
groans of madmen. The speaker was com- 
monly unable to interpret what he uttered, 
(ix.) In certain exceptional states of mind 
and body the powers of memory are known 
to receive a wonderful and abnormal 
strength. In the delirium of fever, in the 
ecstasy of « trance, men speak in their old 
age languages w^hich they have never heard 
or spoken since their earliest youth. In all 
such cases the marvellous power is the ac- 
companiment of disease. IX. These phe- 
nomena have been brought together in 
order that we may see how far they resem- 
ble, how far they differ from, those which 
?»e have seen reason to believe constituted 
the outward signs of the Gift of Tongues. 
Whatever resemblances there may be, the 
points of difference are yet greater. The 
phenomena which have been desciibed are, 
irith hardly an exueption, moibid; the pre- 



cursors or the consequences of tilcarly rec- 
ognizable disease. The Gift of Tongues 
was bestowed on men in full vigor and 
activity, preceded by no frenzy, followed 
by no exhaustion. The gift of the day of 
Pentecost was the starting-point of the long 
history of the Church of Christ, the witness, 
in its very form, of a universal family 
gathered out of all nations. It belonged, 
however, to a critical epoch, not to the con- 
tinuous life of the Church. It implied a 
disturbance of the equilibrium ol man's 
normal state. But it was not the instra 
ment for building up the Church. 

Topaz (Heb. pitddh: Ex. xxviii. 17, 
xxxix. 10 ; Ez. xxviii. 13 ; Job xxviii. 19 ; 
Rev. xxi. 20). The topaz of the ancient 
Greeks and Romans is generally allowed to 
be our chrysolite, while their chrysolite is 
our topaz. Chrysolite is a silicate of mag- 
nesia and iron ; it is so soft as to lose its 
polish unless worn with care. 

To'phel (Deut. i. 1) has been identified 
with Tufileh on a wady of the same name 
running north of Bozra towards the S. E. 
corner of the Dead Sea. 

To'pheth, and once To'phet, was in 
the S. E. extremity of the " Valley of the 
Son of Hinnom " (Jer. vii. 31), which is 
"by the entry of the east gate" (xix. 2). 
The locality of Hinnom is explained else- 
where. [Hinnom.] It seems also to have 
been part of the king's gardens, and watered 
by Siloam, perhaps a little to the south of 
the present Birket el-Hamra. The name 
Tophet occurs only in the Old Testament 
(2 K. xxiii. 10 ; Is. xxx. 33 ; Jer. vii. 31, 
32, xix. 6, 11, 12, 13, 14). The New doef 
not refer to it, nor the Apocrypha. Tophet 
has b^en variously translated. The most 
natural meaning seems that suggested by 
the occurrence of the word in two consec- 
utive verses, in the one of which it is a 
tahret, and in the other Tophet (Is. xxx. 
32, 33). The Hebrew words are nearly 
identical; and Tophet was probably the 
king's "music-grove" or garden, denoting 
originally nothing evil or hateful. Cer- 
tainly there is no proof that it took its 
name from the drums beaten to drown the 
cries of the burning victims that passed 
through the fire to Molech. Afterwards 
it was defiled by idols, and polluted by the 
sacrifices of Baal and the fires of Molech. 
Then it became the place of abomination, 
the very gate or pit of hell. The pious 
kings defiled it, and threw down its altars 
and high places, pouring into it all the filth 
of the city, t\X it became the "abhorrence" 
of Jerusalem. 

Tor'mah occurs only in the margin of 
Judg. ix, 31. By a few commentators it 
has been conjectured that the word was ori- 
ginally the same with Arumah in ver. 41. 

Tortoise (Heb. tsAh). The tsdh occurs 
only in Lev. xi. 29, as tiie name of som« 



TOU 



m 



TRIAL 



andean animal. The Hebrew word may 
be identified with the kindred Arabic dhab, 
'* a large kind of lizard," which appears to 
be the Psammosaurus Scincus of Cuvier. 

To'u, Toi, king of Hamath (1 Chr. xviii. 
9, 10). 

Tower. Watch-towers or fortified posts 
in frontier or exposed situations are men- 
ti >ned in Scripture, as the tower of Edar, 
&c. (Gen. XXXV. 21; Mic. iv. 8; Is. xxi. 5, 
8, 11, &c.), the tower of Lebanon (2 Sam. 
viii. 6). Besides these military structures, 
we read in Scripture of towers built in vine- 
yards as an almost necessary appendage to 
them (Is. V. 2; Matt. xxi. 33; Mark xii. 
1). Such towers aie still in use in Pales- 
tine in vineyards, especially near Hebron, 
and are used as lodges for the keepers of 
the vineyards. 

Town Clerk, the title ascribed in our 
Version to the magistrate at Ephesus who 
appeased the mob in the theatre at the time 
of the tumult excited by Demetrius and his 
fellow-craftsmen (Acts xix. 35). The ori- 
ginal service of this class of men was to 
record the laws and decrees of the state, 
and to read them in public. 

Trachoni'tis (Luke iii. 1) is in all 
probability the Greek equivalent for the 
Aramaic Argob. [Argob.] 

Trance. (l.) In the only passage 
(Num. xxiv. 4, 16) in which this word 
occurs in the English of the O. T. there is, 
as the Italics show, no corresponding word 
in Hebrew. In the N. T. we meet with the 
word three times (Acts x. 10, xi. 5, xxii. 
17), the Vulgate giving *■'■ excessus" in the 
two former, " stupor mentis " in the latter. 
The meaning of the Greek and Latin words 
is obvious enough. The fKnjaaiq is the 
state in which a man has passed out of the 
usual order of his life, beyond the usual 
limits of consciousness and volition. " Ex- 
cessus," in like manner, became, in ecclesi- 
astical writers, a synonyrae for the condition 
of seeming death to the outer world, which 
we speak of as a trance. The history of 
the English word presents an interesting 
parallel. (2.) Used as the word is by Luke, 
" the physician," and, in this special sense, 
by him only, in the N. T., it would be in- 
teresting to inquire what precise meaning 
it had in the medical terminology of the 
time. From the time of Hippocrates, who 
uses it to describe the loss of conscious 
perception, it had probably borne the con- 
notation which it has had, with shades of 
meaning for good or evil, ever since. (3.) 
We may compare with these statements the 
more precise definitions of modern medical 
science. There the ecstatic state appears 
as one form of catalepsy. In catalepsy 
pure ant* simple, there is "a sudden sus- 
pension of thought, of sensibihty, of vol- 
untarj motion." In the ecstatic form of 
catalepsy, ou the other hand, " the patient 



is lost to all external impi esSi^ as, out rap! 
and absorbed in some object of the inci- 
agination." There is, for the most part, a 
high degree of mental excitement. The 
patient utters the most enthusiastic and 
fervid expressions, or the most earnest 
warnings. The character of the whole 
frame is that of intense contemplative ex- 
citement. The causes of this state are to 
be traced commonly to strong religious im- 
pressions. (4.) Whatever explanation may 
be given ol it, it is true of many, if not oi 
most, of those who have left the stamp of 
their own character on the religious history 
of mankind, that they have been liable to 
pass at times into this abnormal state. Th<e 
union of intense feeling, strong volition, 
long-continued thought (the conditions of 
all wide and lasting influence), aided in 
many cases by the withdrawal from the 
lower life of the support which is needed 
to maintain a healthy equilibrium, appears 
to have been more than the " earthen t^es- 
sel " will bear. The words which speak 
of "an ecstasy of adoration" are often lit- 
erally true. (5.) We are now able to takt 
a true estimate of the trances of Biblical 
history. As in other things, so also here, 
the phenomena are common to higher and 
lower, to true and false systems. We ma} 
not point to trances and ecstasies as proof* 
of a true Revelation, but still less may wc 
think of them as at all inconsistent with it. 
Thus, though we have not the word, we have 
the thing in the "deep sleep," the " horroi 
of great darkness," that fell on Abraham 
(Gen. XV. 12). Balaam, as if overcome by 
the constraining power of a Spirit mightier 
than his own, " sees the vision of God, 
falling, but with opened eyes " (Num. 
xxiv. 4). Saul, in like manner, when the 
wild chant of the prophets stirred the old 
depths of feeling, himself also " prophesied" 
and " fell down " (most, if not all, of his 
kingly clothing being thrown off in the 
ecstasy of the moment) " all that day and 
all that night " (1 Sam. xix. 24). Some- 
thing there was in Jeremiah that made men 
say of him that he was as one that " is mad 
and maketh himself a prophet " (Jer. xxix. 
26). In Ezekiel the phenomena appear in 
more wonderful and awful forms (Er. iii. 
15). (6.) As other elements and forms 
of the prophetic work were revived in "the 
Apostles and Prophets " of the N. T., so 
also was this. Though different in form, 
it belongs to the same class of phenomena 
as the Gift of Tongues, an<l is connected 
with " visions and revelations of the Lord." 
In some cases, indeed, it is the chosen chaia- 
nel for such revelations (Acts x., xi., xxii. 
17-21). Wisely for the most part did th€ 
Apostle draw a veil over these more mys- 
terious experiences (2 Cor. xii. 1-4). 
Trespass-offering. [Sin-offbkino.] 
Trial. A few remarks may here b# 



TRIBUTE 



718 



TROOP 



a4«^ on judical proceedings mentioned in 
bciJ^ture. (1.) The trial of vur Lord be- 
foffe Pilate was, in a legal sense, a trial for 
the offence laesae majestatis ; one which 
would be punishable with death (Luke 
xxiii. 2, 38; John xix. 12, 15). (2.) The 
trials of the Apostles, of St. Stephen, and 
of St. Paul, before the high-priest, were 
conducted according to Jewish rules (Acts 
ir., V. 27, vi. 12, xxii. 30, xxiii. 1). (3.) 
The trial, if it may be so called, of St. Paul 
and Silas at Philippi, was held before the 
duumv^iri, on the charge of innovation in 
religion — a crime punishable with banish- 
ment or death (Acts xvi. 19, 22). (4.) 
The interrupted trial of St. Paul before the 
proconsul Gallio was an attempt made by 
the Jews to establish a charge of the same 
kind (Acts xviii. 12-17). (5.) The trials 
of St. Paul at Caesarea (Acts xxiv., xxv., 
xxvi.) were conducted according to Roman 
rules of judicature, (a.) In the first of 
these, before Felix, we observe the employ- 
ment, by the plaintiffs, of a Roman advocate 
to plead in Latin. (6.) The postponement 
of the trial after St. Paul's reply, (c.) The 
free custody in which the accused was kept, 
pending the decision of the judge (Acts 
xxiv. 23-26). The second formal trial 
TActs xxv. 7, 8) presents two new features : 
(a.) The appeal, appellatio or provocatio, to 
Uaesar, by St. Paul as a Roman citizen. 
The effect of the appeal was to remove the 
case at once to the jurisdiction of the em- 
peror. (6.) The conference of the procu- 
rator with "the council" (Acts xxv. 12), 
the assessors, who sat on the bench with 
the praetor as consiliarii. But the expres- 
sion may denote the deputies from the 
Sanhedrim. (6.) We have, lastly, the 
mention (Acts xix. 38) of a judicial assem- 
bly which held its session at Ephesus. 

Tribute. The chief Biblical facts con- 
nected with the payment of tribute have 
been already given under Taxes. The 
tribute (money) mentioned in Matt. xvii. 
24, 25, was the half shekel (= half stater 
= two drachmae), applied to defray the 
general expenses of the Temple. After the 
destruction of the Temple it was seques- 
trated by Vespasian and his successors, and 
transferred to the Temple of the Capitoline 
Jupiter. This " tribute " of Matt. xvii. 
24 must not be confounded with the tribute 
paid to the Roman emperor (Matt. xxii. 
17). The Temple-rate, though resting on 
an ancient precedent (Ex. xxx. 13) was, as 
above, a fixed annual tribute of compara- 
tively late origin. The question whether 
the cost of the morning and evening sacri- 
fice ought to be defrayed by such a fixed 
compulsory payment, or left to the freewill- 
ufferings of the people, had been a contest- 
ed point between the Pharisees and Sad- 
ducees, and the former had carried the day 
after a lon^; struggle and debate. We have 



to remember this when we come to th« 
narrative of St. Matthew. In a hundred 
different ways, the teaching of our Lord 
had been in direct antagonism to that of 
the Pharisees. The Sanhedrim, by making 
the Temple- offering a fixed annual tax, 
collecting it as men collected tribute to 
Caesar, were lowering, not raising, the re- 
ligious condition and character of the peo- 
ple. They were placing every Israelite on 
the footing of a " stranger," not on that of 
a *' son." In proportion to the degree in 
which any man could claim the title of a 
Son of God, in that proportion was he 
" free " from this forced exaction. Hence 
we see, in these words, a precept as wide 
and far-reaching as the yet more memora 
ble one, " Render unto Caesar the thingt 
that be Caesar's, and unto God the thing* 
that be God's." 

Tribute-money. [Taxes; Tkibute.j 

Trip'olis, the Greek name of a Phoeni- 
cian city of great commercial importance, 
which served at one time as a point of fed- 
eral union for Aradus, Sidon, and Tyre. 
What its Phoenician name was is unknown 
(2 Mace. xiv. 1). The ancient Tripolis 
was finally destroyed by the Sultan El 
Mansour in the year 1289 a. d. ; and the 
modern Turablous is situated a couple of 
miles distant to the east, and is no longei 
a port. M Myna, which is perhaps on th« 
site of the ancient Tripolis, is a small fish- 
ing village. 

Tro'as, the city from which St. Pam 
first sailed, in consequence of a divine in- 
timation, to carry the Gospel from Asia to 
Europe (Acts xvi. 8, 11). It is mentioned 
on other occasions (Acts xx. 5, 6 ; 2 Cor. 
ii. 12, 13; 2 Tim. iv. 13). Its full name 
was Alexandria Troas (Liv. xxxv. 42), and 
sometimes it was called simply Alexandria, 
sometimes simply Troas. It was first built 
by Antigonus, under the name of Antigonea 
Troas, and peopled with the inhabitants of 
some neighboring cities. Afterwards it was 
embellished by Lysimachus, and named 
Alexandria Troas. Its situation was on 
the coast of Mysia, opposite the S. E. ex- 
tremity of the island of Tenedos. Under 
the Romans it was one of the most impor- 
tant towns of the province of Asia. In the 
time of St. Paul it was a ctHonia with the 
Jus Italicum. The modern name is Eski- 
Stamboul, with considerable ruins. We can 
still trace the harbor in a basin about 400 
feet long and 200 broad. 

Trogyl'lium is the rocky extremity of 
the ridge of Mycale, exactly opposite Sa 
mos (Acts XX. 15). A little to the east of 
the extreme point there is an anchorage, 
which is still called St. Paul's Port. [Si- 

MOS.] 

Troop, Band. These words are em- 
ployed to represent the Hebrew word 
gidUd, which has invariably the sens '^ of a» 



TROPHIMUS 



719 



TUBAL-CAIN 



irregular force, gathered with the object of 
marauding and plunder. 

Troph'imilS. Both he and Tychicus 
accompanied St. Paul from Macedonia as 
far as Asia, but Tychicus seems to have re- 
mained there, while Trophimus proceeded 
with the Apostle to Jerusalem. There he 
was the innocent cause of the tumult in 
which St. Paul was apprehended (Acts xxi. 
27-29). From this passage we learn two 
new facts, viz. thnt Trophimus was a Gen- 
tile, and that he was a native of Ephesus. 
Trophimus was probably one of the two 
brethren who, with Titus, conveyed the 2d 
Epistle to the Corinthians (2 Cor. viii. 16- 
24). [Tychicus.] 

Trumpet. [Cornet.] 

Trumpets, Feast of (Num. xxix. i ; 
Lev. xxiii. 2-1), the feast of the new moon, 
which fell on the first of Tizri. It differed 
from the ordinary festivals of the new moon 
in several important particulars. It was 
me of the seven days of Holy Convocation. 
Instead of the mere blowing of the trum- 
pets of the Temple at the time of the offer- 
ing of the sacrifices, it was " a day of blow- 
ing of trumpets." In addition to the daily 
sacrifices and the eleven victims offered on 
the first of every month, there were offered 
a young bullock, a ram, and seven lambs 
of the first year, with the accustomed meat- 
oflerings, and a kid for a sin-offering (Num. 
xxix. !-{]). The regular monthly offering 
was thus repeated, with the exception of 
the young bullock. It has been conjec- 
tured that Ps. Ixxxi., one of the songs of 
Asaph, was composed expressly for the 
Feast of Trumpets. The Psalm is used 
in the service for the day by the modern 
Jews. Various meanings have been as- 
signed to the Feast of Trumpets. But 
there seems to be no sufficient reason to 
call in question the common opinion of 
Jews and Christians, that it was the festival 
•jf the New Year's Day of the civil year, 
the first of Tizri, the month which com- 
inenced the Sabbatical year and the year 
of Jubilee. 

Tryphe'na and Trypho'sa, two Chris- 
tian women at Rome, enumerated in the 
conclusion of St. Paul's letter (Rom. xvi. 
12' They may have been sisters, but it is 
more likely that they were fellow-deacon- 
esses. We know nothing more of these 
two sister-workers of the Apostolic time. 
{t is an interesting fact that the columbaria 
of '* Caesar's household," in the Vigna 
Codini, near Porta S. Sebastiano, contain 
the name Tryphena. 

Try'phon, a usurper of the Syrian 
throne. His proper name was Diodotus, 
and the surname Tr}'phon was given to 
him, or adopted by him, after hia accession 
to power He was a native of Cariana. 
In the time of Alexander Balas he was 
%tt»ched to the court ; but towards the close 



of his reign he seems to have joined in lh« 
conspiracy which was set on foot to transfer 
the crown of Syria to Pto/emy Philometor 
(1 Mace. xi. 13). After the death of Alex- 
ander Balas he took advantage of the un- 
popularity of Demetrius II. to put forward 
the claims of Antiochus VI., the young 
son of Alexander (1 Mace. xi. 39; b. c. 
145). After a time he obtained the sup- 
port of Jonathan, and the young king was 
crowned (b. c. 144). Tryphon, however, 
soon revealed his real designs on the king- 
dom, and, fearing the opposition of Jona- 
than, he gained possession of his person by 
treachery (1 Mace. xii. 39-50), and after a 
short time put him to death (1 Mace. xiii. 
23). As the way seemed now clear, he 
murdered Antiochus and seized the su- 
preme power (1 Mace. xiii. 31, 32). De- 
metrius was preparing an expedition against 
him (b. c. 141), when he was taken prisoner 
(1 Mace. xiv. 1-3), and Tryphon retained 
the throne till Antiochus VII., the brother 
of Demetrius, drove him to Dora, from 
which he escaped to Orthosia (1 Mace. xv. 
10-14, 37-39; b. c. 139). Not long after- 
wards, being hard pressed by Antiochus, 
he committed suicide, or, according to othei 
accounts, was put to death by Antiochus. 

Trypho'sa. [Trtphena.] 

Tu'bal is reckoned with Javan and Me- 
shech among the sons of Japheth (Gen. x. 
2; 1 Chr. i. 5). The three are again asso 
ciated in the enumeration of the sources 
of the wealth of Tyre (Ez. xxvii. 13). 
Tubal and Javan (Is. Ixvi. 19), Meshech 
and Tubal (Ez. xxxii. 26, xxxviii. 2, 3, 
xxxix. 1), are nations of the north (Ez. 
xxxviii. 15, xxxix. 2). Josephus identifies 
the descendants of Tubal with the Iberians, 
that is, the inhabitants of a tract of coun- 
try between the Caspian and Euxine Seas, 
which nearly corresponded to the modem 
Georgia. The Moschi and Tibareni are 
constantly associated under the names of 
Muskai and Tuplai in the Assyrian inscrip- 
tions. In former times the Tibareni were 
probably more important, and the Moschi 
and Tibareni, Meshech and Tubal, may 
have been names by which powerful hordes 
of Scythians were known tc the Hebrews. 
But in liistory we only hear of them as 
pushed to the farthest limits of their an- 
cient settlements, and occupying merely a 
strip of coast along the Euxine. In the 
time of Xenophon the Tibareni were an 
independent tribe. Long before this they 
were subject to a number of petty chiefs, 
which was a principal element of theii 
weakness, and rendered their subjugation 
by Assyria more easy. The Arabic Ver- 
sion of Gen. X. 2 gives Chorasan and China 
for Meshech and Tubal ; in Eusebius (see 
Bochart) they are Illyria and Thessaly. 

Tu'bal-ca'in, the son of Lamech th» 
Cainite by his wife Zillah (Gen. it. 22) 



TURPENTINE-TREE 



7150 



TYRE 



He is called *' a furbisher of every cutting 
instrument of copper and iron." 

Turpentine-tree occurs only once, 
viz. in the Apocrypha (Ecclus. xxiv. 16). 
It is the Pistacia terehinthus, terebinth- 
tree, common in Palestine and the East. 
The terebinth occasionally grows to a large 
8i2e. It belongs to the Nat. Order Anacar- 
diaceae^ the plants of which order generally 
contain resinous secretions. 

Turtle, Turtle-dove (Heb. tdr). 
The turtle-dove occurs first in Scripture 
in Gen. xv. 9. During the early period of 
Jewish history, there is no evidence of any 
other bird except the pigeon having been 
domesticated, and up to the time of Solo- 
mon, who may, with the peacock, have 
introduced other gallinaceous birds from 
India, it was probably the only poultry 
known to the Israelites. It is not improb- 
able that the palm-dove {Turtur aegyptia- 
cus, Temm.) may in some measure have 
supplied the sacrifices in the wilderness, 
for it is found in amazing numbers wher- 
ever the palm-tree occurs, whether wild or 
cultivated. From its habit of pairing for 
life, and its fidelity for its mate, it was a 
symbol of purity and an appropriate offer- 
ing. The regular migration of the turtle- 
dove and its return in spring are alluded 
to in Jer. viii. 7, and Cant. ii. 11, 12. It is 
from its plaintive note doubtless that David, 
in Ps. Ixxiv. 19, pouring forth his lament 
to God, compares himself to a turtle-dove. 
The turtle-dove {Turtur auritus, L.) is 
most abundant, and in the valley of the 
Jordan, an allied species, the palm-dove, 
or Egyptian turtle {Turtur aegyptiacus, 
Temm.), is by no means uncommon. 

Tych'icus and Trcph'imus, com- 
panions of St. Paul on some of his journeys, 
are mentioned as natives of Asia. (1.) In 
Acts XX. 4, Tychicus and Trophimus are 
expressly said to be " of Asia; " but while 
Trophimus went with St. Paul to Jerusa- 
lem (Acts xxi. 29), Tychicus was left be- 
hind in Asia, probably at Miletus (Acts xx. 
15, 38). (2.) How Tychicus was employed 
in the interval before St. Paul's first im- 
prisonment we cannot tell ; but in that im- 
prisonment he was with the Apostle again, 
as we see from Col. iv. 7, 8. Together 
with Onesimus, he was doubtless the bearer 
both of this letter and the following as well 
to Philemon. (3.) The language concern- 
ing Tychicus in Eph. vi. 21, 22, is very 
similar, though not exactly in the same 
words. (4.) The next references are in 
the Pastoral Epistles, the first in chrono- 
logical order being Tit. iii. 12. Here St. 
Paul (writing possibly from Ephesus) says 
that it is probable he may send Tychicus to 
Crete, about the time when he himself goes 
to Nicopolis. (6.) In 2 Tim. iv. 12 (writ- 
ten at Rome during the second imprison- 
(nent) he says, ''I am herewith seuding 



Tychicus to Ephesus." Probably this mis 
sion may have been connected with the 
carrying of the first Epistle. From the 
same Epistle (2 Tim. iv. 20) we learn that 
Trophimus had been left by the Apostle a 
little time previously, in infirm health, at 
Miletus. There is much probability in the 
conjecture that Tychicus and Trophimus 
were the two brethren who were asscciatsid 
with Titus (2 Cor. viii. 16-24) in coi\dui;t- 
ing the business of the collection for the 
poor Christians in Judaea. 

Tyran'nus, the name of a man in whose 
school or place of audience Paul taught the 
Gospel for two years, during his sojoirn 
at Ephesus (see Acts xix. 9). The pre- 
sumption is, that Tyrannus himself was a 
Greek, and a public teacher of philosophy 
or rhetoric. 

Tyre, a celebrated commercial city of 
Phoenicia, on the coast of the Mediterra- 
nean Sea. Its Hebrew name "Tzor*' sig- 
nifies a rock ; which well agrees with the 
site of Sur, the modern town, on a rocky 
peninsula, formerly an island. There is 
no doubt that, previous to the siege of the 
city by Alexander the Great, Tyre was sit- 
uated on an island ; but, according to the 
tradition of the inhabitants, there was a city 
on the mainland before there was a city on 
the island ; and the tradition receives some 
color from the name of Palaetyrus, or Old 
Tyre, which was borne in Greek times by 
a city on the continent, 30 stadia to the 
south. But a difficulty arises in supposing 
that Palaetyrus was built before Tyre, as the 
word Tyre evidently mean? a " a rock," and 
few persons who have visited the site nf 
Palaetyrus can seriously suppose that any 
rock on the surface there can have given rise 
to the name. It is important, however, to 
bear in mind that this question regarding 
Palaetyrus is merely archaeological, and 
that nothing in Biblical history is affected by 
it. Nebuchadnezzar necessarily besieged 
the portion of the city on the mainland, as 
he had no vessels with which to attack the 
island ; but it is reasona])ly certain that, in 
the time of Isaiah and Ezekiel. the heart 
or core of the city was on tie island 
Whether built before or later than Palae- 
tyrus, the renowned city of Tyre, though 
it laid claims to a very high antiquity (Is. 
xxiii. 7), is not mentioned either in the 
Ihad or in the Odyssey. The tribe of Ca- 
naanites which inhabited the small tract 
of country which may be called Phoenicia 
Proper was known by the generic name oi 
Sidonians (Judg. xviii. 7; Is. xxiii. 2. 4, 
12 ; Josh. xiii. 6 ; Ez. xxxii. 30) ; and this 
name undoubtedly included Tyrians, the 
inhabitants being of the same race, and the 
two cities being less than 20 English miles 
distant from each other. In the Bible, 
Tyre is named for the first time in the Book 
of Joshua Cxix. 29), where it is adverted to 



1 

8- I 



TYRE 



721 



TYRE 



aB ft f( rtified city (in the A. V. '• the strong 
city"), in reference to the boundaries of 
the tribe of Asher. The Israelites dwelt 
among the Sidonians or Phoenicians, who 
were inhabitants of the land (Judg. i. 31, 
32), and never seem to have had any war 
Willi that intelligent race. Subsequently, 
in a passage of Samuel (2 Sara. xxiv. 7), 
It is stated that the enumerators of the cen- 
sus in the reign of David went in pursu- 
ance of their mission to Tyre, amongst 
other cities, which must be understood, as 
•mplying, not that Tyre was subject to Da- 
vid's authority, but merely that a census 
jras thus taken of the Jews resident there. 
But the first passages in the Hebrew his- 
torical writings, or in ancient history gen- 
erally, which afford glimpses of the actual 
condition of Tyro, are in the Book of Sam- 
uel (2 Sam. V. 11), in connection with Hi- 
ram king of Tyre sending cedar-wood and 
workmen to Diwid, for building him a pal- 
ace ; and subsequently in the Book of 
Kings, in connection with the building of 
Solomon's temple. It is evident that under 
Solomon there was a close alliance between 
the Hebrews and the Tyrians. Hiram sup- 
plied Solomon with cedar-wood, precious 
metals, and workmen, and gave him sailors 
for the voyage to Ophir and India, while on 
the other hand Solomon gave Hiram sup- 
plies of corn and oil, ceded to him some 
ciiies, and permitted him to make use of 
some havens on the Red Sea (1 K. ix. 11- 
14, 26-28, X. 22). These friendly relations 
survived for a time the disastrous secession 
of the Ten Tribes, and a century later 
Ahab m irried a daughter of Ethbaal, king 
of the Sidonians (1 K. xvi. 31), who, ac- 
cording to Menander, was daughter of Ith- 
obal, king of Tyre. When mercantile cu- 
pidity induced the Tyrians and the neigh- 
boring Phoenicians to buy Hebrew captives 
from their enemies, and to sell them as 
slaves to the Greeks and Edomites, there 
commenced denunciations, and, at first, 
threats of retaliation (Joel iii. 4-8; Amos 
i. 9, 10). When Shalmaneser, king of As- 
syria, had taken the city of Samaria, had 
conquered the kingdom of Israel, and car- 
ried its inhabitants into captivity, he laid 
siege to Tyre, which, however, successful- 
ly resisted his arras. It is in reference to 
this siege that the prophecy against Tyre 
in Isaiah, chap, xxiii., was uttered. After 
the siege of Tyre by Shalmaneser (which 
must have taken place not long after 721 
B. c), Tyre remained a powerful state with 
its own kings (Jer. xxv. 22, xxvii. 3: Ez. 
xxyiii. 2-12), remarkable for its wealth, 
frith territory on the mainland, and pro- 
tected by strong fortifications (Ez. xxviii. 
5, xxvi. 4, 6, 8, 10, 12, xxvii. 11 ; Zech. ix. 
3). Our knowledge of its condition thence- 
forward until tlie siege by Nebuchadnezzar 
depends entirely on various notices of it 
4H 



by the Hebrew prophets ; but some of th<i8« 
notices are singularly full, and especially 
the twenty-seventh chapter of Ezc-kiel fur- 
nishes us, on some points, with details such 
as have scarcely come down to us respecting 
any one city of antiquity, excepting Rome 
and Athens. One point especially arrests 
the attention — that Tyre, like its splemlid 
daughter Carthage, employed mercenary 
soldiers (Ez. xxvii. 10, 11). Independently, 
however, of this fact respecting Tyrian mer- 
cenary soldiers, Ezekiel gives interesting 
details concerning the trade of Tyre. It ap- 
pears that its gold came from Arabia by the 
Persian Gulf (v. 22), just as in the time of 
Solomon it came from Arabia by the Red Sea. 
On the other hand, the silver, iron, lead, 
and tin of Tyre came from a very different 
quarter of the world, viz. from the south 
of Spain, where the Phoenicians had es- 
tablished their settlement of Tarshish, or 
Tartessus. As to copper, we should have 
presumed that it was obtained from the val- 
uable mines in Cyprus ; but it is mentioned 
here in conjunction with Javan, Tubal, and 
Meshech, wliich points to the districts on 
the south of the Black Sea, in the neigh- 
borhood of Armenia, in the southern line 
of the Caucasus, between the Black Sea 
and the Caspian. The country whence Tyrw 
was supplied with wheat was Palestine. 
Tyre likewise obtained from Palestine oil, 
honey, and balm, but not wine apparently, 
notwithstanding the abundance of grapea 
and wine in Judah (Gen. xlix. 11). The 
wine was imported from Damascus, and 
was called wine of Helbon. The Bedc oin 
Arabs supplied Tyre with lambs and rams 
and goats. Egypt furnished linen for sails, 
and the dyes from shell-fish were imnorted 
from the Peloponnesus. Lastly, from De- 
dan in the Persian Gulf, horns of ivory 
and euony were imported, which must 
originally have been obtained from India 
(Ez. xxvii. 10, 11, 22, 12, 13, 17, 18, 21, 7, 
15). In the midst of great prosperity and 
wealth, which was the natural result of 
such an extensive trade (Ez. xxviii. 4), 
Nebuchadnezzar, at the head of an army 
of the Chaldees, invaded Judaea, and cap- 
tured Jerusalem. As Tyre was so near to 
Jerusalem, and as the conquerors w^ro a 
fierce and formidable race (Hab. i. *'»), it 
would naturally be supposed that this 
event would have excited alarm and tc rroi 
amongst the Tyrians. Instead of this, wt 
may infer from Ezekiel's statement (xxvi. 
2) that their predominant feeling was onr 
of exultation. At first sight this appears 
strange and almost inconceivable ; but it 
is rendered intelligible by some previout" 
events in Jewish history. Only 34 years 
before the destruction of Jerusalem com- 
menced the celebrated Reformation of 
Josiah, B. c. 622. This momentous reli- 
gious revoluflon (2 K. xxii., xxiii.) fully 



TYRL 



ITA 



ULAl 



explains the exultation and malevolence 
of the Tyrians. In that Reformation, 
Josiah had heaped insults on the gods who 
were tlie objects of Tyrian veneration and 
love. Indeeil, he seemed to have en- 
deavored to exterminate their religion (2 
K. xxiii. 20). These acts must have been 
regarded by the Tyrians as a series of 
sacrilegious and abominable outrages; and 
we can scarcely doubt that the death in 
battle of Josiah at Megiddo, and the subse- 
quent destruction of the city and Temple 
of Jerusalem, were hailed by them with 
triumphant joy as instances of divine ret- 
ribution in human affairs. This joy, how- 
ever, must soon have given way to other 
feelings, when Nebuchadnezzar invaded 
Plioenicia, and laid siege to Tyre. That 
siege lasted thirteen years, and it is still a 
disputed point whether Tyre was actually 
taken by Nebuchadnezzar on this occasion. 
However this may be, it is probable that, 
on some terms or other, Tyre submitted to 
the Chaldees. The rule of Nebuchadnez- 
zar over Tyre, though real, may have been 
light, and in the nature of an alliance. 
During the Persian domination the Tyrians 
were subject in name to the Persian king, 
and may have given hira tribute. With 
the rest of Phoenicia, they had submitted 
to the Persians without striking a blow. 
Towards the close of the following cen- 
tury, B. c. 332, Tyre was assailed for the 
tliird time by a great conqueror. At that 
time Tyre was situated on an island nearly 
half a mile from the mainland ; it was com- 
pletely surrounded by prodigious walls, the 
loftiest portion of which on the side front- 
ing the mainland reached a height of not 
less than 150 feet; and notwithstanding the 
persevering efforts of Alexander, he could 
not have succeeded in his attempt, if the 
harbor of Tyre to the north had not been 
blockaded by the Cyprians, and that to the 
south by the Phoenicians, thus affording 
in opportunity to Alexander for uniting 
the island to the mainland by an enormous 
artificial mole. The immediate results of 
the capture by Alexander were most dis- 
astrous to it, as its brave defenders were 
put to death ; and in accordance with the 
barbarous policy of ancient times, 30,000 
of its inhabitants, including slaves, free 
females and free children, were sold as 
slaves. It gradually, however, recovered 
its prosperity through the immigration of 
fresh settlers, though its trade is said to 
have suffered by the vicinity and rivalry of 
Alexandria. Under the Macedonian suc- 
cessors of Alexander it shared the fortunes 
of the Seleucidae. Under the Romans, at 
ftrstit continued to enjoy a kind of freedom. 
Swlrseqaently, however, on the arrival of 
Angnistus in the East, he is said to have 
deprived both Tyre and Sidon of their liber- 
kiea for -s^diUou^ conduct. Sl^ll the pros- 



perity of Tyre in the time of k ugusttts wa» 
undeniatly great. Strabo gives an account 
of it at that period, and speaks of the 
great wealth which it derived from the 
dyes of the celebrated Tyrian purple. 
which, as is well known, were extrattea 
from shell-fish found on the coast, belong- 
ing to a species of the genus Murex. Th« 
accounts of Strabo and Pliny have a pecu- 
liar interest in this respect, that they tend 
to convey an idea of what the city must 
have been, when visited by Christ (Matt. 
XV. 21; Mark vii. 24). It was perhaps 
more populous than Jerusalem, and if su, 
it was undoubtedly the largest city -w hich 
he is known to have visited. At the time 
of the crusades Tyre was still a flourish- 
ing city, when it surrendered to the Chris- 
tians on the 27th of June, 1144. It cob- 
tinued more than a century and a half in 
the hands of Christians, but was deserted 
by its inhabitants in a. d. 1291, upon thr 
conquest of Acre (Ptolemais) by the Sul- 
tan of Egypt and Damascus. This was 
the turning-point in the history of Tyre, 
which has not yet recovered from the blow. 
Since the beginning of the present century 
there has been a partial revival of pros- 
perity. 

Ty'rus. This form is employed in the 
A. V. of the Books of Jeremiah, Ezekiel, 
Hosea (Joel has "Tyre"), Amos, Zech- 
ariah, as follows : Jer. xxv. 22, xxvii. 3, 
xlvii. 4; Ezek. xxvi. 2, 3, 4, 7, 15, xxviL 
2, 3, 8, 32, xxviii. 2, 12, xxix. 18 ; Hos. ix. 
13; Am. i. 9, 10: Zech. ix. 2. 3. 



U. 

U'eal. According to the received texi 
of Prov. XXX. 1, Ithiel and Ucal must be 
regarded as proper names ; and if so, they 
must be the names of disciples or sons of 
Agur the son of Jakeh, an unknown sage 
among the Hebrews. But there is great 
obscurity about the passage. Ewald con- 
siders both Ithiel and Ucal as symbolif^al 
names, employed by the poet to designate 
two classes of thinkers to whom he ad- 
dresses himself. 

TJ'el, one of the family of Bani, who 
during the Captivity had married a foreijfn 
wife (Ezr. x. 34). 

IJk'uaz. In the margin of 1 Chr. ir. 
15 the words "even Kenaz " in the text 
are rendered " Uknaz," as the proper name. 

U'lai is mentioned by Daniel (viii. 2, 
16) as a river near to Susa, where he saw 
his vision of the ram and the he-goat. It 
has been generally identified with the Eu- 
laeus of the Greek and Roman geograpaeiB, 
a large stream in the immediate neighbor- 
hood of that city. The Eulaeus has beei? 
by many identified with the Choaepe* 



JLAM 



723 



UNCLE AN JNJiSS 



irnith IS vmdoubtedly the modern Kerkhah, 
em afilueut of the Tigris, flowing into it a 
little below Kiirnah. 

U'lam. 1. A descendant of Gilead, the 
gran* Ison of Manasseh, and father of Bedan 
(1 Chr. vii. 17). 2. The first-born of 
Eshck, a descendant of the house of Saul 
(1 Chr. viii. 39, 40). 

XJl'la, an Asherite, nead of a family in 
his tribe (1 Chr. vii. 39). 

X7m'mah, one of the cities of the allot- 
meDt of A.slier (Josh. xix. 30 only). Prob- 
ably 'Alma in the highlands on the coast, 
about five miles E. N. E. of Ras en-Nak- 
Mra. 

tTnclean Meats. These were things 
Btranitjled, or dead of themselves, or through 
beastn or birds of prey ; whatever beast did 
not both part the hoof and chew tlie cud; 
and certain other smaller animals rated as 
"creeping things ; " certain classes of birds 
mentioned in Lev. xi. and Deut. xiv., twenty 
or t«renty-one in all ; whatever in the waters 
had not both fins and scales ; whatever 
winged insect had not besides four legs the 
two hind-legs for leaping ; besides things 
offered in sacrifice to idols ; and all blood 
or whatever contained it (save perhaps the 
blood of fish, as would appear from that 
only of beast and bird being forbidden, 
L<iv. vii. 26), and therefore flesh cut from 
the live animal ; as also all fat, at any rate 
that disposed in masses among the intes- 
tii.ej, ai.l probably wherever discernible 
and separable among the flesh (Lev. iii. 
14r-17, vii. 23). The eating of blood was 
prohibited even to " the stranger that so- 
journetli among you" (Lev. xvii. 10, 12, 13, 
14). As regards blood, the prohibition in- 
deed dates from the declaration to Noah 
against "flesh with the life thereof, which 
is the blood thereof," in Gen. ix. 4, which 
was perhaps regarded by Moses as still 
binding upon all Noah's descendants. It 
is noteworthy that the practical effect of 
the rule laid down is to exclude all the 
tarnivora among quadrupeds, and, so far 
as we can interpret the nomenclature, the 
raptores among birds. They were proba- 
bly excluded as being not averse to human 
carcasses, and in most Eastern countries 
acting as the servitors of the battle-field 
and the gibbet. Even swine have been 
known so to feed; and further, by their 
constant runcation among whatever lies on 
the ground, suggest impurity, even if they 
were not generally foul feeders. Amongst 
fish those which were allowed contain un- 
qmestionably the most wholesome varieties, 
aave that they exclude the oyster. Practi- 
cally the law left among the allowed meats 
an amp»le variety, and no inconvenience 
was likely to arise from a prohibition to 
eat camels, horses, and asses. As Orien- 
tals have minds sensitive to teaching by 
fypes, thire ca'i 1)2 little doubt that such 



ceremonial distinctions not only tended to 
keep Jew and Gentile apart, but were a 
perpetual reminder to the former that he 
and the latter were not on one level before 
God. Hence, when that ceremony was 
changed, we find that this was the very 
symbol selected to instruct St. Peter in the 
truth that God was not a " respecter of 
persons." It was no mere question of 
which among several means of supporting 
life a man chose to adopt, when the perse- 
cutor dictated the alternative of swine'a 
flesh or the loss of life itself, but whether 
he should surrender the badge and type of 
that privilege by which Israel stood as the 
favored nation before God (1 Mace. i. 63, 
64; 2 Mace. vi. 18, vii. 1). The same 
feeling led to the exaggeration of the Mo- 
saic regulations, until it was "unlawful for 
a man that was a Jew to keep company 
with or come unto one of another nation " 
(Acts x. 28) ; and with such intensity were 
badges of distinction cherished, that the 
wine, bread, oil, cheese, or anything cooked 
by a heathen, were declared unlawful for a 
Jew to eat. It remains to mention the san- 
itary aspect of the case. Swine are said to 
be peculiarly liable to disease in their own 
bodies. This probably means that they are 
;3iore easily led than other creatures to the 
foul feeding which produces it. As regards 
the animals allowed for food, comparing 
them with those forbidden, there can be no 
doubt on which side the balance of whole- 
someness lies. 

Uncleanness. The distinctive idea 
attached to ceremonial uncleanness among 
the Hebrews was, that it cut a person off 
for the time from social privileges, and left 
his citizenship among God's people for the 
while in abeyance. There is an intense 
reality in the fact of the Divine Law tak- 
ing hold of a man by the ordinary infirmi- 
ties of flesh, and setting its stamp, as it 
were, in the lowest clay of which he is 
moulded. The sacredness attached to the 
human body is parallel to that which in- 
vested the Ark of the Covenant itself. It 
is as though Jehovah thereby would teach 
them that the " very hairs of their head 
were all numbered" before him, and that 
"in his book were all their members writ- 
ten." Thus was inculcated, so to speak, a 
bodily holiness. Nor were the Israelites to 
be only " separated from other people," but 
they were to be " holy unto God " (Lev. xx. 
24, 26), " a kingdom of priests, and a holy 
nation." The importance to physical well- 
being of the injunctions which required 
frequent ablution, under whatever special 
pretexts, can be but feebly appreciated in 
our cooler and damper climate. Unclean- 
ness, as referred to man, may be arranged 
in three degrees; (1) that which defiled 
merely " until even," and was removed by 
bathing and washing the clothes at the eii<l 



DNDERGIRDINo 



72 » 



UK 



of it — such were all contacts with dead 
animals ; (2) that graver sort which defiled 
for seven days, and was removed by the 
ase of the "wa*er of separation" — such 
were all defilements connected with the 
human corpse; (3) uncleanness from the 
morbid, puerperal, or menstrual state, last- 
ing as long as that morbid state lasted ; and 
in the case of leprosy lasting often for life. 
As the human person was itself the seat of 
a covenant-token, so male and female had 
each their ceremonial obligations in pro- 
portion to their sexual difi'erences. There 
is an emphatic reminder of human weak- 
ness in the fact of birth and death — man's 
passage alike into and out of his mortal 
state — being marked with a stated pollu- 
tion. The corpse bequeathed a defilement 
of seven days to all who handled it, to the 
" tent" or chamber of death, and to sundry 
things within it. Nay, contact with one 
slain in the field of battle, or with even a 
human bone or grave, was no less effectual 
to pollute, than that with a corpse dead by 
the course of nature (Num. xix. 11-18). 
This shows that the source of pollution lay 
»n the mere fact of death. The duration 
of defilement caused by the birth of a 
female infant, being double that due to a 
male, extending respectively to eighty and 
forty days in all (Lev. xii. 2-5), may per- 
haps represent the woman's heavier share 
in the first sin and first curse (Gen. iii. 16 ; 
1 Tim. ii. 14). Amongst causes of defile- 
ment should be noticed the fact that the 
ashes of the red heifer, burnt whole, which 
were mixed with water, and became the 
standing resource for purifying unclean- 
ness in the second degree, themselves be- 
came a source of defilement to all who 
were clean, even as of purification to the 
unclean, and so the water. Somewhat sim- 
ilarly the scape-goat, who bore away the 
sins of the people, defiled him who led him 
into the wilderness, and the bringing forth 
and burning the sacrifice on the Great Day 
of Atonement had a similar power. This 
lightest form of uncleanness was expiated 
by bathing the body and washing the 
clothes. Besides the water of purification 
made as aforesaid, men and women, in their 
*' issues," were, after seven days, reckoned 
from the cessation of the disorder, to bring 
two turtle-doves or young pigeons to be 
tilled by the priests. All these kinds of 
uncleanness disqualified for holy func- 
tions : as the layman so affected might 
not approach the congregation and the 
sanctuary, so any priest who incurred de- 
filement must abstain from holy things 
(Lev. xxii. 2-8). [Leprosy.] The re- 
ligion of the Persians shows a singularly 
dose correspondence with the Levitical 
code. 
Undergirding, Acts xxvii. 17. [Ship.] 
Unioorn, the rendering of the A. V. of 



the Hebri-w Riim, a w.rd wlu^h coun 
seven times in the O. T. as the name of 
some large wild animal. The Reim of the 
Hebrew Bible, however, has nothing at all 
to do with the one-horned animal of the 
Greek and Roman writers, as is evident 
from Deut. xxxiii. 17, where, in the bless 
ing of Joseph, it is said, *' His glory is like 
the firstling of his bullock, and his horns 
are like the horns of a unicorn " not, as the 
text of the A. V. renders it, " the horns of 
unicorns." The two horns of the Re6m 
are " the ten thousands of Ephraim and 
the thousands of Manasseh." This text 
puts a one-horned animal entirely out of 
the question. Considering that the Reim 
is spoken of as a two-horned animal of 
great strength and ferocity, that it was 
evidently well known and often seen by 
the Jews, that it is mentioned as an ani- 
mal fit for sacrificial purposes, and that it 
is frequently associated with bulls and oxen, 
we think there can be no doubt that some 
species of wild-ox is intended. The allu- 
sion in Ps. xcii. 10, " But thou shalt lift 
up, as a Ri^ym, my horn," seems to point 
to the mode in which the Bovidae use their 
horns, lowering the head and then tossing 
it up. But it is impossible to determine 
what particular species of wild- ox is signi- 
fied. Probably some gigantic UtVjS is in 
tended. 

Un'ni. 1. One of the Levite doorkeep- 
ers in the time of David (1 Chr. xv. 18, 
20). 2. A second Levite (unless the fam- 
ily of the foregoing be intended), concerned 
in the sacred oflBice after the Return from 
Babylon (Neh. xii. 9). 

U'phaz, Jer. X. 9 ; Dan. x. 5. [Ophik.] 
Ur was the land of Haran's nativity 
(Gen. xi. 28), the place from which Terah 
and Abraham started "to go into the land 
of Canaan" (Gen. xi. 31). It is called in 
Genesis " Ur jf the Chaldaeans," while in 
the Acts St. Stephen places it, by implica- 
tion, in Mesopotamia (vii. 2, 4). Thes« 
are all the indications which Scripture 
furnishes as to its locality. It has been 
identified by the most ancient traditions 
with the city of Or-fah in the highlands of 
Mesopotamia, which unite the table-land 
of Armenia to the valley of the Euphrates. 
In later ages it was called Edessa, and was 
celebrated as the capital of Abgarus or Ac- 
barus, who was said to have received the 
letter and portrait of our Saviour. ** Two 
physical features must have secured Orfah, 
from the earliest times, as a nucleus for the 
civilization of those regions. One is a high- 
crested crag, the natural fortifications- of 
the crested citadel. . . . The other is an 
abundant spring, issuing in a pool of 
transparent clearness, and embosomed in 
a mass of luxuriant verdure, which, amidst 
the dull brown desert all around, makes, 
and must always have made, tliis soot an 



CRBANfi 



725 



URIJAH 



»a8is, a paradise, in the Clialdaean wilder- 
ness. Kound this sacred pjol, ' The Beau- 
tiful Spring Callirrhoe,' as it was called by 
the Greek writers, gather the modern tra- 
ditions of the Patriarch." (Stanley, Jewish 
Church, part i., p. 7.) But in opposition to 
the most ancient traditions, many modern 
writers have fixed the site of Ur at a very 
different position, in the extreme south of 
Chaldaea, at Mugheir, not very far above — 
and probably in the time of Abraham actu- 
ally upon — the head of the Persian Gulf. 
Among the ruins which are now seen at the 
spot, are the remains of one of the great 
temples, of a model similar to that of Ba- 
bel, dedicated to the Moon, to whom the 
city was sacred. 

Ur'bane would have been better written 
Un^ANin the A. V. ; since unlearned readers 
sometimes mistake the sex of this Christian 
disciple, who is in the long list of those 
ji^hom St. Paul salutes in writing to Rome 
(Rom. xvi. 9). 

U'ri. 1. The father of Bezaleel, one 
of the architects of the tabernacle (Ex. xxxi. 
2, XXXV. 30, xxxviii. 22; 1 Chr. ii. 20; 2 
Chr. i. 5). He was of the tribe of Judah, 
and grandson of Caleb ben-Hezron. 2. 
The father of Geber, Solomon's commissa- 
riat officer in Gilead (1 K. iv. 19). 3. One 
of the gatekeepers of the temple in the 
time of Ezra (Ezr. x. 24). 

Uri'ah.. 1. One of the thirty command- 
ers of the thirty bands into which the Is- 
raelite army of David was divided (1 Chr. 
si. 41; 2 Sam. xxiii. 39). Like others of 
David's officers he was a foreigner — a Hit- 
tite. His name, however, and his manner 
of speech (2 Sam. xi. 11) indicate that he 
had adopted the Jewish religion. He mar- 
ried Bathsheba, a woman of extraordinary 
beauty, the daughter of Eliam — possibly 
the same as the son of Ahithophel, and one 
of his brother officers (2 Sam. xxiii. 34), 
and hence, perhaps, Uriah's first acquaint- 
ance with Bathsheba. It may be inferred 
from Nathan's parable (2 Sam. xii. 3) that 
he was passionately devoted to his wife, and 
tht,t their union was celebrated in Jerusalem 
as one of peculiar tenderness. In the first 
war with Amnion he followed Joab to the 
«iege, and with him remained encamped in 
the open field (ib. 11). He returned to 
Jerusalem, at an order from the king, on 
the pretext of asking news of the war, — 
really in the hope that his return to his 
wife might cover the shame of his own 
crime. The king met with an unexpected 
obstacle in the austere, soldier-like spirit 
which guided all Uriah's conduct, and 
which gives us a high notion of the char- 
acter and discipline of David's officers. 
On the morning of the third day, Davia 
«ent him back to the camp with a letter 
containing the command to Joab ta cause 
tii de6tru<itiou in the battle The device 



of Joab was, to observe the part of the 
wall of Rabbath-Ammon, where the greatest 
force of the besieged was congregated, and 
thither, as a kind of forlorn hope, to send 
Uriah. A sally took place. Uriah and the 
officers with him advanced as far as the 
gate of the city, and were there shot down 
by tlie archers on the wall. Just as Joab 
had forewarned the messenger, the king 
broke into a furious passion on hearing of 
the loss. The messenger, as instructed 
by Joab, calmly continued, and ended the 
story with the words, " Thy servant also, 
Uriah the Hittite, is dead." In a moment 
David's anger is appeased. It is one ».f the 
touching parts of the story that Uriah falls 
unconscious of his wife's dishonor. 2. 
High-priest in the reign of Ahaz (Is. viii. 
2 ; 2 K. xvi. 10-16). We first hear of him 
as a witness to Isaiah's prophecy concern- 
ing Maher-shalal-hash-baz, with Zechariah, 
the son of Jeberechiah. He is probably the 
same as Urijah the priest, who built the 
altar for Ahaz (2 K. xvi. 10). If this be 
so, the prophet may have summoned him 
as a witness on account of his position sua 
high-priest, not on account of his personal 
qualities; though, as the incident occurred 
at the beginning of the reign of Ahaz, 
Uriah's irreligious subserviency may not 
yet have manifested itself. Of the parent- 
age of Uriah we know nothing. He prob- 
ably succeeded Azariah,who was high-priest 
in the reign of Uzziah, and was succeeded 
by that Azariah who was high-priest in the 
reign of Hezekiah. Hence it is probable 
that he was son of the former and father 
of the latter. 3. A priest of the family of 
Hakkoz, the head of the seventh course of 
priests (Ezr. viii. 33; Neh. iii. 4, 21). 

Uri'as. 1. Uriah, the husband of Bath- 
sheba (Matt. i. 6). 2. Urijah 3 (1 Esdr. 
ix. 43). 

XJ'riel, "the fire of God," an angeJ 
named only in 2 Esdr. iv. 1, 36, v. 20, x. 28. 

U'riel. 1. A Kohathite Levite, son of 
Tahath (1 Chr. vi. 24). 2. Chief of the 
Kohathites in the reign of David (1 Chr. 
XV. 0, 11). 3. Uriel of Gibeah was the 
father of Maachah, or Michaiah, the fa- 
vorite wife of Rehcboam, and mother of 
Abijah (2 Chr. xiii. 2). In 2 Chr. xi. 20 
she is called " Maachah the daughter oi 
Absalom." Rashi gives a long note to tlie 
effect that her father's name was Uriel 
Abishalom. 

Uri'jah. 1. Urijah the priest m the 
reign of Ahaz (2 K. xvi. 10), probably the 
same as Uriah 2. 2. A priest of the fam- 
ily of Koz, or hak-Koz, the same as Uriah 
3. 3. One of the priests who stood at Ez- 
ra's right hand when he read the law to the 
people (Neh. viii. 4). 4. The son of Shem- 
aiah of Kirjath-jearim. He prophesied 
in the days of Jehoiakim, and the king 
sought to put him to death ; but he escaped, 



laUM AND THUMMIM 



710 



U2 



and iled iL.to Egypt. His retreat was soon 
discovered : Elnathan and his men brought 
him uy out of Egypt, and Jehoiakim slew 
him with the sword, and cast his body forth 
among the graves of the common people 
(Jer. xxvi. 20-23). 

U'rim and Thum'miin. When the 
Jewish exiles were met on their return from 
Babylon by a question which they had no 
data for answering, they agreed to post- 
pone the settlement of the diflSculty till 
there should rise up "a Priest with Urim 
and Thummim " (Ezr. ii. 63 ; Neh. vii. 65). 
The inquiry, what those Urim and Thum- 
mim themselves were, seems likely to wait 
as long for a final and satisfying answer. 
On every side we meet with confessions 
of ignorance. Urim means "light," and 
Thummim " perfection." Scriptural State- 
fAents. — The mysterious words meet us 
for the first time, as if they needed no ex- 
planation, in the description of the high- 
priest's apparel. Over the Ephod there is 
to be a " breastplate of judgment " of gold, 
scarlet, purple, and fine linen, folded square 
and doubled, a " span" in length and width. 
In it are to be set four rows of precious 
stones, each stone with the name of a tribe 
of Israel engraved on it, that Aaron may 
•' bear them on his heart." Then comes a 
further order. Inside the breastplate, as 
the Tables of the Covenant were placed 
inside the Ark (Ex. xxv. 16, xxviii. 60), 
are to be placed ' ' the Urim and the Thum- 
mim," the Light and the Perfection ; and 
they, too, are to be on Aaron's heart when 
he goes in before the Lord (Ex. xxviii. 
15-30). Not a word describes them. They 
are mentioned as things already familiar 
both to Moses and the people, connected 
naturally with the functions of the high- 
priest, as mediating between Jehovah and 
His people. The command is fulfilled 
(Lev. viii. 8). They pass from Aaron to 
Eleazar with the sacred ephod and other 
pontificalia (Num. xx. 28). When Joshua 
is solemnly appointed to succeed the great 
hero-lawgiver, he is bidden to stand before 
Eleazar, the priest, " who shall ask counsel 
for him after the judgment of Urim," and 
this counsel is to determine the movements 
of the host of Israel (Num. xxvii. 21). In 
the blessings of Moses they appear as the 
cro\v ning glory of the tribe of Levi : " Thy 
Thummim and thy Urim are with thy Holy 
One" (Deut. xxxiii. 8,9). In what way 
the Urim and Thummim were consulted is 
quite uncertain. Josejohus and the Rabbins 
supposed that the stones gave out the orac- 
ular answer by preternatural illumination. 
But it seems to be far simplest and most in 
agreement with the different accounts of 
iTiq-iiries made by Urim and Thummim 
(1 Sam. xir. 3, 18, 19, xxiii. 2, 4, 9, 11, 12, 
oviii. 6; Jadg. xx. 28; 2 Sam. v. 23, &c.) 
V> suppose that the answer was given sim- 



ply by the Word of the Lord to the higli 
priest (comp. John xi. 51), when he had 
inquired of the Lord clothed Mith the 
ephod and breastplate. Such a view agrees 
with the true notion of the breastplate, of 
which it was not the leading characteristic 
to be oracular, but only an incidental prir- 
ilege connected with its fundamental mean- 
ing. What that meaning was we learn from 
Ex. xxviii. 30, where we read, '* Aaron ^hali 
bear the judgment of the children of lirael 
upon his heart before the Lord continually."* 
Now the judicial sentence is one by which 
any one is either justified or condemned. 
In prophetic vision, as in actual Oriental 
life, the sentence of justification was often 
expressed by the nature of the robe worn. 
*' He hath clothed me with the garments of 
salvation, He hath covered me with the robe 
of righteousness, as a bridegroom decketh 
himself with ornaments, and as a bride 
adorneth herself with her jewels " (Is. bci. 
10) is a good illustration of this ; cf. Ixii. 3. 
In like manner, in Rev. iii. 5, vii. 9, xix. 
14, &c., the vrhite linen robe expresses the 
righteousness or justification of saints. 

Usury. It need only be remarked here 
that the practice of mortgaging land, some- 
times at exorbitant interest, grew up among 
the Jews during the Captivity, in direct 
violation of the law (Lev. xxv. 36, 37; Ez. 
xviii. 8, 13, 17). We find the rate reach- 
ing 1 in 100 per month, corresponding to 
the Roman centesimae usurae, or 12 per 
cent, per annum. The law of the Kurdn, 
like the Jewish, forbids all usury. The lawi 
of Menu allow 18 and even 24 per cent, as 
an interest rate ; but, as was the law in 
Egypt, accumulated interest was not to 
exceed twice the original sum lent. This 
Jewish practice was annulled by Nehemiah. 
[Loan.] 

U'ta, 1 Esdr. v. 30. It appears to be » 
corruption of Akkub (Ezr. ii. 45). 

U'thai. 1. The son of Ammihud, of 
the children of Pharez, the son of Judab 
(1 Chr. ix. 4). 2. One of the sons of Big- 
vai, who returned in the second caravan 
with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 14). 

U'thii. 1 Esdr. viii. 40. [Uthai 2.] 

Uz. 1. A son of Aram (Gen. x. 23; 1 
Chr. i. 17), and consequently a grandson 
of Shem. 2. A son of Nahor by Milcah 
(Gen. xxii. 21; A. V. Huz). 3. A son of 
Dishan, and grandson of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 
28). 4. The country in which Job lived 
(Job i. 1). As far as we can gather, ** the 
land of Uz " lay either E. or S. E. of Pales- 
tine ;Job i. 3) ; adjacent to the Sabaean* 
and the Chaldaeans (Job i. 15, 17), conse- 
quently N. of the southern Arabians, and 
W. of the Euphrates ; and, lastly, adjacent 
to the Edomites of Mount Seir, who at one 
period occupied Uz, probably as conquer- 
ors (Lam. iv. 21), and whose troglodyte* 
habits are probably deseribed in Job xxr 



1 



CfZAl 



727 



UZZIAH 



h, J. Ffoui the above data »»e infer that 
thi; lai d of Uz corresponds to the Arabia 
A>tJ5(77-^a of classical geography, at all events 
to so much of it as lies north of the 30th 
parallel of latitude. Whether the name of 
Uz survived to classical times is uncertain ; 
a tribe named Aesitae is mentioned by Ptol- 
emy, who perhaps may be identified with 
the Uz of Scripture. 

'U'ZB.L the father of Palal, who assisted 
Nehemiah in rebuilding the city wall (Neh. 
ui. 25). 

IJ'zal- the sixth son of Joktan (Gen. x. 
21 ; 1 Chr. i. 21), whose settlements are 
clearly traced in the ancient name of San'd, 
tlie capital city of the Yemen, which was 
originally Awzdl. It has disputed the right 
to be the chief city of the kingdom of She ha 
from the earliest ages of which any tradi- 
tions have come down to us. From its 
position in the centre of the best portion of 
that kingdom, it must always have been an 
important city, though probably of less im- 
portance than Seba itself. Uzal, or Awzal, 
is most probably the same as the Auzara, 
or Ausara of the classics. It is perhaps 
referred to by Ezek. (xxvii. 19), translated 
in the A. V. " Javan, going to and fro." 

Uz'za. 1. A Benjamite of the sons of 
Ehud (1 Chr. viii. 7). 2. Elsewhere called 
UzzAH (1 Chr. xiii. 7, 9, 10, 11). [Uzzah.] 
3. The children of Uzza were a family 
of Nethinim who returned with Zerubbabel 
(P^zr ii. 49; Neh. vii. 51). 4. Properly 
" Uzzah." As the text now stands, Uzzah 
is a descendant of Merari (1 Chr. vi. 29 
[14] ) ; but there appears to be a gap in the 
verse. Perhaps he is the same as Zina, or 
Zizah, the son of Shimei (1 Chr. xxiii. 10, 
II) ; for these names evidently denote the 
same person, and, in Hebrew character, are 
not unlike Uzzah. 

Uz'za, The Garden of, the spot in 
which Manasseh king of Judah, and his son 
Anion, were both buried (2 K. xxi. 18, 26). 
It was the garden attached to Manasseh's 
palace (ver. 18). The fact of its mention 
shows that it was not where the usual sepul- 
chres of the kings were. No clew, however, 
is afforded to its position. It has been 
suggested that the garden was so called 
from being on the spot at which Uzza died 
durhig the removal of the ark from Kirjath- 
jearim to Jerusalem. 

Uz'zah, or Uz'za, one of the sons of 
Abiuadab, in whose house atKirjath-jearim 
the ark rested for 20 years. Uzzah prob- 
ably was the second, and Ahio the third. 
Thej' both accompanied its removal, when 
David first undertook to carry it to Jerusa- 
lem. Ahio apparently Avent before the new 
cart (1 Chr. xiii. 7) on which it was placed, 
and Uzzah walked by the side. " At the 
threshing-floor of Nachon" (2 Sam. vi. 6), 
or Chidon (1 Chr. xiii. 9), perhaps slipping 
s)v^er tlie smooth rock, the oxen stumbled. 



Uzzah caught the ark to prevent its falhn;a 
The profanation was punished by his in 
stant death, to the great grief of David, 
who named the place Perez-Uzzah (the 
breaking-forth on Uzzah). But Uzzah's 
fate was not merely the penalty of his own 
rashness. The iuiproper mode of trans- 
porting the ark, whi'li ought to have been 
borne on the shoulders of the Levites, was 
the primary cause of his unholy deed; and 
David distinctly recognized it as a punish- 
ment on the people in general, " because 
we sought him not after tlie due order." 

Uz'zen-she'rah., a town founded or 
rebuilt by Sherah, an Ephraimite woman, 
the daughter either of Ephraim himself or 
of Beriah. It is named only in 1 Chr. vii. 
24, in connection with the two Bethhorons. 

Uz'zi. 1. Son of Bukki, and father of 
Zerahiah, in the line of the high-priest* 
(1 Chr. vi. 5,51; Ezr. vii. 4). Though 
Uzzi was the lineal ancestor of Zadok, it 
does not appear that he was ever high- 
priest. He must have been contemporary 
with, but rather earlier than, Eli. 2. Sou 
of Tola the son of Issachar (1 Chr. vii. 2 
3). 3. Son of Bela, of the tribe of Ben- 
jamin (1 Chr. vii. 7). 4. Another, or the 
same, from whom descended some Benja- 
mite houses, which were settled at Jerusa- 
lem after the return from captivity (1 Chr. 
ix. 8). 5. A Levite, son of Bani, and 
overseer of the Levites dwelling at Jerusa- 
lem, in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. xi. 22). 
6. A priest, chief of the father's house of 
Jedaiah, in the time of Joiakim the high- 
priest (Neh. xii. 19). 7. One of the priests 
who assisted Ezra in the dedication of the 
wall of Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 42). Perhaps 
the same as the preceding. 

Uzzi'a, one of David's guard, and 
apparently a native of Ashtaroth beyond 
Jordan (1 Chr. xi. 44). 

Uzzi'ah. 1. King of Judah Cb. c. 808- 
9 — 75G-7). In some passages his name 
appears in the lengthened form Azariah, 
which some attribute to an error of tlie 
copyists. This is possible, but there are 
other instances of the princes of Judah 
changing their names on succeeding to the 
throne. After the murder of Amaziah, his 
son Uzziah was chosen by tiie people to 
occupy the vacant tlircne at the age of 16; 
and for the greater part of his long reign 
of 52 years he lived in the fear of God> 
and showed himself a wise, active, and 
pious ruler. He began his reign by a suc- 
cessful expedition against his father's ene- 
mies the Edomites, who had revoltc 1 from 
Judah in Jehoram's time, 80 years beiore» 
and penetrated as far as the head of the 
Gulf of 'Akaba, where he took the impor- 
tant place of Elath (2 K. xiv. 22; 2 Cur. 
xxvi. 1, &c.). Uzziah wagf^d other victori- 
ous wars in the south, especially against 
the Mehunim, or people of Maan. and th« 



crzziEL 



728 



VASHTI 



Arabs of Gurbaal. Towards the west, 
Uzziah fought with equal success against 
the Philistines, levelled to the ground the 
walls of Gath, Jabneh, and Ashdod, and 
founded new fortified cities in the Plalis- 
tine territory. He strengthened the walls 
of Jerusalem. He was also a great patron 
of agriculture. He never deserted the wor- 
ship of the true God, and was much in- 
fluerced by Zechariah, a prophet who is 
cnly mentioned in connection with him (2 
('lir XX vi. 5). So the southern kingdom 
was raised to a condition of prosperity 
which it had not known since the death of 
Solomon. The end of Uzziah was less 
prosperous than his beginning. Elated with 
his splendid career, he determined to burn 
incense on the altar of God, but was op- 
posed by the high-priest Azariah and eighty 
others. (See Ex. xxx. 7, 8; Num. xvi. 
40, xviii. 7). The king was enraged at 
their resistance, and, as he pressed forward 
with his censer, was suddenly smitten with 
leprosy. Uzziah was buried " with his 
fathers," yet apparently not actually in the 
royal sepulchres (2 Chr. xxvi. 23). Dur- 
ing his reign an earthquake occurred, 
which, though not mentioned in tlie histori- 
cal books, was apparently very serious in 
its consequences, for it is alluded to as a 
chronological epoch by Amos (i. 1), and 
mentioned in Zech. xiv. 5, as a convulsion 
from which the people " fled." It is to be 
observed, with reference to the general 
character of Uzziah's reign, that the writer 
of the Second Book of Chronicles distinctly 
states that his lawless attempt to burn in- 
cense was the only exception to the excel- 
lence of his administration (2 Chr. xxvii. 
2). 2. A Kohathite Levite, and ancestor 
of Samuel (1 Chr. vi. 24 [9] ). 3. A priest 
of the sons of Harim, who had taken a 
foreign wife in the days of Ezra (Ezr. x. 
21). 4. Father of Athaiah, or Uthai (Neh. 
xi. 4). 5. Father of Jehonathan, one of 
David's overseers (1 Chr. xxvii. 25). 

XTzzi'el. 1. Fourth son of Kohath, 
father of Mishael, Elzaphan or Elizaphan, 
and Zithri, and uncle to Aaron (Ex. vi. 18, 
22 ; Lev. x, 4). 2. A Simeonite captain, 
son of Ishi, in the days ujf Hezekiah (1 Chr. 
iv. 42). 3. Head of a Benjamite house, of 
the song of Bela (1 Chr. vii. 7). 4. A 
musician, of the sons of Heman, in David's 
reign (1 Chr. xxv. 4). 5. A Levite, of 
the sons of Jeduthun, in the days of Heze- 
«iah (2 Chr. xxix 14, 19). 6. Son of 
Harliuiah, probably a priest, in the days of 
Nehemiah, who took part in repairing the 
wa I (Neh. iii. 8). He is described as " of 
the goldsmiths," i. e. of those priests whose 
Wcreditary office it was to repair or make 
tlic sacred vessels. 

Uzzi'elites, The, the descendants of 
Urziel, and one of the four great families of 
thft KohatMtes (Num. iii. 27 ; 1 Chr. xxvi. 23^ . 



V. 



Vajez'atha, one of the ten sous of Ua 
man whom the Jews slew in Shiishan (^Lath. 
ix. 9). 

Vale, Valley. It is hardly ueceseai^ 
to state that these words signify a follow 
sweep of ground between two more or lesi 
parallel ridges of high land. The structure 
of the greater part of the Holy Land doet 
not lend itself to the formation < f valleys in 
our sense of the word. The abrupt transi- 
tions of its crowded rocky hills preclude 
the existence of any extended sweep of 
valley. Valley is employed in the A. V. to 
render five distinct Hebrew words. 1. 
'Emek. This appears to approach more 
nearly to the general sense of the English 
word than any other. It is connected with 
several places. 2. Gal or Ge. Of this 
there is fortunately one example which can 
be identified with certainty — the deep hol- 
low wliich compasses the S. W. and S. of 
Jerusalem. This identification establishes 
the Ge as a deep and abrupt ravine, with 
steep sides and narrow bottom. 3. Nachal. 
This word answers to the Arabic wady, 
and expresses, as no single English word 
can, the bed of a stream (often wide and 
shelving, and like a " valley " in character, 
which in the rainy season may be nearlj' 
filled by a foaming torrent, though for tht 
greater part of the year dry). 4. Bik'dh 
This term appears to mean rather a plain 
than a valley, though so far resembling it 
as to be enclosed by niountains. It is ren- 
dered by " valley " in Deut. xxxiv. 3 ; Josh, 
xi. 8, 17, xii. 7 ; 2 Chr. xxxv. 22 ; Zech. xii. 
11. 5. has-Shefildh. The district to which 
the name has-ShefSldh is applied in the 
Bible has no resemblance whatever to a 
valley, but is a broad, swelling tract of many 
hundred miles in area, which sweeps gently 
down from tlie mountains of Judah to the 
Mediterranean. It is rendered " the vale " 
in Deut. i. 7; Josh. x. 40; 1 K. x. 27; 2 
Chr. i. 15; Jer. xxxiii. 13; and " the val- 
ley " or " valleys " in Josh. ix. 1, xi. 2, 16, 
xii. 8, XV. 33; Judg. i. 9; Jer. xxxii. 44. 

Vani'ah., one of the sons of Bani (Ezr. 
X. 36). 

Vasll'ni, the firstborn of Samuel as the 
text now stands (1 Chr. vi. 28 [13J). Bui 
in 1 Sam. viii. 2 the name of his firstborn 
is Joel. Most probably in the Clirr 'lielej 
the name of Joel has dropped out, and 
'* Vashni " is a corruption of veshcni, and 
(the) second." 

Vasb ti, the "queen" of ^hasueru»« 
who, for refusing to show herself to the 
king's guests at the loyal banquet, when 
sent for by the king, was repudiated and 
deposed (Esth. i.). Many attempts narw 
been made to identixy her witli hi*tiiri<'al 



m 



VEIJ. 



729 



VERSIONS, ANCIENT 



j>er»:aagt'8; but it is far more probable 
that she was only one of the inferior wives, 
digj-ified with the title of queen, whose 
Hame has utterly disappeared from history. 

Veil. With regard to the use of the 
veil, it is important to observe that it was 
!oy no njaans so general in ancient as in 
ai >dei n times. Much of the scrupulousness 
in respect of the use of the veil dates from 
ha promulgation of the Koran, which for- 
, inde women appearing unveiled except in 
'.he presence of their nearest relatives. In 
ancient times, the veil was adopted only in 
exceptional cases, either as an article of 
ornamental dress (Cant. iv. 1, 3, vi. 7), or 
by betrothed maidens in the presence of 
their future husbands, especially at the time 
of the wedding (Gen. xxiv. 65, xxix. 25), 
or, lastly, by women of loose character for 
purposes of concealment (Gen. xxxviii. 14). 
Among the Jews of the New Testament age 
it appears to have been customary for the 
women to cover their heads (not necessarily 
their faces) when engaged in public worship. 

Veil of the Tabernacle and Tem- 
ple. [Tabernacle ; Temple.] 

Versions, Ancient, of the Old and 
New Testaments. In treating of the 
ancient versions that have come down to 
us, in whole or in part, they will be de- 
scribed in the alphabetical order of the lan- 
guages. 

Aethiopic Version. — Christianity was 
introduced into Aethiopia in the 4th cen- 
tury, through the labors of Frumentius and 
Aedesius of Tyre, who had been made 
«lave3 and sent to the king. The Aethiopic 
version which we possess is in the ancient 
dialect of Axum ; hence some have ascribed 
it to the age of the earliest missionaries ; 
but from the general character of the ver- 
sion itself, this is improbable ; and the 
Abyssinians themselves attribute it to a 
later period. The Old Testament, as well 
as the New, was executed from the Greek. 
In 1513 Potken published the Aethiopic 
Psalter at Rome. In 1548-9 the Aethiopic 
New Test, was also printed at Rome, edited 
by three Abyssinians. A complete edition 
of the Aethiopic Old Test, has been com- 
menced by Dillmann, the first portion of 
which appeared in 1853. 

Ababic Versions. (I.) Arabic Ver- 
sions of the Old Test. (A.) Made from the 
Hebrev) text. Rabbi Saadiah Haggaon, the 
riebrew commentator of the 10th century, 
translated portions (some think the whole) 
pf the O. T. into Arabic. His version of 
tlie Pentateuch was printed at Constantino- 
ple in 1546. (B.) Made from the Peshito 
Syriac. This is the base of the Arabic text 
contained in the Polyglots of the books of 
Judges, Ruth, Samuel, Kings, and Nehe- 
Piiah. (C.) Made from the LXX. The 
version in the Polyglots of the books not 
tpeeified above. (II.) Arabic Versions of 



the New Test. 1. The Roman ediiio pr\n 
ceps 01 the four Gospels, 1590-91. 2. The 
Erpenian Arabic. The whole New Test. 
edited by Erpenius, 1616, atLeyden, from a 
MS. of the 13th or 14th century. 3. The 
Arabic of the Paris Polyglot, 1645. 4. 
The Carshuni Arabic text {i. e. in Syriac 
letters), the Syriac and Arabic New Test., 
published at Rome, in 1703. 

Armenian Version. — Before the 5th 
centliry the Armenians are said to hav« 
used the Syriac alphabet ; but at that time 
Miesrob is stated to have invented the 
Armenian letters. Soon after this it is 
said that translations into the Armenian 
language commenced, at first from the 
Syriac. Miesrob, with his companions, 
Joseph and Eznak, began a version of thp 
Scriptures with the Book of Proverbs, and 
completed all the Old Test. ; and in the 
New, they used the Syriac as their basis, 
from their inability to obtain any Greek 
books. But when, in the year 431, Joseph 
and Eznak returned from the council of 
Ephesus, bringing with them a Greek copy 
of the Scriptures, Isaac, the Armenian 
Patriarch, and Miesrob, threw aside what 
they had already done, in order that they 
might execute a version from the Greek. 
The first printed edition of the Old and 
New Testaments in Armenian appeared at 
Amsterdam in 1666, under the care of a 
person commonly termed Oscan, or Uscan, 
and described as being an Armenian bishop. 

Chaldee Versions. — Targum, a Chal- 
dee word of uncertain origin, is the general 
term for the Chaldee, or, more accurately, 
Aramaic Versions of the Old Testament. 
The injunction to " read the Book of the 
Law before all Israel . . . the men and 
women, and children, and the strangers," 
on the Feast of Tabernacles of every Sab- 
batical year, as a means of solemn instruc- 
tion and edification, is first found in Deut. 
xxxi. 10-13. Among the first icts under- 
taken by Ezra towards the restoration of 
the primitive religion and public worship is 
reported his reading " before the congre- 
gation, both of men and women,** of th* 
returned exiles, " in the Book in the Law 
of God " (Neh. viii. 2, 8). Aided by those 
men of learning and eminence with whom, 
according to tradition, he founded that most 
important religious and political body called 
the Great Synagogue, or Men of the Great 
Assembly, he appears to have succeeded in 
so firmly establishing regular and frequent 
public readings in the Sacred Records, that 
later authorities almost unanimously trace 
this hallowed custom to times immemorial 
— nay, to the times of Moses himself. To 
these ancient readings in the Pentateuch 
were added, in the course of time, read- 
ings in tlie Prophets (in some Babylonian 
cities even in the Hagiographa), wliich 
w 're called Uaparoth. If, howeT**r, th'» 



VERSIONS, ANCIENT 



730 



VERSIONS. ANOliiNT 



pniaitive religion was re-established, to- 
gether \fitli the second Temple, in more 
than its former vigor, thus enabling the 
small number of the returned exiles — and 
these, according to tradition, the lowest of 
the low, the poor in wealth, in knowledge, 
and in ancestry, the very outcasts and ref- 
use of the nation as it were — to found 
upan the ruins of Zion one of the most 
important and lasting spiritual common- 
wealths that has ever been known, there 
was yet one thing which neither authority 
uor piety, neither academy nor synagogue, 
could restore to its original power and 
glory — the Hebrew language. The Jews, 
on the return from captivity, no longer 
spoke the Hebrew language ; and as the 
common people had lost all knowledge of 
the tongue in which the sacred books were 
written, it naturally followed that recourse 
must be had to a translation into the idiom 
with which they were familiar — the Chal- 
dee or Aramaic. Moreover, since a bare 
translation could not in all cases suffice, it 
was necessary to add to the translation an 
explanation, more particularly of the more 
difficult and obscure passages. Both trans- 
lation and explanation were designated by 
the term Targwrn. In the course of time 
there sprang up a guild, whose special 
office it was to act as interpreters in both 
senses (^Meturgemari) , while formerly the 
learned alone volunteered their services. 
These interpreters were subjected to cer- 
tain bonds and regulations as to the form 
and substance of their renderings. Al- 
together these Meturgemanim do not seem 
to have been held generally in very high 
respect; one of the reasons being probably 
that they were paid, and thus made the To- 
rah " a spade to dig with it." The same 
causes which, in the course of time, led to 
the writing down — after many centuries 
of oral transmission — of the whole body 
of the Traditional Law, engendered also, and 
about the same period, as it would appear, 
written Targuras ; for certain portions of 
the Bible, at least. The fear of the adul- 
terations and mutilations which the Divine 
Word must undergo at the hands of incom- 
petent or impious exponents, broke through 
the rule, thai the Targum should only be 
oraZ, lest it might acquire undue authority. 
Before, however, entering into a more de- 
tailed account, we must first dwell for a 
short time on the Midrash itself, of which 
the Targum forms part. The centre of 
all mental activity and religious action 
among the Jewish community, after the 
return from Babylon, was the Scriptural 
Canon collected by the Soferim, or Men of 
the Great Synagogue. These formed the 
chief authority on the civil and religious 
law, and their authority was the Penta- 
teuch. They had, first, to explain the exact 
meaning of such prohibitions and ordi- 



naiices contained in the Mosaic Books at 
seemed not explicit enough for the multi 
tude, and the precise application of which 
in former days had been forgottei? dur- 
ing the Captivity. Secondly, laws neitlier 
specially contained nor even indicated iiv 
the Pentateuch were inaugurated by thera 
according to the new wants of the times 
and the ever-shifting necessities of tht 
growing Commonwealth. This juridical 
and homiletical expounding and interpret- 
ing of Scripture is called darash, and the 
avalanche of Jewish literature which began 
silently to gather from the time of the re- 
turn from the exile and went on rolling un- 
interruptedly, until about a thousan<l years 
after the destruction of the second Temple, 
may be comprised under the general name 
Midrash — " expounding." The two chief 
branches indicated are, Ilalachah, tlie rule 
by which to go, = binding, authoritative 
law ; and Haggadah = saying, legend, — 
flights of fancy, darting up from the Divine 
Word. The Haggadah did not pretend tc 
possess the slightest authority. The first 
collections of the Ilalachah — embracing 
the whole field of juridico-political, reli- 
gious, and practical life, both of the indi- 
vidual and of the nation; the human and 
Divine law to its most minute and insignifi' 
cant details — were instituted by Hillel, 
Akiba, and Simon B.Gamaliel; but the 
final rtdaction of tlie general code, Mishna, 
is due to Jehudah Hannasi. [See Tal- 
mud.] I. The Targums were originally 
oral, and the earliest Targum, which is that 
of Onkelos on the Pentateuch, began to be 
committed to writing about the 2d century 
of the Christian era; though it did not as- 
sume its present sliape till the end of the 
3d or the beginning of the 4th century. 
So far, however, from its superseding the 
oral Targum at once, it was, on the contra- 
ry, strictly forbidden to read it in public. 
Its language is Chaldee, closely approach- 
ing in purity of idiom to that of Ezra aud 
Daniel. It follows a sober and clear, 
though not a slavish exegesis, and keeps as 
closely and minutely to the text as is at all 
consistent with its purpose, viz. to be 
chiefly, and above all, a version for the 
people. Its explanations of difficult and 
obscure passages bear ample witness to the 
competence of those who gave it its final 
shape. It avoids the legendary cliaractei 
with which all the later Targums entwine 
the Biblical word, as far as ever circum- 
stances would allow. As to the Bible Text 
from which the Targum was prepared, we 
have no certainty whatever on this head, 
owing to the extraordinarily corrupt statt 
of our Targum texts. II. Targvm on t?te 
Prophets, — viz. Joshua, Judges, Samuel, 
Kings, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the 
twelve Minor Prophets, — called Taegum 
OP Jonathan ben Uzztrl. We shall prob- 



.1 



VERSIONS, ANCIENT 



731 



VERSIONS, ANCIENT 



ttbly not be far wrong in placing this Tar- 
gum some time, although not long, after 
Onkelos, or about the middle of the 4th 
century. This Targum may fairly be de- 
scribed as holding, in point of interpreta- 
tion and enlargement of the text, the mid- 
dle place between Onkelos, who only in ex- 
treme cases deviates into paraphrase, and 
the subsequent Targums, whose connection 
with their texts is frequently of the most 
dighty character. III. and IV. Targuon of 
Jonathan- Ben- Uzziel and Jerushalmi- Tar- 
gv/m on the Pentateuch. — Onkelos and Jon- 
athan on the Pentateuch and Prophets, 
whatever be their exact date, place, author- 
ship and editorship, are the oldest of exist- 
ing Targums, and belong, in their present 
shape, to Babylon and the Babylonian 
academies flourishing between the 3d and 
4th centuries a. d. But precisely as two 
parallel and independent developments of 
the Oral Law have sprung up in the Pales- 
tinian and Babylonian Talmuds respective- 
ly, so also recent investigation has proved 
to demonstration the existence of two dis- 
tinct cycles of Targums on the Written 
Law — i. e. the entire body of the Old Tes- 
tament. The one first collected, revised, 
and edited in Babylon, called — more es- 
pecially that part of it which embraced the 
Pentateuch (Onkelos) — the Babylonian. 
The other, continuing its oral life, so to 
say, down to a much later period, was 
written and edited — less carefully, or rath- 
er with a much more faithful retention of 
the oldest and youngest fancies of Metur- 
gemanim and Darshanim — on the soil of 
Judaea itself. Of this entire cycle, how- 
ever, th3 Pentateuch and a few other books 
and fragmentary pieces only have survived 
entu*e, while of most of the other books of 
the Bible a few detached fragments are all 
that is known, and this chiefly from quota- 
tions. V. Targums of " Joseph the Blind " 
on the Hagiographa. — Those Targums on 
the Hagiographa which we now possess 
have been attributed vaguely to different 
authors. Popular belief fastened upon Jo- 
seph the Blind. Yet, if ever he did trans- 
late the Hagiographa, certain it is that 
those which we possess are not by his or his 
disciples' hands — that is, of the time of 
the 4th century. We do not even venture 
to assign to them more than an approxi- 
mate round date, about 1000 a. d. 

eroYPTiAN Versioks. I. The Memphitic 
Version. — The version thus designated 
was for a considerable time the only Egyp- 
tian translation known to scholars : Coptic 
was then regarded as a sufficiently accurate 
and definite appellation. But when the 
fact was established that there were at least 
two Egyptian versions, the name Coptic 
was found to be indefinite, and even unsuit- 
able for the translation then so termed; for 
ta the dialect of Upper Egypt there was 



another ; and it is from the ancient Coj. Ut 
in Upper Egypt that the term Coptic is 
tt,fcen. Thus Copto-Memphitic, or mi. re 
simply Memphitic, is the better name for 
the version in the dialect of Lower Egypt. 
When Egyptian translations were made we 
do not know : probably before the middle 
of the 4th century. While the native 
Christians of modern Egypt lise only Ara- 
bic vernacularly, yet in their services and 
in their public reading of the Scriptures 
they employ a dialect of the Coptic. The 
Old Testament of this version was made 
from the LXX. II. The Thebaic Vek- 
siON. — The examination of Egyptian MSS- 
in the last century showed that besides the 
Memphitic there is also another version in 
a cognate Egyptian dialect. To this the 
name Sahidic was applied by some, but 
Thebaic is far preferable. III. A Third 
Egyptian Version. — Some Egyptian frag- 
ments were noticed amongst the Borgian 
MSS., which in dialect differ both from the 
Memphitic and Thebaic. These fragments 
of a third Egyptian translation were edited 
in the same year (1789). Giorgiand MQn- 
ter called the version the Ammonian. The 
Character and Critical Use of the Egyptian 
Versions. — It appears that the Thebaic 
version may reasonably claim a highei 
antiquity than the Memphitic. The twc 
translations are independent of each other, 
and both spring from Greek copies. The 
probable conclusions seem to be these — 
that the Thebaic version was made in the 
early part of the third century, for the use 
of the common people among the Chris- 
tians in Upper Egypt ; that afterwards the 
Memphitic version was executed in what 
was the more polished dialect, from the 
Greek copies of Alexandria ; and that tlms 
in process of time the Memphitic remained 
alone in ecclesiastical use. 

Gothic Version. — In the year 318 the 
Gothic bishop and translator of Scripture, 
Ulphilas, was born. He succeeded Tbo- 
ophilus as bishop of the Goths in 348; 
through him it is said that the Goths in 
g-eneral adopted Arianism. The great work 
of Ulphilas was his version of the Scrip- 
tures. In 388 he visited Constantinople to 
defend his heterodox creed, and while there 
he died. In the latter part oi the 16th cen- 
tury the existence of a MS. of this version 
■vfas known through Morillon having men- 
tioned that he had observed one in the 
library of the monastery of Werden on the 
Ruhr in Westphalia. In 1648, almost at 
the conclusion of the Thirty Years' War, 
amongst the spoils from Prague was sent to 
Stockholm a copy of the Gothic Gospels, 
known as the Codex Argenteus. On the 
abdication of Queen Christina of Sweden, 
a few years later, it disappeared. In 1656 
it was in the possession of Isaac Vossius in 
Holland. Ii 1662 it was repurchased for 



VEKSIONS, ANCIENT 



732 



VERSIONS, ANCIENT 



Sweden by Count Magnus Gabriel de la 
Gardie, who placed it in the library of the 
University of Upsal. While the book was 
in the hands of Vossius a transcript was 
made of its text, from which Junius, his 
uncle, edited the first edition of the Gothic 
Gospels at Dort in 1665. The MS. is writ- 
ten on vellum that was once purple, in 
silver letters, except those at the beginning 
of sections, which are golden. The Gos- 
pels have many lacunae : it is calculated 
that when entire it consisted of 320 folios ; 
there are now but 188. It is preUy certain 
that this beautiful and elaborate MS. must 
have been written in the 6th century, prob- 
ably in Upper Italy when under the Gothic 
sovereignty. New light dawned on Ulphilas 
and his version in 1817. While the late 
Cardinal Mai was engaged in the examina- 
tion of palimpsests in the Ambrosian Li- 
brary at Milan, of which he was at that 
time a librarian, he noticed traces of some 
Gothic writing under that of one of the 
codices. This was found to be part of the 
Books of Ezra and Nehemiah. In making 
further examination, four other palimpsests 
were found, which contained portions of 
the Gochic Version. Mai deciphered these 
MSS. in conjunction with Count Carlo 
Oitavio Castiglione, and their labors result- 
ed in the recovery, besides a few portions 
of the Old Test., of almost the.whole of the 
thirteen Epistles of St. Paul and some parts 
of the Gospels. The edition of Gabelentz 
and Loebe (1836-45) contains all that has 
been discovered of the Gothic Version, with 
a Latin translation, notes, and a Gothic Dic- 
tionary and Grammar. In 1855-6 Mass- 
mann issued an excellent small edition of 
all the Gothic portions of the Scriptures 
known to be extant. This edition is said 
to be more correct than that of Gabelentz 
and Loebe. As an ancient monument of 
the Gothic language the version of Ulphilas 
possesses great interest ; as a version the 
use of which was once extended widely 
through Europe, it is a monument of the 
Christianization of the Goths; and as a 
version known to have been made in the 4th 
century, and transmitted to us in ancient 
MSS., it has its value in textual criticism. 
Ir. certain passages it has been thought that 
there is some proof of the influence of the 
Latin; but its Greek origin is not to be 
mistaken. The Greek from which the 
version was made must in many respects 
have been what has been termed the tran- 
sition text of the 4th century. 

Greek Versions or the Old Testa- 
ICENT. 1. Septuagint. [See Septuagint.] 
2. Aqmla. — It is a remarkable fact that in 
the second century there were three ver- 
sions executed of the Old Testament Scrip- 
tures into Greek. The first of these was 
made by Aquila, a native of Sinope in 
Pontir^, wlio had become a proselyte to 



Judaism. The Jerusalem Taliliud d©» 
scribes him as a disciple of Rabbi Aklha; 
and this would place him in some part of 
the reign of the Emperor Hadrian (a. d. 
117-138). It is supposed that his object 
was to aid the Jews in their controversies 
with the Christians. This is a probable 
account of the origin of his version. Ex- 
treme literality and an occasional polemical 
bias appear to be its chief characteristics. 

3. Theodotion. — The second version, of 
which we have information as executed in 
the second century, is that of Theodotion. 
He is stated to have been an Ephesian, and 
he seems to be most generally described as 
an Ebionite : if this is correct, his work 
was probably intended for those semi-Chris- ^ 
tians who may have desired to use a version 
of their own, instead of employing the LXX. 
with the Christians, or that of Aquila with 
the Jews. But it may be doubted if the 
name of translation can be rightly applied 
to the work of Theodotion : it is rather a 
revision of the LXX. with the Hebrew text, 
so as to bring some of the copies then in . 
use into more conformity with the original. 
The statement of Epiphanius that he made 
his translation in the reign of Commodua 
accords well with its having been quoted by 
Irenaeus ; but it cannot be correct if it is 
one of the translations referred to by Justiii 
Martyr as giving interpretations contrary 
to the Christian doctrine of the New Test. 

4. Symmachus is stated by Eusebius and 
Jerome to have been an Ebionite : Epi- 
phanius, however, and others style him a 
Samaritan. It may be that as a Samaritan 
he made this version for some of that people 
who employed Greek, and who had learned 
to receive more than the Pentateuch. Epi- 
phanius says that he lived under the Em* 
peror Severus. The translation which he 
produced was probably better than the oth- 
ers as to sense and general phraseology. 

5. The Fifth, Sixth, and Seventh Versions. 
— Besides the translations of Aquila, Sym- 
machus, and Theodotion, the great r^itical 
work of Origen comprised, as to portions 
of the Old Test., three other versions, 
placed for comparison with the LXX. ; 
which, from their being anonymous, are 
only known as the fifth, sixth, and seventL ; 
designations taken from the places which 
they respectively occupied in Origen's co 
lumbar arrangement. Eusebius says thai 
two of these versions were found, the oi<e 
at Jericho, and the other at Nicopolis on 
the gulf of Actinm. Epiphanius says that 
the fifth was found at Jericho, and the 
sixth at Nicopf>lis, while Jerome speaks 
of the fifth as having been found at tht 
latter place. The contents of the fifth ver- 
sion appear to have been the Pentateuch, 
Psalms, Canticles, and the Minar Prophets. 
The sixth version seems to hare been just 
the sanre in its contests as the fifth (except 



VERSIONS, ANCIENT 



733 



VERSIONS, AKTIENT 



2 Kings). Jerome calls the authors of the 
fifth and sixth ' ' Judaicos translatores ; " 
but the translator of this must have been a 
Christian when he executed his work, or 
else the hand of a Christian reviser must 
have meddled with it before it was era- 
ployed by Ongen. Of the seventh version 
very few fragments remain. It seems to 
have contained the Psalms and Minor Proph- 
ets ; and the translator was probably a 
Jew. The existing fragments of these varied 
versions are mostly to be found in the edi- 
tions of the relics of Origen's Hexapla, by 
Montfaucon and by Bardht. 6. The Veneto- 
Greek Version. — A MS. of the 14th cen- 
tury, in the Library of St. Mark at Venice, 
contains a peculiar version of the Penta- 
teuch, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles, 
Ruth, Lamentations, and Daniel. All of 
these books, except the Pentateuch, were 
published by Villoison at Strasburg in 1784 ; 
tlie Pentateuch was edited by Ammon at 
Erlangen in 1790-91. 

Latin Versions. [Vulgate.] 

Samaritan Versions. [Samaritan 
Pentateuch.] 

Slavonic Version. In the year 862 
there was a desire expressed, or an inquiry 
made, for Christian teachers in Moravia, 
and in the following year the labors of 
missionaries began amongst them. These 
missionaries were Cyrillus and Methodius, 
two brothers from Thessalonica : to Cyril- 
lus is ascribed the invention of the Slavo- 
nian alphabet, and tlie commencement of 
the translation of the Scriptures. He ap- 
pears to have died at Rome in 868, while 
Methodius continued for many years to be 
the bishop of the Slavonians. He is stated 
to have continued his brother's translation, 
although how much they themselves actu- 
ally executed is quite uncertain. The Old 
Testament is, as might be supposed, a ver- 
sion from the LXX. As the oldest known 
MS. of the whole Bible is of the year 1499, 
it may reasonably be questioned whether 
this version may not in large portions be 
comparatively modern. The oldest MS. 
of any part of this version is an Evangeli- 
arium, in Cyrillic characters, of the year 
1056. The first printed portion was an 
edition of the Gospels in Wallachia, in 
^512; in 1575 the same portion was printed 
at Wilna ; and in 1581 the whole Bible was 
prmted at Ostrog in Volhynia. The gen- 
eral text is such as would have been ex- 
pe<;ted in the ninth century : some readings 
^rom the Latin have, it appears, been intro- 
duced in places. 

Striac Versions. I. Of the Old Tes- 
tament. A. From, the Hebrew. — In the 
early times of Syrian Christianity there 
was executed a version of the Old Testa- 
ment from the original Hebrew, the use of 
▼Iiich must have been as widely extended 
M w&g the Christian profession amongst 



that people. Ephraem the Syrian, i ; th« 
latter half of the 4th century, gives dl>un- 
dant proof of its use in general by his coun- 
trymen. When he calls it our version, it 
does not appear to be in opposition to any 
other Syriac translation, but in contrasi 
to the original Hebrew text, or to those in 
other languages. At a later period this 
Syriac translation was designated Peshito 
{Simple). It is probable that this name 
was applied to the version after another 
had been formed from the Hexaplar Greek 
text. This translation from the Hebrew 
has always been the ecclesiastical version 
of the Syrians. Its existence and use 
prior to the divisions of the Syrian Churches 
are sufficiently proved by Ephraem alone. 
It is highly improbable that any part of the 
Syriac version is older than the advent 
of our Lord. All that the account shows 
clearly is, that it was believed to belong to 
the earliest period of the Christian faith 
among them. Ephraem, in the 4th century 
not only shows that it was then current, 
but also gives the impression that this had 
even then been long the case. Probably 
the origin of the Old Syriac version is to 
be compared with that of the Old Latin ; 
and that it differed as much from the pol- 
ished language of Edessa as did the Old 
Latin, made in the African Province, from 
the contemporary writers of Rome. The 
Old Syriac has the peculiar value of being 
the first version from the Hebrew original 
made for Christian use. The proof that 
this version was made from the Hebrew is 
twofold : we have the direct statements of 
Ephraem, and we find the same thing as 
evident from the internal examination of 
the version itself. The first printed edition 
of this version was that which appeared in 
the Paris Polyglot of Le Jay in 1645. In 
Walton's Polyglot, 1657, the Paris text is 
reprinted, but with the addition of the 
Apocryphal books. In the punctuation 
given in the Polyglots, a system was intro- 
duced which was in part a peculiarity of 
Gabriel Sionita himself. Dr. Lee collated 
for the text which he edited for the Bible 
Society six Syriac MSS. of the Old Test, 
in general, and a very ancient copy of the 
Pentateuch : he also used in part the com- 
mentaries of Ephraem and of Bar-Hebraeus. 
From these various sources he constructed 
his text, with the aid of that found already 
in the Polyglots. But there are now in 
England, in the MS. treasures brought from 
the Nitrian valleys, the means of far more 
accurately editing this version. It haa 
been much discussed whether this transla- 
tion were a Jewish or a Christian work. 
There need be no reasonable objection 
made to the opinion that it is a Christian 
work. B. The Syriac Version from tht 
Hexaplar Greek Text. — The only Syriac 
version of the O. T. ap to the 6th centur* 



VERSIONS, ANCIENT 



734 



VERSIONS, ANCIENT 



fras apparently the Peshito. Moses Aghe- 
laeus, who lived in the middle of the 6th 
century, speaks of the versions of the N. 
T. and the Psalier, "which Poly carp (rest 
his soul!), the Chorepiscopus, made in 
Syriac f )r the faithful Xenaias, the teacher 
of Mab.ig, worthy of the memory of the 
good." The version by Paul of Tela, a 
Monophysite, was made in the beginning 
of the 7th century ; for its basis he used 
the Hexaplar Greek text — that is, the 
LXX., with the corrections of Origen, the 
asterisks, obeli, &c., and with the references 
to the other Greek versions. The Syro- 
Hcxaplar version was made on the princi- 
ple of following the Greek, word for word, 
as exactly as possible. It contains the 
marks introduced by Origen, and the ref- 
erences to the versions of Aquila, Symma- 
chus, Theodotion, &c. In fact, it is from 
this Syriac version that we obtain our most 
accurate acquaintance with the results of 
the critical labors of Origen. It is from a 
MS. in the Ambrosian Library at Milan 
that we possess accurate means of know- 
ing this Syriac version. The MS. in 
question contains the Psalms, Job, Prov- 
erbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles, Wisdom, Ec- 
clesiasticus. Minor Prophets, Jeremiah, Ba- 
ruch, Daniel, Ezekiel, and Isaiah. Be- 
sides these portions of this Syriac version, 
the MSS. from theNitrian monasteries now 
in the British Museum would add a good deal 
niv.re; amongst tliese there are »»x, from 
which much might be drawn, so tnat part 
of the Pentateuch and other books may be 
rfc'V^vered. II. The Syriac New Testament 
Versions. A. The Peshito Syriac N. T, — 
It may stand as an admitted fact that a ver- 
sion of the N. T. in Syriac existed in the 
2d century ; and to this wa may refer the 
statement of Eusebius respecting Hegesip- 
pus, that he " made quotations from the 
Gospel according to the Hebrews and the 
Syriac." It seems equally certain that in 
the 4th century such a version was as well 
known of the N. T. as of the O. T. To the 
translation in common use amongst the 
Syrians, orthodox, Monophysite, or Nes- 
torian, from the 5th century and onward, 
the name of Peshito has been as commonly 
applied in the N. T. as the O. T. There 
eeem to be but few notices of the old Syri- 
ac Version in early writers. Cosmas In- 
dicopleustes, in the former half of the 6th 
century, incidentally informs us that the 
Syriac translation does not contain the 
Second Epistle of Peter, 2 and 3 John, 
and Jude. In 1552 Moses of Mardin came 
to Rome to Pope Julius III., commissioned 
by Ignatius the Jacobite (Monophysite) 
patriarch, to state his religious opinions, 
to effect (it is said) a union with the Ro- 
mish Church, and to get the Syriac N. T. 
printed. In this last object he failed both 
%t Rome and Venice. At Vienna he was, 



I however, successful, and an edition ap« 
peared in 1555. In 1828 the edition of 
Mr. William Greenfield was published by 
Messrs. Bagster. This Syriac Version 
has been variously estimated; some have 
thought that in it they had a genuine and 
unaltered monument of the second, or per 
haps even of the Jirst century. Others, 
finding in it indubitable marks of a later 
age, were inclined to deny that it had any 
claim to a very remote antiquity. The 
fact is, that this version, as transmitted to 
us, contains marks of antiquity, and also 
traces of a later age. The two things are 
so blended, that if either class of phe- 
nomena alone were regarded, the most 
opposite opinions might be formed. It 
appears probable that the N. T. of the 
Peshito is not from the same hand as the 
O. T. Not only may Michaelis be right in 
supposing a peculiar translator of the Epis- 
tle to the Hebrews, but also other parts may 
be from different hands ; this opinion wiU 
become more general the more the version 
is studied. The Curetonian Syriac Gos- 
pels. — Among the MSS. brought from the 
Nitrian monasteries in 1842, Dr. Curetor 
noticed a copy of the Gospels, differing 
greatly from the common text ; and this is 
the form of text to which the name of 
Curetonian Syriac has been rightly ap- 
plied. Every criterion which proves the 
common Peshito not to exhibit a text cf 
extreme antiquity, equally proves the early 
origin of this. The Curetonian Syriac 
presents such a text as we might have 
'concluded would be current in the second 
century : the Peshito has many feature* 
which could not belong to that age; un- 
less, indeed, we are ready to reject estab- 
lished facts, and those of a very numerous 
kind; probably, at least, two thousand. 
B. The Philoxcnian Syriac Version, and 
its revision by Thomas of Ilarkel. — Phi- 
loxenus, or Xenaias, a Monophysite, Bishop 
of Hierapolis or Mabug at the beginning of 
the 6th century, caused Polycarp, his Cho- 
repiscopus, to make a new translation of 
the N. T. into Syriac. This was executed 
in A. D. 508, and it is generally termed 
Philoxenian, from its promoter. This ver- 
sion has not been transmitted to us in the 
form in which it was first made ; we only 
possess a revision of it, executed by Thomas 
of Harkel in the following century (The 
Gospels, A. D. 616). C. Syriac Versions 
of Portions wanting in the Peshito. I. 
The Second Epistle of Peter, the Second 
and Third of John, and that of Jude. — They 
were published by Pococke in 1630, from a 
MS. in the Bodleian. II. The Apocalypse. 
— In 1627 De Dieu edited a Syriac version 
of the Apocalypse, from a MS. in the Ley- 
den Library, written by one " Caspar, from 
the land of the Indians," who lived in the 
latter part of the 16th century. III. Ths 



VERSION, AUTHORIZED 



735 



VERSION, AUTHORIZED 



Syriac Version of John viii. 1-11. — From 
the MS. sent by Archbishop Ussher to 
De Dieu, the latter published this section 
in 1631. From De Dieu it was inserted in 
the London Polyglot, with a reference to 
Ussher's MS., and hence it has passed with 
the other editions of the Peshito, where it 
is a mere interpolation. Probably the ver- 
sion edited is that of Paul of Tela, the 
translator of the Hexaplar Greek text into 
Syriac. D. T7ie Jerusalem Syriac Lection- 
ary, — The MS. in the Vatican containing 
tliis version was written in a. d. 1031, in 
peculiar Syriac writing; the portions are 
of course those for the different festivals, 
some parts of the Gospels not being there 
at all. The dialect is not common Syriac ; 
it was termed the Jei'usalem Syriac, from 
its being supposed to resemble the Jerusa- 
lem Talnmd in language and other points. 
For critical purposes this Lectionary has a 
far higher value than it has for any other : 
its readings often coincide with the oldest 
and best authorities. In Adler's opinion its 
date as a version would be from the 4th to 
the 6th century : but it can hardly be sup- 
posed that it is of so early an age, or that 
any Syrians then could have used so cor- 
rupt a dialect. 

Version, Authorized. I. Wtcliffe 
(b. 1324; d. 1384). — The N. T. was trans- 
lated by Wycliffe himself. The O. T. was 
undertaken by Nicholas de Hereford, but 
was interrupted, and ends abruptly (follow- 
ing so far the order of the Vulgate) in the 
middle of Baruch. Many of the MSS. of 
this version now extant present a different 
recension of the text, and it is probable 
that the work of Wycliffe and Hereford 
was revised by Richard Purvey, circ. a. d. 
1388. The version was bnsed entirely upon 
the Vulgate. The following characteristics 
may be noticed as distinguishing this ver- 
sion : (1) The genei-al homeliness of its 
Style. (2) The substitution, in many cases, 
of English equivalents for quasi-technical 
words. (3) The extreme literalness with 
which, in some instances, even at the cost 
of being unintelligible, tlie Vulgate text is 
followed, as in 2 Cor. i. 17-19. II. Tyn- 
DAL. — The work of Wycliffe stands by 
itself. Whatever power it exercised in 
preparing the way for the Reformation of 
the 16th century, it had no perceptible in- 
fluence on later translations. With Tyndal 
ire enter on a continuous succession. He 
»8 the patriarch, in no remote ancestry, of 
the Authorized Version. More than Cran- 
mer or Ridley he is the true hero of the 
English Reformation. " Ere many years," 
he said at the age of thirty-six (a. d. 1520), 
ne would cause " a boy that driveth the 
plough " to know more of Scripture than 
the great body of the clergy then knew. 
Ho prepared himself for the work by long 
years of labor in Greek and Hebrew. First 



the Gospels of St. Matthew and St. Mark 
were pubUshed tentatively. In 1525 the 
whole of the N. T. was printed in 4to. at 
Cologne, and in small 8vo. at Worms. In 
England it was received with denunciations. 
Toustal, Bishop of London, preaching at 
Paul's Cross, asserted that there were at 
least 2000 errors in it, and ordered all 
copies of it to be bought up and burnt. An 
Act of Parliament (35 Henry VIII. cap. 1) 
forbade the use of all copies of Tyndal's 
" false translation." The treatment which 
it received from professed friends was 
hardly less annoying. In the mean time 
the work went on. Editions were printed 
one after another. The last appeared in 
1535, just before his death. His heroic life 
was brought to a close in 1536. We may 
cast one look on its sad end — the treach- 
erous betrayal, the Judas-kiss of the false 
friend, the imprisonment at Vilvorden, the 
last prayer, " Lord, open the King of Eng- 
land's eyes." The work to which a life 
was thus nobly devoted was as nobly done. 
To Tyndal belongs the honor of having 
given the first example of a translation 
based on true principles, and the excellence 
of later versions has been almost in exact 
proportion as they followed his. Believing 
that every part of Scripture had one sense, 
and one only, the sense in the mind of the 
writer {Obedience, p. 304), he made it his 
work, using all philological helps that were 
accessible, to attain that sense. Believing 
that the duty of a translator was to place 
his readers as nearly as possible on a level 
with those for whom the books were origi- 
nally written, he looked on all the latei 
theological associations that had gathered 
round the words of the N. T. as hinderances 
rather than helps, and sought, as far aa 
possible, to get rid of them. All the ex- 
quisite grace and simplicity which havp 
endeared the A. V. to men of the most 
opposite tempers and contrasted opinions, 
is due mainly to his clear-sighted truthful- 
ness. The desire to make the Bible a 
people's book led him in one edition to 
something like a provincial, rather than a 
national translation, but on the whole it 
kept him free from the besetting danger of 
the time, that of writing for scholars, not 
for the people. III. Coverdale. — A com- 
plete translation of the Bible, different from 
Tyndal's, bearing the name of Miles Cover- 
dale, printed probably at Zurich, appeared 
in 1535. The undertaking itself, and the 
choice of Coverdale as the translator, were 
probably due to Cromwell. Tyndal's con- 
troversial treatises, and the polemical char- 
acter of his prefaces and notes, had irritated 
the leading ecclesiastics and embittered 
the mind of the king himself against him. 
There was no hope of obtaining the king'i 
sanction for anything that bore his name. 
But the idea of an English translation 



VERSION, AUTHORIZED 



736 



VERSION, AUTHORIZED 



began to find favor. Cromwell, it is prob- 
able, thought it better to lose no further 
time, and to strike while the iron was hot. 
A divine whom he had patronized, thougli 
not, like Tyndal, feeling himself called to 
that special work, was willing to undertake 
it. To him accordingly it was intrusted. 
The work which was thus executed was 
done, as might be expected, in a very dif- 
ferei .t fashion from Tyndal's. Of the two 
men one had made this the great object of 
hij life; the other, in his own language. 
' sought it not, neither desired it," but 
accepted it as a task assigned to him. He 
was content to make the translation at sec- 
ond hand " out of the Douche (Luther's 
German Version) and the Latin e." It is 
not improbable, however, that as time went 
on he added to his knowledge. He, at any 
rate, continued his work as a painstaking 
editor. Fresh editions of his Bible were 
published, keeping their ground in spite of 
rivals in 1537, 1539, 1550, 1553. He was 
called in at a still later period to assist in 
the Geneva version. IV. Matthew. — In 
the year 1537, a large folio Bible appeared 
as edited and dedicated to the king, by 
Thomas Matthew. No one of that name 
appears at all prominently in the religious 
history of Henry VIII., and this suggests 
the inference that the name was adopted to 
conceal the real translator. The tradition 
which connects this Matthew with John 
Rogers, the proto-martyr of the Marian 
persecution, is all but undisputed. Mat- 
tliew's Bible reproduces Tyndal's work, in 
the N. T. entirely, in the O. T. as far as 
2 Chr., the rest being taken with occasional 
modifications from Coverdale. The print- 
ing of the book was begun apparently 
abroad, and was carried on as fiir as the 
end of Isaiah. At that point a new pagi- 
nation begins, and the names of the Lon- 
don printers appear. A copy was ordered, 
by royal proclamation, to be set up in every 
church, the cost being divided between the 
dergy and the parishioners. This was, 
therefore, the first Authorized Version. 
What has been said of Tyndal's Version 
applies, of course, to this. There are, 
however, signs of a more advanced knowl- 
edge of Hebrew. More noticeable even 
than in Tyndal are the boldness and fulness 
of the exegetical notes scattered throughout 
the book. Strong and earnest in asserting 
what he looked on as the central truths of 
the Gospel, there was in Rogers a Luther- 
like freedom in other things which has not 
appeared again in any authorized translation 
or popular commentary. V. Taverner 
(1539). — The boldness of the pseudo- 
Matthew had frightened the ecclesiastical 
world from its propriety. Coverdale's 
Version was, however, too inaccurate 
to keep its ground. It was necessary 
to find another editor, and the point- 



ers applied to Richard Taverner. Bui 
little is known of his life. The fiact that 
though a layman, he had been chosen a> 
one of the canons of the Cardinal's Col- 
lege at Oxford indicates a reputation foi 
scholarship, and this is confirmed by the 
character of his translation. In most re- 
spects this may be described as an exinir- 
gated edition of Matthew's. VI. Cr.*n- 
MER. — In the same year as Taverner's, 
and coming from the same press, appeared 
an English Bible, in a more stately folio, 
with a preface containing the initials T. C, 
which imply the archbishop's sanction. 
Cranmer's Version presents, as might be 
expected, many points of interest. The 
prologue givet a more complete ideal of 
what a translation ought to be than we have 
as yet seen. Words not in the original are 
to be printed in a different type. It was 
reprinted again and again, and was the 
Authorized Version of the English Churcb 
till 1568 — the interval of Mary's reign ex- 
cepted. From it, accordingly, were taken 
most, if not all, the portions of Scripture 
in the Prayer-books of 154*^ and 1552. 
The Psalms, as a whole, the quotations 
from Scripture in the Homilies, the sen- 
tences in the Communion Services, and 
some phrases elsewhere, still preserve the 
remembrance of it. VII. Geneva. — The 
exiles who fled to Geneva in the reign of 
Mary entered on the work of translation 
with more vigor than ever. The Gene- 
van refugees — among them Whittingham, 
Goodman, PuUain, Sampson, and Cover- 
dale himself — labored "for two years oi 
more, day and night." Their translation 
of the N. T. was " diligently revised by 
the most approved Greek examples." The 
N. T., translated by Whittingham, was 
printed in 1557, and the whole Bible in 
1560. Whatever may have been its faults, 
the Geneva Bible, commonly called the 
Breeches Bible, from its rendering of Gen 
iii. 7, was unquestionably, for sixty years, 
the most popular of all versions. Not less 
than eighty editions, some of the whole 
Bible, were printed between 1553 and 1611. 
It kept its ground for some time evon 
against the A. V., and gave way. as it 
were, slowly and under protest. It was 
the version specially adopted by the great 
Puritan party through the whole reign of 
Elizabeth, and far into that of James. Af 
might be expected, it was based on Tyn- 
dal's Version. Some peculiarities are 
worthy of special notice : (1) It professen 
a desire to restore the "true writing" oi 
many Hebrew names, and we meet accord- 
ingly with such forms as Izhak (Isaac), Jaa- 
cob, and the like. (2) It omits the name of 
St. Paul from the title of the Epistle to the 
Hebrews, and, in a short Preface, leaves 
the authorship an open question. (3) It 
avows the principle of putting all word* 



VERSION, AUTHORIZED 



737 



VERSION, AUTHOir .ZED 



uot m the original in Italics. (4) It pre- 
sents, in a Calendar prefixed to the Bible, 
something like a declaration of war against 
the established order of the church's les- 
sons commemorating Scripture facts, and 
the deaths of the great Reformers, but ig- 
noring saints' days altogether. (5) It was 
the first English Bible which entirely omit- 
ted the Apocrypha. The notes were char- 
acteriitically Swiss, not only in their 
theology, but in their politics. VIII. The 
Bishops' Bible. — The facts just stated 
A ill account for the wish of Archbishop 
Parker to bring out another version, which 
might establifh its claims against that of 
Geneva. Grrat preparations were made. 
Eight kishop*-, together with some deans 
And professors, brought out the fruit of their 
labors in a magnificent folio (1568 and 
15 1*2). It V as avowedly based on Cran- 
mer's ; but of all the English versions it 
had probal 'y the least success. It did not 
command the respect of scholars, and its 
size and ( ist were far from meeting the 
wants of the people. IX. Rheims and 
DouAY. - The successive changes in the 
Protesta't versions of the Scriptures 
were, ar might b,e expected, matter of tri- 
umph t' the controverpialists of the Latin 
Church Some saw in it an argument 
agains* any translation of Scripture into 
the sr' sen language of the people. Others 
pointed derisively to the want of unity 
whicii these changes di&]-layed. There 
were some, however, who took the line 
which Sir T. More and Gai liner had taken 
ander Henry VIII. Thej did not object 
to thfc principle of an Eng ish translation. 
Thej only cliarged all the 'ersions hitherto 
made with being false, coirupt, heretical. 
To this there was the re3.Jy retort, that 
they ha J done nothing; that their bishops 
hi the reign of Henry had promised, but 
had not performed. It was felt to be ne- 
cessary that they should take some steps 
which might enable thorn to turn the edge 
of this reproach. The English Catholic 
refugees who were f^r tiled at Rheims un- 
dertook a new English version. The N. T. 
WAS published at Rheims in 1582, and pro- 
fessed to be based on '• the authentic text of 
the Vulgate." Notes were added, as strong- 
ly dogmatic as those of the Geneva Bible, 
and often keenly controversial. The work 
of translation was completed somewhat 
later by the publication of the O. T. at 
Douay in 1609. X. Authorized Ver- 
sion. — The position of the English Church 
in relation to the versions in use at the 
commencement of the reign of James was 
hardly satisfactory. Tlie Bishops' Bible 
was sanctioned by authority. That of Ge- 
neva haii the strongest hold on the affec- 
tions of the people. Scholars, Hebrew 
•f holars in particular, f -inc' grave fault 
47 



with both. Among the deif lands of the 
Puritan representatives at the Ham]'ton 
Court Conference in 1604, Kras one for a 
new, or at least a revised translatifin. The 
work of organizing and superintending the 
arrangements for a new translation was 
one specially congenial to James, and in 
1606 the task was accordingly commenced. 
It was intrusted to 54 scholars. The fol- 
lowing were the instructions given to the 
translators : (1) The Bishops' Bible was 
to be followed, and as little altered as the 
original will permit. (2) The names of 
prophf+e and others were to be retained, as 
nearly as may be, as they are vulgarly used. 

(3) The old ecclesiastical words to be kept. 

(4) When any word hath divers significa- 
tions, that to be kept which hath been 
most commonly used by the most eminent 
fathers, being agreeable to the proprietv 
of the place and the analogy of faith. (5) 
The division of the chapters to be altered 
either not at all or as little as possible. (6) 
No marginal notes to be affixed but only 
for the explanation of Hebrew and Greek 
words. (7) Such quotations of places to 
be marginally set down as may serve for 
fit reference of one Scripture to another. 
(8 and 9) State plan of translation. Each 
company of translators is to take its own 
books ; each person to bring his own cor- 
rections. The company to discuss them, 
and having finished their work, to send il 
on to another company, and so on. (ID) 
Provides for differences of opinion between 
two companies by referring them to a gen- 
eral meeting. (11) Gives power, in cases 
of difficulty, to consult any scholars. (12) 
Invites suggestions from any quarter. (13) 
Names the directors of the work : Andrews, 
Dean of Westminster ; Barlow, Dean of 
Chester; and the Regius Professors oi 
Hebrew and Greek at both Universities. 
(14) Names translations to be followed 
when they agree more with the original than 
the Bishops' Bible, sc. Tyndal's, Coverdale's, 
Matthew's, Whitchurch's (Cranmer's), and 
Geneva. (15) Authorizes Universities to 
appoint three or four overseers of the work. 
It is not known that any of tlie corre- 
spondence connected with this work, or 
any minute of the meetings for conference, 
is still extant. Nothing is more striking 
than the silence with which the version 
thai yas to be the inheritance of the Eng- 
lish^ people for at least two centuries and 
a half was ushered into the world. For 
three years the work went on, the separate 
companies comparing notes, as directed. 
When the work drew towards its comple 
tion, it was necessary to place it under the 
care of a select few. Two from each oi 
the three groups were accordingly selected, 
and the six met in London, to superictend 
the publication. The final correction, and 



VIJ^LAGE 



738 



VINE OF SODOM 



Che tav.'fk of m riling tlie arguments of the 
several books, were given toBilson, Bishop 
ot' Winchester, and Dr. Miles Smith, the 
latter of whom also wrote the Dedication 
and Preface. The -version thus published 
did not ail at once supersede those already 
in possession. The fact that five editions 
were published in three years, shows that 
there was a good demand. But the Bishops' 
Bible probably remained in many Churches, 
and the popularity of the Geneva Version is 
.shown by not less than thirteen reprints, in 
« liole or in part, between 1611 and 1617. 
ll is not easy to ascertain the impression 
which the A, V. made at the time of its ap- 
pearance. Selden says it is "the best of 
all translations, as giving the true sense of 
fclie original." It would be easy to put to- 
gether a long catena of praises stretching 
from that time to the present. 

Village. This word, in addition to its 
ordinary sense, is often used, especially in 
the enumeration of towns in Josh, xiii., xv., 
xix., to imply unwalled suburbs outside the 
walled towns. Arab villages, as found in 
Arabia, are often mere collections of stone 
huts, " long, low, rude hovels, roofed only 
with the stalks of palm-leaves," or covered 
tor a time with tent-cloths, which are re- 
moved when the tribe change their quar- 
ters. Others are more solidly built, as are 
most of the modern villages of Palestine, 
though in some the dwellings are mere 
mud-huts. ■ There is little in the O. T. to 
enable us more precisely to define a vil- 
lage of Palestii e, beyond the fact that it 
was destitute of walls or external defences. 
Persian villages are spoken of in similar 
terms (Ez. xxxviii. 11; Esth. ix. 19). By 
the Talmudists a village was defined as a 
place destitute of a synagogue. 

Vine, the well-known valuable plant 
{yitis vinifera') very frequently referred 
to in the Old and New Testaments, and 
cultivated from the earliest times. The 
first mention of this plant occurs in Gen. 
ix. 20, 21. That it was abundantly culti- 
vated in Egypt is evident from the frequent 
representations on the monuments, as well 
as from the Scriptural allusions (Gen. xl. 
9-11; Ps. Ixxviii. 47). The vines of Pales- 
tine were celebrated both for luxuriant 
growth and for the immense clusters of 
grapes which they produced. When the 
s])ies were sent forth to view the promised 
land, we are told that on their arrival at 
the valley of Eshcol they cut down a branch 
with one cluster of grapes, and bare it 
between two on a staff (Num. xiii. 23). 
Travellers have frequently testified to the 
large size of the grape-clusters of Pales- 
tine. Especial mention is made in the 
Bible of the vines of Eshcol (N ira. xiii. 
24, xxxii. 9), of Sibmah, Heshbon, and 
Glealeh (Is. xvi. 8, 9, 10; Jer. xlviii. 32), 



and Engcdi (Cant. 1. 14). From the abun- 
dance and excellence of the vines, it may 
readily be understood how frequently this 
plant is th*" subject of metaphor in the 
Holy Scriptures. To dwell under the vine 
and fig-tree is an emblem of domestic hap- 
piness and peace (1 K. iv. 25; Mic. iv. 4: 
Ps. cxxviii. 3) ; the rebellious people of 
Israel are compared to "wild grapes," "an 
empty vine," " the degenerate plant of a 
strange vine," &c. (Is. v. 2, 4 ; IIos. x. I ; 
Jer. ii. 21). It is a vine which our Lord 
selects to show the spiritual union T^hich 
subsists between Himself and his members 
(John XV. 1-6). The ancient Hebrews 
probably allowed the vine to grow trailing 
on the ground, or upon supports. This 
latter mode of cultivation appears to be 
alluded to by Ezekiel (xix. 11, 12). The 
vintage, which formerly was a season of 
general festivity, commenced in Septem- 
ber. The towns are deserted, and the 
people live among the vineyards in the 
lodges and tents (comp. Judg. ix. 27 ; Jer. 
XXV. 30; Is. xvi. 10). The grapes were 
gathered with shouts of joy by the " grape- 
gatherers " (Jer. XXV. 30), and put into 
baskets (see Jer. vi. 9). They were then 
carried on the head and shoulders, or slung 
upon a yoke, to the " wine-press." Those 
intended for eating were perhaps pat into 
Cat open baskets of wickerwork, as waa 
the custom in Egypt. In Palestine, at pres- 
ent, the finest grapes, says Dr. Robinson, 
are dried as raisins, and the juice of the 
remainder, after having been trodden and 
pressed, " is boiled down to a sirup, which, 
under the name of dihs, is much used by 
all classes, wherever vineyards are found, 
as a condiment with their food." The vine- 
yard, which was generally on a hill (Is. v. 
1 ; Jer. xxxl. 5 ; Amos ix. 13), was sur» 
rounded by a wall or hedge in order to 
keep out the wild boars (Ps. Ixxx. 13), 
jackals, and foxes (Num. xxii. 24; Cant, 
ii. 15 ; Neh. iv. 3 ; Ez. xiii. 4, 5 ; Matt. xxi. 
33). Within the vineyard was one or more 
towers of stone in which the vine-dresser» 
lived (Is. i. 8, v. 2; Matt, xxi 33). The 
press and vat, which was dug (Matt. ud. 
33) or hewn out of the rocky soil, werti 
part of the vineyard furniture (Is. v. 2). 

Vine of Sodom, occurs only in Deul. 
xxxii. 32. It is generally supposed thai 
this passage alludes to the celebrated ap- 
ples of Sodom, of which Josephus speaks, 
" which indeed resemble edible fruit in col- 
or, but, on being plucked by the hand, art 
dissolved into smoke and ashes." It hai 
been variously identified. Dr. Robinson 
pronounced in favor of the Usher fruit, the 
Asclepias ( Calotropis) procera of botanista. 
He says, " The fruit greatly resembles ex- 
ternally a large smooth apple or orange, 
hanging in clusters of three or four to* 



VINEGIR 



739 



VULGATE 



H».'itier, and \tlxen ripe is of a yellow color. 
It was now fair and delicious to the eye, 
and soft to the touch ; but, on being pressed 
or struck, it explodes with a puff, like a 
Dladder or puff-oall, leaving in the hand 
only the shreds of the thin rind and a few 
fibres. It is indeed filled chiefly with air, 
which gives it the round form." Dr. Hook- 
er writes, " The Vine of Sodom I always 
thought might refer to Cucumis colocynthis, 
which is bitter and powdery inside ; the 
term zine would scarcely be given to any 
b^it a trailing or other plant of the habit of 
a yira. ' His remark that the term vine 
jiust refer to some plant of the habit of a 
vine, is conclusive against the claims of all 
the plants hitherto identified with the Vine 
of Sodom. 

Vinegar. The Hebrew word translated 
** vinegar " was applied to a beverage con- 
sisting generally of wine or strong drink 
turned sour, but sometimes artificially 
mp.de by an admixture of barley and wine, 
and thus liable to fermentation. It was 
acid even to a proverb (Pro v. x. 26), and 
by itself formed a nauseous draught (Ps. 
Ixix. 21), but was used by laborers (Ruth 
ii. 14). Similar was the acetum of the 
Romans — a thin, sour wine, consumed by 
;oldiers. This was the beverage of which 
the Saviour partook in His dying moments 
(Matt, xxvii. 48 ; Mark xv. 36 ; John xix. 
29, 30). 

Vineyards, Plain of the. This 
place, mentioned only in Judg. xi. 33, has 
been already noticed under Abel (5). 

Viol. [Psaltery.] 

Viper. [Serpent.] 

Voph'si, father of Nahbi, the Naphta- 
lite spy (Num. xiii. 14). 

Vows. The earliest mention of a vow 
is that of Jacob (Gen. xxviii. 18-22, xxxi. 
13). Vows in general are also mentioned 
in the Book of Job (xxii. 27). The Law 
therefore did not introduce, but regulated 
the practice of vows. Three sorts are men- 
tioned ; I. Vows of devotion ; II. Vows 
of abstinence ; III. Vows of destruction. 
I. As to vows of devotion, the following 
rules are laid down : A man might devote 
to sacred uses possessions or persons, but 
not the firstborn either of man or beast, 
which was devoted already (Lev. xxvii. 26). 
a. If he vowed land, he might either re- 
deem it or not (Lev. xxv., xxvii.). h. 
Animals fit for sacrifice, if devoted, were 
not to be redeemed or changed (Lev. 
xxvii. 9, 10, 33). c. The case of persons 
devoted stood thus : A man might devote 
either himself, his child (not the firstborn), 
or his slave. If no redemption took place, 
the devoted person became a slave of the 
sanctuary : see the case of Absalom (2 Sam. 
XV. 8). Otherwise he might be redeemed 
at a valuation according to age and sex, on 
^»(! sc<il(? given in Lev xxvii. 1^7. Among 



general regulations affecting vows» tne fot 
lowing may be mentioned: 1. Vows were 
entirely voluntary, but once made were re- 
garded as compulsory (Num. xxx. 2 ; Deut. 
xxiii. 21 ; Eccl. v. 4). 2. If persons iu a 
dependent condition made vows, as (a) an 
unmarried daughter living in her father's 
house, or (h) a wife, even if she afterward* 
became a widow, the vow, if (a) in the first 
case her father, or (b) in the second, hei 
husband, heard and disallowed it, was void ; 
but if they heard without disallowance, it 
was to remain good (Num. xxx. 3-16). 3. 
Votive offerings arising from the produce 
of any impure traffic were wholly forbidden 
(Deut. xxiii. 18). II., III. For vows of 
abstinence, see Corban; and for vows of 
extermination, Anathema, and Ezr. x. 8; 
Mic. iv. 13. It seems that the practice of 
shaving the head at the expiration of a vo- 
tive period was not limited to the Nazaritic 
vow (Acts xviii. 18, xxi. 24). 

Vulgate, The, the Latin version ot 
the Bible. The influence which it exercised 
upon Western Christianity is scarcely less 
than that of the LXX. upon the Greek 
Churches. But both the Greek and the 
Latin Vulgates have been long neglected. 
Yet the Vulgate should have a very deep 
interest for all the Western Churches. For 
many centuries it was the only Bible gen- 
erally used ; and, directly or indirectly, it 
is the real parent of all the vernacular 
versions of Western Europe. The Gotliic 
Version of Ulphilas alone is independent 
of it. In the age of the Reformation the 
Vulgate was rather the guide than the 
source of the popular versions. That of 
Luther (N. T. in 1523) was the most im- 
portant, and in this the Vulgate had great 
weight. From Luther the influence of the 
Latin passed to our own Authorized Ver- 
sion. But the claims of the Vulgate to the 
attention of scholars rest on wider grounds. 
It is not only the source of our current 
theological terminology, but it is, in one 
shape or other, the most important early 
witness to the text and interpretation of the 
whole Bible. The name is equivalent to 
Vulgata editio (the current text of Holy 
Scripture). I. The Old Latin Versions. — 
The history of the earliest Latin Version of 
the Bible is lost in obscurity. All that can 
be affirmed with certainty is, that it was 
made in Africa in the 2d century. During 
the first two centuries the Churches of 
Rome and Gaul were essentiaLy Greek; 
but the Church of N. Africa seems to have 
been Latin-speaking from the first. This 
version was known by the name of the Old 
Latin ( Vetus Latino), and the language 
was rude and provincial. It appears to 
have arisen from individual and successive 
efforts ; but it does not follow by any means 
that numerous versions were simultaneously 
circulated, or that the several parts of *h» 



VULGATE 



740 ■ 



VULGA.TE 



rersion were made independently Even 
if it had been so, the exigencies of the pub- 
lic service must soon have given definite- 
ness and substantial unity to the fragmen- 
tary labors of individuals. The work of 
private hands would necessarily be subject 
to revision for ecclesiastical use. Tlie 
separate books would be united in a vol- 
ume, and thus a standard text of the whole 
collection would be established. With re- 
gard to the O. T. the case is less clear. It 
is probable that the Jews who were settled 
in N. Africa were confined to the Greek 
towns ; otherwise it might be supposed that 
the Latin Version of the O. T. is in part 
anterior to the Christian era, and that (as 
in the case of Greek) a preparation for a 
Christian Latin dialect was already made 
when the Gospel was introduced into Africa. 
However this may have been, the substan- 
tial similarity of the different parts of the 
Old and New Testaments establishes a real 
connection between them, and justifies the 
belief that there was one popular Latin 
Version of the Bible current in Africa in 
the last quarter of the second century. 
From considerations of style and language 
it seems certain that the Epistle to the He- 
brews, James, and 2 Peter, did not form 
part of the original African Version. In 
the O. T., on the other hand, the Old Latin 
erred by excess, and not by defect. After 
the translation once received a definite 
shape in Africa, which could not have been 
long after the middle of the second century, 
it was not publicly revised. It continued 
to be used in Africa in its original form; 
but in the 4th century an ecclesiastical 
recension appears to have been made in 
Northern Italy, which was distinguished by 
the name of Itala. At the close of the 4th 
century the Latin texts of the Bible current 
in the Western Church had fallen into the 
greatest corruption. The evil was yet 
greater in prospect than at the time; for 
the separation of the East and West was 
growing imminent. II. The Labors of 
Jebome. — In the crisis of danger the great 
scholar was raised up who probably alone 
for 1500 years possessed the qualifications 
^•ecessary for producing an original version 
of the Scriptures for the use of the Latin 
Churches, viz. Jerome — Eusebius Hierony- 
mus — who was born in 329 a. d. at Stridon 
in Dalmatia, and died at Bethlehem in 420 
A. D. After long and self-denying studies 
in the East and West, Jerome went to 
Rome A. D. 382, probably at the request of 
Damasus the Pope, to assist in an important 
synod. His active biblical labors date from 
this epoch, and in examining them it will 
^ convenient to follow the order of time, 
noticing (1) the Revision of the Old Latin 
Version of the N. T. ; (2) the Revision of 
the Old Latin Version (from the Greek) of 



the O. T. ; (bj the New Version o. the O 
T. from the Hebrew. (1.) The Revision 
of the Old Latin Version of the N. T. — 
Jerome had not bee3i long at Rome (a. d. 
383) when Damasus consulted him on 
points of Scriptural criticism. Apparently 
in the same year Jerome, at the request of 
Damasus the Pope, undertook a revision 
of the current Latin version of the N. T. 
by the help of the Greek original. Jerome 
was fully sensible of the prejudices which 
such a work would excite among those 
" who thought that ignorance was holiness ; " 
but the need of it was urgent. *' There 
were," he says, " almost as many forms 
of text as copies." The Gospels had natu- 
rally suffered most. Jerome therefore ap- 
plied himself to these first. But his aim 
was to revise the Old Latin, and not to 
make a new version. Yet although he pro- 
posed to himself this limited object, the 
various forms of corruption which had been 
introduced were, as he describes, so numer- 
ous that the difference of the Old and Re- 
vised (Hieronymian) text is throughout cleai 
and striking. The preface to Damasus 
speaks only of a revision of the Gospels, 
and a question has been raised whether 
Jerome really revised the remaining books 
of the N. T. But th? omission is probably 
due to the comparatively pure state in 
which the text of the rest of the N. T. was 
preserved. An examination of the Vulgate 
text, with the quotations of ante-Hieronym- 
ian fathers and the imperfect evidence of 
MSS., is itself sufficient to establish the 
reality and character of the revision. (2.) 
Jlie Revision of the 0. T. from the LXX. — 
He next proceeded to revise the O. T. from 
the Septuagint. He commenced his task by 
a revision of the Psalter. This revision, 
which was not very complete or careful, ob- 
tained the name of the Roman Psalter, prob- 
ably because it was made for the use of the 
Roman Church at the request of Damasus. 
Sliortly afterwards, at the urgent request of 
Paula and Eustochium, Jerome commenced 
a new and more thorough revision. The 
exact date at which this was made is not 
known, but it may be fixed with great 
probability very shortly after a. d. 387, 
when he retired* to Bethlehem, and cer- 
tainly before 391, when he had begun his 
new translations from the Hebrew. In the 
new revision Jerome attempted to rep- 
resent as far as possible, by the help of 
tlie Greek versions, the real reading of 
the Hebrew. This new edition soon ob- 
tained a wide popularity. Gregory of 
Tours is said to have introduced it from 
Rome into the public services in France, 
and from this it obtained the name of the 
Gallican Psalter. From the second (Gal 
lican) revision of the Psalms Jerome i\^ 
pears to have proceeded to a rerision of 



VULGATE 



741 



VTTLGATE 



tl« other books of the 0. T., restoring 
all, by the help of the Greek, to a gen- 
eral conformity with the Hebrew. The 
revised texts of the Psalter and Job have 
alone been preserved ; but there is no rea- 
son to doubt that Jerome carried out his 
design of revising all the " Canonical Scrip- 
tures." Subsequently Jerome undertook a 
still more important work, namely, the trans- 
lation of the O. T. from the Hebrew. (3.) The 
Translation of the 0. T. from the Hebrev). 
— He commenced the study of Hebrew when 
he was already advanced in middle life 
(about A.. D. 374). His first teacher had 
been a Jewish convert; but afterwards he 
did not scruple to seek the instruction of 
Jews, whose services he secured with great 
ditficulty and expense. After retiring to 
Bethlehem, he appears to have devoted 
himself with renewed ardor to the study 
of Hebrew, and he published several works 
on the subject (about a. d. 389). These 
essays served as a prelude to his New Ver- 
sion, which he now commenced. This ver- 
sion was not undertaken with any eccle- 
siastical sanction, as the revision of the 
Gospels was, but at the urgent request of 
private friends, or from his own sense of 
the imperious necessity of the work. Its 
history is told in the main in the Prefaces 
to the several instalments which were suc- 
cessively published. The Books of Samuel 
and Kings were issued first, and to these 
he J refixed the famous Prologus galeatus, 
addressed to Paula and Eustochium, in 
which he gives an account of the Hebrew 
Canon (about a. d. 391, 392). The other 
books followed in succession, and the whole 
work was completed in a. d. 404. III. The 
History of Jerome's Translation to 
THE Invention of Printing. — The critical 
labors of Jerome were received with a loud 
outcry of reproach. He was accused of 
disturbing the repose of the Church, and 
shaking the foundations of faith. But 
clamor based upon ignorance soon dies 
away; and the New translation gradually 
came into use equally with the Old, and at 
length supplanted it. In the 6th century 
the use of Jerome's Version was universal 
among scholars except in Africa, where the 
other still lingered. In the 7th century the 
traces of the Old Version grow rare. In 
the 8th century Bede speaks of Jerome's 
Version as " our edition ; " and from this 
time it is needless to trace its history, 
though the Old Latin was not wholly for- 
gotten. Yet throughout, the New Version 
made its way without any direct eccle- 
siastical authority. It was adopted in the 
different Churches gradually, or at least 
without any formal command. But the 
Latin Bible which thus passed gradually 
mto use under the name of Jerome was a 
strangely composite work. The books of 



the O. T., with one exception, were cer- 
tainly taken from his Version from the 
! Hebrew ; but this had not only been vari- 
I ously corrupted, but was itself in many 
particulars (especially in the Pentateuch) 
j at variance with his later judgment. Long 
I use, however, made it impossible to substi- 
j tute his Psalter from tbp Hebrew for the 
Galilean Psalter; and thus this book was 
retained from the Old Version, as Jerome 
had corrected it from the LXX. Of the 
Apocryphal books Jerome hastily revised 
or translated two only, Judith and Tobit. 
The remainder were retained from the Old 
Version against his judgment; and the 
Apocryphal additions to Daniel and Esther, 
which he had carefully marked as apocry- 
phal in his own Version, were treated as 
integral parts of the books. In the N. T. 
the text of the Gospels was in the main 
Jerome's revised edition; that of the re- 
maining books his very incomplete revision 
of the Old Latin. Meanwhile the text of 
the different parts of the Latin Bible was 
rapidly deteriorating. The simultaneous 
use of the Old and New Versions necessa- 
rily led to great corruptions of both texts. 
Mixed texts were formed according to the 
taste or judgment of scribes, and the con- 
fusion was further increased by the changes 
which were sometimes introduced by those 
who had some knowledge of Greek. In 
the 8th century the corruption had arrived 
at such a height, that Charlemagne in- 
trusted to Alcuin (circ. a. d. 802) the task 
of revising the Latin text for public use. 
Alcuin's revision probably contributed much 
towards preserving a good Vulgate text. It 
was subsequently revised by many eminent 
scholars, both before and after the inven- 
tion of printing. IV. The History of the 
Printed Text. — It was a noble omen for 
the future progress of printing that the first 
book which issued from the press was the 
Bible ; and the splendid pages of the Maz- 
arin Vulgate (Mainz, Gutenburg, and Fust) 
stand yet unsurpassed by the latest efforts 
of typography. This work is referred to 
about the year 1455, and presents the com- 
mon text of the 15th century. Other edi- 
tions followed in rapid succession. The 
first collection of various readings appears 
in a Paris edition of 1504, and others fol- 
lowed at Venice and Lyons in 1511, 1513; 
but Cardinal Ximenes (1502-1517) was the 
first who seriously revised the Latin text, 
to which he assigned the middle place of 
honor in his Polyglot between the Hebrew 
and Greek texts. This was followed by 
others. When the CoUi.icil of Trent de- 
clared the Vulgate to be the authoritative 
text of Scripture, the want of a standard 
text became more urgent than ever. At 
length an edition was published in 1590, 
under the superintendence of the Pop« 



VULTURE 



742 



WAR 



Sixtus v., with the famous constitution 
prefixed, in which Sixtus affirmed the plea- 
ary authority of the edition for all future 
time. It was, however, soon found that 
this edition also was defective ; and accord- 
ingly another edition was prepared under 
papal authority. It appeared in 1592 in the 
Pontificate of Clement VIII., with a Pref- 
ace, written by Bellarmin. More than a 
century elapsed before anything more of 
importance was done for the text of the 
Latin version of the O. T., when at length 
the fortunate discovery of the original 
revision of the Sixtine correctors again 
directed the attention of Roman scholars 
to their authorized text. The first fruits 
of their labors are given in the volume of 
Vercellone, which has thrown more light 
upon the history and criticism of the Vul- 
gate than any previous work. The neglect 
of the Latin text of the O. T. is but a con- 
sequence of the general neglect of the 
criticism of the Hebrew text. In the N. T. 
far more has been done for the correc- 
tion of the Vulgate, though even here no 
critical edition has yet been published. 
V. The Influence and Value op the 
Latin Version. — The vast power which 
the Vulgate has had in determining the 
theological terms of Western Christendom 
can hardly be overrated. By far the great- 
er part of the current doctrinal terminology 
is based on the Vulgate. Predestination, 
justification, supererogation (^supererogo), 
sanctification, salvation, mediation, regen- 
eration, revelation, visitation (met.), pro- 
pitiation, first appear in the Old Vulgate. 
Grace, redemption, election, reconciliation, 
satisfaction, inspiration, scripture, were 
devoted tliere to a new and holy use. Sac- 
rament and communion are from the same 
source; and though baptism is Greek, it 
comes to us from the Latin. It would be 
easy to extend the list by the addition of 
orders, penance, congregation, priest. But 
it can be seen from the forms already 
brought forward that the Vulgate has left 
its mark both upon our language and upon 
our thoughts. It was the Version which 
alone they knew who handed down to the 
Reformers the rich stores of mediaeval 
wisdom; the Version with which the great- 
est of the Reformers were most familiar, 
and from which they had drawn their ear- 
liest knowledge of Divine truth. 

Vulture. The rendering in the A. V. 
of the Heb. dddh, dayydh, and also in Job 
xxviii. 7, of ayydh. There seems no doubt 
but that the A. V. translation is incorrect, 
and that the original words refer to some of 
the smaller species of raptorial birds, as 
kites or buzzards. [Kite.] Buf the He- 
brew word nesher, invariably rendered 
" eaglfj ' in the A V., is probably the vul- 
ture. (Eagle.] 



W. 



Wages. The earliest mention of waget 
is of a recompense, not iu money, but ic 
kind, to Jacob from Laban (Gen. xxix. 15, 
20, XXX. 28, xxxi. 7, 8, 41). In Egypt, 
money payments by way of wages were in 
use, but the terms cannot now be ascer- 
tained (Ex. ii. 9). The only mention of 
the rate of wages in Scripture is found Id 
the parable of the householder and the 
vineyard (Matt. xx. 2), where the laborer's 
wages are set at one denarius per day, 
probably = 7|d., a sum which may be fair- 
ly taken as equivalent to the denarius, 
and to the usual pay of a soldier (ten asses 
per diem) in the later days of the Roman 
republic (Tac. Ann. i. 17; Polyb. vi. 39), 
In earlier times it is probable that the rate 
was lower. But it is likely that laborers, 
and also soldiers, were supplied with pro- 
visions. The law was very strict in re- 
quiring daily payment of wages (Lev. xii. 
13; Deut. xxiv. 14, 15). The employer 
who refused to give his laborers sufficient 
victuals is censured (Job xxiv. 11), and 
the iniquity of withholding wages is de- 
nounced ( Jer. xxii. 13 ; Mai. iii. 5 ; James 
V. 4). 

Wagon. The Oriental wagon, oi 
arabah, is a vehicle composed of two or 
three planks fixed on two solid circular 
blocks of wood, from two to five feet in 
diameter, which serve as wheels. For the 
conveyance of passengers, mattresses or 
clothes are laid in the bottom, and the 
vehicle is drawn by buffaloes or oxen. 
[Cart and Chariot.] 

Walls. Only a few points need be no- 
ticed. 1. The practice common in Palestine 
of carrying foundations down to the solid 
rock, as in the case of the Temple, with 
structures intended to be permanent (Luke 
vi. 48) . 2. A feature of some parts of Solo- 
mon's buildings, as described by Josephus, 
corresponds remarkably to the method 
adopted at Nineveh of incrusting or veneer- 
ing a wall of brick or stone with slabs of a 
more costly material, as marble or alabas- 
ter. 3. Another use of walls in Palestine 
is to support mountain-roads or terraces 
formed on the sides of hills for purposes of 
cultivation. 4. The " path of the vineyards " 
(Num. xxii, 24) is a pathway through vine- 
yards, with walls on each side. 

Wandering in the Wilderness. 
[Wilderness of Wandering.] 

War. The most important topic in con 
nection with war is the formation of the 
army which is destined to carry it on. 
[Army.] In 1 K. ix. 22, at a period (Solo- 
mon's reign) when the organization of the 
army was complete, we have apparenUv » 



WAR 



748 WASHING HANDS AND FEfciJ 



,4ot V f the various gradations of rank in the 
B<ervice, as follow: (1.) "Men of war " = 
p/i^ates; (2.) " servants," the lowest rank 
of officers = lieutenants ; (3.) " princes " 
=. captains; (4.) "captains," perhaps = 
tiaff officers ; (5.) "rulers of Ms chariots and 
his horsemen" =cai;a/r2/ officers. Before 




Assyrian War Chariot 

entering on a war of aggression the He- 
brews sought for the Divine sanction by 
consulting either the Urim and Thummim 
(Judg. i. 1, XX. 2, 27, 28; 1 Sam. xiv. 37, 
xxiii. 2, xxviii. 6, xxx. 8), or some acknowl- 
edged prophet (1 K. xxii, 6 ; 2 Chr. xviii. 
6). Divine aid was further sought in actual 
warfare by bringing into the field the Ark 
of the Covenant, which was the symbol of 
Jehovah Himself (1 Sam.iv. 4-18, xiv. 18). 
Formal proclamations of war were not 
interchanged between the belligerents. Be- 
fore entering the enemy's district spies 
were sent to ascertain the character of the 
country and the preparations of its inhab- 
itants for resistance (Num. xiii. 17; Josh. 
ii. 1 ; Judg. vii. 10; 1 Sam. xxvi. 4). When 
an engagement was imm nent a sacrifice 
was offered (1 Sam. vii. 9, xiii. 9), and an 
inspiriting address delivered either by the 
commander (2 Chr. xx. 20) or by a priest 
(Deut. XX 2). Then followed the battle- 
signal (1 Sam. xvii. 52; Is. xiii. 13; Jer. 1. 
42; Ez. xxi. 22; Am. i. 14). The combat 
assumed the form of a number of hand-to- 
hand contests. Hence the high value at- 
tached to fleetness of foot and strength of 
arm (2 Sam. i. 23, ii. 18; 1 Chr. xii. 8). 
At the same time various strategic devices 
*rere practised, such as the ambuscade 
(Josh. viii. 2, 12; Judg. xx. 36), surprise 
(Judg. vii. 16), or circumvention (2 Sam. 
V. 23). Another mode of settling the dis- 
pute was by the selection of champions 
(1 Sam. xvii. ; 2 Sam. ii. 14), who were 
spurred on to exertion by the offer of high 
reward (1 Sam. xvii. 25, xviii. 25; 2 Sam. 
rriii. 11; 1 Chr. xi. 6). The contest hav- 
ing been decided, the conquerors were 
recalled from the pursuit by the sound of 
a trumpet (2 Sara. ii. 28, xviii. 16, xx. 22). 
The siege of a town or fortress was con- 
quoted in the following manner A line 



of circumvallation was drawn round the 
place (Ez. iv. 2; Mic. v. 1), constructed 
out of the trees found in the neighbor- 
hood (Deut. XX. 20), together with earth 
and any other materials at hand. This 
line not only cut off the besieged from 
the surrounding country, but also served as 
a base of operations for the besiegers. The 
next step was to throw out from this line 
one or more mounds or " banks" in the di- 
rection of the city (2 Sam. xx. 15 ; 2 K. xix. 
32; Is. xxxvii. 33), wliich were gradually 
increased in height until they wiu*e about 
half as high as the city wall. On this mound 
or bank towers were erected (2 K. xxv. 1 ; 
Jer. Hi. 4; Ez. iv. 2, xvii. 17, xxi. 22, xxvi. 
8), whence the slingers and archers might 
attack with effect. Battering-rams (Ez. iv. 
2, xxi. 22) were brought up to the walls by 
means of the bank, and scaling-ladders 
might also be placed on it. The treatment 
of the conquered was extremely severe m 
ancient times. The bodies of the soldiers 
killed in action were plundered (1 Sam. 
xxxi. 8 ; 2 Mace. viii. 27) : the survivors 
were either killed in some savage manner 
(Judg. ix. 45 ; 2 Sam. xii. 31 ; 2 Chr. xxv. 
12), mutilated (Judg. i. 6 ; 1 Sam. xi. 2), 
or carried into captivity (Num. xxxi. 26 ; 
Deut. XX. 14). Sometimes the bulk of the 
population of the conquered country was 
removed to a distant locality. The Mosaic 
law mitigated to a certain extent the sever- 
ity of the ancient usages towards the con- 
quered. The conquerors celebrated their 
success by the erection of monumental 
stones (1 Sam. vii. 12; 2 Sara. viii. 13), 
by hanging up trophies in their public 
buildings (1 Sara. xxi. 9, xxxi. 10; 2 K. 
xi. 10), and by triumphal songs and dances 
in which the whole -population took part 
(Ex. XV. 1-21 ; Judg. v. ; 1 Sam. xviii. 6-8 ; 
2 Sam. xxii. ; Jud. xvi. 2-17 ; 1 Mace, it 
24V 

Washing the Hands and Feet. 
A s knives and forks were dispensed with in 
eating, it was absolutely necessary that tl\e 
hand, which was thrust into the common 
dish, should be scrupulously clean ; and 
again, as sandals were ineffectual against 
the dust and heat of an Eastern climate, 
washing the feet on eiitering a house was 
an act both of respect to the company and 
of refreshment to the traveller. The f.^r- 
mer of these usages was trr^sformed V} 
the Pharisees of the New Testament age 
into a matter of ritual observance (JM;^i'k 
vii. 3), and special rules were laid down as 
to the times and manner of its performi, n jf 
Washing the feet did not rise to the dignity 
of a ritual observance except in connection 
with the services of the sa actuary (Ex. xxx. 
19, 21). It held a high place*, however, 
among the rites of hospitality. Immedi- 
ately that a guest presented Mm' elf at the 



WATCHES OF NJGHT 



744 



WEAVING 



cent-door, it wa? usual to offer the neces- 
sary materials for washing the feet (Gen. 
xviii. 4, xix. 2, xxiv. 32, xliii. 24 ; Judg. 
xix. 21). It was a yet more complimentary 
act, betokening equally humility and affec- 
tion, if the host actually performed the office 
for his guest (1 Sam. xxv. 41 ; Luke vii. 38, 
44; John xiii. 5-14; 1 Tim. v. 10.) Such 
a token of liospitality is still occasionally 
<?ixhibite 1 in the East. 

Watches of Night. The Jews, like 
the Greeks and Romans, divided the night 
into military watches instead of hours, each 
watch representing the period for which 
&entin( Is or pickets remained on duty. The 
proper Jewish reckoning recognized only 
three such watches, entitled the first or 
" beginning of the watches " (Lam. ii. 19), 
the middle watch (Judg. vii. 19), and the 
morning watch (Ex. xiv. 24 ; 1 Sam. xi. 11). 
These would last respectively from sunset 
to 10 p. M. ; from 10 p. m. to 2 a. m. ; and 
from 2 A. M. to sunrise. Subsequently to 
the establishment of the Roman supremacy, 
the number of watches was increased to 
four, which were described either accord- 
ing to their numerical order, as in the 
case of the " fourth watch " (Matt. xiv. 25), 
or by the terms "even, midnight, cock- 
crowing, and morning" (Mark xiii. 35). 
These terminated respectively at 9 p. m., 
midnight, 3 a. m., and 6 a. m. 

Water of Jealousy, (Num. v. ii- 
81). The ritual prescribed consisted in the 
husband's bringing the woman before the 
priest, and the essential part of it is unques- 
tionably the oath, to which the "water" 
was subsidiary, symbolical, and ministerial. 
With her he was to bring the tenth part of 
an ephah of barley-meal as an offering. In 
the first instance, the priest " set her before 
the Lord," with the offering in her hand. 
As she stood holding the offering, so the 
priest stood holding an earthen vessel of 
holy water mixed with the dust from the 
floor of the sanctuary, and declaring her 
free from ail evil consequences if innocent, 
solemnly devoted her in the name of Jeho- 
vah to be "a curse and an oath among her 
people *' if guilty, further describing the 
exact consequences ascribed to the opera- 
tion of the water in the " members " which 
t?he had "yielded as servants to unclean- 
iiess" (vers. 21, 22, 27; comp. Rom. vi. 
HO). He tlien "wrote these curses in a 
book, and blotted them out with the bitter 
water," ani having thrown the handful of 
meal on the altar, " caused the woman to 
drink ' the potion thus drugged, she more- 
over answering to the words of liis impreca- 
tion, " Amen, Amen." Josephus adds, if 
the suspicion was unfounded, she obtained 
conception, if true, she died infamously. 

Water of Separation. [Purifica- 
tion ; Unci-eanness.] 



Wave-offering. This rite, togethei 
with that of " heaving " or " raising " the 
offering, was an inseparable accompauimeul 
of peace-offerings. In such the right shoul- 
der, considered the choicest part of the 
victim, was to be " heaved," and viewed 
as holy to the Lord, only eaten therefore 
by the priest ; the breast was to be " waved," 
and eaten by the worshipper. On the sec- 
ond day of the Passover a sheaf of corn, in 
the green ear, was to be waved, accom- 
panied by the sacrifice of an unblemished 
lamb of the first year, from the pcsrform- 
ance of which ceremony the days till Pente- 
cost were to be counted. When that feast 
arrived, two loaves, the first-fruits of the 
ripe corn, were to be offered with a burnt- 
offering, a sin-offering, and two lambs of 
the first year for a peace-offering. These 
likewise were to be waved. The Scriptural 
notices of these rites are to be found in Ex. 
xxix. 24, 28 ; Lev. vii. 30, 34, viii. 27, ix. 
21, X. 14, 15, xxiii. 10, 15, 20; Num. vi. 20, 
xviii. 11, 18, 26-29, &c. In conjecturing 
the meaning of this rite, regard must be had, 
in the first instance, to the kind of sacrifice 
to which it belonged. It was the accom- 
paniment of peace-offerings. These not 
only, like the other sacrifices, acknowledged 
God's greatness and His right over the 
creature, but they witnessed to a ratified 
covenant — an established communion be- 
tween God and man. 

Way. This word has now, in ordinary 
parlance, so entirely forsaken its original 
sense, and is so uniformly employed in the 
secondary or metaphorical sense of a " cus- 
tom " or " manner," that it is difficult to 
remember that in the Bible it most frequent- 
ly signifies an actual road or track. Our 
translators have employed it as the equiva- 
lent of no less than eighteen distinct He- 
brew terms. It may be truly said that 
there is hardly a single passage in which 
this word occurs which would not be made 
clearer and more real if " road to " were 
substituted for " way of." There is one 
use which must not be passed over, viz. in 
the sense of a religious course. In the Old 
Test, this occurs but rarely, perliaps twice : 
namely, in Amos viii. 14, and Ps. cxxxix. 
24. But in the Acts of the Apostles o^6s, 
"the way," " the road," is the received, 
almost technical, term for the new religion 
which Paul first resisted and afterward** 
supported. 

Weapons. [Arms.] 

Weasel (chdlcd) occurs only in Lev. xi. 
29, in the list of unclean animals : but me 
Hebrew word ought more probably to be 
translated " mole." Moles are common in 
Palestine. 

Weaving. The art of weaving appears 
to be coeval with the first dawning of civil- 
ization. We find it practised with greal 



I 



WEDDIMG 



745 WEIGHTS AND MEASUEEb 



•kll] b} the Egyptians at a very early 
periv:.d. The *' vestures of fine linen " 
such as Joseph wore (Gen. xli. 42) were the 
product of Egyptian looms. The Israelites 
were probably a(;quainted with the process 
before their sojourn in Egypt; but it was 
undoubtedly there that they attained the 
proficiency which enabled them to execute 
ths hangings of the Tabernacle (Ex. xxxv. 
?5 , 1 Chr. iv. 21), and other artistic tex- 
turv s At a later period the Egyptians 
•cere otill famed for their manufactures of 
'* fine " (t. e. hackled) flax, and of chdri, 
rendered in the A. V. "networks," but 
more probably a white material either of 
linen or cotton (Is. xix. 9; Ez. xxvii. 7). 
The character of the loom and the process 
of weaving can only be inferred from inci- 
dental notices. The Egyptian loom was 
usually upright, and the weaver stood at 
his work. The cloth was fixed sometimes 
at the top, sometimes at the bottom. The 
modern Arabs use a procumbent loom, 
raised above the ground by short legs. 
The Bible does not notice the loom itself, 
but .«peaks of the beam to which the warp 
was attached (1 Sam. xvii. 7; 2 Sam. xxi. 
19) ; and of the pin to which the cloth was 
fixed, and on which it was rolled (Judg. 
xvi. 14). We have also notice of the shut- 
tle, which is described by a term significant 
of the act of weaving (Job vii. 6) ; the 
thrum or threads which attached the web 
to the beam (Is. xxxviii. 12, ma^'gin ; and 
the web itself (Judg. xvi. 14 ; A. V. 
"beam"). Whether the two terms in 
Lev. xiii. 48, rendered " warp " and "woof," 
really mean these, admits of doubt. The 
textures produced by the Jewish weavers 
were very various. The coarser kinds, such 
as tent-cloth, sack-cloth, and the " hairy 
garments " of the poor were made of goat's 
or camel's hair (Ex. xxvi. 7; Matt. iii. 4). 
Wool was extensively used for ordinary 
clothing (Lev. xiii. 47; Prov. xxvii. 26, 
xxxi. 13; Ez. xxvii. 18), while for finer 
work flax was used, varying in quality, 
and producing the diflerent textures de- 
Bcribed in the Bible as " linen " and " fine 
linen." The mixture of wool and flax in 
cloth intended for a garment was inter- 
dicted (Lev. xix. 19; Deut. xxii. 11). 

Wedding. [Marriage.] 

Week. There can be no doubt about 
the great antiquity of measuring time by a 
period of seven days (Gen. viii. 10, xxix. 
27). The origin of this division of time is 
a matter which has given birth to much 
speculation. Its antiquity is so great, its 
observance so wide-spread, and it occupies 
Eo important a place in sacred things, that 
it must probably be thrown back as far as 
the creation of man. The week and the 
Sabbath are thus as old as man himself. A 
purely theological ground is thus estab- 



lished for the week. They who embrace 
this view support it by a reference to the 
six days' creation and the Divine rest on 
the seventh. 1st. That the week rests on 
a theological ground may be cheerfully 
acknowledged by both sides ; but nothmg 
is determined by such acknowledgment as 
to the original cause of adopting this divis- 
ion of time. Whether the week gave its 
sacredness to the number seven, or whether 
the ascendency of that number helped to 
determine the dimensions of the week, it 
is impossible to say. 2dly. The weekly 
division was adopted by all the Shemitic 
races, and, in the later period of their his- 
tory at least, by the Egyptians. On the 
other hand, there is no reason for thinking 
the week known till a late period either to 
Greeks or Romans. 3dly. So far from tht 
week being a division of time without ground 
in nature, there was much to recommend 
its adoption. And, further, the week is a 
most natural and nearly an exaot quadri- 
partition of the month, so that the quarters 
of the moon may easily have suggested it. 
In Exodus the week comes into very dis- 
tinct manifestation. Two of the great feasts 
— the Passover and the Feast of Taber- 
nacles — are prolonged for seven days after 
that of their initiation (Exod. xii. 15-20, 
&c.). The division by seven was expanded 
so as to make the seventh month and the 
seventh year Sabbatical. In the N. T. we 
of course find such clear recognition of and 
familiarity with the week as needs scarcely 
be dwelt on. The Christian Church, from 
the very first, was familiar with the week. 
St. Paul's language (1 Cor. xvi. 2) shows 
this. We cannot conclude from it that such 
a division of time was observed by the in- 
habitants of Corinth generally ; for they to 
whom he was writing, though doubtless the 
majority of them were Gentiles, yet knew 
the Lord's Day, and most probably the 
Jewish Sabbath. But though we can infer 
no more than this from the place in ques- 
tion, it is clear that if not by this time, yet 
very soon after, the whole Roman world had 
adopted the hebdomadal division. 
Weeks, Feast of. [Pentecost.] 
Weights and Measures. A. 
Weights. The general principle of the 
present inquiry is to give the evidence of 
the monuments the preference on all doubt- 
ful points. All ancient Greek systems of 
weight were derived, either directly or in- 
directly, from an Eastern source. The 
older systems of ancient Greece and Persia 
were the Aeginetan, the Attic, the Babylo- 
nian, and the EmboTc. 1. The Aeginetan 
talent is stated to have contained 60 minae, 
and 6000 drachms. 2. The Attic talent is 
the standard weight introduced by Solon, 
3. The Babylonian talent may be deter* 
mined from existing weights found by Mr. 



WEIGHTS AND MEASURES 746 WEIGHTS AND MEASCJltES 



Layard at Nineveh. Pollux makes it equal 
to 7000 Attic drachms. 4. The Eubolc 
talent, though bearing a Greek name, is 
rightly held to have been originally an 
Eastern system. The proportion of the 
EuboTfc talent to the Babylonian was prob- 
ably as 60 to 72, or 5 to 6. Taking the 
Babylonian maneh at 7992 grs we obtain 
899,600 for the EuboTc talent. Th:; prin- 
cipal, if not the only, Persian gold coin is 
the Daric, weighing about 129 grs. 5. The 
Hebrew talent or talents and divisions. A 
talent of silver is mentioned in Exodus, 
which contained 3000 shekels, distinguislied 
as "the holy shekel," or "shekel of the 
sanctuary." The gold talent contained 100 
manehs, and 10,000 shekels. The silver 
talent contained 8000 shekels, 6000 bekas, 
ajid 60,000 gerahs. The significations of 



the names of the Hebrew weights musi 
be here stated. The chief Unit was the 
Shekel (i. e. weight), called also the Hoi% 
Shekel or Shekel of the Sanctuary ; subdj 
vided into the Beka (i. e. half) or half- 
shekel, and the Gerah (i. e. a grain or 
bean). The chief multiple, or higher unit, 
was the Kikkar (i. e. circle or globe, prob- 
ably for an aggregate svm) translated ir 
our Version, after the LXX., Talent ; sub- 
divided into the Maneh (i. e. yart, portion, 
or number), a word used in Babylonian and 
in the Greek j?i«or Mina. 1. The relations 
of these weights, as usually employed for 
the standard of weighing Silver, and theii 
absolute values, determined from the extant 
silver coins, and confirmed from other 
sources, were as follows, in grains exactly, 
and in Avoirdupois weight approximately : 



• 


Silver Weights. 


Grains. 


Lbs. 


Oz. 


Correction. 


(Jerah 




11 

110 

220 

13,200 

600,000 


2 

100 




-f -06 gr. nearly. 

+-6gr. 

-I-1-75 gr. 

— 2oz. nearly. 


, , 


10 


Beka . 






20 


2 


Shekel 






1200 


120 


60 


Maneh 




60,000 


6000 


3000 


60 


Talent (Kikkar) 


— 6 Ih. nearly. 1 



2. For Gold, a different Shekel was used, 
piobably of foreign introduction. Its value 
has been calculated at from 129 to 132 
grains. The former value assimilates it to 
tlie Persian Daric of the Babylonian stan- 



dard. The Talent of this system was juai 
double that of the silver standard ; it ▼'as 
divided into 100 manehs ; and each maMti 
into 100 shekels, as follows : 



Gold Weights. 


Grains. 


Lbs. 


Oz. 


Correction. 


Shekel 




1.32 

13,200 

1,320,000 


2 

200 


•3 


+ -75 gr. 

— 2 oz. nearly, 

— 12 lb. nearly. 


150 


Maneh ..••• • 




100 1 Talent (Kikkar) .... 


10,000 



6. There appears to have been a third stan- 
dard for Copper, namely, a shekel four times 
as heavy as the Gold Shekel (or 528 grains), 
1500 of which made up the Copper Talent 
of 792,000 grains. It seems to have been 
subdivided, in the coinage, into Halves (of 
264 grains), Quarters (of 132 grains), and 
Sixths (of 88 grains). 

B. Measures. I. Measures of Length. 
— In the Hebrew, as in every other system, 
these measures are of two classes ; length, 
in the ordinary sense, for objects whose size 
we wish to determine, and distance, or 
itinerary measures ; and the two are con- 
nected by some definite relation, more or 
less simple, between their units. 1. The 
measures of the former class have been 
universally derived, in the first instance, 
from the parts of the human body ; but it is 
remarkable that, in the Hebrew system, the 



only part used for this purpose is the hn7i<l 
and fore-arm, to the exclusion of the foot, 
which was the chief unit of the Western 
nations. Hence aiises the difficulty of de- 
termining the ratio of the /oo;< to the Cubit,* 
which appears as the chief Oriental unit 
from the very building of Noah's ark (Gen. 
vi. 15, 16, vii. 20). The Hebrew lesser 
measures were the finger's breadth (Jor. 
lii. 21, only) ; the palm or handbreadth 
(Ex. XXV. 25 ; 1 K. vii. 26 ; 2 Chr. iv. 5, 
used metaphorically in Ps. xxxix. 5) ; the 
span, i. e. the full stretch between the tips 
of the thumb and the little finger (Ex. 
xxviii. 16 ; 1 Sam. xvii. 4 ; Ez. xhii. 13, and 
figuratively Is. xl. 12). The data for de- 
termining the actual length of the Mosaic 

• The Hebrew word for the cubit {anmal) appeari U 
have been of Egyptian origin, as some of the r^eastt'et o* 
capacity (the hin and evhaK) were certainly. 



WEIGHTS AND MEASURES 747 WEIGHTS A^D MEASCK^ES 



eubit inrolve peculiar difficulties, and ab- 
«olut^ certainty seems unattainable. The 
following, however, seem the most probable 
conclusions : first, that three cubits were 
used in the times of the Hebrew monarchy ; 
namely : (1.) The cubit of a man (Deut. 
iii. 11), or the common cubit of Canaan (in 
contradistinction to the Mosaic cubit) of 
the Chaldaean standard ; (2.) The old Mo- 
saic or legal cubit, a handbreadth larger 
than the first, and agreeing with the small- 
er Egyptian cubit; (3.) The new cubit, 



which was still larger, and agreed with tha 
larger Egyptian cubit, of about 20-6 inches, 
used in the Nilometer : and, secondly, that 
the ordinary cubit of the Bible did not come 
up to the full length of the cubit of other 
countries. The reed (kdneh) for measur 
ing buildings (like the Roman decempeda) 
was equal to 6 cubits. It oaly occurs in 
Ezekiel (xl. 5-8, xli. 8, xlii. 16-19). The 
values given in the following table are to 
be accepted with reservation, for want of 
greater certainty : 



Hebrew Measures of Lenoth. 


Inches. 


Approximate. 


Feet. 


Inches. 


Digit 
4 




•7938 

3-1752 

5-5257 

19-0515 

114-3090 


1 
9 


•8 or If 

7 
6 


Palm 






12 


3 


Span , 






24 


6 


2 


Cubit 




144 


36 


12 


6 Beed 



£. Of Measures of Distance the smallest is 
the pace, and the largest the day's journey. 
(a) The Pace (2 Sam. vi. 13), whether it 
be single, like our pace, or double, like the 
Latin pass us, is defined by nature within 
certain limits, its usual length being about 
30 inches for the former, and 5 feet for the 
latter. There is some reason to suppose 
that even before the Roman measurement 
of the roads of Palestine, the Jews had a 
Mile of 1000 paces, alluded to in Matt. v. 
41. It is said to have been single or double, 
according to the length of the pace ; and 
hence the peculiar force of our Lord's say- 
ing: "Whosoever shall compel thee [as a 
courier] to go a mile, go with him twain " 
— put the most liberal construction on the 
demand. (6) The Bay's Journey was the 
most usual method of calculating distances 
in travelling (Gen. xxx. 36, xxxi. 23 ; Ex. 
iii. 18, V. 3; Num. x. 33, xi. 31, xxxiii. 8; 
Deut. i- 2 ; 1 K. xix. 4 ; 2 K. iii. 9 ; Jon. iii. 
3; 1 Mace. v. 24, 28, vii. 45; Tob. vi. 1), 
though but one instance of it occurs in the 
New Testament (Luke ii. 44). The ordi- 
nary day's journey among the Jews was 30 
miles ; but when they travelled in compa- 
nies, only 10 mil^s; Neapolis formed the 
first stage out of Jerusalem, according to 
the former, and Beeroth according to the 
latter computation, (c) The Sabbath-day's 
Journey of 2000 cubits (Acts i. 12) is pecu- 
liar to the N. T., and arose from a Rabbin- 
ical restriction. It was founded on a uni- 
versal application of the prohibition given 
by Moses for a special occasion : "Let no 
man go out of his place on the seventh 



day" (Ex. xvi. 29). An exception was 
allowed for the purpose of worshipping at 
the Tabernacle ; and, as 2000 cubits was the 
prescribed space to be kept tetween the 
Ark and the people^ as >«rell as the extent 
of the suburbs of the Levitical cities on every 
side (Num. xxxv. 5), this was taken for the 
length of a Sabbath-day's journey, measured 
from the wall of the city in which the trav- 
eller lived. Computed from the value given 
above for the cubit, the Sabbath-day's jour- 
ney would be just six tenths of a mile, (^d) 
After the Captivity, the relations of the 
Jews to the Persians, Greeks, and Romans, 
caused the use, probably, of the Parasang, 
and certainly of the Stadium and the Mile. 
Though the first is not mentioned in the 
Bible, it is well to exhibit the ratios of the 
three. The universal Greek standard, the 
stadium of 600 Greek feet, which was the 
length of the race-course atOlympia, occurs 
first in the Maccabees, and is common in 
the N. T. Our version renders \tfut long ; 
it being, in fact, the 8th part of the Roman 
mile, as the furlong is of ours (2 Mace. xi. 
5, xii. 9, 17, 29 ; Luke xxiv. 13 ; John vi. 
19, xi. 18; Rev. xiv. 20, xxi. 16). One 
measure remains to be mentioned. The 
fathom, used in sounding by the Alexan 
drian mariners in St. Paul's foyage, is the 
Greek oqyviu, i. e. the full stt etch of the two 
arms from tip to tip of the middle finger, 
which is about equal to the height, and in 
a man of full stature is six feet. For the 
sake of completeness, the values of the 
Greek and Roman foot are sho?in in th« 
following tabl«»- 



WEIGHTS AND MEASUBES 748 WEIGHTS AND MEASUREb 





Miles. 


Feet. 


Inches. 


Roman Foot = '96 of Greek Foot 


•9193 
3^ nearly 


1 

4 

6 

606 

= 4854 


11-6496 
013fi 

10-248 
0*81 
9 


] JL Greek Foot 


84 

5 







6 
600 


Romau Pace (nnssust^ . 






vr 




^ 


'h 


Greek Fathom (dpyvm) .... 


625 


125 


100 


Furlong (ffrdJioj/) . . . 


5-.000 


4,800 


1,000 


800 


8 
30 


Roman Mile .... 


18,760 


18,000 


3,750 


3,000 


3i 


Persian Parasang 



For estimating Area, and especially Land, 
Shere is no evidence that the Jews used any 
special system of Square Measures, but 
they were content to express the length and 
breadth of the surface to be measured, by 
the cubit (Num. xxxv. 4, 5 ; Ez. xl. 27) or 
by the reed (Ez. xlii. 20, xliii. 17, xlv. 2, 
xlviii. 20; Rev. xxi. 16). 

II. Measures of Capacity. — 1. The 
measures of capacity for Liquids were : 
(a) The log (Lev. xiv. 10, &c.), the name 
originally signifying a " basin." (6) The 
hin, a name of Egyptian origin, frequently 
noticed in the Bible (Ex. xxix. 40, xxx. 
24; Num. xv. 4, 7, 9; Ez. iv. 11, &c.). 
(c) The bath, the name meaning " meas- 
ured," the largest of the liquid measures 
(1 K. vii. 26, 38 ; 2 Chr. ii. 10 ; Ezr. vii. 
22 ; Is. v. 10). The relative values of these 
measures stand thus : 



Log. 




12 


Hin. 


72 


6 Bath. 



2. The Dry measure contained the follow- 
ing denominations : (a) The cab, men- 
tioned only in 2 K. vi. 25, the name mean- 
ing literally hollow or concave. (6) The 
omer, mentioned only in Ex. xvi. 16-36. 
The word implies a heap, and secondarily, 
a sheaf, (c) The sedh, or *' measure," 
this being the etymological meaning of the 
term, and appropriately applied to it, in- 
asmuch as it was the ordinary measure for 
household purposes (Gen. xviii. 6 ; 1 Sam. 
Kxv. 18; 2 K. vii. 1, 16). The Greek 
equivalent occurs in Matt. xiii. 33 ; Luke 
xiii. 21. {d) The ephah, a word of Egyp- 
tian origin, and of frequent recurrence in 
the Bible (Ex. xvi. 36; Lev. v. 11, vi. 20; 
Num. V. 15, xxviii. 5 ; Judg. vi. 19 ; Ruth 
u. 17; 1 Sam. i. 24, xvii. 17; Ez. xlv. 11, 
13, 14, xlvi. 5, 7, 11, 14). (e) The lethec, 
or " half homer," literally meaning what 
is poured out : it occurs only in Hos. iii. 2. 
(/) The homer, meaning heap (Lev. xxvii. 
16; Num. xi. 32; Is. v. 10; Ez. xlv. 13). 
It is elsewh(^re termed cor, from the circu- 
lar resscl in which it was measured CI K. 



iv. 22, V. 11; 2 Chr. ii. 10, xxvii. 5; Ezr. 
vii. 22; Ez. xlv. 14). The Greek equiva* 
lent occurs in Luke xvi. 7. The following 
scale gives the relative values of these 
measures : 



Cab. 


Omer. 


Seah. 


Ephah. 


>t 


6 


4 


18 


10 


3 


180 


100 


30 


10 1 Homer. 



The absolute values of the liquid and dry 
measures are stated differently by Josephus 
and the Rabbinists, and as we are unable 
to decide between them, we give a double 
estimate of the various denominations. 



Busheln. 

lOf or 6^ 



(Joeephus.) (RabbinisU.) 
Gallons. Gallons. 

Homer or Cor 86-696 or 44.286 

Ephah or Bath 8-669() or 4-4286 

Seah .... 2-8898 or 1-4762 

Hin 1-4449 or '/SSI 

Omer .... '8669 or "4428 

Cab .... "4816 or '246 

Log "1204 or '0615 

In the N. T. we have notices of the follow- 
ing foreign measures : (a) The metrics 
(John ii. 6; A. V. " firkin "), for liquids. 
(&) The choenix (Rev. vi. 6 ; A. V. " meas- 
ure "), for dry goods, (c) The xestSc, ap- 
plied, however, not to the peculiar measure 
so named by the Greeks, but to any small 
vessel, such as a cup (Mark vii. 4,8; A. 
V. *' pot"), (d) The modius, similarly 
applied to describe any vessel of moderate 
dimensions (Matt. v. 15 ; Mark iv. 21 ; 
Luke xi. 33; A. V. * bm'hel"), though 
properly meaning ^ Roman measure, 
amounting to about a peck. The value of 
the Attic metrHes was 8*6696 gallons, and 
consequently the amount of liquid in six 
stone jars, containing on the average 2i 
metrttae each, would exceed 110 gallons 
(John ii. 6). Very possibly, however, the 
Greek term represents the Hebrew bath ; 
and, if the bath be taken at the lowest esti- 
mate assigned to it, the amount would be 
reduced to about 60 gallons. The choenix 
wai l-48th of an Attic medimnus^ and 



WELL 



749 



WBALE 



contained nearly a quart. It represented 
the amount of corn for a day's food ; and 
hence a choenix for a penny (or denarius), 
which usually purchased a bushel (Cic. 
Verr. iii. 81), indicated a great scarcity 
(Rev. vi. 6). 

Well. The special necessity of a sup- 
ply of water (Judg. i. 15) in a hot climate 
has always involved among Eastern nations 
questions of property of the highest impor- 
tance, and sometimes given rise to serious 
contention. Thus the well Beersheba was 
opened, and its possession attested with 
special formality by Abraham (Gen. xxi. 
30, 31). To acquire wells which they had 
not themselves dug, was one of the marks 
of favor foretold to the Hebrews on th^ir 
entrance into Canaan (Deut. vi. 11). To 
possess one is noticed as a mark of inde- 
pendence (Prov. V. 15), and to abstain from 




Ancient E^ptian Machine for raisinK Water, identical with 
the Shadoof of the present day. (Wilkinson.) 

the use of wells belonging to others, a dis- 
claimer of interference with their property 
(Num. XX. 17, 19, xxi. 22). Similar rights 
of possession, actual and hereditary, exist 
among the Arabs of the present day. It is 
thus easy to understand how wells have be- 
come in many cases links in the history 
and landmarks in the topography both of 
Palestine and of the Arabian Peninsula. 
Wells in Palestine are usually excavated 
from the solid limestone rock, sometimes 
with steps to descend into them (Gen. xxiv. 
16). The brims are furnished with a curb 
or low wall of stono, bearing marks of high 
antiquity in the furrows worn by the ropes 
used in drawing water. It was on a curb 
uf this sort that our Lord sat when He con- 
versed Rlth the woman of Samaria (John 
iv. 6), audit was this, the usual stone cover, 
which the woman placed on the mouth of 
the well at Bahurim (2 Sam. xvii. 19), where 
ttie A. V. weakens the sense by omitting the 
article. The usual methods for raising 



water are the following: 1. The rope 
and bucket, or water-skin (Gen. xxiv. 14- 
20; John iv. 11). 2. The sakiyeh, or Per 
sian wheel. This consists ot a vertical 
wheel furnished with a set of buckets or 
earthen jars, attached to a cord passing 
over the wheel, which descend empty and 
return full as the wheel revolves. 3. A 
modification of the last method, by which a 
man, sitting opposite to a wheel furnished 
with buckets, turns it by drawing with his 
hands one set of spokes prolonged beyond 
its circumference, and pushing another set 
from him with his feet. 4. A mpthod very 
common, both in ancient and modern Egypt, 
is the shadoof, a simple contrivance con- 
sisting of a lever moving on a pivot, which 
is loaded at one end with a lump of clay or 
some other weight, and has at the other 
a bowl or bucket. — "Wells are usually fur- 
nished with troughs of wood or stone, intu 
which the water is emptied for the use of 
persons or animals coming to the wells. 
Unless machinery is used, which is com- 
monly worked by men, women are usuallv 
th e wa ter-carriers. 

Whale. As to the signification of the- 
Hebrew terms tan and tannin, variously 
rendered in the A. V. by " dragon," 
"whale," "serpent," "sea-monster," see 
Dragon. It remains for us in this i^rticle 
to consider the transaction recorded in the 
Book of Jonah, of that prophet having beeo 
swallowed up by some '' great fish " which 
in Matt. xii. 40 is called cetos (x^^icc), 
rendered in our version by '* whale." In 
the first place, it is necessary to ob- 
serve that the Greek word cetos, used by 
St. Matthew, is not restricted in its mean- 
ing to " a whale," or any Cetacean ; like 
the Latin cete or cetus, it may denote anj 
sea-monster, either " a whale," or " a 
shark," or *' a seal," or " a tunny of enor- 
mous size." Although two or three species 
of whale are found in the Mediterranean 
Sea, yet the " great fish " that swallowed 
the prophet cannot properly be identified 
with any Cetacean, for, although the Sperm 
whale has a gullet sufficiently large to ad- 
mit the body of a man, yet it can hardly be 
the fish intended; as the natural food of 
Cetaceans consists of small animals, such 
as medusae and Crustacea. The only fish, 
then, capable of swallowing a man would 
be a large specimen of the White Shark 
{Carcharias vulgaris), that dreaded enemy 
of sailors, and the most voracious of the 
family of Squalidae. This shark, which 
sometimes attains the length of thirty feet, 
is quite able to swallow a man whole. The 
whole body of a man in armor has been 
found in the stomach of a white shark ; and 
Captain King, in his Survey of Australia, 
says he had caught one which could have 
swallowed a man with the greatest ease. 
Blumenbach mentions that a whole bor»« 



WHEAT 



750 



WILDE RNESa 



has beern found in a shark, and Captain 
Basil BlaJ reports the taking of one in 
which, besides other things, he found the 
whole skin of a buffalo winch a short time 
before had been thrown overboard from his 
ship (i. p. 27). The white shark is not 
uncommon in the Mediterranean. 

Wheat, the well-known valuable cereal, 
cultivated from the earliest times, is first 
naf ntioned in Gen. xxx. 14, in the account 
of Jacob's sojourn with Laban in Mesopo- 
tamia. Egypt in ancient times was cele- 
brated for the growth of its wheat ; the best 
quality was all bearded; and the same 
varieties existed in ancient as in modern 
times, among which may be mentioned the 
seven-eared quality described in Pharaoh's 
dream (Gen. xli. 22). Babylonia was also 
noted for the excellence of its wheat and 
other cereals. Syria and Palestine pro- 
duced wheat of fine quality and in large 
quantities (Ps. cxlvii. 14, Ixxxi. 16, &c.). 
There appear to be two or three kinds of 
wheat at present grown in Palestine, the 
Triticum vulgarcy the T. spelta, and an- 
other variety of bearded wheat which ap- 
pears to be the same as the Egyptian kind, 
the T. compositum. In the parable of the 
sower our Lord alludes to grains of wheat 
which in good ground produce a hundred- 
fold (Matt. xiii. 8). The common Triticum 
vulgare will sometimes produce one hun- 
dred grains in the ear. Wheat is reaped 
towards the end of April, in May, and in 
June, according to the differences of soil 
and position ; it was sown either broadcast, 
and then ploughed in or trampled in by 
cattle (Is. xxsii. 20), or in rows, if we 
rightly understand Is. xxviii. 25, which 
seems to imply that the seeds were planted 
Apart in order to insure larger and fuller 
ears. The wheat was put into the ground 
m the winter, and some time after the bar- 
ley ; in the Egyptian plague of hail, conse- 
quently, the barley suffered, but the wheat 
had not appeared, and so escaped injury. 

Whirlwind. The Hebrew terms sli- 
phAh and se'drdh convey the notion of a 
violent wind or hurricane, the former be- 
cause such a wind sweeps away every object 
It encounters, the latter because the objects 
BO swept away are tossed and agitated. It 
does not appear that the above terms ex- 
press the specific notion of a whirl-wind. 
The whirlwind is frequently used as a 
metaphor of violent and sweeping destruc- 
tion. 

Widow. Under the Mosaic dispensa- 
tion no legal provision was made for the 
maintenance of widows. They were left 
dependent partly on the affection of rela- 
tions, more especially of the eldest son, 
whose birthright, or extra share of the 
property, imposed such a duty upon him, 
and partly on the privileges accorded to 
other distressed classes^ such as a partici- 



pation in tie triennial third tithe (Deut 
xiv. 29, xxvi. 12), in leasing (Deut. xxyr 
19-21), and in religious feasts (Deut. xvi, 
11, 14). With regard to the remarriage of 
widows, the only restriction imposed by the 
Mosaic law had reference to the contingen- 
cy of one being left childless, in wliichcase 
the brother of the deceased husband had a 
right to marry the widow (Deut. xxv. 5, 6; 
Matt. xxii. 23-30). In the Apostolic Church 
the widows were sustained at the public 
expense, the relief being daily administered 
in kind, under the superintendence of cffl- 
cers appointed for this special purpose 
(Acts vi. 1-6). Particular directions are 
given by St. Paul as to the class of persons 
entitled to such public maintenance (1 Tim. 
V. 3-16). Out of the body of such widows 
a certain number were to be enrolled, the 
qualifications for such enrolment being that 
they were not under sixty years of age; 
that they had been " the wife of one man," 
probably meaning but once married; and 
that they had led useful and charitable lives 
(vers. 9, 10). We are not disposed to 
identify the widows of the Bible either with 
the deaconesses or with the 7iQsn(iihiStg of 
the early Church. The order of widows 
existed as a separate institution, contem- 
poraneously with these offices, apparently 
for the same eleemosynary purpose for 
which it was originally instituted. 

Wife. [Marriage.] 

Wild Beasts. 1. Behimdh, which Is 
the general name for " domestic cattle " of 
any kind, is used also to denote " any large 
quadruped," as opposed to fowls and creep- 
ing things; or for "beasts of burden," 
horses, mules, &c., as in 1 K. xviii. 5, 
Neh. ii. 12, 14, &c. ; or the word may de- 
note '* wild beasts," as in Deut. xxxii. 24, 
Hab. ii. 17, 1. Sam. xvii. 44. 2. Chayydh 
is used to denote any animal. It is, now- 
ever, very frequently used specially of 
*' wild beast," when the meaning is often 
more fully expressed by the addition of the 
word hassddeh, (wild beast) " of the field " 
(Ex. xxiii. 11; Lev. xxvi. 22 ; Deut. viL 
22; Hos. ii. 12 [14], xiii. 8; Jer. xiL 
9, &c.). 

Wilderness of the Wandering. 
With all the material for fixing the locali- 
ties of the Exodus, the evidence for many 
of them is so slight that the whole question 
is involved in much obscurity. The uncer- 
tainties commence from the very starting- 
point of the route of the Wandering. It is 
impossible to fix the point at which in " the 
wilderness of Etham " (Num. xxxiii. 6, 7) 
Israel, now a nation of freemen, emerged 
from that sea into which they had passed 
as a nation of slaves. The fact that from 
" Etham in the edge of the wilderness," 
their path struck across the sea (Ex. xiii. 
20), and from the sea into the same wilder- 
ness of Etham, seems to indicate theuppw 



WILDERNESS 



751 



WILDERNESS 



end cf the farthe?t tongue of the Gulf of 
Suez as the point of crossing. There seems 
reason also to think that this gulf had then, 
OS also at Ezion-Geber, a farther extension 
northward than at present, owing to the 
land having upheaved its level. [Red Sea, 
Passage of.] Their route now lay south- 
wards down the east side of the Gulf of 
Suez, and at first along the shore. The 
station of Ayun Mousa (the Wells of Moses), 
with its tamarisks and seventeen wells, 
may have served for their gathering after 
tlie passage. They marched for three days 
tlirough the wilderness of Shur or Etham, 
<m the south-west margin of the great desert 
of Paran (et-TiJi), where they found no 
water (Ex. xv. 22; Num. xxxiii. 8). It is 
a part of the belt of gravel which surrounds 
the mountains of the Peninsula, and is 
crossed by several wadys, whose sides are 
fringed with tamarisks, acacias, and a few 
palm-trees. Near one of these, the Wady- 
d 'Amarah, is a spring called Ain Awdrah, 
not only in the position of Marah, but with 
the bitter taste which gave it the name. 
The people, tormented with thirst, mur- 
muretl against Moses, who, at the command 
of God, cast a certain tree into the waters 
which made them sweet (Ex. xv. 26). They 
must have been cheered at reaching the 
oasis of Elim, whose twelve wells and 
threescore palm-trees mark it as one of the 
toady s that break the desert; either the 
Wad.y Ghurundel or the Wady Useit. After 
passing the Wady Taiytbeh, the route de- 
scends through a defile on to a beautiful 
pebbly beach, where Dean Stanley places 
the Encampment by the Red Sea, which 
is mentioned in Numbers (Num. xxxiii. 10) 
next to Elim, but is omitted in Exodus. 
Here the Israelites had their last view of 
the Red Sea and the shores of Egypt. 
Striking inland from this point, they en- 
tered the Wilderness of Sin (probably 
the plain of MurkhaK), which leads up 
from the shore to the entrance to the moun- 
tains of Sinai (Ex. xvi. 1). Here occurred 
their second great trial since leaving Egypt. 
Their unleavened bread was exhausted ; and 
they began to ra :?n ur that they had better 
have died by the 5esh-pots of Egypt than 
have been led out to be killed with hunger 
in the wilderness. But God was teaching 
^hem to look to him for their '* daily bread," 
^hich He now rained down from heaven in 
rhe form of manna, and continued the sup- 
ply till they reached Canaan (Ex. xvi. 4, 
35). [Manna.] From this valley others 
lead up, by a series of steep ascents, into 
the recesses of Sinai ; resembling the beds 
of rivers, but without water, and separated 
by defiles which sometimes become stair- 
cases of rock. Such were, no doubt, the 
stations of Dophkah and Alush (Num. 
xxxiii. 12, 13), and such are the Wadys 
Shellal and Mukatteb. From the latter the 



route passes into the long and wmding 
Wa,dy Feiran, with its groves of tamarisks 
and palms, overhung by the granite rocks 
of Mount Serbal, perhaps the Horeb of 
Scripture. This valley answers in every 
respect to Rephidim (the resting-placei^y 
the very name of which implies a long halt 
(Ex. xvii. 1). Here the cry for water burst 
forth into an angry rebellion against Moses ; 
and God vouchsafed a miracle for a per- 
manent supply during their abode in the 
wilderness of Sinai. Moses was command- 
ed to go before the people, with the elders 
of Israel, and to smite the rock in Iloreb, 
and water flowed forth out of it. The place 
was called Massah (temptation), and Meb- 
iB AH (chiding or strife) , in memory of the 
rebellion by which the people tempted Je- 
hovah and doubted His presence among 
them (Ex. xvii. 2-7). The spring thus 
opened seems to have formed a brook, 
which the Israelites used during their whole 
sojourn near Sinai (Deut. ix. 21 ; comp. Ps. 
Ixxviii. 15, 16, cv. 41). H^nce the rock is 
said to have ^^ followed them " by St. Paul, 
who makes it a type of Christ, the source 
of the spiritual water of life (1 Cor. x. 4 ; 
comp. John iv. 14, vii. 35 ; Isa. Iv. 1 ; Ez. 
xlvii. 1 ; Zech. xiv. 8 ; Rev. xxii. 1, 17 : the 
waters flowing out of the temple, which also 
stood on a bare rock, complete the tyi>e, 
linking together Sinai, Sion, and the spir- 
itual sense of both) . The next stage brought 
the Israelites to the Wilderness of Sinai^ 
on the first day of the third month (Sivan, 
June), and here they encamped before the 
Mount (Ex. xix. 1, 2). The site of their 
camp has been identified, to a high degree 
of probability, with the Wady er-Rahah 
(the enclosed plain) in front of the magnifi- 
cent cliffs of Eas Sufsdfeh. On the iden- 
tification of Sinai itself, see Sinai. The 
sojourn of the Israelites for a year in thi* 
neighborhood of Mount Sinai was an event- 
ful one. The statements of the Scriptural 
narrative which relate to the receiving of 
the two Tables, the Golden Calf, Moses' 
vision of God, and the visit of Jethro, are 
too well known to need special mention 
here. They now quitted the Sinaitic regiop 
for that of Paran, in which they went three 
days without finding a permanent encamp- 
ment (Num. i., ix. 15-23, x. 12, 33, xi. 35, xil 
16). In following the route of the Israel- 
ites from Sinai, we must try to determine 
two or three chief positions. The general 
direction is northwards from Sinai "to the 
mount of the Amorites," the highlands 
of southern Palestine. The two extremes 
are the camp before Sinai on the south, 
and the "city" of Kadesh, or Kadesh- 
Barnea, on the north (Num. xiii. 26, 
XX. 6, xxxii. 8). The distance between 
these points was eleven days' journey 
(about 165 miles), "by the way of Mount 
Seir" (Deut. i. 2). This is evident^ 



WILDERNESS 



7^2 



WILDERNESb 



'jientioned as the ordinary route, and it 
seems to be implied (though this must not 
be assumed as certain) that it was followed 
by the Israelites. Between "the mount of 
the Amorites " and the group of Sinai, lies 
the great table-land now called the desert 
of Et-Tih. (the wandering). There can be 
no doubt of its general correspondence to 
the wilderness of Paran. It took them 
some time to get clear of the wadys about 
Binai; and although Paran is mentioned 
from the first as the region into which they 
passed, the three important stations of Tab- 
EBAn, Kibroth-Hattaavah, and Haze- 
roth (Num. xi. 3, 34, 35, xxxiii. 17) can 
hardly be reckoned to Paran, as they are 
said to have encamped in the wilderness of 
Paran after leaving Hazeroth (Num. xii. 
16). Unfortunately these three names fur- 
nish little, if any, clew to the route they 
took from Sinai. Taberah (a burning) 
records the awful judgment that befell the 
people, who now began again to murmur 
against Jehovah (Num. xi. 23). The name 
of the next station, Kibroth-Hattaavah 
(the graves of lust), is of similar origin. 
They loathed the manna, and asked for 
flesh. God sent them quails, on which 
they surfeited themselves for a whole 
month; and while the flesh was yet be- 
tween their teeth, they were smitten with a 
great plague, which gave the place its name. 
For the next halting-place, Hazeroth (the 
enclosures), a site has been found at the 
Wady Under ah, on the main route from 
Sinai to the shores of the Gulf of Akabah 
(Num. xi. 35). At Hazeroth Moses was 
troubled by a seditious opposition from 
Miriam and Aaron. Miriam was smitten 
with leprosy ; and, though she was healed 
at the prayer of Moses, Aaron, as the high 
priest, was obliged to shut her out from the 
camp for seven days ; after which " the 
people removed from Hazeroth, and pitched 
in the wilderness of Paran." Here is the 
Gordian knot of the topography. We are 
not told at what point they passed into the 
wilderness of Paran, nor how many stages 
they made in it. We find them next at 
Kadesh, whence the spies were sent out 
(Num. xiii. 26 ; Deut. i. 19) ; but to deter- 
mine the position of Kadesh itself is the 
great problem of the whole route. We ob- 
tain no help from the list of stations (Num. 
Kxxiii.), in which Kadesh is not mentioned, 
and the name of Hazeroth is followed by 
ieveral unknown places, of which it is even 
uncertain whether they belong to this jour- 
ney or to the years of wandering in the 
wilderness. The latter seems the more 
probable alternative, since the mention of 
Mount Hor (Num. xiii. 37-41) clearly re- 
fers to the fortieth year, and at least the 
eight preceding stations (Num. xiii. 31-37) 
are closely connected with it (comp. Deut. 



x. 6, 7) ; while the halt at Kadesh (Num. 
xiii. 37) must be understood of a return to 
that place after the long wanderings (comp. 
Num. XX. 1). The only escape from th -se 
difficulties is by the hypothesis that Kadtsh 
served as a sort of head-quarters during the 
thirty-eight years of wandering. The Isra- 
elites arrived at Kadesh forty days before 
the vintage, or about the latter part of Au- 
gust; and they made there a longer halt 
than at any other place, excej t before Si- 
nai. At Kadesh, Jehovah de» larid to the 
people that they had reached the mountain 
of the Amorites, into which they were to 
ascend, to possess the land He had given 
them (Deut. i. 20, 21). But first the coun- 
try was explored by twelve spies, who were 
heads of their respective tribes (Num. xiii. 
1-16 ; Deut. i. 22, 23). The people, alarmed 
by the report which the spies brought back 
of the strength of the Canaanite cities, broke 
out into open rebellion, and proposed to 
elect a captain and to return to Egypt. 
God punished them by declaring that they 
should not see the promised land. Tlie 
execution of the sentence was to begin on 
the morrow, by their turning into the wil- 
derness by the way of the Red Sea. There 
they were to wander for forty years — a year 
for each day that the spies had searched 
the land — till all the men of twenty years 
old and upwards had left their carcasses in 
the desert; and then at length their chil- 
dren, having shared their wanderings, should 
enter on their inheritance (Num. xiv.) . Now 
that it was too late, the people changed their 
mind; and, having lost the opportunity 
given them by God, they tried to seize 
it against His will. In the morning they 
marched up the mountain-pass {Es-Sufa), 
in spite of the warning of Moses — that it 
should not prosper; and the Amalekites 
and Canaanites, coming down upon them 
with the Amorites of the mountain, defeat- 
ed them with great slaughter, and chased 
them as far as Hormah, and even to Mount 
Seir (Num. xiv. 40-45; Deut. i. 41-44). 
The entrance to the promised land on this 
side was now hopelessly barred ; and theii 
forlorn state is thus described by Moses 
*' And ye returned and wept before Jeho- 
vah; but Jehovah woulrl not heaiken to 
your voice nor give ear imto you " (Deut. 
i. 45, 46). The thirty-eight years (or rather 
exactly thirty-seven years and a half) oc- 
cupied in the execution of God's judgment 
form almost a blank in the sacred history. 
Their close may be fixed at the period of 
the final march from Kadesh to Mount 
Hor, and thence down through the Arabak. 
and up the eastern side of Mount Seir, to 
the plains of Moab (Num. xx. 1, xxxiii. 37; 
Deut. ii. 23). But the intervening portions 
of the narrative are most difficult to assign 
to their proper place — wht ther to tVie fl'st 



WILLOWS 



753 



WINDS 



31 fl.ial stay at Kadesh, or to the years be- 
tween. The mystery wliich hangs over this 
period seems like an awful silence into 
which the rebels sink away. After the rout 
in Hormah, the people "abode in Kadesh 
many days " (Deut. i. 46). This phrase 
may possibly cover the whole period of the 
wanderhig; and Kadesh may very well be 
taken for a general name of the wilderness 
(see Ps. xxix. 8). The direction in which 
the peoi>le started on their wanderings is 
defined, " by the way of the Red Sea" (Num. 
xiv. 25; Deut. i. 40), which seems clearly 
to mean down the Arabah to the head of 
the Elanitic Gulf. Now it seems that the 
passage in Deut. ii. 1 must be referred to 
tliis same '• turning into the wilderness by 
way of the Red Sea," and not to the final 
march, the signal for which is recorded at 
V. 3 ; and this is confirmed by the computa- 
tion of the thirty-eiglit years of wandering 
from the time they left Kadesh-barnea 
(Num. xiv. 14). If this be so, we have a 
clew to the direction of the wandering in 
the words, " and we compassed Mount Seir 
many days ; " words which point to the 
drabah. With this agrees the notice of 
their last march back to Kadesh, being from 
Ezion-gaber at the head of the Gulf of 
Akabah (Num. xxxiii. 36). 

Willows are mentioned in Lev. xxiii. 
40; Job xl. 22; Is. xliv. 4; Ps. exxxvii. 2. 
With respect to the tree upon which the 
captive Israelites hung their harps, there 
can be no doubt that the weeping willow 
{Salix Babylonica) is intended. This tree 
grows abundantly on the banks of the Eu- 
phrates, in other parts of Asia as in Pales- 
tine. The Hebrew word translated willows 
is generic, and includes several species of 
the large family of Salices, which is well 
represented in Palestine and the Bible lands, 
such as the Salix alba, S. viminalis (osier), 
1$. Aegyptiaca. 

Willows, The Brook of the, a wady 
mentioned by Isaiah (xv. 7) in his dirge 
over Moab. His language implies that it 
was one of the boundar es of the country, 
and is possibly identical with a wady men- 
tioned by Amos (vi. 14) as the then rec- 
ognized southern limit of the northern 
kingdom. This latter appears in the A. V. 
as " the river of the wilderness." Widely 
as they dilfer in the A. V., the names are 
all but identical in the original. 

Wills. Under a system of close inher- 
itance like that of the Jews, the scope for be- 
quest in respect of land was limited by the 
right of redemption and general re-entry in 
the Jubilee year. But the law does not for- 
bid bequests by will of such limited interest 
in land as was consistent with those rights. 
The case of houses in walled towns was 
difTereut, and there can be no doubt that 
they must, in fact, have frequently been 
bequeathed by will (Lev. xxv. 30). Two 
t8 



instances are recorded in he O. T. u.ivier 
the Law, of testamentary disposition, (1) 
effected in the case of Ah. thophel (2 Sara, 
xvii. 23), (2) recommended in the case 
of Hezekiah (2 K. xx. 1; Is. xxxviii. I). 
[Heir.] 

Wimple, an old English word foi hood 
or veil, used in the A. V. of Is. iii. 22, The 
same Hebrew word is translated " veil " in 
Ruth iii. 15, but it signifies rather a kind 
of shawl or mantle. 

Window. The window of an Oriental 
house consists generally of an aperture 
closed in with lattice-work (Eccl. xii. 3, 
A. V. "window;" Hos. xiii. 3, A. V. 
"chimney;" Cant. ii. 9; Judg. v. 28; 
Prov. vii. 6, A. V. "casement"). Glass 
has been introduced into Egypt in modern 
times as a protection against the cold of 
winter, but lattice-work is still the usual, 
and with the poor the only, contrivance for 
closing the window. The windows gener- 
ally look into the inner court of the house, 
but in every house one or more look into the 
street. In Egypt these outer windows gen- 
erally project over the doorway. [House.] 

Winds. That the Hebrews recognized 
the existence of four prevailing winds as 
issuing, broadly speaking, from the four 
cardinal points, north, south, east, and west, 
may be inferred from their custom of using 
the expression " four winds " as equivalent 
to the " four quarters " of the hemisphere 
(Ez. xxxvii. 9; Dan. viii. 8; Zech. ii. 6; 
Matt. xxiv. 31). The North wind, or, as it 
was usually called, "the north," was natu- 
rally the coldest of the four (Ecclus. xliii. 
20), and its presence is hence invoked as 
favorable to vegetation in Cant. iv. 16. It , 
is described in Prov. xxv. 23, as bringing 
rain ; in this case we must understand 
the north-west wind. The north-west wind i 
prevails from the autunmal eqiiinox to the 
beginning of November, and the north wind . 
from June to the equinox. The East wind ' 
crosses the sandy wastes of Arabia Deserta . 
before reaching Palestine, and was hence 
termed " the wind of the wilderness " (Job* 
i. 19 ; Jer. xiii. 24). It blows with violence, 
and is hence supposed to be used generally 
for any violent wind (Job xxvii. 21, xxxviii.. 
24 ; Ps. xlviii. 7 ; Is. xxvii. 8 ; Ez. xxvii. , 
26). In Palestine the east wind prevails^ 
from February to June. The South wind^,, 
which traverses the Arabian peninsula be- 
fore reaching Palestine, must necessarily 
be extremely hot (Job xxxvii. 17; Luke- 
xii. 55). The West and south-west wmds- 
reach Palestine loaded with moisture gath- 
ered from the Mediterranean, and are bence.^ 
expressively termed by the Arabs " the/ 
fathers of the rain." Westerly winds pry-- 
vail in Palestine from November to Fet>r'ir- 
ary. In addition to the four regular wiiids,. 
we have notice in the Bible of the local 
squalls (Markiv.37; Luke viii. 23), to which 



wmE 



754 



WINE 



ibe Sea of Gennesarelb was liable. Is the 
narrative of St. Paul's \'oyage we meet with 
the Greek term Lips to describe the south- 
west wind; the Latin Cams or Caurus the 
north-west wind (Acts xxvii. 12), and 
Euroclydon, a wind of a ve»y violent 
character coming from E. N. E. (Acts 
xxvii. 14). 

Wine. The manufa(3ture of wine is 
oarried back in the Bible to the age of 
Noah (Gen. ix. 20, 21), to whom the dis- 
covery of the process is apparently, though 
not explicitly, attributed. The natural his- 
tory and culture of the vine are described 
tinder a separate head. [Vine.] The only 
other plant whose fruit is noticed as having 
been converted into wine, was the pome- 
granate (Cant. viii. 2). In Palestine the 
vintage takes place in September, and is 
oelebrated with great rejoicings. The ripe 
fniit was gathered in baskets (Jer. vi. 9), 
as represented in Egyptian paintings, and 
was carried to the wine-press. It was then 
placed in the upper one of the two vats or 
receptacles of which the wine-press was 
formed, and was subjected to the process 
of " treading," which has prevailed in all 
ages in Oriental and South-European coun- 
tries (Neh. xiii. 15; Job xxiv. 11; Is. xvi. 
10 ; Jer. xxv. 30, xlviii. 33 ; Am. ix. 13 ; 
Rev. xix. 15). A certain amount of juice 
exuded from the ripe fruit from its own 
pressure before the treading commenced. 
This appears to have been kept separate 
from the rest of the juice, and to have 
formed the " sweet wine " noticed in Acts 
ii. 13. (See below.) The '* treading " was 
effected by one or more men according to 
the size of the vat. They encouraged one 
another by shouts (Is. xvi. 9, 10 ; Jer. xxv. 
30, xlviii. 33). Their legs and garments 
were dyed red with the juice (Gen. xlix. 




Egyptian Wine-prcii. (Wllkinion.) 

'1; Is. Ixlii. 2,3). The expressed juice 
e«"?aped by an aperture into the lower vat, 
•tr was At a'icecoUe«ted in vessels A hand- 



press was occasionally used in Egypt, but 
we have no notice of such an instrument in 
the Bible. As to the subsequent treatment 
of the wine, we have but little information. 
Sometimes it was preserved in its unfpr- 
mented state, and drunk as must, but more 
generally it was bottled off after ft rmenia« 
tion, and, if it were designed to be kept foi 
some time, a certain amount ol lees wub 
added to give it body (Is. xxv. 6). The 
wine consequently required to be '* refined " 
or strained previously to being brought to 
table (Is. xxv. 6). To wine is attributed 
the ''darkly flashing eye " (Gen. xlix. 12; 
A. V. *' red "), the unbridled tongue (Prov. 
XX. 1 ; Is. xxviii. 7), the excitement of the 
spirit (Prov. xxxi. 6; Is. v. 11; Zech. ix. 
15, X. 7), the enchained affections of its 
votaries (Hos. iv. 11), the perverted judg- 
ment (Prov. xxxi. 5 ; Is. xxviii. 7), the inde- 
cent exposure (Hab. ii. 15, 16), and the sick- 
ness resulting from the heat {chemAh, A. V. 
" bottles ") of wine (Hos. vii. 5). The al- 
lusions to the effects of tirdsh are confined 
to a single passage, but this a most decisive 
one, viz. Hos. iv. 11, "Whoredom and 
wine (yayin), and new wine (ttrdsh) take 
away the heart," where ttrdsh appears as 
the climax of engrossing influences, in im- 
mediate connection with yayin. It has 
been disputed whether the Hebrew wine 
was fermented; but the impression pro 
duced on the mind by a general review of 
the above notices is, that the Hebrew words 
indicating wine refer to fermented, intoxi- 
cating wine. The notices of fermentation 
are not very decisive. A certain amount 
of fermentation is implied in the distention 
of the leather bottles when new wine was 
placed in them, and which was liable to 
burst old bottles. It is very likely that new 
wine was preserved in the state of must by 
placing it in jars or bottles, and then bury- 
ing it in the earth. The mingling that we 
read of in conjunction with wine may have 
been designed either to increase or to 
diminish the strength of the wine, according 
as spices or water formed the ingredient 
that was added. The notices chiefly favor 
the former view ; for mingled liquor wai 
prepared for high festivals (Prov. ix. 2, 5), 
and occasions of excess (Prov. xxiii. 30; 
Is. V. 22). At the same time strength was 
not the sole object sought; the wine '* min- 
gled with myrrh," given to Jesus, was de 
signed to deaden pain (Mark xv. 23), and 
the spiced pomegranate wine prepared by 
the bride (Cant. viii. 2) may well have been 
of a mild character. In the New Testament 
the character of the " sweet wine," noticed 
in Acts ii. 13, calls for some little remark. 
It could not be new wine in the proper 
sense of the term, inasmuch as about eigb; 
months must have elapsed between the 
vintage and the feast of Pentecost. The 
explanationa of the ancient lexicograDher* 



WINE-PRESS 



755 



WISDOM OF SOLOMON 



rather lead us to infer that its luscious 
qualities were due, not to its being recently 
made, but to its being produced from the 
rory purest juice of the grape. The-re can 
be little doubt that the wines of Palestine 
varied in quality, and were named after the 
localities in which they were made. The 
only wines of which we have special notice, 
belonged to Syria ; these were the wine of 
[lelbon (Ez. xxvii. 18), and the wine of 
E/Cbanon, famed for its aroma (Hos. xiv. 7). 
With regard to the uses of wine in private 
life there is little to remark. It was pro- 
iuced on occasions of ordinary hospitality 
(den. xiv. 18), and at festivals, such as mar- 
riages (John ii. 3). Under the Mosaic law 
wine formed the usual drink-offering that 
accompanied the daily sacrifice (Ex. xxix. 
40), the presentation of the first fruits (Lev. 
xxiii. 13, and other offerings (Num. xv. 5). 
Tithe was to be paid of wine, as of other 
products. The priest was also to receive 
6rst- fruits of wine, as of other articles (Deut. 
xviii. 4; comp, Ex. xxii. 29). The use of 
wine at the paschal feast was not enjoi-ned 
by the Law, but had become an established 
custom, at all events, in the post-Babylonian 
period. The wine was mixed with warm 
water on these occasions. Hence in the 
early Christian Church it was usual to mix 
the sacramental wine with water. [Drink.] 

Wine-press. From the scanty notices 
ijontained in the Bible we gather that the 
wine-presses of the Jews consisted of two 
receptacles or vats placed at different eleva- 
tions, in the upper one of which the grapes 
were trodden, while the lower one received 
the expressed juice. The two vats are 
mentioned together only in Joel iii. 13 : 
" The press is full : the fats overflow " — 
the upper vat being full of fruit, the lower 
one overflowing with the must. [Wine.] 
The two vats were usually hewn out of the 
solid rock (Is. v. 2, margin ; Matt. xxi. 33). 
Ancient wine-presses, so constructed, are 
still to be seen in Palestine. 

Winnowing. [Agriculture.] 

Wisdom of Jesus, Son of Siraeh. 
• Ec iesiasticus.] 

Wisdom, The, of Solomon, a book 
jf the Apocrypha, may be divided into two 
oarts, the first (ch. i.-ix.) containing the 
doctrine of Wisdom in its moral and intel- 
iectual aspects ; the second, the doctrine of 
Wisdom as shown in history (ch. x.-xix.). 
The first part contains the praise of Wisdoin 
48 the source of immortality, in contrast with 
the teaching of sensualists ; and next the I 
praise of Wisdom as the guide of practical ' 
and intellectual life, the stay of princes, and 
the interpreter of the universe. The second 
part, again, follows the action of Wisdom 
summarily, as preserving God's servants, 
from Adam to Moses, and more particular- 
ly ill the pu rshment of the Egyptians and \ 
f'anaanites The whole argurr ont maybe, 



presented in a tabular form in the follow 
ing shape : I. Ch. i.-ix. The doctrine of 
Wisdom in its spiritual, intellectual, and 
moral aspects. (a), i.-v. Wisdom the 
giver of happiness and immortality : The 
conditions of wisdom (i. 1-11) — Upright- 
ness of thought (1-5) — Uprightness of 
word (6-11). — The origin of death (i, 13- 
ii. 24) : Sin (in fact) by man's free will (i. 
12-16) — The reasoning of the sensualist 
(ii. 1-20) — Sin (in source) by the envy of 
the devil (21-24). —The godly and wicked 
in life (as mortal) (iii. 1-iv.) : In chastise- 
ments (iii. 1-10) — In the results of life 
(iii. 11-iv. 6) — In length of life (7-20). - 
The godly and wicked after death (v.): 
The judgment of conscience (1-14) — The 
judgment of God — On the godly (15-16) 

— On the wicked (17-23). ((i). vi.-ix. 
Wisdom the guide of life : Wisdom the 
guide of princes (vi. 1-21) — The respon- 
sibility of power (1-11) — Wisdom soon 
found (12-16) — Wisdom the source of true 
sovereignty (17-21;. — The character and 
realm of wisdom : Open to all (vi. 22-vii. 
7) — Pervading all creation (vii. 8-viii. 1) 

— Swaying all life (viii. 2-17) — Wisdom 
the gift of God (viii. 17-ix.) : Prayer for 
wisdom (ix.). II. Ch. x.-xix. The doe- 
trine of Wisdom in its historical aspects : 
(a). Wisdom a power to save and chastise : 
Wisdom seen in the guidance of God's peo- 
ple from Adam to Moses (x.-xi. 4). — 
Wisdom seen in the punishment of God's 
enemies (xi. 5-xii.) : The Egyptians (xi. 5- 
xii. 1) — The Canaanites (xii. 2-18) — 
The lesson of mercy and judgment (19-27). 
(/*). The growth of idolatry the opposite 
to wisdom : The worship of nature (xiii. 1- 
9) — The worship of images (xiii. 10-xiv. 
13) — The worship of deified men (xiv. 
14-21) — The moral effects of idolatry (xiv. 
22-31). (y). The contrast between true 
worshippers and idolaters (xv.-xix.) : The 
general contrast (xv. 1-17) — The special 
contrast at the Exodus : The action of beasts 
(xv. 18-xvi. 13) — The action of the forces 
of nature — water, fire (xvi. 14-29) — The 
symbolic darkness (xvii.-xviii. 4) — The 
action of death (xviii. 5-35) — The powers 
of nature changed in their working to save 
and destroy (xix. 1-21) — Conclusion (xix. 
21). Style and Language. — The literary 
character of the book is most remarkable 
and interesting. In the richness and free- 
dom of its vocabulary it most closely re- 
sembles the Fourth Book of Maccabees, but 
it is superior to that fine declamation, both 
in power and variety ot diction. The mag- 
nificent description of Wisdom (vii. 22- 
viii. 1) must rank among the noblest pa«- 
sages of human eloquence, and it would be 
perhaps impossible to point out any piecr 
of equal longth in the remains of classics, 
antiquity more pregnant with noble thought, 
or more rich in expressive phraseology. 



WISE MEN 



7.^6 



WOLF 



Doctrinal Character. — The theological 
teaching of the book offers, in many re- 
spects, the nearest approach to the language 
and doctrines of Greek philosophy which is 
found in any Jewish writing up to the time 
of Philo. There is much in the views which 
it gives of the world, of man, and of the 
Divine Nature, which springs rather from 
tiie combination or conflict of Hebrew and 
Greek thought tlian from the independent 
development of Hebrew thought alone. 
Thus, in speaking of the almighty power 
of God, the writer describes him as " having 
created the universe out of matter without 
form," adopting the very phrase of the 
Platonists, which is found also in Philo. 
Scarcely less distinctly heathen is the con- 
ception which is presented of the body as a 
mere weight and clog to the soul (ix. 15 ; 
contrast 2 Cor. v. 1-4). It is more in ac- 
cordance with the language of the O. T. 
that the writer represents the Spirit of God 
as filling (i. 7) and inspiring all tilings (xii. 
1), but even here the idea of *' a soul of the 
world " seems to influence his thoughts. 
There is, on the other hand, no trace of the 
characteristic Christian doctrine of a resur- 
rection of the body. The identification of 
the tempter (Gen. iii.), directly or indirect- 
ly, with the devil, as the bringer " of death 
into the world " (ii. 23, 24), is the most re- 
markable development of Biblical doctrine 
which the book contains. Generally, too, 
it may be observed that, as in the cognate 
books. Proverbs and Ecclesiastes, there are 
few traces of the recognition of the sinful- 
ness even of the wise man in his wisdom, 
which forms, in the Psalms and the Proph- 
ets, the basis of the Christian doctrine of 
the atonement (yet comp. xv. 2). In con- 
nection with the O. T. Scriptures, the 
book, as a whole, may be regarded as car- 
rying on one step farther the great problem 
of life contained in Ecclesiastes and Job. 
From internal evidence it seems most 
reaeonable to believe that the book was 
composed in Greek at Alexandria some 
time before the time of Philo (about 120- 
80 B. c). St. Paul, if not other of the 
Apostolic writers, was familiar with its 
language, though he makes no definite quo- 
tation from it. Thus we have striking 
parallels in Rom. ix. 21 to Wisd. xv. 7 ; in 
Rom. ix. 22 to Wisd. xii. 20; in Eph. vi. 
13-17 to Wisd. V. 17-19 (the heavenly 
armor), &c. It seems, indeed, impossible 
to study the book dispassionately, and not 
feel that it forms one of the last links in the 
chain of providential connection between 
the Old and New Covenants. It would not 
be easy to find elsewhere any pre-Christian 
new of religion equally wide, sustained, 
and definite. 

Wise Men. [Magi.] 

Witch, Witchcrafts. [Diviita ^ion ; 
Magic. 1 



Witness, ^mong people with Mhrjn 
writing is not common, the evidenr*^ oi a 
transaction is given by some tangible m. ^mo- 
rial or significant coremony. Abraham 
gave seven ewe-lambs to AhimeJecli as an 
evidence of his property in the well of Beei- 
sheba. Jacob raised a heap of stones, " thi< 
heap of witness," as a boundary-mark be- 
tween hiraself and Laban (Gen. xxi. 30, xxxi, 
47, 52). The tribes oi'ReubenandGad raised 
an "altar" as a witness to the covenant 
between themselves and the rest ol the na- 
tion ; Joshua set up a stone as an evidenci 
of the allegiance promised by Israel to 
God (Josh. xxii. 10, 26, 34, xxiv. 26, 27). 
Thus also symbolical usages, in r.itificatioD 
of contracts or completed arrai/gements, as 
the ceremony of shoe-loosing (Deut. xxv. 
9, 10; Ruth iv. 7, 8), the ordeal prescribed 
in the case of a suspected wife, with which 
may be compared the ordeal of the Styx 
(Num. V. 17-31). But written evidence 
was by no means unknown to the Jews 
Divorce was to be proved by a written doc- 
ument (Deut. xxiv. 1, 3). In civil con- 
tracts, at least in later times, documentar} 
evidence was required and carefully pre- 
served (Is. viii. 16; Jer. xxxii. 10-16). 
On the whole the Law was very careful to 
provide and enforce evidence for all its in- 
fractions and all transactions bearing on 
them. Among special provisions with re- 
spect to evidence are the following : 1. 
Two witnesses at least are required to es- 
tablish any charge (Num. xxxv. 30; Deut. 
xvii. 6 ; John viii. 17 ; 2 Cor. xiii. 1 ; comp. 
1 Tim. V. 19). 2. In the case of the sus- 
pected wife, evidence besides the husband's 
was desired (Num. v. 13). 3. The witness 
who withheld the truth waS censured (Lev. 
v. 1). 4. False witness was punished with 
the punishment due to the offence which it 
sought to establish. 5. Slanderous reports 
and officious witness are discouraged (Ex. 
XX. 16, xxiii. 1 ; Lev. xix. 16, 18, &c.). 6. 
The witnesses were the first executioners 
(Deut. xiii. 9, xvi. 7; Acts vii. 58). 7. In 
case of an animal left in charge and torn 
by wild beasts, the keeper was to bring the 
carcass in proof of the fact and disproof of 
his own criminality (Ex. xxii. 13). 8. Ac- 
cording to Josephus, women and slaves 
were not admitted to bear testimony. In 
the N. T. the original notion of a witness is 
exhibited in the special form of one who at- 
tests his belief in the Gospel by personal 
suffering. Hence it is that the use of the 
ecclesiastical term ** martyr," the Greek 
word for "witness," has arisen. 
Wizard. [Divination; Magic] 
Wolf. There can be little doubt that 
the wolf of Palestine is the common Cants 
lupus, and that this is the animal so fre- 
quently mentioned in the Bible. Wolve« 
were doubtless far more common in Bibli- 
. cal times than they are now, though thej 



WOMEN 



757 



WORSHIPPER 



*re occ asiocally seen by modern travellers. 
TliB following are the Scriptural allusions 
to tlie wolf: Its ferocity is mentioned in 
Gen. xlix. 27; Ez. xxii. 27; Hab. i. 8; 
Matt. vii. 15 ; its nocturnal habits, in Jer. 
V. 6 ; Zeph. iii. 3 ; Hab. i. 8 ; its attacking 
sheep and lambs, John x. 12 ; Matt. x. 16 ; 
Luke X. 3. Isaiah (xi. 6, Ixv. 25) foretells 
the peaceful reign of the Messiah under the 
uietaplior of a wolf dwelling with a lamb ; 
cruel persecutors are compared with wolves 
(Matt. X. 16; Acts xx. 29). 

Women. The position of women in the 
Hebrew commonwealth contrasts favorably 
with that which in the present day is assigned 
to them generally in Eastern countries. The 
most salient point of contrast in the usages 
of ancient as compared with modern Oriental 
society was the large amount of liberty en- 
joyed by women. Instead of being im- 
mured in a harem, or appearing in public 
with the face covered, the wives and maid- 
ens of ancient times mingled freely and 
openly wiih the other sex in the duties and 
amenities of ordinary life. Rebekah trav- 
*^lled on a camel with her face unveiled, 
until she came into the presence of her 
affianced (Gen. xxiv. 64, 65). Jacob saluted 
Rachel with a kiss in the presence of the 
shepherds (Gen. xxix. 11). Women played 
no inconsiderable part in public celebrations 
(Ex. XV. 20, 21; Judg. xi. 34). The odes 
of Deborah (Judg. v.) and of Hannah (1 
Sam. ii. 1, &c.) exhibit a degree of intel- 
lectual cultivation which is in itself a proof 
of the position of the sex in that period. 
Women also occasionally held public of- 
fices, particularly that of prophetess or 
inspired teacher (Ex. xv. 20 ; 2 K. xxii. 14 ; 
Neh. vi. 14; Luke ii. 36; Judg. iv. 4). 
The management of household affairs de- 
t^olved mainly on the women. The value 
of a virtuous and active housewife forms a 
frequent topic in the Book of Proverbs (xi. 
16, xii. 4, xiv. 1, xxxi. 10, &c.). Her in- 
fluence was of course proportionably great. 
The effect of polygamy was to transfer 
female influence from the wives to the 
mother. Polygamy also necessitated a 
separate establishment for the wives col- 
lectively, or for each individually. Further 
information on the sulyect of this article 
is given under the heads Deaconess, 
Dress, Hair, Marriage, Slave, Veil, 
and Widow. 

Wood. [Forest.] 

Wool was an article of the highest value 
among the Jews, as the staple material for 
the manufacture of clothing (Lev. xiii. 47: 
Deut. xxii. 11; Job xxxi. 20; Prov. xxxi. 
13; Ez. Kxxiv. 3; Hos. ii. 5). The impor- 
tanv;e of wool is incidentally shown by the 
notice that Mesha's tribute was paid in a cer- 
tain number of rams " with the wool " (2 K. 
i:i. 4). The woal of Damascus was highly 
orized in the mart of Tvre TEz. xxvii 'S). 



Woollen, Linen and. TAe Israel- 
ites were forbidden to wear a garment min- 
gled of woollen and linen. " A garment of 
mixtures [shaatnSz'] shall not come upon 
thee " (Lev. xix. 19) ; or, as it is expressed 
in Deut. xxii. 11, " Thou shalt not wear 
shaatnez, wool and flax together." Our 
version, by the help of the latter passage, 
has rendered the strange word shaatnez, m 
the former, " of linen and woollen," wliile 
in Deut. it is translated " a garment of 
divers sorts." The reason given by Jo- 
sephus for the law which prohibited the 
wearing a garment woven of linen and 
woollen is, that such were worn by the 
priests alone. 

"Worm, the representative in the A. V. 
of several Hebrew words. Sds, which oc- 
curs in Is. Ii. 8, probably denotes some 
particular species of moth, whose larva ia 
injurious to wool. Rimmdh (Ex. xvi. 20) 
points evidently to various kinds of mag- 
gots, and the larvae of insects which feed 
on putrefying animal matter, rather than 
to earthworms. Tdle'ahis applied in Deut. 
xxviii. 39 to some kinds of larvae destruc- 
tive to the vines. Various kinds of insects 
attack the vine, amongst which one of tlie 
most destructive is the Tortrix vitisana, 
the little caterpillar of which eats off the 
inner parts of the blossoms, the clusters oi 
which it binds together by spinning a web 
around them. In Job xix. 26, xxi. 26, 
xxiv. 20, there is an allusion to worms 
(insect larvae) feeding on the dead bodies 
of the buried. There is the same allusion 
in Is. Ixvi. 24, which words are applied by 
our Lord (Mark ix. 44, 46, 48) metaphor- 
ically to the torments of the guilty in the 
world of departed spirits. The death of 
Herod Agrippa I. was caused by worms 
(Acts xii. 23) ; according to Josephus (Ant. 
xix. 8), his death took place five days after 
his departure from the theatre. Whether 
the worms were the cause or the result of 
the disease is an immaterial question. 

Wormwood occurs frequently in the 
Bible, and generally in a metaphorical 
sense, as in Deut. xxix. 18, where of the 
idolatrous Israelites it is said, " Lest there 
be among you a root that beareth worm- 
wood " (see also Prov. v. 4). In Jer. ix. 
15, xxiii. 13 ; Lam. iii. 15, 19, wormwood 
is symbolical of bitter calamity and sorrow ; 
unrighteous judges are said to " turn judg- 
ment to wormwood " (Am. v. 7). The Ori- 
entals typified sorrows, cruelties, and ca- 
lamities of any kind by plants of a poisonoxis 
or bitter nature. The name of the star which, 
at the sound of the third angel's trumpet, 
fell upon the rivers, was called Wormwood 
(Rev. viii. 11). Four kinds of wormwood 
are found in Palestine — Artemisia nilotica, 
A. Judaica, A. fruticosa, and A. tinerea. 

Worshipper, a translation of the 
Greek word neocoros. used once only, 4ctJ 



WRESTLINCi 



758 



WRITING 



«A 35; ill the margin, " Temple-keeper." 
Tht neotoros was originally an attendant in 
a temple, probably intrusted with its charge. 
The divine honors paid in later Greek times 
to eminent persons even in their lifetime, 
were imitated and exaggerated by the Ro- 
mans under the empire, especially in Asia. 
The term neocoros became thus applied to 
cities or communities which undertook the 
worship of particular emperors even during 
their lives. The first occurrence of the 
term in connection with Ephesus is on 
coins of the age of Nero (a. d. 64-68). 

Wrestling. [Games.] 

Writing. There is no account in the 
Bible of the origin of writing. Throughout 
the Book of Genesis there is not a single 
allusion, direct or indirect, either to its 
practice or existence. That the Egyptians 
in the time of Joseph were acquainted with 
writing of a certain kind there is evidence 
to prove, but there is nothing to show that 
up to this period the knowledge extended 
to the Hebrew family. At the same time 
there is no evidence against it. Writing is 
first distinctly mentioned in Ex. xvii. 14, 
and the connection clearly implies that it was 
Qot then employed for the first time, but was 
so familiar as to be used for historic records. 
Moses is commanded to preserve the mem- 
ory of Amalek's onslaught in the desert by 
committing it to writing. The tables of the 
testimony are said to be " written by the 
finger of God" (Ex. xxxi. 18), on both 
sides, and " the writing was the writing of 
God, graven upon the tables " (Ex. xxxii. 
15). The engraving of the gems of the 
ligh-priest's breastplate with the names of 
0\Q children of Israel (Ex. xxviii. 11), and 
the inscription upon the mitre (Ex. xxxix. 
30) have to do more with the art of the 
engraver than of the writer, but both imply 
the existence of alphabetic characters . The 
curses against the adulteress were written 
by the priest " in the book; " and blotted 
out with water (Num. v. 23). Hitherto, 
however, nothing has been said of the 
application of writing to the purposes of 
ordinary life, or of the knowledge of the 
art among the common people. Up to this 
point such knowledge is only attributed to 
Moses and the priests. From Deut. xxiv. 
1, 3; however, it would appear that it was 
extended to others. It is not absolutely 
necessary to infer from this that the art of 
writing was an accomplishment possessed 
by every Hebrew citizen, though there is 
QO mention of a third party ; and it is more 
than probable that these " bills of divorce- 
ment," though ai)parently so informal, were 
the work of professional scribes. It was 
enjoined as one of the duties of the king 
(Deut. xvii. 18), that he should transcribe 
the book of the law for his own private 
Btudy. If we examine the instances in 
wXiii'.h 'writing is mentioned in connection 



with individuals, we shall find that in all 
cases the writers were men of supeiiot 
position. In Is. xxix. 11, 12, there is clear- 
ly a distinction drawn between the man 
who was able to read and the man who was 
not, and it seems a natural inference thai 
the accomplishments of reading and writina 
were not widely spread among the people, 
when we find that they are uni\i ersally at- 
tributed to those of high rank or e iucatiou 
— kings, priests, prophets, and profession- 
al scribes. In the name Kirjath-Sephei 
(Book-town, Josh. xv. 15) there is an indi- 
cation of a knowledge of writing among the 
Phoenicians. The Hebrews, then, a branch 
of the great Semitic family, being in pos- 
session of the art of writing, according ^o 
their own historical records, at a very early 
period, the further questions arise, what 
character they made use of, and whence 
they obtained it? Recent investigations 
have shown that the square Hebrew char- 
acter is of comparatively modern date, and 
has been formed from a more ancient type 
by a gradual process of development. What 
then was this ancient type ? Most probably 
the Phoenician. Pliny was of opinion that 
letters were of Assyrian origin. Diodorua 
Siculus (v. 74) says that the Syrians in- 
vented letters, and from them the Phoeni- 
cians, having learnt them, transferred tliem 
to the Greeks. According to Tacitus {Ann. 
xi. 14), Egypt was believed to be the source 
whence the Phoenicians got their knowl- 
edge. Be this as it may, to the Phoeni- 
cians, the daring seamen and adventurous 
colonizers of the ancient world, the voice 
of tradition has assigned the honor of the 
invention of letters. Whether it came to 
them from an Aramaean or Egyptian source 
can at best be but the subject of conjecture. 
It may, however, be reasonably inferred 
that the ancient Hebrews derived from, or 
shared with, the Phoenicians the knowledge 
of writing and the use of letters. The names 
of the Hebrew letters indicate that they 
must have been the invention of a Shemitic 
people, and that they were moreover a pas- 
toral people may be inferred from the same 
evidence. Gesenius argues for a Phoeni- 
cian origin of the alphabet, in opposition to 
a Babylonian or Aramaean, on the follow- 
ing grounds : 1. That tlie names of the 
letters are Phoenician, and not Syrian. 2. 
If the Phoenician letters are pictorial, as 
there seems reason to believe, there is uc 
model, among the old Babylonian discover- 
ers of writing, after which they could have 
been formed. But whether or not the 
Phoenicians were the inventors of the She- 
mitic alphabet, there can be no doubt of 
their just claim to being its chief dissem- 
inators; and with this understanding we 
may accept the genealogy of alphabets aa 
given by Gesenius, and exhibited in the 
accompanying table. 



WKITLNG 




759 

Phoenician. 

1 


WRlTiJS(i 




An J areek 


Anc. r«r 


8ian. 


Numidian. Anc Hebrew. 
Samaritan. 


Anc. ATkmaeao. 

1 


KtruMUL Boxnan. 

(Tmbrian 

OBcan. Kuuic ? 


Later Greek. 


Palmvrene. 


Deb. equArt 
1 


Samiute 








C«m Coptic. Gothic 


Slavonian. 




Sassamd — writing. 


Eetrangelo 
and JSiestorian. 

1 


Sabian. 




1 








Zeno. 

Pehlvi. 

Annenian? 


Cuflc 
NischL 


Peehito. 


1 

Uiguric, o« 
Old Turkish. 



The old Semitic alphabets may be divided 
into two principal classes : 1. The Phoeni- 
cian, as it exists in the inscriptions in Cy- 
prus, Malta, Carpentras, and the coins of 
Phoenicia and her colonies. From it are 
derived the Samaritan character, and the 
Greek. 2. The Hebrew-Chaldee character ; 
to which belong the Hebrew square char- 
acter; the Palmyrene, which has some 
traces of a cursive hand ; the Estrangelo, 
or ancient Sj'^riac ; and the ancient Arabic 
or Cufic. It was probably about the first 
or second century after Christ that the 
square character assumed its present form ; 
tliough in a question involved in so much 
uncertainty it is impossible to pronounce 
with great positiveness. The Alphabet. — 
The oldest evidence on the subject of the 
Hebrew alphabet is derived from the alpha- 
Letical Psalms and poems : Pss. xxv., xxxiv., 
ixxvii , cxi., cxii., cxix., cxlv. ; Prov. xxxi. 
lD-31; Lam. i.-iv. From these we ascer- 
tain that the number of the letters was 
twenty- two, as at present. The Arabic 
alphabet originally consisted of the same 
number. It has been argued by many that 
the alphabet of the Phoenicians at first 
C'>nsisted only of sixteen letters. The 
legend, as told by Pliny (vii. 56), is as 
follows : Cadmus brought with him into 
Greece sixteen letters ; at the time of the 
Trojan war Palamedes added four others, 
e, H, $, X, and Simonides of Melos four 
more, Z, H, *, a. Divisions of Wbo^ds. — 
Hebrew was originally written, like most 
ancient languages, without any divisions 
between the words. The same is the case 
with the Phoenician inscriptions. The va- 
rious readings in the LXX. show that, at 
tlie time this version was made, in the He- 
brew MSS. which the translators used, the 
words were written in a continuous series. 
The modern synagogue rolls and the MSS. 
of the Samaritan Pentateuch have no vowel- 
points, but the words are divided, and the 
Samaritan in this respect differs but little 
from the Hebrew. Writing Materials, Jfc. 
— The oldest documents which contain the 
writing of a Semitic race are probably the 
bricks of Nineveh and Babylon, on which 
are impressed tlie cuneiform Assyrian in- 
icriptions. There is, however, no evidence 



that they were ever employed by the H<&- 
brews. Wood was usedupon some occasions 
(Num. xvii. 3), and writing tablets of box 
wood are mentioned in 2 Esdr. xiv. 24. The 
" lead," to which allusion is made in Job xix. 
24, is supposed to have been poured, when 
melted, into the cavities of the stone made 
by the letters of an inscription, in order to 
render it durable. It is most probable that 
the ancient as well as the most common 
material which the Hebrews used for writ- 
ing was dressed skin in some form or other. 
We know that the dressing of skins was 
practised by the Hebrews (Ex. xxv. 5; 
Lev. xiii. 48), and they may have acquired 
the knowledge of the art from the Egyp- 
tians, among whom it had attained great 
perfection, the leather-cutters constitut- 
ing one of the principal subdivisions of 
the third caste. Perhaps the Hebrews 
may have borrowed, among their other 
acquirements, the use of papyrus from 
the Egyptians, but of this we have no posi- 
tive evidence. In the Bible the only allu 
sions to the use of papyrus are m 2 John 

12, where chartes (A. V. "paper") occurs, 
which refers especially to papyrus paper, 
and 3 Mace. iv. 20, where charteria is found 
in the same sense. Herodotus, after telling 
us that the lonians learnt the art of writing 
from the Phoenicians, adds that they called 
their books skins, because they made use 
of sheep-skins and goat-skins when short 
of paper. Parchment was used for the 
MSS. of the Pentateuch in the time of Jo- 
sephus, and the memhranae of 2 Tim iv. 

13, were skins of parchment. It was one 
of the provisions in the Talmud that the 
Law should be written on the skins of cJean 
animals, tame or wild, or even of clean 
birds. The skins when written ujion were 
formed into rolls (megilldth ; Ps. xl. 8 ; 
comp. Is. xxxiv. 4; Jer. xxxa. 14; Kz. ii 
9; Zech, v. 1). They were rollrd up jn 
one or two sticks and fastened with a 
thread, the ends of which \^ tre sealed (Is. 
xxix. 11 ; Dan. xii. 4 ; Rev. v. I, &.e.) Tlie 
rolls were generally written on one sid« 
only, except in Ez. ii. 9; Rev. v. 1. Ibej 
were divided into columns (A. V " leaves,' 
Jer. xxxvi. 23) ; the upper margin was ig 
^t> not le.ss than tb'ee fingers broad, the 



XANTHICUS 



760 



TEAK 



lo^er net less than four; and a space of 
two fingers' breadth was to be left between 
«very two columns. But besides skins, 
which were used for the more permanent 
kinds of writing, tablets of wood covered 
with wax (Luke i. 63) served for the ordi- 
nary purposes of life. Several of these 
wer(.' fastened together and formed volumes. 
They were written upon with a pointed 
style (Job xix. 24), sometimes of iron (Ps. 
xlv. 2; Jer, viii. 8, xvii. 1). For harder 
materials a graver (Ex. xxxii. 4; Is. viii. 
I) was employed. For parchment or skins 
a reed was used (3 John 13 ; 3 Mace. v. 20). 
The ink (Jer. xxxvi. 18), literally "black," 
like the Greek fiiXav (2 Cor. iii. 3; 2 
John 12; 3 John 13), was of lampblack 
dissolved in gall-juice. It was carried in 
an inkstand, which was suspended at the 
girdle (Ez. ix. 2, 3), as is done at the pres- 
ent day in the East. To professional scribes 
there are allusions in Ps. xlv. 1 ; Ezr. vii. 
B ; 2 Esdr. xiv. 24. 



X. 



Xan'thicus. [Month.] 
Xerx'es. [Ahasuerus.] 



Y. 



Yarn. The notice of yarn is contained 
m an extremely obscure passage in 1 K. x. 
28 (2 Chr. i. 16). The Hebrew Received 
Text is questionable. Gesenius gives the 
sense of " number " as applying equally to 
the merchants and the horses: "A band 
of the king's merchants bought a drove (of 
horses) at a price." 

Year, the highest ordinary division of 
time. Two years were known to, and ap- 
parently used by, the Hebrews. 1. A year 
of 360 days appears to have been in use in 
Noah's time, or at least in the time of the 
writer of the narrative of the Flood, for in 
that narrative the interval from the 17th 
da 7 of the 2d month to the 17th day of the 
7th of the same year appears to be stated 
to be a period of 150 days (Gen. vii. 11, 24, 
viii. 3, 4, comp. 13), and, as the 1st, 2d, 
7th, and 10th months of one year are men- 
tioned (viii. 13, 14, vii. 11, viii. 4, 5), the 
1 St day of the 10th month of this year 
being separated from the 1st day of the 
Isl month of the next year by an interval 
of at least 54 days (viii. 5, 6, 10, 12, 13), 
we can only infer a year of 12 months. A 
year of 360 days is the rudest known. It 
is ft^rmed of 12 spurious lunar months, and 
was probably the parent of the lunar year 
of 364 days, and the Vague year of 365. 
The Hebrew year, from the time sf the 



Exodus, was evidently lunar, though if 
some manner rendered virtually solar, and 
we may therefore infer that the lunar yeai 
is as old as the date of the Exodus. As 
the Hebrew year was not an Egyptian year, 
and as nothing is said of its being new, 
save in its time of commencement, it was 
perhaps earlier in use among the Israelites, 
and either brought into Egypt by them, oi 
borrowed from Shemitic settlers. 2. The 
year used by the Hebrews from the time of 
the Exodus may be said to have been then 
instituted, since a current montli, Abib, on 
the 14th day of which the first Passover was 
kept, was then made the first month of i\vi 
year. The essential characteristics of this 
year can be clearly determined, though we 
cannot fix those of any single year. It was 
essentially solar, for the offering of produc- 
tions of the earth, first-fruits, harvest-prod- 
uce, and ingathered fruits, was fixed to cer- 
tain days of the year, two of wliich were in the 
periods of great feasts, the third itself a feast 
reckoned from one of the former days. But i1 
is certain that the months were lunar, each 
commencing with a new moon. There must 
therefore have been some method of adjust- 
ment. The first point to be decided is how 
the commencement of each year was fixed. 
Probably the Hebrews determined their new 
year's day by the observation of heliacal oi 
other star- risings or settings known to mark 
the right time of the solar year. It follows 
from the determination of the proper new 
moon of the first month, whether by obser- 
vation of a stellar phenomenon, or of th€ 
forwardness of the crops, that the method 
of intercalation can only have been that in 
use after the Captivity, the addition of a thir- 
teenth month whenever the twelfth ended 
too long before the equinox for the offering 
of the first-fruits to be mad<^. at the time 
fixed. The later Jew^s had tw > commence- 
ments of the year, whence it is commonly 
but inaccurately said that they had two 
years, the sacred year and the civil. We 
prefer to speak of the sacred and civil reck- 
onings. The sacred reckoning was that 
instituted at the Exodus, according to which 
the first month was Abib ; by the civil reck- 
oning the first month was the seventh. The 
interval between tlie two commencements 
was thus exactly half a year. It has been 
supposed that the institution at the lime of 
the Exodus was a cliange of commence 
ment, not the introduction of a new year, 
and that thenceforward the year hail two 
beginnings, respectively at about the vernal 
and the autumnal equinoxes. The yeai 
was divided into — 1 Seasons. Two sea- 
sons are mentionel in the Bible, "sum 
mer " and " winter." The former properly 
means the time of cutting fruits, the latter 
that of gathering fruits ; they are therefore 
originally rather summer and autumn than 
summer and winter. But that tf^fy sigiiiC* 



YEAR, SABBATICAL 



761 



ZACCHAEUS 



rrdiii irily the two grand divisions of the 
fear, the warm and cold seasons, is evident 
from their use for the whole year in the ex- 
pression " summer and winter " (Ps. Ixxiv. 
17; Zech xiv. 8). 2. Months. [Months.] 
8. Weeks [Weeks.] 

Year Sabbatical. [Sabbatical 
Year.] 

Year of Jubilee. [Jubilee, Year 
t^j-.] 

Yoke. 1. A well-known implement of 
husbandry, is frequently used metaphori- 
cally for subjection (e. g. 1 K. xii. 4, 9-11 ; 
Is. ix. 4 ; Je.r. v. 5) ; hence an " iron yoke " 
represents an unusually galling bondage 
(Deut. xxviii. 48; Jer. xxviii. 13). 2. A 
pair of oxen, so termed as being yoked to- 
gether (1 Sam. xi. 7 ; 1 K. xix. 19, 21). The 
Hebrew term is also applied to asses (Judg. 
xix. 10) and mules (2 K. v. 17), and even 
to a couple of riders (Is. xxi. 7). 3. The 
term is also applied to a certain amount of 
land (1 Sam. xiv. 14), equivalent to that 
which a couple of oxen could plough in a 
day (Is. V. 10; A. V. "acre")> correspond- 
ing to the Latin jugum. 



Z. 

Jfiaana'im, The Plain of, or, more 
■accurately, "t_e oak by Zaanaim," a tree 
— probably a sacred tree — mentioned as 
aiarking the ^pot near which Heber the 
Keriite was encamped when Sisera took 
refuge in his tent (Judg. iv. 11). Its situ- 
ation is defined as "near Kedesh," i.e. 
Kedesh-Naphtali, the name of which still 
lingers on the high ground, north of Safed, 
and west of the lake of el Huleh. The Keri, 
or correction, of Judg. iv. 11, substitutes 
Zaanannim for Zaanaim, and the same form 
is found in Josh. xix. 33. 

Za'anan. [Zenan.] 

Za'avan, or Za'van, a Horite chief, 
son of Ezer the son of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 
27; 1 Chr. i. 42). 

Za'bad. 1. Son of Nathan, son of At- 
tai, son of Ahlai, Sheshan's daughter (1 
Chr. ii. 31-37), and hence called son of 
Ahlai (1 Chr. xi. 41). He was one of Da- 
vid's mighty men, but none of his deeds 
have been recorded. The chief interest 
connected with him is in his genealogy, 
which is of considerable importance in a 
chronological point of view. 2. An Ephra- 
imite if the text of 1 Chr. vii. 21 is cor- 
rect. 3. Son of Shimeath, an Ammonitess ; 
an assassin wlio, with Jehozabad, slew king 
Joa^h, according to 2 Chr. xxiv. 26 ; but, 
in 2 K. xii. 21, his name is written, prob- 
aLly more correctly, Jozachar. 4. A lay- 
man of Israel, of the sons of Zattu, who 
put awa) his foreign wife at Ezra's com- 
mand (E7,r. X. 27). 5 One of the de- 



scendants of Hashum, who hud married a 
foreign wife after the Captivity (Ezr. x. 
33). 6. One of the sons of Nebo, whose 
name is mentioned under the same circum- 
stances as the two preceding (Ezr. x. 43). 

Zabade'ans, an Arab tribe who wore 
attacked and spoiled by Jonathan, on his 
way back to Damascus from his fruitless 
pursuit of the army of Dometnus (1 Mace, 
xii. 31) . Their name probably survives in 
the village Zehddny, about 26 miles from 
Damascus, standing at the upper end of a 
plain of the same name, which is the very 
centre of Antilibanus. 

ZabObai. 1. One of the descendants 
of Bebai, who had married a foreign wife 
in the days of Ezra (Ezr. x. 28). 2. Father 
of Baruch, who assisted Nehemiah in re- 
building the city wall (Neh. iii. 20). 

Zab'bud. One of the sons of Bigvai. 
who returned in the second caravan with 
Ezra (Ezr. viii. 14). 

Zab'di. 1. Son of Zerah, the son of 
Judah, and ancestor of Achan (Josh. vii. 

1, 17, 18). 2. A Benjamite, of the sons 
of Shim hi (1 Chr. viii. 19). 3. David's 
officer over the produce of the vineyards 
for the wine-cellars (1 Chr. xxvii. 27). 4. 
Son of Asaph the minstrel (Neh. xi. 17) ; 
called elsewhere Zaccur (Neh. xii. 35) 
and ZiCHRi (1 Chr. ix. 15). 

Zab'diel. 1. Father of Jashobeam, the 
chief of David's guard (1 Chr. xxvii. 2). 

2. A priest, son of the great men, or, as 
the margin gives it, " Haggedolim " (Neh. 
xi. 14). 

Za'bud, son of Nathan (1 K. iv. 5), is 
descrihed as a priest (A. V. " principal 
officer "), and as holding at the court of 
Solomon the confidential post of " king's 
friend," which had been occupied by Hushai 
the Archite during the reign of David (2 
Sam. XV. 37, xvi. 16; 1 Chr. xxvii. 33). 

Zab'ulon, the Greek form of the name 
ZEBUL0N (Matt. iv. 13, 15; Eev. vii. 8). 

Zac'cai. The sons of Zaccai. to the 
number of 760, returned with Zerubbabel 
(Ezr. ii. 9; Neh. vii. 14). 

Zacchae'us, a tax-collector near Jeri- 
cho, who, being short in stature, climbed up 
into a sycamore-tree, in order to obtain a 
sight of Jesus as He passed through tha4 
place (Luke xix. 1-10). Zacchaeus was t 
Jew, as may be inferred from his name ant 
from the fact that the Saviour speaks ot 
him expressly as " a son of Abraham." 
The term which designates his office — " the 
chief among the publicans " — is unusual, 
but describes him, no doubt, as the superin- 
tendent of customs or tribute in the district 
of Jericho, where he lived. The office must 
have been a lucrative one in such a region, 
and it is not strange that Zacchaeus is men- 
tioned by the Evangelists as a ricn man. 
The Saviour spent the night probably ia 
the hou«e of Zacchaeus, nnl tlfe ue?*" daj 



ZACCHUB 



7t)li 



ZAIK 



piir8U(^d ills journey to Jerusalem. He was 
in the jara^an from Galilee, which was 
going up thither to keep the Passover. 

Zac'chlir. a Simeonite, of the family 
of Mishiria (1 Chr. iv. 26). 

Zac'cur. 1. Father of Shammua, the 
Reubenite spy (Num. xiii. 4). 2. A Mer- 
arite Levite, son of Jaaziah (1 Chr. xxiv. 
27). 3. Son of Asaph, the singer (1 Chr. 
xxv. 2, 10; Neh. xii. 35). 4. The son of 
Imri, who assisted Nehemiah in rebuilding 
the city wall (Neh. iii. 2). 5. A Levite, 
or family of Levites, who signed the cov- 
enant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 12). 6. A 
Levite, whose son or descendant Hanan was 
one of the treasurers over the treasuries 
appointed by Nehemiah (Neh. xiii. 13). 

Zachari'ah. 1. Or properly Zecha- 
RiAH, was son of Jeroboam II., 14th king 
of Israel, and the last of the house of Jehu. 
There is a difficulty about the date of his 
reign. Most chronologers assume an inter- 
regnum of 11 years between Jeroboam's 
death and Zachariah's accession; during 
which the kingdom was suflfering from the 
anarchy of a disputed succession, but this 
seems unlikely after the reign of a resolute 
ruler like Jeroboam, and does not explain 
the difference between 2 K. xiv. 17, and xv.l. 
We are reduced to suppose that our present 
MSS. have here incorrect numbers, to sub- 
stitute 15 for 27 in 2 K. xv. 1, and to believe 
that Jeroboam II. reigned 52 or 53 years. 
But whether we assume an interregnum, 
or an error in the MSS., we must place 
Zachariah's accession b. c. 771-2. His 
reign lasted only six mouths. He was 
killed in a conspiracy, of which Shallum 
was the head, and by vhich the prophecy 
in 2 K. X. 30 was accorjplished. 2. The 
father of Abi, or Abijah, Hezekiah's mother 
(2 K. xviii. 2). 

Zachari'as. 1. Father of John the 
Baptist (Luke i. 5, &^.), [John the Bap- 
tist.] 2. Son of Barachias, who, our 
Lord says, was slain by the Jews between 
the altar and the temple (Matt, xxiii. 35 ; 
Luke xi. 51). There has been much dis- 
pute who this Zacharias was. Many of the 
Greek Fathers have maintained that the 
father of John the Baptist is the person to 
whom our Lord alludes ; but there can be 
little or no doubt that the allusion is to 
Zeehariah, the son of Jehoiada (2 Chr. 
jLxiv. 20, 21). The name of the father of 
Zacharias is not mentioned by St. Luke; 
and we may suppose that the name of 
Bara:hias crept into the text of St. Matthew 
from a marginal gloss, a confusion having 
been made b .tween Zeehariah, the son of 
Jehoiada, and Zacharias, the son of Bara- 
chias (Bererniah) the prophet. 

Za'clie:? one of the sons of Jehiel, 
the father o* founder of Gibeon, by his wife 
Maachah (j Ohr. viii. 31). 

Za'dok ^just), 1. Son of Abitub, and 



one of tlie two chief priests in ti c lii le of 
David, Abiathar being the otlier. Zadoi 
was of the house of Eleazar, the son oi' 
Aaron (1 Chr. xxiv. 3), and eleventh in 
descent from Aaron (1 Chr. xii. 28). Ht 
joined David at Hebron after Saul's d.ath 
(1 Chr. xii. 28), and henceforth his fidelity 
to David was inviolable. When Absalom 
revolted, and David fled from Jerusalem. 
Zadok and all the Levites bearing the Ark 
accompanied him, and it was only at the 
king's express command that they returner' 
to Jerusalem, and became the medium oi 
communication between the king and 
Hushai the Archite (2 Sam. xv., xvii.). 
When Absalom was dead, Zadok and Abia- 
thar were the persons who persuaded the 
elders of Judah to invite David to return 
(2 Sam. xix. 11). When Adonijah, in 
David's old age, set up for king, and had 
persuaded Joab, and Abiathar, tlie priest, 
to join his party, Zadok was unmoved, and 
was employed by David to anoint Solomon 
to be king in his room (1 K. i.). And foi 
this fidelity he was rewarded by Solomon, 
who " thrust out Abiathar from being priest 
unto the Lord," and " put in Zadok the 
priest " in his room (1 K. ii. 27, 35). From 
this time, however, we hear little of him. 
It is said in general terms, in the enumera- 
tion of Solomon's officers of state, that 
Zadok was the priest (1 K. iv. 4 ; 1 Chr, 
xxix. 22), but no single act of his is men- 
tioned. Zadok and Abiathar were of uearly 
equal dignity (2 Sam. xv. 35, 36, xix. 11). 
The duties of the office were divided. 
Zadok ministered before the Tabernacle at 
Gibeon (1 Chr. xvi. 39). Abiathar had the 
care of the Ark at Jerusalem. Not, how- 
ever, exclusively, as appears from 1 Chr. 
XV. 11; 2 Sam. xv. 24,25,29. 2. Accord- 
ing to the genealogy of the high-priests in 

1 Chr. vi. 12, there was a second Zadok, 
son of a second Ahitub, son of Amariah, 
about the time of king Ahaziah. It is 
probable that no such person as this second 
Zadok ever existed, but that the insertion 
of the two names is a copyist's error. 3. 
Father of Jerushah, the wife of king Uzziah, 
and mother of king Jotham (2 K. xv. 33 ; 

2 Chr. xxvii. 1). 4. Son of Baana, who 
repaired a portion of tiie wall in the time 
of Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 4), and wiio sealed 
the covenant (Neh. x. 21). 5. Son of 
Immer, a priest who repaired a portion of 
the wall over against his own house (Neh. 
iii. 29). 6. In Neh. xi. 11, and 1 Chr. ix, 
11, mention is made, in a genealogy, of 
Zadok, the son of Meraioth, the son ol 
Ahitub. But it can hardly be doubtful thai 
Meraioth is inserted by the error of a copy- 
ist, and that Zadok the son of Ahitub if 
meant. 

Za'ham, son of Rehoboam by Abiliail, 
the daughter of Eliab (2 Chr. xi.'l9). 
Za'lr, a place named, in ^ K. viii. 2J 



ZALAPH 



763 



ZEBAH 



only, in the account jf Joram's expedition 
against the Edomi^es. The parallel ac- 
• count in Chronicles (2 Chr. xxi. 9) agrees 
with this, except that the words " to Zair '' 
are omitted. It has been conjectured that 
Zair is identical with Zoar. 

Za'laph.. father of Hanun, who assisted 
in rebuilding the city wall (Neh. iii. 30). 

Zal'inon, an Ahohite, one of David's 
guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 28). 

Zarmcn, Mount, a wooded eminence 
in the immediate neighborhood of Shechem 
(Judg. ix. 48). The name of Dalmanutha 
has been supposed to be a corruption of 
that of Zalmon. 

Zalmo'nall, a desert-station of the 
Israelites (Num. xxxiii. 41), lies on the east 
tiide of Edom. 

Zalmunna. [Zebah.] 

Zamzuin'niiiilS, the Ammonite uame 
tor the people who by others were called 
Rephaim (Deut. ii. 20 only). They are 
described as having originally been a power- 
ful and numerous nation of giants. From 
a slight similarity between the two names, 
and from the mention of the Emim, in con- 
nection with each, it is conjectured that the 
Zarazumraim are identical with the Zuzim. 

Zano'ah. 1. A town of Judah in the 
Shefelah or plain (Josh. xv. 34; Neh. iii. 
13, xi. 30), possibly identical with Zdnii'a. 

2. A town of Judah in the highland district 
(Josh. XV. bQ), not improbably identical 
with Sanute, about 10 miles S. of Hebron. 

3. In the genealogical lists of the tribe of 
Judah in 1 Chron., Jekuthiel is said to 
have been the father of Zanoah (iv. 18). 
Aa Zanoah is the name of a town of Judah, 
this mention of Bithiah probably points to 
some colonization of the place by Egyptians 
or by Israelites directly from Egypt. 

Zaph'nath-paaue'ah, a name given 
by Pharaoh to Joseph (Gen. xli. 45). 
The Rabbins interpreted Zaphnath-paaneah 
as Hebrew, in the sense " revealer of a 
secret." As the name must have been 
Egyptian, it has been explained from the 
Coptic as meaning "the preserver of the 
age." 

Za'phon, a place mentioned in the enu- 
meration of the allotment of the tribe of 
Gad (Josh. xiii. 27). 

Za'ra, Zarah the son of Judah (Matt, 
i. 3). 

Za'rah, Zebah, the son of Judah (Gen. 
xxxviii. 30, xlvi. 12). 

Za'reah, the same as Zobah and 
ZoREAH (Neh. xi. 29). 

Za'reathites, The, the inhabitants of 
ZiREAH or ZoRAH (1 Chr. ii. 53). 

Za'red, The Valley of. [Zeeed.] 

Zar'ephath, the residence of the proph- 
et Elijah during the latter part of the 
drought (1 K. xvii. 9, 10). Beyond stating 
that it was near to, or dependent on, Zidon, 
♦j.« Bible gives no clew to its position. It 



is mentioned by Obadiah (^ tr. 20), bui 
merely as a Canaanite (that is, f hoenician) 
city. It is represented by the modern 
village of Sura-fend. Of the old town 
considerable indications remain. One group 
of foundations is on a headland called Ain 
el-Kantarah ; but the chief remains are 
south of this, and extend for a mile or 
more, with many fragments of columns, 
slabs, and other architectural features. Id 
the N. T. Zarephath appears under the 
Greek form of Sarepta. (Luke iv. 26). 

Zar etan, Zarthan (Josh. iii. 16). 

Zareth-sha'har, a place mentioned 
only in Josh. xiii. 19, in the catalogue ol 
the towns allotted to Reuben. 

Zar'hites, The, a branch of the tribe of 
Judah, descended from Zerah the son of 
Judah (Num. xxvi. 13, 20; Josh. vii. 17; 1 
Chr. xxvii. 11, 13). 

Zar'tanah (1 K. iv. 12). [Zarthan.] 

Zar' than. 1. A place in the circle of 
Jordan, mentioned in connection with Suc- 
coth (IK. vii. 46). 2. It is also named in 
the account of the passage of the Jordan by 
the Israelites (Josh. iii. 16), where the A 
V. has Zaretan. 3. A place with the simi- 
lar name of Zartanah (IK. iv. 12). 4- 
Further, Zeredathah, named (in 2 Chr. iv. 
17 only) in specifying the situation of the 
founderies for the brass- work of Solomon's 
Temple, is substituted for Zarthan ; and this 
again is not impossibly identical with the 
Zererath of the story of Gideon (Judg. vii. 
22). All these spots agree in proximity to 
the Jordan, but beyond this we are abso- 
lutely at fault as to their position. 

Zat'tu. The sons of Zattu were a fami- 
ly of laymen of Israel who returned with 
Zerubbahel (Ezr. ii. 8; Neh. vii. 13). 

Za'van (1 Chr. i. 42). [Zaavan.] 

Za'za, one of the sons of Jonathan, a 
descendant of Jerahraeel (1 Chr. ii. 33). 

Zebadi'ah. 1. A Benjamite of the sous 
of Beriah (1 Chr. viii. 15). 2. A Benja- 
mite of the sons of Elpaal (1 Chr. viii. 17). 
3. One of the sons of Jeroham of Gedor (1 
Chr. xii. 7). 4. Son of Asahel, the brother 
of Joab (1 Chr. xxvii. 7). 5. Son of 
Michael, of the sons of Shephatiah (Ezr. 
viii. 8). 6. A priest of the sons of Immer, 
who had married a foreign wife after the 
return from Babylon (Ezr. x. 20). 7. 
Third son of Meshelemiah the Korhite (1 
Chr. xxvi. 2). 8. A Levite in the reign of 
Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 8). 9. The sod 
of Ishmael and prince of the house of Judah 
in the reign of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xix. 11) 

Ze'bah and Zalraun'na, the two 
" kings " of Midian who commanded thf 
great invasion of Palestine, and who finally 
fell by the hand of Gideon himself (Judg. 
viii. 5-21; Ps. Ixxxiii. 11). While Oreb 
and Zeeb, two of the inferior leaders of the 
incursion, had been slain, with a vast num- 
ber of their people, by the Ephraimites, at 



ZEBAIM 



764 



ZEJtJULUN 



(►he central fords of the Jordan, the two 
kings had succeeded in making their escape 
by a passage farther to the nc rth (probably 
the ford near Bethshean), and tlience by 
tlie Wady Fabis, through Gilead, to Karkor, 
a place which is not fixed, but wJiich lay, 
doubtless, high up on the Hauran. Here 
they were reposing wita 15,000 men, a mere 
remnant of their huge horde, when Gideon 
overtook them. The name of Gideon was 
8till full of terror, and the Bedouins were 
entirely unprepared for his attack — they 
fled in dismay, and the two kings were 
taken. Such was the third act of the great 
tragedy. Two more remain. First the re- 
mrn down the long defiles leading to the Jor- 
dan. Gideon probably strode on foot by the 
«ide of his captives. They passed Penuel, 
where Jacob had seen the vision of the 
face of God; they passed Succoth; they 
crossed the rapid stream of the Jordan ; 
they ascended the highlands west of the 
river, and at length reached Ophrah, the 
native \illage of their captor. Then at 
last the question which must have been 
on Gideon's tongue during the whole of 
the return found a vent: "What man- 
ner of men were they which ye slew at 
Tabor? " Up to this time the sheikhs may 
have believed that they were reserved for 
ransom ; but these words once spoken, there 
can have been no doubt what their fate was 
to be. They met it l^ke noble children of 
the desert, without fear or weakness. One 
request alone they make — that they may 
die by the sure blow of the hero himself : 
" and Gideon arose and slew them." 

Zeba'im, mentioned in the catalogue 
of the families of " Solomon's slaves," who 
returned from the Captivity with Zerubba- 
bel (Ezr. ii. 57; Neh. vii. 59). 

Zeb'edee, a fisherman of Galilee, the 
father of the Apostles James the Great and 
John (Matt. iv. 21), and the husband of 
Salome (Matt, xxvii. 56 ; Mark xv. 40). He 
probably lived either at Bethsaida or in its 
immediate neighborhood. It has been in- 
ferred from the mention of his " hired ser- 
vants " (Mark i. 20), and from the acquaint- 
ance between the Apostle John and Annas 
the high-priest (John xviii. 15), that the 
family of Zebedee were in easy circum- 
stances (comp. xix. 27), although not above 
manual labor (Matt. iv. 21). He appears 
only once in the Gospel narrative, namely, 
in Matt. iv. 21, 22 ; Mark i. 19, 20, where 
he is seen in his boat with his two sons 
QQ ending their nets. 

Zebi'na, one of the sons of Nebo, who 
had taken foreign wives after the return 
from Babylon (Ezr. x. 43). 

Zebo'im. 1. One of the five cities of 
ihe " plain " or circle of Jordan. It is 
mentiontd in Gen. x. 19, xiv. 2, 8; Deut. 
XXIX. 23: ard Hos. xi. 8, in each of which 
passages It is eithei coupled with Admali , 



or placed next it in tlie lists - jprdait!- 
rei resented by Talda Sebdaii, a nume at- 
tached to extensive ruins on the liigL 
ground between the Dead Sea and Kerak. 
In Gen. xiv. 2, 8, the name is given more 
correctly in the A. V. Zeboiim. 2. Tiik 
Valley of Zeboim, a ravine or gorge, ap- 
parently east of Michmash, mentioned only 
in 1 Sam. xiii. 18. The road running from 
Michmash to the east is specified as "the 
road of the border that looketh to the ravine 
of Zeboim towards the wilderness." The 
wilderness is no doubt the district of un- 
cultivated mountain tops and sides which 
lies between the central district of Benjamin 
and the Jordan Valley. In tliat very dis- 
trict there is a wild gorge, bearing the name 
of Shiik ed-Dubha\ " ravine of the hyena," 
the exact equivalent of Ge hat-isebo'im. 

Zebu'dah, wife of Josiah and mother 
of king Jehoiakim (2 K. xxiii. 36). 

Ze'bul, chief man (A. V. "ruler") of 
tlie city of Shechem at the time of the con- 
test between Abimelech and the native 
Canaanites (Judg. ix. 28, 30, 36, 38 41). 

Zeb'ulonite, a member of the tribe of 
Zebulun (Judg. xii. 11, 12). Applied only 
to Elon, the one judge produced by th« 
tribe (Judg. xii. 11, 12). 

Zeb'ulun (a habitation), the tenth cf 
the sons of Jacob, according to the order in 
which their births 9,re enumerated; the 
sixth and last of Leah (Gen. xxx. 20, xxxv. 
23, xlvi. 14; 1 Chr. ii. 1). His birth is re- 
corded in Gen. xxx. 19, 20. Of the indi- 
vidual Zebulun nothing is recorded. Tiie 
list of Gen. xlvi. ascribes to him three sons, 
founders of the chief families of the tribe 
(comp. Num. xxvi. 26) at the time of the 
migration to Egypt. The head of the tribe 
at Sinai was Eliab son of Helon (Num. vii. 
24) ; at Shiloh, Elizaphau son of Parnach 
(ib. xxxiv. 25). Its representative amongst 
the spies was Gaddiel son of Sodi (xiii. 10). 
The tribe is not recorded to have takea 
part, for evil or good, in any of the eventa 
of the wandering or the conquest. Judah, 
Joseph, Benjamin, had acquired the south 
and the centre of the country. To Zebulun 
fell one of the fairest of the remaining por- 
tions. It is perhaps impossible, in the 
present state of our knowledge, exactly to 
define its limits ; but the statement of Jose- 
phus is probably in the main correct, that 
it reached on the one side to the lake of 
Gennesareth, and on the other to Cannel 
and the Mediterranean. On the soutli it 
was bounded by Issachar, who lay in the 
great plain or valley of the Kishon; on tiie 
north it had Naphtali and Asher. The f-nA 
recognized by Josephus that Zebulun t- \- 
tended to the Mediterranean, though not 
mentioned or implied, as far as we oan dis 
cern, in tlie lists of Joshua and Judges, is 
alluded to in the Blessing of Jacob (Gen 
xlix. 13). Situated so fa: frcra the ceutre 



ZEBULUNITES 



765 



ZECHAxUm 



£>f govsrnment, Zebulun remains through- 
out the history, with one exception, in the 
obscurity which envelops the whole of the 
northern tribes. That exception, however, 
is a remarkable one. The conduct of the 
tribe during the struggle with Sisera, when 
they fought with desperate valor side by 
side with their brethren of Naphtali, was 
such as to draw down the especial praise 
of Deborah, who singles them out from 
all the other tribes (Judg. v. 18). A simi- 
lar reputation is alluded to in the mention 
of the tribe among those who attended the 
inauguration of David's reign at H bron 
(1 Chr. xii. 33). The same passage how- 
ever, shows that they did not negU ct the 
arts of peace (ver. 40). We are nowhere 
directly told that the people of Zebuhin 
were carried off to Assyria. 

Zeb'ulunites, The, the members of 
the tribe of Zebulun (Xum. xxvi. 27 only). 

Zechari'ah. 1. The eleventh in order 
of the twelve minor prophets. He is called 
in his prophecy the son of Berechiah, and 
the grandson of Iddo, whereas in the Book 
of Ezra (v. 1, vi. 14) he is said to have 
been the son of Iddo. It is natural to sup- 
pose, as the prophet himself mentions his 
father's name, whereas the Book of Ezra 
mentions only Iddo, that Berechiah had 
died early, and that there was now no inter- 
vening link between the grandfather and 
the grandson. Zechariah, like Jeremiah 
and Ezekiel before him, was priest as well 
as prophet. He seems to have entered upon 
his office while yet young (Zech. ii. 4), and 
must have been born in Babylon, whence 
he returned with the first caravan of exiles 
under Zerubbabel and Jeshua. It was in 
the eighth month, in the second year of 
Darius, that he first publicly discharged his 
office. In this he acted in concert with 
Haggai. Both prophets had the same great 
object before them ; both directed all their 
energies to the building of the Second 
Temple. To their influence we find the 
rebuilding of the Temple in a great meas- 
ure ascribed. It is impossible not to see 
of how great moment, under such circum- 
stances, and for the discharge of the special 
duty with which he was intrusted, would be 
the priestly origin of Zechariah. The foun- 
dations of the Temple had indeed been laid, 
but that was all (Ezr. v. 16). Discouraged 
by the opposition which they had encoun- 
tered at first, the Jewish colony had begun 
to build, and were not able to finish ; and 
even when the letter came from Darius 
sanctioning the work, and promising his 
protection, they showed no hearty disposi- 
tion to engage in it. At such a time, no 
more fitting instrument could be found to 
rouse the people, whose heart had grown 
cold, than one who united to the authority 
of the Prophet th3 zeal and the traditions 
of a sacerdotal family. ''And the elders 



of tilt Jewc cuilded," it is said, '' aii(! they 
prospered through the prophesy in^ of Hag- 
gai the prophet, and Zechariah the son of 
Iddo" (Ezr. vi. 14). If the later Jewish 
accounts may be trusted, Zechariah. as well 
as Haggai, was a member of the Great 
Synagogue. The genuine writings of Zech- 
ariah help us but little in our estimation of 
his character. Some faint traces, however, 
we may observe in them of his education 
in Babylon. He leans avowedly on the 
authority of the older prophets, and copies 
their expressions. Jeremiah especially 
seems to have been his favorite ; and hence 
the Jewish saying, that " the ^spirit of Jere- 
miah dwelt in Zechariah." But in what 
may be called the peculiarities of Ms proph- 
ecy, he approaches more nearly to Ezekiel 
and Daniel. Like them he delights in vis- 
ions ; like them he uses symbols and alle- 
gories, rather than the bold figures and 
metaphors which lend so much force and 
beauty to the writings of the earlier proph- 
ets ; like them he beholds angels minister- 
ing before Jehovah, and fulfilling his be- 
hests on the earth. He is the only one of 
the prophets who speaks of Satan. That 
some of these peculiarities are owing to hi? 
Chaldp':an education can hardly be doubted. 
Even in the forw, of the visions a careful 
criticism might perhaps discover some traces 
of the Prophet's early training. Generally 
speaking, Zechariah's style is pure, and 
remarkably free from Chaldaisras. The 
Book of Zechariah, in its existing form, 
consists of three principal parts, cbs. i.- 
viii., chs. ix.-xi., chs. xii.-xiv. I. The 
first of these divisions is allowed by all 
critics to be the genuine work of Zechariah 
the son of Iddo. It consists, first, of a 
short introduction or preface, in which the 
prophet announces his commission; then 
of a series of visions, descriptive of all 
those hopes and anticipations of which the 
building of the Temple was the pledge and 
sure foundation ; and finally of a discourse, 
delivered two years later, in reply to ques- 
tions respecting the observance of certain 
established fasts. 1. The short introduc- 
tory oracle (ch. i. 1-6) is a warning voice 
from the past, and manifestly rests upon 
the former warnings of Haggai. 2. In a 
dream of the night there passed before th<? 
eyes of the prophet a series of visions v'ch 
i. 7-vi, 15). These visions are obscure, 
and accordingly the prophet asks their 
meaning. The interpretation is given by 
an angel who knows the mind and will of 
Jehovah. (1.) In the first vision (ch. i. 
7-15) the prophet sees, in a valley of myr- 
tles, a rider upon a roan horse, accompa- 
nied by others who, having been sent forth 
to the four quarters of the earth, had re- 
turned with the tidings that the \n hole earth 
was at rest (with reference to Hag. ii. 20). 
Hereupon the angel asks how lo)]g thii 



ZECHARIAH 



766 



ZECHARIAH 



•tate of things shall last, and is assured 
tliat the indifference of the heathen shall 
cease, and that the Temple shall be built 
in Jerusalem. (2.) The second viKsion (ch. 
U. 1-17, A. V. i. 18 -ii. 13) explains how 
th« promise of the first is to be fulfilled. 
The old propiiets, in foretelling the happi- 
ness and glory of the times which should 
ftucceed the Captivity in Babylon, had made 
a great part of that happiness and glory to 
consist in tlie gathering together again of 
the whole dispersed nation in the land 
gi^ en to their fathers. This vision was de- 
signed to teach that the expectation thus 
raised — the return of the dispersed of Is- 
rael — should be fulfilled. (3.) The next 
two visions (iii., iv.) are occupied with the 
Temple, and with the two principal persons 
on whom the hop-^s of the returned exiles 
rested. The permission granted for the 
rebuilding of the Temple had no doubt 
stirred afresh the malice and the animosity 
of the enemies of the Jews. Joshua the 
higli-priest had been singled out, it would 
seein, as the especial object of attack, and 
perl laps formal accusations had already 
been laid against him before the Persian 
court. The prophet, in vision, sees him 
■summoned before a higher tribunal, and 
solemnly acquitted, despite the charges of 
the Satan or Adversary. This is done with 
•^he forms still usual in an Eastern court. 
'i.,) The last vision (iv.) supposes that all 
opposition to the building of the Temple 
shall be removed. This sees the comple- 
tion of the work. The two next visions 
(v. 1-11) signify that the land, in which the 
sanctuary has just been erected, shall be 
purged of allits pollutions. (5.) First, the 
curse is recorded against wickedness in the 
whole land, v. 3. (6.) Next, the unclean 
thing, whether in the form of idolatry or 
any other abomination, shall be utterly re- 
moved. (7.) And now the night is waning 
lUst, and the morning is about to dawn. 
Chariots and horses appear, issuing from 
between two brazen mountains, the horses 
like those in the first vision ; and these re- 
ceive their several commands and are sent 
forth to execute the will of Jehovah in the 
four quarters of the earth. Thus, then, the 
cycle of visions is completed. Scene after 
«cene is unrolled till the whole glowing pic- 
ture is presented to the eye. All enemies 
crushed ; the land repeopled and Jerusalem 
jfirt as with a wall of fire ; the Temple re- 
built, more truly splendid than of old, be- 
cause more abundantly filled with a Divine 
Frssence ; the leaders of the people assured 
in the most signal manner of the Divine 
protection; all wickedness solemnly sen- 
tenced, and the land forever purged of it ; 
— such is the magnificent panorama of 
hope which the Prophet displays to iiis 
countrymen. Immediately on these visions 
khere follows a symbolical act. Threo Is- 



raelites had just returned from Bphyloz* 
bringing with them rich gifts to Jerusalem, 
apparently as contributions to the Temple 
and had been received in the house of Jo- 
siah the son of Zephaniah. Thither the 
Prophet is commanded to go — whether 
still in a dream or not, is not very clear — 
and to employ the silver and gold of their 
offerings for the service of Jehovah. He 
is to make of them two crowns, and to place 
these on the head of Joshua the high-priest 
— a sign that in the Messiah who should 
build the Temple, the kingly and priestly 
oflS^ces should be united. 3. From this time, 
for a space of nearly two years, the Proph- 
et's voice was silent, or his words have not 
been recorded. But in the fourth year of 
king Darius, in the fourth day of the ninth 
month, there came a deputation of Jews to 
his Temple, anxious to know whether the 
fast-days which had been instituted durina; 
the seventy years' Captivity were still to be 
observed. It is remarkable that this ques- 
tion should have been addressed to priests 
and prophets conjointly in the Temple. 
This close alliance between two classes 
hitherto so separate, and often so antago- 
nistic, was one of the most hopeful circum- 
stances of the times. Still Zechariah, as 
chief of the prophets, has the decision of 
this question. In language worthy of his 
position and his office, language which re- 
minds us of one of the most striking pas- 
sages of his great predecessor (Is. Iviii. 
5-7), he lays down the same principle, that 
God loves mercy rather than fasting, and 
truth and righteousness rather than sack- 
cloth and a sad countenance. Again be 
foretells, but not now in vision, the glori- 
ous times that are near at hand when Jeho- 
vah shall dwell in the midst of them, and 
Jerusalem be called a city of truth (viii. 
1-15). Again he declares that "truth and 
peace " (vers. 16, 19) are the bulwarks of 
national prosperity. And he announces, in 
obedience to the command of Jehovah, not 
only that the fasts are abolished, but that 
the days of mourning shall henceforth be 
days of joy, the fasts be counted for festi- 
vals. His prophecy concludes with a pre- 
diction that Jerusalem shall be the centre 
of religious worship to all nations of the 
earth (viii. 16-23). II. The remainder of 
the Book consists of two sections of alrout 
equal length, ix.-xi. and xii.-xiv., each of 
which has an inscription. 1. In the first 
section he threatens Damascus and the sea- 
coast of Palestine with misfortune, but de- 
clares that Jerusalem shall Ve protected. 
The Jews who are still in captivity shall 
return to their land. The Teraphim and 
the false prophets may indeed have spoken 
lies, but upon these will the Lord execute 
judgment, and then He will look with favor 
upon His people, and bring back both Judah 
Mid Ephrai*n from their captivity. Th« 



1 

t 11 



ZECHARIAH 



767 



ZEDAD 



possession of Gilead and Lebanon is again 
promised, as the special portion of Ep'nraim ; 
and both Egypt and Assyria shall be broken 
and humbled. 2. The Second Section, xii. 
-xiv., is entitled " the burden of the word 
of Jehovah for Israel." But Israel is here 
used of the nation at large, not of Israel as 
distinct from Judah. Indeed, the prophecy 
which follows concerns Judah and Jerusa- 
lem. In this the prophet beholds the near 
approach of troublous times, when Jeru- 
salem should be hard pressed by enemies. 
But in that day Jehovah shall come to save 
them, and all the nations which gather them- 
selves against Jerusalem shall be destroyed. 
Many modern critics maintain that the later 
chapters, from the 9th to the 14th, were 
written by some other prophet, who lived 
before the exile. The prophecy closes with 
a grand and stirring picture. All nations 
are gathered together against Jerusalem, 
and seem already sure of their prey. Half 
of their cruel work has been accomplished, 
when Jehovah Himself appears on behalf 
of His people. He goes forth to war against 
the adversaries of His people. He estab- 
lishes His kingdom over all the earth. All 
nations that are still left shall come up to 
Jerusalem, as the great centre of religious 
worship, and the city from that day forward 
shall be a holy city. Such is, briefly, an 
outline of the second portion of that book 
which is commonly known as the Prophe- 
03' of Zechariah. Integrity. — Mede was 
the first to call this in question. The prob- 
ability that the later chapters, from the 9th 
to the 14th, were by some other prophet, 
9ecms first to have been suggested to him 
by the citation in St. Matthew. He rests 
his opinion partly on the authority of St. 
Matthew, and partly on the contents of the 
later chapters, which he considers require 
a date earlier than the exile. Archbishop 
Newcombe went further. He insisted on 
the great dissimilarity of style as well as 
mbject between the earlier and later chap- 
ters. And he was the first who advocated 
the theory, that the last six chapters of 
Zechariah ire the work of two distinct 
prophets. 2. Son of Meshelemiah, or 
Shelemiah, a Korhite, and keeper of the 
north gate of the tabernacle of the congre- 
gation (1 Chr. ix. 21). 3. One of the sons 
of J.-hiel (1 Chr. ix. 37). 4. A Levite of 
the eecond order in the Temple band as ar- 
ranged by David, appointed to play " with 
Ssalteries on Alamoth " (1 Chr. xv. 18, 20). 
. One of the princes of Judah in the reign 
of Jelioshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 7). 6. Son 
'>f the high-priest Jehoiada, in the reign of 
Joash king of Judah (2 Chr. xxiv. 20), and 
therefore the king's cousin. After the death 
uf Jehoiada, Zv hariah probably succeeded 
to his office, an n attempting to check the 
reaction in favc of idolatry which imme- 
diately followed, he fell a victim to a con- 



spiracy formed against him by the king, 
and was stoned in the court of the Temple. 
He is probably the same as the " Zacbariai 
son of Barachias," who was slain between 
the Temple and the altar (Matt, xxiii. 35), 
[Zacharias, No. 2.] 7. A Kohathite Le- 
vite in the reign of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxiv. 
12). 8. The leader of the sons of Pharosh 
who returned with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 3). 9. 
Son of Bebai (Ezr. viii. 11). 10. One of 
the chiefs of the people whom Ezra sum- 
moned in council at the river Ahava (Ezr. 
viii. 16). He stood at Ezra's left hand 
when he expounded the Law to the people 
(Neh. viii. 4). 11. One of the family of 
Elam, who had married a foreign wife after 
the Captivity (Ezr. x. 26). 12. Ancestor 
of Athaiah, or Uthai (Neh. xi. 4). 13. A 
Shilonite, descendant of Perez (Neh. xi. 
5). 14. A priest, son of Pashur (Neh. xi 
12). 15. The representative of the priestly 
family of Iddo in the days of Joiakim the 
son of Jeshua (Neh. xii. 16). Possibly the 
same as Zechariah the prophet the son of 
Iddo. 16. One of the priests, son of Jona- 
than, who blew with the trumpets at the 
dedication of the city wall by Ezra and Ne- 
hemiah (Neh. xii. 35, 41). 17. A chief 
of the Reubenites at the time of the captiv 
ity by Tiglath-Pileser (1 Chr. v. 7). 18. 
One of the priests who accompanied the 
ark from the house of Obed-edom (1 Chr. 
XV. 24). 19. Son of Isshiah, or Jesiah, a 
Kohathite Levite descended from Uzziel (1 
Chr. xxiv. 25). 20. Fourth son of Hosah 
of the children of Merari (1 Chr. xxvi, 11). 
21. A Manassite (1 Chr. xxvii. 21). 22. 
The father of Jahaziel (2 Chr. xx. 14) . 23. 
One of the sons of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xxi. 
2). 24. A prophet in the reign of Uzziah, 
who appears to have acted as the king's 
counsellor, but of whom nothing is known 
(2 Chr. xxvi. 5). 25. The father of Abi- 
jah, or Abi, Hezekiah's mother (2 Chr. 
xxix. 1). 26. One of the family of Asaph 
in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 13). 
27. One of the rulers of the Temple in the 
reign of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxv. 8). 28. The 
son of Jeberechiah, who was taken by the 
prophet Isaiah as one of the " faithful wit- 
nesses to record," when he wrote concern- 
ing Maher-shalal-hash-baz (Is. viii. 2). He 
may have been the Levite of the same 
name, who in the reign of Hezekiah assisted 
in the purification of the Temple (2 Chr. 
xxix. 13). Another conjecture is, that he 
is the same as Zechariah the father of 
Abijah, the queen of Ahaz. 

Ze'dad, one of the landmarks on the 
north border of the land of Israel, as prom- 
ised by Moses (Num. xxxiv. 8), and as 
restored by Ezekiel (xlvii. 15). A place 
named Sud'ii'd exists to the east of the north- 
ern extremity of the chain of Antilibanna, 
about 50 miles E. N. E. of Baalbec. This 
may be identical with Zedad. 



ZEDEKIAH 



768 



ZEDEKIAH 



Zeueki'ah. 1. The last king of Judah 
and Jerusalem. He was the son of Josiah 
by his wife Hamutal, and therefore own 
brother to Jehoahaz (2 K. xxiv. 18 ; comp. 
xxiii. 31). His original name had been 
Mattaniah, which was changed to Zed- 
ekiah by Nebuchadnezzar, when he carried 
off his nephew Jehoiachim to Babylon, and 
left him on the throne of Jerusalem. Zed- 
ekiah was but 21 years old when he was 
thus placed in charge of an impoverished 
kingdom (b. c. 597). His history is con- 
tained in a short sketch of the events of his 
reign. given in 2 K. xxiv. 17-xxv. 7, and, 
with some trifling variations, in Jer. xxxix. 
1-7, lii. 1-11, together with the still shorter 
summary in 2 Chr.. xxxvi. 10, &c. ; and 
also in Jer., xxi., xxiv., xxvii., xxviii., xxix., 
xxxii., xxxiii., xxxiv., xxxvii., xxxviii., and 
Ez. xvi. 11-21. From these it is evident 
that Zedekiah was a man not so much bad at 
heart as weak in will. It is evident from 
Jer. xxvii. and xxviii. that the earlier por- 
tion of Zedekiah's reign was marked by an 
agitation throughout the whole of Syria 
against the Babylonian yoke. Jerusalem 
seems to have taken the lead, since in the 
fourth year of Zedekiah's reign we find am- 
bassadors from all the neighboring king- 
doms — Tyre, Sidon, Edom, and Moab — 
at his court, lo consult as to the steps to be 
taken. This happened either during the 
king's absence or immediately after his re- 
turn from Babylon, whither he went on 
Bome errand, the nature of which is not 
named, but which may have been an at- 
tempt to blind the eyes of Nebuchadnezzar 
to his contemplated revolt (Jer. li. 69). 
The first act of overt rebellion of which 
any record survives was the formation of 
an alliance with Egypt, of itself equivalent 
to a declaration of enmity with Babylon. 
As a natural consequence it brought on 
Jerusalem an immediate invasion of the 
Chaldeans. The mention of this event in 
the Bible, though sure, is extremely slight, 
and occurs only in Jer. xxxvii. 5-11, xxxiv. 
21, and Ez. xvii. 15-20 ; but Josephus (x. 
7, § 3) relates it more fully, and gives the 
date of its occurrence, namely, the eighth 
year of Zedekiah. It appears that Nebu- 
chadnezzar, being made aware of Zede- 
kiah's defection, either by the non-payment 
of the tribute or by other means, at once 
sent an army to ravage Judaea. This was 
done, and the whole country reduced, ex- 
cept Jerusalem and two strong places in 
tlie western plain, Lachish and Azekah, 
which still held out (Jer. xxxiv. 7). In 
the mean time Pharaoh had moved to the 
assistance of his ally. On hearing of his 
approach the Chaldeans at once raised the 
siege and advanced to meet him. The 
nobles seized the moment of respite to re- 
assert their power over the king. How 
long the Babylonians were absent from 



Jerusalem we are not told. All we cer- 
tainly know is, that on the tenth day of the , 
tenth month of Zedekiah's ninth year the Aj 
Chaldeans were again before the walls (Jer, ™ 
lii. 4). From this time forward the siege 
progressed slowly, but surely, to its con- 
summation. Zedekiah again interfered to 
preserve the life of Jeremiah from the ven- 
geance of the princes (xxxviii. 7-lB), and 
then occurred the interview between the ■; 
king and the prophet, which afforls so fl 
good a clew to the condition of abject de- 
pendence into which a long course of oppo- 
sition had brought the weak-minded mon- 
arch. While the king was hesitating the 
end was rapidly coming nearer. The city ■! 
was indeed reduced to the last extremity, ■ 
The bread had for long been consumed 
(Jer. xxxviii. 9), and all the terrible expe- 
dients had been tried to which the wretch- 
ed inhabitants of a besieged town are forced 
to resort in such cases. At last, after six- 
teen dreadful months, the catastrophe ar- 
rived. It was on the nintli day of the 
fourth month, about the middle of July, at 
midnight, as Josephus with careful minute- 
ness informs us, that the breach in those 
stout and venerable walls was effected. 
The moon, nine days old, had gone down 
below the hills which form the western 
edge of the basin of Jerusalem, or was at 
any rate too low to illuminate the utter 
darkness which reigns in the narrow lane." 
of an Eastern town, where the inhabitants 
retire early to rest, and where there are 
but few windows to emit light from the in- 
terior of the houses. The wretched rem- 
nants of the army quitted the city in the 
dead of night ; and as the Chaldean army 
entered the city at one end, the king and 
his wives fled from it by the opposite gate. 
They took the road towards the Jordan. 
On the way they were met and recognized 
by some of the Jews who had formerly de- 
serted to the Chaldeans. By them the in- 
telligence was communicated, and, as soon 
as the dawn of day permitted it, swift pur- 
suit was made. The king's party were 
overtaken near Jericho, and carried to 
Nebuchadnezzar, who was then at Riblah, 
at the upper end of the valley of Lebanon. 
Nebuchadnezzar, with a refinement of cru- 
elty characteristic of those cruel times, or- 
dered the sons of Zedekiah to be killed 
before him, and lastly his own eyes to be 
thrust out (b. c. 586). He was then loaded 
with brazen fetters, and at a later period 
taken to Babylon, where he died. 2. Son 
of Chenaanah, a prophet at the court of 
Ahab, head, or, if not head, virtual leader 
of the college. He appears but once, viz. 
as spokesman when the prophets are con- 
sulted by Ahab on the result of his proposed 
expedition to Pamoth-Gilead (1 K. xxii. ; 
2 Chr. xviii.). Zedekiah had prepared him- 
self for the interview with a pair of iron 



on m 

J 



ZEEB 



769 



ZEPHANIAH 



horns, after the symbolic custom of the 
prophet| (comp. Jer. xiii.,xix.), the horns 
of the reem, or buffalo, which was the 
recognized emblem of the tribe of Ephraira 
(Deut. xxxiii. 17). With these, in the in- 
terval before Micaiah's arrival, he illus- 
trated the manner in which Ahab should 
drive the Syrians before him. When Mi- 
caiah appeared and had delivered his proph- 
ecy, Zedekiah sprang forward and struck 
him a blow on the face, accompanying it by 
a taunting sneer. For this he is threatened 
by Micaiah in terms which are hardly in- 
telligible to us, but which evidently allude 
to some personal danger to Zedekiah. Jose- 
phus relates that after Micaiah had spoken, 
Zedekiah again came forward, and de- 
nounced him as false, on the ground that 
his prophecy contradicted the prediction 
of Elijah, that Ahab's blood should be 
5cked up by dogs in tlie field of Naboth of 
Jezreel ; and as a further proof that he was 
an impostor, he struck hira, daring him to 
do what Iddo, in somewhat similar cir- 
cumstances, had done to Jeroboam — viz., 
wither his hand. As to the question of 
what Zedekiah and his followers were, 
whether prophets of Jehovah or of some 
false deity, it seems hardly possible to en- 
tertain any doubt. 3. The son of Maasei- 
ah, a false prophet in Babylon (Jer. xxix. 
21, 22). He was denounced in the letter 
of Jeremiah for having, with Ahab the son 
of Kolaiah, buoyed up the people with false 
iopes, and for profane and flagitious con- 
duct. Their names were to become a by- 
word, and their terrible fate a warning. 4. 
The son of Hananiah, one of the princes 
«f Judah in the time of Jeremiah (Jer. 
XXX vi. 12). 

Zeeb, one of the two ''princes" of 
Midian in the great invasion of Israel. He 
is always named with Oreb (Judp. vii. 25, 
viii. 3; Ps. Ixxxiii. 11). Zeeb and Oreb 
were not slain at the first rout of the Arabs, 
but at a later stage of the struggle, proba- 
bly in crossing the Jordan at a ford farther 
down the river. Zeeb, the wolf, was brought 
to bay in a winepress which in later times 
bore his name — the "winepress of Zeeb." 
[Oreb.1 

ZQ'lah., a city in the allotment of Ben- 
jamin (Josh, xviii. 28), contained the fam- 
ily tomb of Kish, the father of Saul (2 Sam. 
xxi. U). 

ZeTek, an Ammonite, one of David's 
guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 37; 1 Chr. xi. 39). 

Zelo'phehad, son of Hepher, son of 
Gilead, son of Machir, son of Manasseh 
(Josh. xvii. 3). He was apparently the 
second son of his father Hepher (1 Chr. 
rii. 15). Zelophehad came out of Egypt 
with Moses, but died in the wilderness, as 
did the whole of that generation (Num. xiv. 
35, xxvii. 3). On his death without male 
heirs, his five daughters, just after the | 

4y 



second numbering in the wilderness, cany 
before Moses and Eleazar to claim the in 
heritance of their father in the tribe o' 
Manasseh. The claim was admitted by di 
vine direction (Num. xxvi. 33, xxvii. 1-11) 
Zelo'tes, the epithet given to the Apos- 
tle Simon to distinguish him from Sirnor 
Peter (Luke vi. 15). [Canaanite ; Si 

MON 5.] 

Zerzah., a place named once only (1 
Sam. x. 2), as on the boundary of Benja- 
min, close to Rachel's sepulchre. 

Zemara'ini, a town in the allotment of 
Benjamin (Josh, xviii, 22), perhaps identi- 
cal with Mount Zemaraim (mentioned in 
2 Chr. xiii. 4 only), which was " in Mount 
Ephraim," that is to say, within the general 
district of the highlands of that great tribe 
(2 Chr. xiii. 4). 

Zem'arite, The, one of the Hamite 
tribes who, in the genealogical table of Gen. 
X. (ver. 18) and 1 Chron. i. (ver. 16), are 
represented as " sons of Canaan." Noth- 
ing is certainly known of this ancient tribe. 
The old interpreters place them at Emessa,. 
the modern Hums. 

Zemi'ra, one of the sons of Becher tho 
son of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 8). 

Ze'nan, a town in the allotment of Ju- 
dah, situated in the district of the Shefelah 
(Josh. XV. 37). It is probably identical 
with Z A AN AN (Mic. i. 11). 

Zo'nas, a believer, and, as may be in- 
ferred from the context, a preacher of the : 
Gospel, who is mentioned in Tit. iii. 13 in 
connection with Apollos. He is further 
described as " the lawyer." It is impos- 
sible to determine whether Zenas was a 
Roman jurisconsult or a Jewish doctor. 

Zephani'ah. 1. The ninth in order- 
of the twelve minor prophets. His pedigree - 
is traced to his fourth ancestor, Hezekiah, 
(i. 1), supposed to be the celebrated king 
of that name. In chap. i. the utter desola- 
tion of Judaea is predicted as a judgment 
for idolatry, and neglect of the Lord, the 
luxury of the princes, and the violence and 
deceit of their dependants (3-9). The 
prosperity, security, and insolence of the- 
people are contrasted with the horrors of 
the day of wrath (10-18). Ch ii. contains a. 
call to repentance (1-3), with prediction of 
the ruin of the cities of the Philistines, and 
the restoration of the house of Judah after- 
the visitation (4-7). Other enemies of 
Judah, Moab, Amnion, are threatened with; 
perpetual destruction (8-15). In chap, iii, 
the prophet addresses Jerusalem, which he- 
reproves sharply for vice and disobedience ■ 
(1-7). He then concludes with a series of 
promises (8-20). The chief characteristics^ 
of this book are the unity and harmony of 
the composition, the grace, energy, jnnd'. 
dignity of its style, and the rapid and ef- 
fective alternations of threats and promises. 
The general tone of the last portion is M«i»- 



ZEPHATH 



770 



ZERETH 



fiianic, but without any specific reference to 
the person of our Lord. The date of the 
book is given in the inscription; viz. the 
reign of Josiah, from 642 to 611 b. c. It is 
most probable, moreover, that the prophecy 
was delivered before the 18th year of Jo- 
siah. 2. The son of Maaseiah (Jer. xxi. 
1), and sagan or second priest in the reign 
of Zedekiah. He succeeded Jehoiada (Jer. 
xxix. 25, 26), and was probably a ruler of 
the Temple, whose office it was, among 
others, to punish pretenders to the gift of 
prophecy. In this capacity he was appealed 
to by Shemaiah the Nehelamite to punish 
Jeremiah (Jer. xxix. 29). Twice was he 
sent from Zedekiah to inquire of Jeremiah 
the issue of the siege of the ciiy by the 
Chaldeans (Jer. xxi. l),and to implore him 
to intercede for the people (Jer. xxxvii. 3). 
On the capture of Jerusalem he was taken 
and slain at Riblah (Jer. lii. 24, 27 ; 2 K. 
XXV. 18, 21). 3. Father of Josiah 2 (Zech. 
vi. 10), and of Hen, according to the read- 
ing of the received text of Zech. vi. 14. 

Ze'phath, the earlier name (Judg. i. 
17) of a Canaanite town, which after its 
capture and destruction was called by the 
Israelites Hormah. [Hormah.] 

Zeph'athah, The Valley of, the 
spot in which Asa joined battle with Zerah 
the Ethiopian (2 Chr. xiv. 10 only). 

Ze'phi (1 Chr. i. 36). [Zepho.] 

Ze'pho, son of Eliphaz, son of Esau 
(Gen. xxxvi. 11), and one of the "dukes," 
or phylarchs, of the Edomites (ver. 15). 
In 1 Chr. i. 36 he is called Zephi. 

Ze'phon, Ziphion, the son of Gad 
(Num. xxvi. 15), and ancestor of the family 
of the Zephonites. 

3er, a fortified town in the allotment of 
J^aphtali (Josh. xix. 35 only), probably in 
the neighborhood of the S. W. side of the 
L.ke of Gennesareth. 

Ze'rah. 1. A son of Reuel, son of Esau 
(Gen. xxxvi. 13; 1 Chr. i. 37), and one of 
t!ie " dukes," or phylarchs, of the Edomites 
(Gen. xxxvi. 17). 2. Less properly, Za- 
PvAH, twin son, with his elder brother Pba- 
rez, of Judah and Tamar (Gen. xxxviii. 30 ; 
1 Chr. ii. 6; Matt. i. 3). His descendants 
were called Zarhites, Ezrahites, and Izra- 
hites (Num. xxvi. 20; IK. iv. 31 ; 1 Chr. 
xxvii. 8, 11). 3. Son of Simeon (1 Chr. 
iv. 24), called Zohak in Gen. xlvi. 10). 4. 
cA Gershonite Levite, son of Iddo or Adaiah 
;(1 Chr. vi. 21, 41 [Heb. vI. 26J). 6. The 
Ethiopian or Cushite, an invader of Judah, 
defeated by Asa about b. c. 941. [Asa.] 
Zerah is probably the Hebrew name of 
Usarken I., second king of the Egyptian 
xxiid dynasty; or perhaps more probably 
<U!sarken II., his second successor. In the 
14th year of Asa, Zerah, the Ethiopian, 
with a mighty army of a million, invaded 
his kingdom, and advanced unopposed in 
4ur! field as far as Mareshah. The invading 



army had swarmed across the border and 
devoured the Philistine fields before Asa 
could march to meet it. " In tlrc Valley Si 
of Zephathah at Mareshah," the two armies H 
met. We cannot perfectly determine the 
site of the battle. From the prayer of Asa 
we may judge that, when he came upon the 
invading army, he saw its hugeness, and so 
that, as he descended through a valley, it 
lay spread out beneath him. The Egyptian 
monuments enable us to picture the general 
disposition of Zerah's army. The chariots 
formed the first corps in a single or double 
line; behind them, massed in phalanxes, 
were heavy-armed troops ; probably on the 
flanks stood archers and horsemen in light- 
er formations. No doubt the Ethiopian, 
confident in his numbers, disdained to at- 
tack the Hebrews or clear the heights, but 
waited in the broad valley, or the plain. 
Asa's prayer before the battle is full of the 
noble faith of the age of the Judges. The 
chariots, broken by the charge and with 
horses made unmanageable by flights of 
arrows, must have been forced back upon 
the cumbrous host behind. " So the Lord 
smote the Ethiopians before Asa, and be- 
fore Judah; and the Ethiopians fled. And 
Asa and the people that [were] with him 
pursued them unto Gerar ; and [or ' for '] 
the Ethiopians were overthrown, that they 
could not recover themselves." So com- 
plete was the overthrow, that the Hebrews 
could capture and spoil the cities around 
Gerah, which must have been in alliance 
with Zerah. The defeat of the Egyptian 
army is without parallel in the history of 
the Jews. On no other occasion did an 
Israelite army meet an army of one of the 
great powers and defeat it. 

Zerahi'ah. 1. A priest, son of Uzzi, and 
ancestor of Ezra the Scribe (1 Chr. vi. 6, 
51 [Heb. T. 32, vi. 36] ; Ezr. vii. 4). 2- 
Father of Elihoenai of the sons of Pahath 
Moab (Ezr. viii. 4). 

Ze'red (Deut. ii. 13, 14), or Za'red 

(Num. xxi. 12), a brook or valley running 
into the Dead Sea near its S. E. corner, 
which Dr. Robinson with some probability 
suggests as identical with the Wady el-Ahsy. 
It lay between Moab and Edom, and is the 
limit of the proper term of the Israelites* 
wandering (Deut. ii. 14). 

Zer'eda, the native place of Jeroboam 
(IK. xi. 26). Zereda or Zeredah has beeii 
supposed to be identical with Zeredathah 
and Zarthan or Zartanah. But the two 
last were in the valley of the Jordan, while 
Zeredah was, according to the repeated 
statement of the LXX., on Mount Ephraim. 

Zered'athah. [Zarthan.J 

Zer'erath. [Zarthan.] 

Ze'resh. the wife of Haman the Agagi^e 
(Esth. V. 10, 14, vi. 13). 

Ze'reth, son of Ashur the founder of 
Tekuu, by his wife Helah (1 Chr. iv 7>. 



ZERI 



771 



ZIBA 



ZO'ri, one of the sons of Jeduthun in the 
reign of David (1 Chr. xxv. 3). 

Ze'ror, a Benjamite, ancestor of Kish the 
father of Saul (1 Sam. ix. 1). 

Zeru'ah. the mother of Jeroboam the 
son of Nebat (1 K. xi. 26). 

Zerub'babel (borti at Babel, i. e. Bab- 
ylon), the head of the tribe of Judah at 
the time of the return from the Babylonish 
Captivity in the first year of Cyrus. The 
history of Zerubbabel in the Scriptures is as 
follows : In the first j'^ear of Cyrus he was 
living at Babylon, and was the recognized 
prince of Judah in the Captivity, what in 
later times was called " the Prince of the 
Captivity," or "the Prince." On the is- 
suing of Cyrus's decree he immediately 
availed himself of it, and placed himself 
at the head of those of his countrymen 
*' whose spirit God had raised to go up to 
build the house of the Lord which is in 
Jerusalem." It is probable that he was in 
the king of Babylon's service, both from 
his having, like Daniel and the three chil- 
dren, received a Chaldee name [Shesh- 
bazzar], and from the fact that he was ap- 
pointed by the Persian king to the office of 
governor of Judaea. On arriving at Jeru- 
salem, Zerubbabel's great work, which he 
set about immediately, was the rebuilding 
of the Temple. In the second month of 
the second year of their return, the foun- 
dation was laid with all the pomp which 
they could command. The Samaritans or 
Outheans put in a claim to join with the 
Jews in rebuilding the Temple ; and when 
Zerubbabel and his companions refused to 
admit them into partnership they tried to 
hinder them from building, and hired coun- 
sellors to frustrate their purpose. They 
♦rere successful in putting a stop to the 
work during the seven remaining years of 
ihe reign of Cyrus, and through the eight 
years of Cambyses and Smerdis. Nor does 
Zerubbabel appear quite blameless for this 
long delay. The difficulties in the way of 
building the Temple were not such as need 
have stopped the work; and during tliis 
long suspension of sixteen years Zerubba- 
bel and the rest of the people had been busy 
m building costly houses for themselves. 
But in the sec'ond year of Darius light 
dawned upon tae darkness of the colony 
from Babylon. In that year — it was the 
most memorable event in Zerubbabel's hfe 
— the spirit of prophecy suddenly blazed 
up with a most brilliant light amongst the 
returned captives. Their words fell like 
sparks upon tinder. In a moment Zerub- 
babel, roused from his apathy, threw his 
M'hole strength into the work, zealously 
seconded by Jeshua and all the people. 
Undeterred by a fresh attempt of their ene- 
mies to hinder the progress of the building, I 
they went on with the work even while a 
reference was being made to Darius ; and ; 



when, after the original decree of Cyrus had 
been found at Ecbatana, a most gracious 
and favorable decree was issued by Darius, 
enjoining Tatnai and Shethar-boznai to as- 
sist the Jews with whatsoever they had need 
of at the king's expense. After much op- 
position [see Nehemiah] and many bin- 
derances and delays, the Temple -was i.-t 
length finished, in the sixth year of Darius, 
and was dedicated with much pomp and 
rejoicing. [Temple.] The only other 
works of Zerubbabel which we learn from 
Scripture are the restoration of the courses 
of priests and Levites, and of the provision 
for their maintenance, according to the in- 
stitution of David (Ezr. vi. 18 ; Neh. xii, 
47) ; the registering the returned captives 
according to their genealogies (Neh. vii. 
5) ; and the keeping of a Passover in the 
seventh year of Darius, with which last 
event ends all that we know of the life of 
Zerubbabel. His apocryphal history is told 
in 1 Esdr. iii.-vii. The exact parentage 
of Zerubbabel is a little obscure, from liis 
being always called the son of Sliealtiel 
(Ezr. iii. 2, 8, v. 2, &c. ; Hag. i. 1, 12, 14, 
&c.), and appearing as such in the geneal- 
ogies of Christ (Matt. i. 12; Luke iii. 27), 
whereas in 1 Chr. iii. 19, he is represented 
as the son of Pedaiah, Shealtiel or Sala- 
thiel's brother, and consequently as Sala- 
thiel's nephew. It is of more moment to 
remark that, while St. Matthew deduces 
his line from Jechonias and Solomon, St. 
Luke deduces it through Neri and Nathan. 
Zerubbabel was the legal successor and 
heir of Jeconiah's royal estate, the grand- 
son of Neri, and the lineal de-scendant of 
Nathan the son of David. In the N. T. 
the name appears in the Greek form of 

ZOROBABEL. 

Zerui'all, the mother of the three lead- 
ing heroes of David's army — Abishai, Joab, 
and Asahel — known as the " sons of Zer- 
uiah." She and Abigail are specified in 1 
Chr. ii. 13-17 as " sisters of the sons of 
Jesse" (v. 16). The expression is in itself 
enough to raise a suspicion tiiat she was 
not a daughter of Jesse, a suspicion which 
is corroborated by the statement of 2 Sam. 
xvii. 25, that Abigail was the daughter of 
Nahash. [Nahash.] Of Zeruiah's hus- 
band there is no mention in the Bible. 

Ze'tham, the son of Laadan, a Ger- 
shonite Levite (1 Chr. xxiii. 8). 

Ze'than. a Benjamite of the sons of 
Bilhan (1 Chr. vii. 10). 

Ze'thar, one of the seven eunuchs of 
Aliasuerus (Esth. i. 10). 

Zi'a, one of the Gadites who dwelt in 
Ba^han (1 Chr. v. 13). 

Zl'ba, a person who plays a prominent 
part, though with no credit to himself, in 
one of the episodes of David's history (2 
Sam. ix. 2-12, xvi. 1-4, xix. 17, 29). [Mf- 

PHlBOSHETU.j 



ZITSEOX 



i i. 



zido:n' 



ZilbOOn, father of Anah, whose daughter 
A-holibamah was Esau's wife (Gen. xxxvi. 
2). Although called a Hivite, he is prob- 
ably the same as Zibeon the son of Seir the 
Horite (vers. 20, 24, 29; 1 Chr. i. 38, 40). 

Zib'ia, a Benjamite apparently the son of 
Shaharaira, by his wife Hodesh (1 Chr. 
vii. 9). 

Zib'iah., a native of Beersheba, and 
mother of king Joash (2 K. xii. 1 ; 2 Chr. 
xiv. 1). 

Zich'ri. 1. Son of Ishar the son of 
Kohath (Ex. vi. 21). 2. A Benjamite of 
the sons of Shimhi (1 Chr. vih. 19). 3. 
A Benjamite of the sons of Shashak (1 Chr. 
viii. 23). 4. A Benjamite of the sons of 
Jeroham (1 Chr. viii. 27). 5. Son of 
Asaph, elsewhere called Zabdi and Zac- 
CUR (1 Chr. ix. 15). 6. A descendant of 
Eliezer the son of Moses (1 Chr. xxvi. 25). 
7. The father of Eliezer, the chief of the 
Reubenites in the reign of David (1 Chr. 
xx'-ii. 16). 8. One of the tribe of Judah, 
father of Amasiah (2 Chr. xvii. 16). 9. 
Father of Elishaphat, one of the conspira- 
tors with Jehoiada (2 Chr. xxiii. 1). 10. 
An Ephraimite hero in the invading army 
of Pekah, the son of Remaliah (2 Chr. 
XX viii. 7). 11. Eather or ancestor of Joel 
14 (Neh. xi. 9). 12. A priest of the fam- 
ily of Abijah, in the days of Joiakim the 
son of Jeshua (Neh. xii. 17). 

Zid'dim, a fortified town in the allot- 
ment of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 35). 

Zidki'jah, a priest, or family of priests, 
who signed the covenant with Nehemiah 
(Neh. X. 1). 

Zi'don, or Si'don (Gen. x. 15, 19; 
Josh. xi. 8, xix. 28; Judg. i. 31, xviii. 28; 
Joel iii. 4 (iv. 4) ; Is. xxiii. 2, 4, 12; Jer. 
XXV. 22, xxvii. 3; Ez. xxviii. 21, 22; Zech. 
ix. 2; Matt. xi. 21, 22, xv. 21; Luke vi. 
17, x. 13, 14 ; Mark iii. 8, vii. 24, 31). An 
ancient and wealthy city of Phoenicia, on 
the eastern coast of the Mediterranean Sea, 
less than 20 English miles to the north of 
Tyre. Its Hebrew name, Tsiddn, signifies 
*' Fishing," or " Fishery." Its modern name 
is Saida. It is situate in the narrow plain 
between the Lebanon and the sea. From 
a Biblical point of view, this city is inferior 
in interest to its neighbor Tyre ; though in 
early times Sidon was the more influential 
of the two cities. This is shadowed forth in 
the Book of Genesis by the statement that 
Zidon was the first-born of Canaan (Gen. 
X. 15), and is implied in the name of 
" Great Zidon," or " the Metropolis Zidon," 
whicli is twice given to it in Joshua (xi. 8, 
Aix. 28). It is confirmed, likewise, by 
Zidonians being used as the generic name 
of the Phoenicans, or Canaanites (Josh, 
iiii. 6 ; Judg. xviii. 7) ; and by the reason 
assigned for there being no deliverer to 
Laish when its peaceable inhabitants were 
massacred, that " it was far from Zidon ; " 



whereas, if Tyre had been then of equal 
importance it would have been more natural 
to mention Tyre, which professed substan- 
tially the same religion, and was almost 
twenty miles nearer (Judg. xviii. 28). 
From the time of Solomon to the invasion 
of Nebuchadnezzar Zidon is not often di- 
rectly mentioned in the Bible, and it ap- 
pears to have been subordinate to TyrCe 
When the people called " Zidonians " is 
mentioned, it sometimes seems that the 
Phoenicians of the plain of Zidon are 
meant (1 K. v. 6, xvi. 31, xi. 1, 5, 33 ; 2 
K. xxiii. 13). There is no doubt, however, 
that Zidon itself, the city properly so called, 
was threatened by Joel (iii. 4) and Jere- 
miah (xxvii. 3). Still, all that is known 
respecting it during the epocn is very 
scanty, amounting to scarcely more than 
that one of its sources of gain was trade 
in slaves, in which the inhabitants did 
not shrink from selling inhabitants of 
Palestine; that the city was governed by 
kings (Jer. xxvii. 3 and xxv. 22) ; that, 
previous to the invasion of Nebuchadnezzar, 
it had furnished mariners to Tyre (Ez. xxvii. 
8) ; that at one period it was subjects in 
some sense or other, to Tyre ; and that, 
when Shalmaneser king of Assyria invaded 
Phoenicia, Zidon seized the opportunity to 
revolt. During the Persian domination. 
Zidon seems to have attained its highest 
point of prosperity ; and it is recorded that, 
towards the close of that period, it far ex- 
celled all other Phoenician cities in wealth 
and importance. It is very probable that 
the long siege of Tyre by Nebuchadnezzar 
had tended not only to weaken and impov- 
erish Tyre, but likewise to enrich Zidon at 
the expense of Tyre. Its prosperity was 
suddenly cut short by an unsuccessful re- 
volt against Persia, which ended in the de- 
struction of the town (b. c. 351). The 
principal circumstances were these : While 
the Persians were making preparations in 
Phoenicia to put down the revolt in Egypt, 
some Persian satraps and generals behaved 
oppressively and insolently to Sidonians in 
the Sidonian division of the city of Tripolis. 
On this the Sidonian people projected a 
revolt ; and having first concerted arrange- 
ments with other Phoenician cities, and 
made a treaty with Nectanebus, they put 
tlieir designs into execution. But their 
king Tennes proved a traitor to their cause 
— and in performance of a compact with 
Ochus, he betrayed into the king's power 
one hundred of the most distinguished 
citizens of Sidon, who were all shot to 
death with javelins. Five hundred other 
citizens, who went out to the king with 
ensigns of supplication, shared the same 
fate ; and by concert between Tennes and 
Mentor, the Persian troops were admitted 
witliin the gates, and occupied the city 
walls. The Sidonians. before the arrival 



ZIDONIANS 



773 



ZIOR 



jt Ochus, had burnt their vessels to pre- j 
vent any one's leaving the town ; and when 
they saw themselves surrounded by the 
Persian troops, they adopted the desperate 
resolution of shutting themselves up with 
their families, and setting fire each man to 
his own house (b. c. 351). Forty thousand 
persons are said to have perished in the 
flames. Sidon, however, gradually recov- 
ered from the blow, and became again 
a flourishing town. It is about fifty miles 
distant from Xazareth, and is the most 
northern city which is mentioned in con- 
nection witli Christ's journeys. 

Zido'nians, the inhabitants of Zidon. 
They were among the nations of Canaan 
left to practise the Israelites in the art of 
war (Judg. iii. 3), and colonies of them 
appear to have spread up into the hill 
country from Lebanon to Misrephoth-maim 
(Josh. xiii. 4, 6), whence in later times they 
hewed cedar-trees for David and Solomon 
(1 Chr. xxii. 4). They oppressed the Isra- 
elites on their first entrance into the coun- 
try (Judg. X. 12), and appear to have lived 
a luxurious, reckless life (Judg. xviii. 7) ; 
they were skilful in hewing timber (1 K. v. 
6), and were employed for this purpose by 
Solomon. They were idolaters, and wor- 
shipped Ashtoreth as their tutelary goddess 
(1 K. xi. 5, 33 ; 2 K. xxiii. 13), as well as 
the sun-god Baal, from whom their king 
was named (1 K. xvi. 31). 

Zif (1 K. vi. 37). [Month.] 

Zi'ha. 1. The children of Ziha were a 
familv of Nethinim who returned with 
Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 43; Neh. vii. 40). 2. 
Chief of the Nethinim in Ophel (Neh. xi. 
21). The name is probably identical with 
the preceding. 

Zik'lag, a place which possesses a 
special interest from it? liaving been the 
residence and the private property of Da- 
vid. It is first mentioned in the catalogue 
of the towns of Judah in Josh, xv., and 
occurs, in the same connection, amongst 
the places which were allotted out of the 
territory of Judah to Simeon (xix. 5). We 
next encounter it in the possession of the 
Philistines (1 Sam. xxvii. 6), when it was, 
at David's request, bestowed upon him by 
Achish king of Gath. He resided there 
for a year and four months (ib. 7 ; 1 Sam. 
xxxi. 14, 2G; 1 Chr. xii. 1,20). It was 
there he received the news of Saul's death 
(2 Sam. i. 1, iv. 10). He then relinquished 
it for Hebron (ii. 1). Ziklag is finallj'^ 
mentioned as being reinhabited by the peo- 
ple of Judah after their return from the 
Captivity (Neh. xi. 28). The situation of 
the town is diflicult to determine, and we 
only know for certain that it was in the 
south country. 

Zillah. [Lamhch.] 

Zil'pah, a Syrian given by Laban to his 
daughter Leah as an attendant (Gen. xxix. 



24), and by Leah to Jacob as a concubine. 
She was the mother of Gad and Ashet 
(Gen. xxx. 9-13, xxxv. 26, xxxvii. 2, xlvi. 
18). 

Zil'thai. 1. A Benjamite, of the sons 
of Shimhi (1 Chr. viii. 20). 2. One of the 
captains of thousands of Manasseh who 
deserted to David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 20). 

Zini'mah. 1. A Gershonite Levito, 
son of Jahath (1 Chr. vi. 20). 2. Anot'er 
Gershonite, son of Shimei (1 Chr. vi. 42) ; 
possibly the same as the preceding. 3. 
Father or ancestor of Joah, a Gershonite 
in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 12). 
At a much earlier period we find the same 
collocation of names, Zimmah and Joah as 
father and son (1 Chr. vi. 20). 

Zirn'ran, the eldest son of Keturah 
(Gen. XXV. 2; 1 Chr. i. 32). His descend- 
ants are not mentioned, nor is any hint 
given that he was the founder of a tribe. 

Zim'ri. 1. The sonof Salu, a Simeon- 
ite chieftain, slain by Phinehas with the 
Midianitish princess Cozbi (Num. xxv. 14). 
2. Fifth sovereign of the separate kingdom 
of Israel, of which he occupied the throne 
for the brief period of seven days in the 
year b. c. 930 or 929. Originally in com- 
mand of half the chariots in the royal army, 
he gained the crown by the murder of king 
Elah son of Baasha. But the army which 
at that time was besieging the Philistine 
town of Gibbcthon, when they heard of 
Elah's murder, proclaimed their general. 
Omri, king. He immediately marched 
against Tirzah, and took the city. Zimri 
retreated into the innermost part of the 
late king's palace, set it on fire, and perished 
in the ruins (1 K. xvi. 9-20). 3. One of 
the five sons of Zerah the son of Judah (1 
Chr. ii. 6). 4. Son of Jehoadah and de- 
scendant of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 36, ix. 42). 
5. An obscure name, mentioned (Jer. xxv. 
25) in probable connection with Dedan, 
Tema, Buz, Arabia, the "mingled people." 
Nothing further is known respecting Zimri, 
but it may possibly be the same as, or 
derived from, Zimran, which see. 

Zin, the name given to a portion of the 
desert tract between the Dead Sea, Ghdr, 
and Arabah on the E., and the general 
plateau of the Tth which stretches west- 
ward. The country in question consists 
of two or three successive terraces of 
mountain converging to an acute angle at 
the Dead Sea's southern verge, towards 
which also they slope. Kadesh lay in it, 
and here also Idumea was conterminous 
with Judah ; since Kadesh was a city in the 
border of Edom (see Kadesh; Num. xiii. 
21, XX. 1, xxvii. 14, xxxiii. 36, xxxiv. 3; 
Josh. XV. 1). 

Zi'na, ZizAH, the second son of Shimei 
(1 Chr. xxiii. 10, comp. 11) the Gershonite. 

Zi'on. [Jerusalem.] 

Zi'or, a town in the mountain district of 



ZIPH 



774 



ZOBA 



Judah vJosh. xv. 54). It belongs to the 
same group with Hebron. 

Ziph, the name of two towns in Judah. 
1. In the south; named between Ithnan 
and Telem (Josh. xv. 24). It does not ap- 
pear again in the historj-, nor has any trace 
of it been met with. 2. In the highland 
district ; named between Carmel and Juttah 
(Josh. XV. 55). The place is immortalized 
by its connection with David (1 Sam. xxiii. 
14, 15, 24, xxvi. 2). These passages show, 
that at that time it had near it a wilderness 
(i. e. a waste pasture-ground) and a wood. 
The latter has disappeared, but the former 
remains. The name of Zif is found about 
three miles S. of Hebron, attached to a 
rounded hill of some 100 feet in height, 
which is called Tell Zif. 3. Son of Jeha- 
leleel (1 Chr. iv. 16). 

Zi'phah, another son of Jehaleleel (1 
Chr. iv. 16). 

Zi'phims, The, the inhabitants of 
Ziph 2. In this form the name is found 
in the A. V. only in the title of Ps. liv. In 
the narrative it occurs in the more usual 
form of 

Zi'phites, The, 1 Sam. xxiii. 19; 
xxvi. 1. 

Ziph'ion, son of Gad (Gen. xlvi. 16) ; 
elsewhere called Zephon. 

Ziph'ron, a point in the north boundary 
of the Promised Land as specified by Moses 
(Num. xxxiv. 9). 

Zip'por, father of Balak king of Moab 
(Num. xxii. 2, 4, 10, 16, xxiii. 18 ; Josh, 
xxiv. 9; Judg. xi. 25). Whether he was 
the " former king of Moab " alluded to in 
Num. xxi. 26, we are not told. 

Zippo'rah, daughter of Reuel or Je- 
thro, the priest of Midian, wife of Moses, 
and mother of his two sons Gershom and 
Eliezer (Ex. ii. 21, iv. 25, xviii. 2 ; comp. 
6). The only incident recorded in her life 
is that of the circumcision of Gershom (iv. 
24-26). 

Zith'ri, properly "Sithri; " one of the 
sons of Uzziel, the son of Kohath (Ex. vi. 
22). In Ex. vi. 21, " Zithri " should be 
"Zichri," as in A. V. of 1611. 

Ziz, The Cliff of, the pass by which 
the horde of Moabites, Ammonites, and 
Mehunim, made their way up from the 
shores of the Dead Sea to the wilderness 
of Judah near Tekoa (2 Chr. xx. 16 only ; 
comp. 20). It was the pass of Ain Jidy 
— the very same route which is taken by 
the Arabs in their marauding expeditions 
at the present day. 

Zi'za. 1. Son of Shiphi, a chief of the 
Simeonites in the reign of Hezekiah (1 
Chr. iv. 37). 2. Son of Rehoboam by 
Maachah, the granddaughter of Absalom 
(2 Chr. xi. 20). 

Zi'zah, a Gershonite Levite, second son 
i>f Shimei (1 Chr. xiiii. 11 j ; called Zina 
in ver. 10, 



Zo'an, an ancient city of Lower Egyi)t, 
called Tanis by the Greeks. It stood on 
the eastern bank of the Tanitic branch of 
the Nile. Its name indicates a place of 
departure from a country, and hence it has 
been identified with Avaris, the capital of 
the Shepherd dynasty in Egypt. We read 
in the book of Numbers that "Hebron was 
built seven years before Zoan in Egypt" 
(xiii. 22), which tends to establish the 
identity of Avaris and Zoan, since we knowi 
that Hebron was already built in Abra- 
ham's time, and the Shepherd-invasion may 
be dated about the same period. Sup- 
posing that the Pharaoh who oppressed the 
Israelites belonged to the Shepherds, it 
would be natural for him to reside at Zoan ; 
and this city is mentioned in connection 
with the Plagues in such a manner as to 
leave no doubt that it is the city spoken of in 
the narrative in Exodus as that where Plui- 
raoh dwelt (Ps. Ixxviii. 42, 4o). Tanis 
gave its name to the xxist and xxiiid dy- 
nasties, and hence its mention in Is;.\i..h 
(xix. 18, XXX. 4), " I will set fire in Zoan " 
(xxx. 14), where it occurs among the cities 
to be taken by Nebuchadnezzar, 

Zo'ar, one of the most ancient cities of 
the land of Canaan. Its original name was 
Bela (Gen. xiv. 2, 8). It was in intimate 
connection with the cities of the "plain of 
Jordan" — Sodom, Gomorrah, Admah, and 
Zeboiim (see also xiii. 10; but not x. 19). 
In the general destruction of the cities of 
the plain, Zoar was spared to afford sheltei 
to Lot (xix. 22, 23, 30). It is mentioned 
in the account of the death of Moses as one 
of the landmarks which bounded his view 
from Pisgah (Deut. xxxiv. 3), and it ap- 
pears to have been known in the time both 
of Isaiah (xv. 5) and Jeremiah (xlviii. 34). 
These are all the notices of Zoar contained 
in the Bible. It was situated in the same 
district with the four cities already men- 
tioned, viz. in the " plain "or " circle " "of 
the Jordan," and the narrative of Gen„ xix. 
evidently implies that it was very near to 
Sodom (ver. 15, 23, 27). The definite po- 
sition of Sodom is, and probably will al- 
ways be, a mystery ; but there can be little 
doubt that the plain of the Jordan was at 
the north side of the Dead Sea, and that 
the cities of the plain must therefore have 
been situated there instead of at the south- 
ern end of the lake, as it is generally taken 
for granted they were. [Sodom.] 

Zo'ba, or Zo'bah, the name of a por- 
tion of Syria, which formed a separate king- 
dom in the time of the Jewish monarchs, 
Saul, David, and Solomon. It probably 
was eastward of Coele- Syria, and extended 
thence north-east and east, towards, if t;m* 
even to, the Euphrates. We first hc-ai oi 
Zobah in the time of Saul, when we find iv 
mentioned as a separate country, governed 
ap'jare It 'y PV a number ot kings who OAvned 



ZOBEBAH 



775 



ZUZIMS 



no common bead or chief (1 Sam. xiv. 47). 
Some forty years later than this, we find 
Zobah under a single ruler, Hadadezer, son 
of Kehob- He had wars with Toi, king of ' 
Haniath (2 Sam. viii. 10), and held various 
petty Sj'^rian princes as vassals under his 
yoke (2 Sam. x. 19). David (2 Sam. viii. 
3) attacked Hadadezer in the early part of 
his reign, defeated his army, and took from 
bim a thousand chariots, seven hundred 
(seven thousand, 1 Chr. xviii. 4) horsemen, 
and 20.000 footmen. Hadadezer's allies, 
tlie Syrians of Damascus, were defeated in a 
great battle. The wealth of Zobah is very 
apparent in the narrative of this campaign. 
It is not clear whether the Syrians of Zobah 
submitted and became tributary on this oc- 
casion, or whether, although defeated, they 
were able to maintain their independence. 
At any rate, a few years later they were 
again in arms against David. The war was 
provoked by the Ammonites, who hired the 
services of the Syrians of Zobah. The al- 
lies were defeated in a great battle by Joab, 
who engaged the Syrians in person (2 Sam. 
X. 9). Hadadezer, upon this, made a last 
effort (1 Chr. xix. 16). A battle was fought 
near Helam, where the Syrians of Zobah 
and their new allies were defeated with 
great slaughter. Zobah, however, though 
subdued, continued to cause trouble to the 
Jewish kings. A man of Zobah, Rezon, 
son of Eliadah, made himself master of 
Damascus, where he proved a fierce ad- 
versary to Israel all through the reign of 
Solomon (1 K. xi. 23-25). Solomon also 
was, it would seem, engaged in a war with 
Zobah itself (2 Chr. viii. 3). This is the 
last that Ave hear of Zobah in Scripture. 
The name, however, is found at a later date 
in the Inscriptions of Assyria, where the 
kingdom of Zobah seems to intervene be- 
tween Hamath and Damascus. 

Zobe'bah, son of Coz, of the tribe of 
Judah (1 Chr. iv. 8). 

Zo'har. 1. Father of Ephron the Hit- 
tite (Gen. xxiii. 8, xxv. 9). 2. One of the 
sons of Simeon (Gen. xlvi. 10 ; Ex. vi. 15) ; 
called Zerah in 1 Chr. iv. 24. 

Zo'heleth, The Stone. This was "by 
En Kogel" (1 K. i. 9); and therelore, if 
En Rogel be the modern Um-ed-Deraj, this 
stone, " where Adonijah slew sheep and 
oxen," was in all likelihood not far from 
fhe well of the Virgin. 

Zo'heth, son of Ishi of the tribe of Ju- 
dah (1 Chr. iv. 20). 

Zo'phah, son of Helem, or Hotham, 
the son of Heber, an Asherite (1 Chr. vii. 
S6, 86). 

Zo'phai, a Kohathite Levite, son of El- 
kanah and ancestor of Samuel (1 Chr. vi. 
26 [11]). In ver. 35 he is called Zuph. 

Zo'phar, one of the three friends of Job 
< Job ii. 11, xi. 1, XX. 1, xlii. 9). 



Zo'phim, Tho Field of, a spot on %, 
near tlie top of Pisgah, from wliieli Balaam 
had his second view of the encampment of 
Israel (Num. xxiii. 14). The position of 
the field of Zophim U not defined. May it 
not be the same place whicli Inter in the 
history is mentioned as Mizpah-Moab? 

Zo'rah, a toAvn in the allotment of the 
tribe of Dan (Josh. xix. 41). It is previ- 
ously mentioned (xv. 83) in the catalogue 
of Judah, among the places in the district 
of the Shefelah (A. V. Zoreah). It was 
the residence of Manoah and the native 
place of Samson. It is mentioned amon.'rst 
the places fortified by Rchoboam (2 Chr. 
xi. 10). It is perhaps identical with the 
modern village of Sur'ah. 

Zo'rathites, The, *. e. the people of 
ZoRAH, mentioned in 1 Chr. iv. 2 as de- 
scended from Shobal. 

Zo'reah. [Zorah.] 

Zo'rites, The, are named in the gene- 
alogies of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 64) apparently 
amongst the descendants of Salma and near 
connections of Joab. 

Zorob'abel (Matt. 1. 12, 13 ; Luke iii. 
27). [Zerubbabel.] 

Zu'ar, father of Nethaneel the chief of 
the tribe of Issachar at the time of the Ex- 
odus (Num. i. 8, ii. 5, vii. 18, 23, x. 15). 

Zuph, The Land of, a district at 
which Saul and his servant arrived after 
passing through those of Shalisha, of Sha- 
lim, and of the Benjamites (1 Sam. ix. 5 
only). It evidently contained the city in 
which they encountered Samuel (ver. 6), 
and that again was certainly not far from 
the " tomb of Rachel." It may perhaps be 
identified with Soba, a well-known place 
about 7 miles due west of Jerusalem. 

Zuph, a Kohathite Levite, ancestor of 
Elkanah and Samuel (1 Sam. i. 1 ; 1 Chr. vi. 
35). In 1 Chr. vi. 26 he is called Zophai. 

Zur. 1. Father of Cozbi (Num. xxv. 
15), and one of the five princes of Midian 
who were slain by the Israelites when Ba- 
laam fell (Num. xxxi. 8.) 2. Sonof Jehiel 
the founder of Gibeon (1 Chr. viii. 30, ix. 
36). 

Zu'rlel, son of Abihail, and chief of the 
Merarite Levites at the time of the Exodui 
(Num. iii. 35). 

Zurishad'dai. father of Shclumiel, th«s 
chief of the tribe of Simeon at the time of 
the Exodus (Num. i. 6, ii. 12, vii. 36, 41, x. 
19). 

Zu'zims, The, an ancient people, who, 
lying in the path of Chedorlaomer and his 
allies, were attacked and overthrown by 
them (Gen. xiv. 5). The Zu:.ims pcrhipi 
inhabited the country of the Ammonites, 
and were identical with the Zamzummim, 
who are known to have been pxterminated 
and succeeded in their land b^' the Airi 
monites. [Zamzumsiuvi.! 



776 
THE JEWISH CALENDAR. 



Corresponding Dates for 


Three Years. 


Jewish Calendar 
(In the Sacred Order of the Months). 


A.M. 5623. 
A.D. 1863. 


A. M. 5624. 
A.D. 1864. 


A. M. 5025. 
A.D. 1865. 


Mar. 21 . . . 
Apr. 4, 5, 10, 11 
Apr. 19 . . . 


Apr. 7 . . . . 
Apr. 21, 22, 27, 28 


Mfir. 28 ... . 
Apr. 11,12,17,18 


I. ABIB OR NISAN. April. 
1. NeAv Moon. 

15, 10, 21, 22. Passover Days, 1, 2, 7, last. 
30. New Moon. 


Apr. 20 . . . 
Apr. 29 . . . 
May 1 . . . 


May 7 • . . . 

May 24 ... . 


Apr. 27 ... . 
May 14 ... . 


II. JYAR (Yiah). May. 
1. New Moon. 

10. Death of Elijah (Lag B' Omer). Ij'ast. 
12. 


May 17 . . . 






28. Death of Samuel. Fast. 


May 19 . . , 






30. New Moon. 


May 19 . . . 
May 24, 25 . 
Juue 17 . . . 


June 5 . . . . 
June 10, 11 . . 


May 26 . . . . 
May 31, June 1 


III. SIVAN. June. 

1. Now Moon. 

0, 7. PENTiCoosT or Sebuoth. 
30. New Moou. 


June 18 . . . 
July 6 . . . 

July 17 . . . 
July 26 . . . 
July 31 . . . 


July 5 . . . . 
July 21 ... . 

Aug-. 3 . . . . 
Aug. 11 ... . 


June 25 ... . 
July 11 ... . 

July 24 ... . 
Aug. 1 . . . . 


IV. THAMMUZ. July. 
1. New Moon. 
17. Taking of Jerusalem by Titu.s. Fast. 

V. AB. August. 
1. New Moon, 

9. Destruction of Temple. Fast. 
15. Tubeali. Little Festival. 


Aug. 15 . . . 






30. New Moon. 


Aug. 16 . . . 
An<^. 22 . , . 


Sept. 2 . . . . 


Aug. 23 .... 


YI. ELUL. September. 
1. New Moon. 

7. Dedicationof Walls by Nehemiah. Feast. 
17. Expulsion of the Greelcs. 


Sept. 1 . . . 














A. M. 5R24. 
A.D. 1803-4. 


A. M. 5625. 
A.D. 1864-5. 


A.M. 5026. 
A. D. 18C5-6. 


Beginning of Civil Year. 


Sept. 14, 15 . 
Sopt. 16 . . . 
Sept. 23 . . . 
Sept. 28, Zd . 
Oct. 1 . . . 
Oct. 4 . . . 
Oct. 6 . . . 
Oct. 6 . . . 

Oct. 14 . . . 

Nov. 12 . . . 
Dec. 6 . . . 

Dec. 11 . . . 

Dec. 20 . . . 

1864. 
Jan. 9 . . . 

Feb. 8 . . . 
Feb. 21 . . . 


Oct. 1,2 .... 
Oct. 3 . . . . 
Oct. 10 ... . 
Oct. 15, 16 . . 

*6ct. *2i ! .' ! ! 
Oct. 22 ... . 
Oct. 23 ... . 

Oct. 31 ... . 

Nov. 30 ... . 
Dec. 24 ... . 

Dec. 30 ... . 

1865. 
Jan. 8 . . . . 

Jan. 28 ... . 

Feb. 27 ... . 


Sept. 21,22 . . 
Sc])t. 24 .... 
Sept. 30 .... 
Oct. 5, 6 . . . 

'dct. 'li *. '. *. *. 

Oct. .2 . . . . 
Oct. 13 ... . 

Oct. 21 ... . 

Nov. 19 ... . 
Dec. 13 ... . 

Dec. 19 ... . 

Dec. 28 ... . 

1806. 
Jan. 17 ... . 


VII. TISRI. October. 

1, 2. New Year and New Moon. 

3. Death of Godaliah. Fast. 
10. Kipur. Day of Atonkmknt. Fast. 
15, 16. Feast of Tabkknacles. 
18. Hosanua Kabba. 

21. Feast of IJranches or of Pnhns. 

22. End of Feast of Tabernacles. 

23. Feast ot the Law. 

VIII. CHESVAN (Marchesvan). Ifovembor, 
1. New Moon. 

IX. CHISLEU. December. 
1. New Moon. 
25. Hanuca. Dedication of Temple. 

X. THEBET. January. 

1. New Moon. 

- 

10. Siege of Jerusalem. Fast. 

XI. SEBAT. February. 
1. New Moon. 

XTI. ADAR. March. 

1. New Moon. 






14. Little Purim. 


Mar. 9 . . . 






'XII.* VEADAR (Intercalnry). Lnttor par' 
of March and beginning of April. 
1. New Moon. 


Mar. 21 . . . 
Mar. 22, 23 . 
Apr. «... 


Mar. 9 . . . . 




13. Feast of Esther. 


Mar. 12, 13 . . 




14, 15. Feast of Purim and Shusham Purim. 






Last Day of the Year. 








* Mem. — The 
month ( Veudar) 


Jewish year contains f 
s seven times introduc 


»4 days, or 12 lunations of the moon ; but in a cvcle of 19 yeirs an Intercalary 



II 



mi 



Deacidified using the Bookkeeper process. 
Neutralizing agent: Magnesium Oxide 
Treatment Date; May 2005 

PreservationTechnologles 

A WORLD LEADER IN PAPER PRESERVATION 

1 1 1 Thomson Park Drive 
Cranberry Township, PA 16066 
(724)779-2111 



LIBRARY OP 



CONGRESS 




°°'4 240 908 



